of the English Parliament till the time of King Iames. It s true that on the Petition of the Commons in the beginning of each Parliament the King was graciously pleas'd to indulge them a freedom of reasoning and debate upon all such points as came before them and not to call them to account though they delivered their opinions contrary to his sence and meaning But then it is as true withal that they used not to waste time in tedious Orations nor to declaim against the proceedings of the King and the present Government or if they did the Speaker held it for a part of his Office to cut them short and to reminde them of their duty besides such after-claps as they were sure to finde from an injured and incensed Soveraign But of this take along with you this short passage as I finde it in a letter written ab ignoto to King Charls in this very business of the Duke May it please your excellent Majesty to consider That this great opposition against the Duke of Buckingham is stirred up and maintained by such who either maliciously or ignorantly and concurrently seek the debasing of this free Mâ—narchy which because they finde not yet ripe to attempt against the king himself they endeavor it through the dukes sides These men though agreeing in one mischief yet are of divers sorts and humors Viz. 1. Medling and busie persons who took their first hint at the beginning of King Iames when the Vnion was treated of in Parliament That learned King gave too much way to those popular Speeches by the frequent proof he had of his great Abilities in that kinde Since the time of H. 6. these Parliamentary Discourses were never suffered as being the certain Symptoms of subsequent Rebellions Civil Wars aâ—d the dethroning of our Kings But these last twenty years most of the Parliament Men seek to improve the reputation of their Wisdoms by these Declamations and no honest Patriot dare oppose them lest he incur the imputation of a Fool or a Coward in his Countries cause But which is more the pride they took in their own supposed Eloquence obtain'd another priviledge for them that is to say The liberty for any man to speak what he list and as long as he list without fear of being interrupted whereof King Iames takes notice in his said Speech to both the Houses at White-Hall Nor did they onely take great delight in these tedious speeches but at first disperst Copies of them in writing and afterwards caused them to be printed that all the people might take notice of the zeal they had to the common liberty of the Nation and the edge they hed against the Court and the Kings Prerogative But to proceed Fol. 47. To ballance the Dukes enemies three persons his confederates were made Barons to compeer in the Lords house the Lord Mandevil the eldest son to the Earl of Manchester created by Patent Baron Kimbolton Grandison Son to the created Baron Imbercourt and Sr Dudly Carlton made Baron Tregate In which short passage there are as many mistakes as lines For first the Lord Mandevil was not created by Patent Lord Kimbolton that title together with the tite of Vicount Mandevil having been conferred upon his father by letter Patents in the 18. year of King Iames Anno 1620. whom afterwards King Charles in the first year of his Reign made Earl of Manchester The meaning of our Author is that Sr. Edward Montague commonly called Lord Mandevil was summoned to the Parliament by the Title of Lord Kimbolton as is the custom in such cases when the eldest sons of Earls are called to Parliament by the stile and Title of their Fathers Barony Secondly there never was any such Baron as the Baron Tregate Thirdly Sr. Dudly Carlton was not created Baron Tregat but Baron of Imbercourt that being the name of a Mannor of his in the County of Surry But fourthly Grandison son to the created Baron Imbercourt is either such a peece of negligence in not filling the blanks or of ignorance in not knowing that noble Person as is not often to be met with And therefore to inform both our Author and his Reader also I must let them know that William de Grandâ—son a noble Burgundian Lord allied to the Emperour of Constantinople the King of Hungary and the Duke of Bavaria was brought into England by Edmond Earl of Lancaster second son to King Henry the 3. by whose bounty he was endowed with fair possessions and by his power advanced unto the dignity of an English Baron The estate being much encreast by the Marriage of the Daughter and Heir of the Lord Tregoz fell by the Heir general to the Pateshuls of Bleâ—so in the County of Bedford and by a Daughter of that house to the house of the Beauchamps By Margaret the daughter and Heir of Sr. Iohn Beauchamp of Bletso the whole estate came by Marriage to Sr. Oliver St. Iohn from whose eldest son descended that Sr. Oliver St. Iohn whom Queen Elizabeth descended from the said Margaret by Iohn Duke of Somerset her second husband made Lord St. Iohn of Bletho in the first year of her Reign From Oliver St. Iohn the second son of the said Margaret estated by his mother in the Mannor of Lydiard Tregoz neer Highworth in the County of Wilts descended another Oliver St. Iohn the second son of Sr. Iohn St. Iohn of Lydiard Tregoz who having in defence of his Fathers Honour killed one Captain Best in St. Georges fields neer Southwark was fain to passe over into France where he remained untill his friends about the Queen had obtained his pardon To merit which and to avoid the danger which might happen to him by Bests acquaintances he betook himself to the wars of Ireland where he performed such signal service against the Rebels that passing from one command to another he came at last to be made Lord Deputy of Ireland at what time he was created viscount Grandison with reference to the first founder of the greatnesse of his House and family That dignity entailed on him and the heires males of his body and for want of Such Issue on the Heires males of Sr. Edward Villers begotten on the body of Mrs. Barbara St. Iohn the new Viscounts Neece according unto which remainder that Honnurable Title is enjoyed by that branch of the house of Villers But being the Title of Viscount Grandison was limited to the Realm of Ireland to make him capable of a place in this present Parliament he was created Lord Tregoz of Highworth to him and to the heires males of his body without any remainder Fol. 62. Carlton gone upon this Errand and missing the French King at Paris progressed a tedious journey after that Court to Nantes in Bohemia And here we have as great an Error in Geography as before in Heraldry there being no such Town as Nantes in Bohemia or if there were it had been too farre off and too unsafe a
and be presumed to have two faces with the one looking towards London for which he was upon his march with the other on Malvarn Hills where the Cavaliers faced him And secondly We must think the Cavaliers to be very Cowards that durst not face him supposing still that he had two faces at a nearer distance then from Malvarn Hills distant from Cirencester thirty miles at the least and how far from Chilleton let them tell me who have searcht the Maps But though he makes the Cavaliers to keep out of danger yet he brings the Queen neer enough unto it whom we finde at Newleâ—y Fight fol. 648. placed by him with the King on the top of an Hill to behold the battle But herein his intelligence fail'd him the Queen being at that time safe in Oxford and the King venturing his most sacred person with the rest of his Army Mercurius Aulicus one of his best Authours for a great part of the War could have told him so had he consulted him in this as in other places Fol. 639. The Irish Forces coming under the command of Sir Michael Ernly an experienced Souldier and landing in Wales c. The Forces which our Authour speaks of were not Irish but English sent over in the beginning of the War to defend the South-parts of Ireland against the Rebels But being forced for the Reasons mentioned in our Authour to come to a cessation with them four thousand of them put themselves into a body under the command of Sir Michael Ernly above-named and came over into England to serve the King against the Houses of Parliament by which they had been so unhandsomely handled Had they been kept together in a Body and serv'd under their old known Commanders there is no question to be made but that they might have much advanc'd his Majesties Service But Prince Rupert who was all in all in the Councell of War caused them to be divided from one another distributed them into severall Regiments of his Majesties Armies and placed them under new Commanders which gave the Souldiers great displeasure and their Offiâ—ers more rendring their Service less honourable to themselves and of small advantage to the King Of these Officers Col. Monk was one descended from a Daughter of Arthur Plantaginet Vicount Lisle the Naâ—urall Son of King Edward the fourth who afterwards falling off to the Houses of Parliament much advanced their affairs defeating a great Fleet of the Hollanders Anno 1653. and at this day Commander in chief over the English Forces in Scotland Fol. 661. In all the Western Countries the Parliament had not a Souldier but at Plymouth and Pool â— What think we then of Lime a Sea-Town in Dorsetshire and consequently in the West Had there not been some Souldiers in it of the Parliament party and good Souldiers too it could not have held out so long against Prince Mâ—urice who wasted there the greatest part of the Cornish Army which had serv'd so fortunately under the Command of Sir Raph Hopton and yet could not take it But Lime was a Sea-Town as before was said and Prince Maurice had only a Landâ—Army which rendred the Design not more impossible then imprudent the besieging of a Haven-Town without a Navy to prevent all relief by Sea being like the hedging in of Cucko or the drowning of a quick Eâ—le by the Wise men of Gotham Fol. 662. The Marquesse of Newcastle for the King went into Darbyshire where he listed fifteen hundred Voluntiers assisted by Sir John Gell his Interest thereabouts and Sir John Harpers Worse and worse still The Earl of Newcastle assisted by Sir Iohn Gell were brave News indeed That Sir Iohn Harper might do his best in it I shall easily grant But Sir Iohn Gell was all along a principall stickler for the Houses of Parliament and spent his whole stock of Interesse in that Countrey to advance their Service In the pursuit whereof he was observed to be one of their first Commanders which issued out Warrants to the Tenants of the Lords and Gentry who did adhere unto the King to bring in their rents and be responsall for them for the time to come to the Committee at Darby one of which Warrants Dated in March 1642. was brought to Oxford and is this that followeth To the Constable of Acmanton WHereas these unnaâ—ur all Wars at this present are sâ—mented and maintained by ` Papists and Malignants to the utter undoing of many honest men and the ruine of the whole Commonwealth for the better preventing of which misery and to do the best we can to put a speedy end to these distractions according to the trust reposed in us by the Ordinance of Parliament we think sit to command you that presently upon receipt hereof you give notice to all the Tenants within your Constablery named in a Schedule herewiâ—h sent you that henceforward they pay all their Renâ—s due to any of those persons or to any other that contribute or bear Arms against the Parliament to the Committee here at Darby or to such other person or persons as the said Committee shall nominate And we all promise that such of those Tenants who shew their forwardnesse to bring in their Rents to the Committee at Darby by our Lady day next or within four daies aftâ—rwards shall have a discharge against their Landlords of the whole rent and shall have a fourth part abaâ—ed them And those Tenants that are refractory and come not willingly to us shall not only be forced to pay their whole Rents but also shall be pâ—occeded against as malignant persons and such as endeavor the continuance of these troubles Given under our hands March 1642. The Names of the Persons contained in the Schedule above-mentioned amouâ—t to the number of 46. viz. the Earl of Shrewsbury the Earl of Devonshire the Earl of New-castle whom our Authour makes so much befriended by Sir John Gell the Earl of Chesterfield the Lord Maltravers Sir John Harper of Caulk and Sir John Harper of Swarstone Sir William Savill Sir John Fitz Herbert of Norbury Sir Edward Mosely c. All men of very great Estates and therefore like to send in the more grist to the Mill at Darby So farre did Sir John Gell act for the Houses of Parliament And he continued in those actings till the end of the War After which falling into some suspition to have changed his Affections he was committed to the Tower in no small danger of his life and came not off but with the loss of former Actings Fol. 712. This no question caused their General Essex early the next day to quit his glorious Command and in a small Boat to shift away by Water If that were it which caused him to shift away in a small Boat he must needs play the part of a Cowardly Soldier whilst every one of the Soldiers stood ready to act the part of a brave Commander And therefore it is probable that there was somewhat more in it then
al ove one hundred in number forcibly sâ—â—ze upon violently kept out of and driven from the House by the Officers and Souldiers of the Army under Thomas Lord Fairfax c. And thirdly We finde after this that Sir Iohn Temple Sir Martin Lumley Câ—l Booth M. Waller M. Middleton and others were turned back by such Souldiers as were appointed to keep a strict guard at the doors of the House So that the whole number of those who weâ—e imprisoned and kept under restraint or otherwise were debarred and turned back from doing their service in the House waâ— reckoned to amount to an hundred and fourty which comes to thrice as many as the 40 or 50 which our Author speaks of But to proceed the Officers of the Army having thus made themselves Masters of the House of Commons thought fit to make themselves Masters of the City also To which end they ordered two Regiments of Foot and some Troops of Horse to take up Quarters in Pauls Church and Black-fryers on Friday the 8. of the same moneth and on the â—unday following sent diverse Souldriers to be quartered in the Houses of private Citizens which notwithstanding such was their tender care not to give any diâ—turbance to them that lbid Not to fâ—ighten the City the General writes to my Lord Mayor that he had sâ—nt Col. Dean to seize the Treasuries of Haberdashers Goldsmiths and Weavers Halls where they seize on 20000.l that by the Monies he may pay his Armies Arrears The Authour whom our Historian followeth in all these late traverses of State relates this businesse more distinctly and inteâ—ligently then we finde it here viz. That two Regiments of Foot and some Troops of Horse took up Quarters in Pauls and Black-frier and seized upon 20000. l in Weavers Hall which they promised to repay when the Lord Mayor and Common Councell please to bring in the Arrears due from the City They secured likewise the Treasures of Haberdashers and Goldsmiths Hall Here we have first a seizure of the 20000. l in Weavars Hall for the use of 〈◊〉 Army and a securing of the Treasures in the other two that they might not be employed against it The 20000 l. which they found in the first was the remainder of the 200000 l. which was voted to be brought in thither for the raising of a New Presbyterian Army under the command of the Lord Willoughby of Parhâ—â— as Lord Generall and Sir Iohn Maynard as Lieutenant Generall to reduce that Army to conformity which had so successively served under the command of Sir Thomas Fairfax But the other two being hard names and not very easie of digestion require somewhat which may make them lighter to the understanding of the vulgar Reader Concerning which we are to know that severall Ordinances were made by the Lords and Commons for sequestring the Estates of all such who had adhered unto the King whom to distinguish them from their own party they called Delinquents and a severe couâ—se was taken in those sequestrations as well in reference to their personall as reall Estates to make them the more considerable in the purse of the Houseâ— But finding no such great profit to come in that way when every Cook who had the dressing of that dish had lickt his fingers as they did expect they were contented to admit them to a Composition These Compositions to be managâ—d at Goldsmiths Hall by a select Committee consisting of severall Members of the House of Commons and some of the most pragmaticall and stiff sort of Citizens the parties to compound had 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. or 7. years purchase according as they either offered themselves voluntarily or came in upon Articlâ—s or were forced to submit to mercy What infinite summes of money were brought in by these compositions he that list to see may finde them both in the severall Items and the summa toâ—â—alâ—s in their printed Tables And yet the payment of these Sums was the least part of the grievance compared unto those heavy clogs which were laid on their Consciences For first No man was admitted to treat with the Committee at Goldsmiths Hall till unlesse he was priviledged and exempt by Articles he had brought a Certificate that he had taken the Negative Oath either before the Committee for the Militia of London or some Committee in the Countrey where he had his â—welling And by this oath he was to swear that he would neither directly nor indirectly adhere unto or wilâ—â—â—gly assist the King in that War or in that cause against the Parliament nor any Forces raised without the consent of the two Houses of Parliament in thâ—t cause or War for which consult the Ordinance of the Lords and Commons bearing date April 5. 1645. And secondly It was Ordered by the said Lords and Commons on the 1. of November 1645. That the Committee of Goldsmiths Hall should have power to tender the Solemn League and Covenant to all persons that come out of the Kings Quarâ—â—â—s to that Committee to compound and to secure such as should refuse to take it until they had conformed thereunto And by that Covenant they were bound to endeavour the extirpation of Popery and Prelacy that is Church-government by Arch-Bishops and Bishops c. and to defend the Kings Person and Authority no otherwise then in order to the preservation and defence of the true Religion and Liberties of the Kingdoms And if the party to compound were a Romane Catholick there was an Oath of Abjuration to be taken also before any such Sequestration could be taken off if once laid upon him By which he was to swear That he abjured and renounced the Popes Supremacy that he beleeved not there was any Transubstantiation nor Purgatory nor any worship to be given to the consecrated Host Crucifix or Images and that salvation could not be merited by works renouncing and abjuring all Doctrines in defence of thâ—se points To such a miserable necessity had they brought many of that party that they thought if safer as they use to say to trust God with their souls then such unmercifull men with their Lives Fortunes and Estates And yet this was not thought to be a sufficient punishment to them but they must first passe through Hâ—berdashers Hall which is the last of my hard words before they could be free of the Goldsmiths And in that Hall they were to pay the fifth and twentieth parts of their Estates as well real as personall in present money all men being brought within the power of the Committee not only who were called Delinquents but such as had not voluntarily contributed to the Parliament in any place whatsoever as appears by the Order of the Commons bearing date August 25. 1646. By which last clause more Grist was brought unto that Mill then can be easily imagined their Agents being very eager in that pursuit So that it was accounted a great benefit as indeed it was to them who came in upon the Articles of
am that it continued and the money was duly paid into the Exchequer for many years after the true cause thereof was taken away the Queens displeasure against Pilkington ending either with his life or hers and all the Garrisons and forces upon the Borders being taken away in the beginning of the Reign of King Iames. So true is that old saying Quod Christus non capit fiscus rapit never more fully verified then in this particular The Sixth Book Containing the History of Abbeys THis Book containing the History of Abbeys seems but a Supplement to the former but being made a distinct book by our Author we must do so likewise In which the first thing capable of an Animadversion is but meerly verbal viz. Fol. 266. Cistercians so called from one Robert living in Cistercium in Burgundy The place in Burgundy from whence these Monks took denomination though call'd Cistercium by the Latins is better known to the French and English by the name Cisteaux the Monks thereof the Monks of Cisteaux by the English and Lesmoines de Cisteaux by the French and yet our Author hath hit it better in his Cistercians then Ralph Brook York Herald did in his Sister-senses for which sufficiently derided by Augustin Vincent as our Author being so well studied in Heraldry cannot chuse but know Fol. 268. But be he who he himself or any other pleaseth brother if they will to St. George on Horseback â— Our Author not satisfying himself in that Equitius who is supposed to be the first Founder of Monks in England makes him in scorn to be the Brother of St. George on Horseback that is to say a meer Chimera a Legendary Saint a thing of nothing The Knights of that most noble Order are beholding to him for putting their Patron in the same Rank with St. Equitius of whose existence on the Earth he can finde no Constat But I would have him know how poorly so ever he thinks of St. George on Horseback that there hath more been said of him his Noble birth Atchievements with his death and Martyrdom then all the Friends our Author hath will or can justly say in defence of our present History Fol. 270. So they deserve some commendation for their Orthodox judgement in maintaining some Controversies in Divinity of importance against the Jesuites Our Author speaks this of the Dominicans or preaching Fryers who though they be the sole active managers of the Inquisition deserve notwithstanding to be commended for their Orthodox judgement How so Because forsooth in some Controversies of importance that is to say Predestination Grace Free-will and the rest of that link they hold the same opinions against the Iesuites and Franciscans as the Rigid Lutherans do against the Melanchthonians and the Rigid or Peremptory Calvinists against the Remonstrants As powerful as the Iesuites and Franciscans are in the Court of Rome they could never get the Pope to declare so much in favour of their Opinion as here our Author out of pure zeal to the good Cause declares in favour of the Dominicans It was wont to be the property or commendation of Charity that it hoped all things believed all things thought no evill and in a word covered a multitude of â—ins But zeal to the good cause having eaten up Charity so far ascribes unto it self the true qualities of it as to pass over the sins and vices of such who have engaged themselves in defence thereof And he that favours the good cause though otherwise heterodox in Doctrine irregular in his Conversation as bloudy a Butcher of the true Protestants as these Preaching Fryers shall have his imperfections covered his vices hidden under this disguise that he is Orthâ—dox in judgement and a true Professor Otherwise the Dominicans had not â—ound such favour from the hands of our Author who would have drawn as much bloud into their cheeks with his pen as they have drawn from many a true Protestant by their persecutions Fol. 300. We will conclude with their observation as an ominous presage of Abbies ruine that there was scarce a great Abbey in England which once at least was not burnt down with lightning from Heaven â— Our Author may be as well out in this as he hath been in many things else it being an ordinary thing to aâ—scribe that to Lightning or fire from Heaven which happened by the malice or carelesness of Knaves on Earth of which I shall speak more hereafter on occasion of the firing of St. Pauls sâ—eeple in London lib. 9. Now only noting by the way that scarse any and but thirteen for our Author names no more which were so consumed hang not well together If only thirteen were so burnt and sure our Author would have nam'd them if they had been more he should have rather chang'd his style and said that of so many Religious Houses as suffered by the decayes of time and the fury of the Danish Wâ—â—s or the rage of accident I fires scarse any of them â—â—d been striken by the hand of Heaven Fol. 313. Hence presently arose the Northern Rebellion wherein all the open undertakers were North of Trent c. Not all the open undertakers I am sure of that our Author telling us in the words next following that this commotion began first in Lincolnshire no part whereof except the River Isle of Axholm lies beyond the Trent Concerning which we are instructed by Iohn Stow that at an Assise for the Kings Subsidie kept in Lincolnshire the people made an insurrection and gathered nigh twenty thousand persons who took certain Lords and Gentlemen of the Country causing them to be sworn to them upon certain Articles which they had devised For which Rebellion and some other practises against the State 12 of that County that is to say 5 Priests and 7 Lay-men were not long after drawn to Tyborn and there hang'd and quarteâ—ed By which we see that all the open undertakers in the Northern Rebellion were not North of Trent nor all the principal undertakers neither some Lords and Gentlemen of that County though against their wills appearing in it and amongst others Sir Iohn Hussey created Baron not long before by King Henry the eighth and shortly after punisht by him with the loss of his head for being one of the Heads of this Insurrection Fol. 316. Where there be many people there will be many offenders there being a Cham amongst the eight in the Ark yea a Cain amongst the four Primitive Persons in the beginning of the world In this our Authors Rule is better then his Exemplification For though there where but eight persons in the Ark whereof Cham was one yet in all probability there were more then four persons in the world at the Birth of Abel reckoning him for one For though the Scripture doth subjoyn the Birth of Abel unto that of Cain yet was it rather in relation to the following story wherein Abel was a principal party then that no other children
in this caâ—e came before by whose continual importunity and 〈◊〉 the breach of the Treaties followed after The King lov'd peace â—oo well to lay aside the Treaties and engage in War before he was desperate of success any other way then by that of the Sword and was assur'd both of the hands and hearts of his subjects to assist him in it And therefore ouâ— Author should have said that the King not only called together his great Councel but broke off the Treaty and not have given us here such an Hysteron Proteron as neither doth consist with reason not the truth of story ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Eleventh Book OF The Church History OF BRITAIN Containing the Reign of King Charles THis Book concludes our Authors History and my Animadverâ—â—ons And 〈◊〉 the end be 〈◊〉 unto the beginning it is like to 〈…〉 enough our Author stumbling at the Threshold 〈◊〉 â—moâ—gst superstitious people hath been 〈…〉 presage Having placed King Charles upon 〈…〉 he goes on to tell us that Fol. 117. On the fourtâ—enth 〈…〉 James his Funerals were 〈…〉 Collegiat Church at 〈…〉 but the fourth saith the 〈…〉 Reign of King Charls and 〈…〉 was on the 〈…〉 â—â—venth of May on which those solemn Obsequies were 〈…〉 Westminster Of which if he will not take my word seâ— him consult the Pamphleâ— called the 〈…〉 â—ol 6. and he shall be satisfied Our 〈…〉 muâ—â— keep time better or else we shall neveâ— know how the day goes with him Fol. 119. As for Dr. Preâ—â—on c. His party would 〈◊〉 us that he might have chose his own Mitre And 〈…〉 his party would perswade us That he had not only large parts of suâ—â—icient receipt to manage the broad 〈…〉 but that the Seal was proffered to him fol. 131. But we are not bound to believe all which is said by that party who look'd vpon the man with such a reverence as came near Idolaâ—â—y His Principles and engagements were too well known by those which governed Affairs to ventâ—â—e him â—nto any such great trust in Church or State and his activity so suspected that he would not have been long suffered to continue Preacher at Lincolns Inn. As for his intimacy with the Duke too violent to be long lasting it proceeded not from any good â—pinion which the Duke had of him but that he found how instrumental he might be to manage that prevailâ—â—g party to the Kings advantage But when it was 〈◊〉 that he had more of the Serpent in him then of the 〈◊〉 and that he was not tractable in steering the 〈◊〉 of his own Party by the Court Compass he was discountenanc'd and â—aid by as not worth the keeping He seemed the Court Mâ—reor for a while 〈◊〉 to a sâ—dden height of expectation and having 〈◊〉 and blaz'd a 〈◊〉 went out again and was as suddâ—â—nly â—oâ—gotten â—ol 119. Next day the King coming from Canterbury 〈…〉 with all solemnity she was 〈…〉 in London where a Chappel 〈…〉 her Devâ—tionâ— with a Covent 〈…〉 to the Articles of her 〈…〉 how â—ame he to be suffered to be present at 〈◊〉 in the capacity of Lord Keeper For that he did so is affirmed by our Author saying That the King took a Sâ—role of Parchment out of his bosom and gave it to the Lâ—rd 〈…〉 who read it to the Commons four sevâ—raâ— times East-West North and South fol. 123. Thirdly the Lord Keeper who read that Scrole was not the 〈◊〉 Keeper Williams but the Lord Keeper Coventry 〈◊〉 Seal being taken from the Bishop of Lincoln and 〈◊〉 to the custoâ—y of Sir Thomas Coventry in October before And therefore fourthly our Author is much ouâ— in placing both the Coronation and the following Parliament befoâ—e the change of the Lord Keeper and sending Sir Iohn Suckling to feâ—ch that Seal at the end of a Parliâ—ment in the Spring which he had brought away with him before Michaelmas Term. But as our Author was willing to keep the Bishop of Lincoln in the Deaâ—â—y of Westminster for no less then five or six years after it was confer'd on another so is he as desirous to continue him Lord Keeper for as many months after the Seal had been entrusted to another hand Fol. 122. The Earl of Arundel as Earl Marshal of 〈◊〉 and the Duke of Buckingham as Lord High Constâ—ble of England for that day went before his Majesty in that great Solemnity In this passage and the next that follows ouâ— Author shews himself as bad an Herald in marshalling a Royal shew as in stating the true time of the câ—eation of a Noble Peer Here in this place he plaâ—eth the Earl Marshal before the Constable whereas by the 〈◊〉 31 H. 8. c. 10. the Constable is to have 〈◊〉 before the Marshal Not want there Precedents to shew that the Lord High-Constable did many times direct his Mâ—ndats to the Earl Marshal as one of the Miniâ—â—ers of his Court willing and requiring him to perform such and such services as in the said Precepts were expâ—essed In the next place we are informed that Ibid. That the Kings Train being six yards long of Purple Velvet was held up by the Lord Compton and the Lord Viscount Dorcester That the Lord Compton was one of them which held up the Kings Train I shall easily grant he being then Master of the Robes and thereby châ—llenging a right to peâ—foâ—m this service But that the Lord Viscount Dorcester was the other of them I shall never grant there being no such Viscount at the time of the Coronation I cannot 〈◊〉 but that Sir Dâ—dley Carleton might be one of those which held up the Train though I am not sure of it But sure I am that Sir Dudley Carleton was not made Baron of Imber-Court till towards the latter end of the following Parliament of An. 1626 nor created Viscount Dorcester until some years after Fol. 122. The Lord Archbishop did present his Majesty to the Lords and Commons East West North South asking their mindes four several times if they did consent to the Coronation of King Charles their lawful â—overaign This is a piece of new State-doctrine never known before that the Coronation of the King and consequently his Succession to the Crown of England should depend on the consent of the Lords and Commons who were then assembled the Coronation not proceeding as he after â—elleth us till their consent was given four times by â—cclamations And this I call a piece of new State-doctrine never known before because I finde the contrary in the Coronation of our former Kings For in the form and manner of the Coronation of King Edward 6. described in the Catalogue of Honor â—et â—orth by Tho. Mills of Canterbury Anno 1610. we finde it thus The King being carried by certain Noble Courtiers in another Chair â—nto the four sides of the Stage was by the Archbishop of Canterbury declared unto the people standing round about both by Gods and mans Laws to be the right and lawâ—ul King of
men set on John Scot Director of the Chancery a busie person to inform against his Descent In the story of this Earl not only as to his Original and descent but as to his being Earl of Menteith our Authour is not to be faulted but on the other side not to be justified in making him to be Earl of Strathern by the power of Buckingham that Duke being dead some years before though by his power made Lord President of the Council for the Realm of Scotland Therefore to set this matter right and to adde something to our Authour that may not be unworthy of the Readers knowledge I am to let him understand that after the death of David Earl of Strathern second Son to King Robert the third this Title lay dormant in the Crown and was denied to the Lord Dromond created afterwards Earl of Perth when a Suitor for it But this Gentleman Sir William Graham Earl of Menteith descended from an Heir General of that David a man of sound abilities and approved affections was by the King made Lord President of the Councill of Scotland as before is said In which place he so behaved himself and stood so stoutly in behalf of the King his Master upon all occasions that nothing could be done for advance of Hamiltons designs till he was removed from that place In order whereunto it was put into his head by some of that Faction that he should sue unto the King to be created Earl of Strathern as the first and most honourable Title which belonged to his House that his merits were so great as to assure him not to meet with a deniall and that the King could do no lesse then to give him some nominall reward for his reall services On these suggestions he repaired unto the Court of England where without any great difficulty he obtained his Suit and waited on the King the most part of his Summers progresse no man being so openly honoured and courted by the Scottish Nation as he seemed to be But no sooner was he gone for Scotland but the Hamiltonians terrified the King with the dangers which he had run into by that Creation whereby he had revived in that proud and ambitious person the Rights which his Ancestors pretended to the Crown of Scotland as being derived from David Earl of Strathern before mentioned the second Son of Robert the Second by his lawfull Wife that the King could not chuse but see how generally the Scots slockt about him after this Creation when he was at the Court and would do so much more when he was in Scotland And finally that the proud man had already so farre declared himself as to give it ouâ— that the King held the Crown of him Hereupon a Commission was speedily posted into Scotland in which those of Hamiltons Faction made the greatest Number to enquire into his life and actions and to consider of the inconveniences which might redound unto the King by his affecting this New Title On the Return whereof the poor Gentleman is removed from his Office from being one of the Privy Council and not only deprived of the Title of Earl of Strathern but of that also of Menteith which for a long time had remained in his Ancestors And though he was not long after made Earl of Airth yet this great fall did so discourage him from all publike businesses that he retired to his own house and left the way open to the Hamiltonians to play their own game as they listed Faithfull for all this to the King in all changes of Fortune neither adhering to the Covenanters nor giving the least countenance to them when he might not only have done it with safety but with many personal advantages which were tendered to him Fol. 238. The Marquesse now findes this place too hot for him and removes to Dalkieth without any adventuring upon the English Divine Service formerly continuâ—lly used there for twenty years in audience of the Council Nobility and Iudges Compare this passage with another and we shall finde that our Authour hath mis-reckoned no lesse then fifteen years in twenty For in the year 1633. he puts this down after the Kings return from Scotland agreeable to the truth of story in that particular What care saith he King Iames took heretofore to rectifie Religious worship in Scotland when he returned from his last visiting of them the like does King Charles so soon as he came home The â—oul undecent Discipline he seeks to reform into sacred worship and sends Articles of order to be observed only by the Dean of his private Chappell there as in England That Prayers be performed twice a day in the English manner A monethly Communion to be received on their knees He that officiates on Sunday and Holydaies to do his duty in his Surplice No publick reading of the English Liturgy in Scotland since the year 1562. but only during the short time of King Iames his being there Anno 1617. therefore not read continually twenty years together as our Authour states it But twenty years is nothing in our Authours Arithmetick For telling us that the sufferers viz. Dr. Bastwick Mr. Prinne and M. Burton obtained an order for satisfaction to be made them out of the Estates of those who imposed their punishments that none of those Judges being left but Sir Henry Vane the Elder it was ordered that satisfaction should be given by him to one of their Widows and thereupon it was observed for a blessed time when a single Counsellour of State after twenty years opinion should be sentenced by Parliament to give satisâ—action for a mis-judgement acted by a body of Counsell fol. 867. But the punishment inflicted on those sufferers was in the year 1637. and this order made about eight years after Anno 1645. being but twelve years short of our Authours twenty which is no great matter Fol. 282. As for Sir John Finch Chief Iustice of the Common Pleas who succeeded him in the place of the Lord Keeper he could not hold out so many moneths as he did years from being in hazard to have forfeited his head But first this Gentleman was somewhat more then Sir Iohn Finch he being created Lord Finch of Forditch in the beginning of the April before Secondly If he were in any hazard it was not for any thing he had done in the place of Lord Keeper but only for his zeal to the Kings service in the case of Ship money or to his actings under the Earl of Holland in Forrest businesses before he came unâ—o that place neither of which could have extended to the losse of his head though he thought not fit to trust that head to such mercilesse Judges With like prudence did Sir Francis Windebank principal Secretary of Estate withdraw into France of whom our Author telleth us That he remained there to his death a profest Roman Catholick fol. 338. But first Sir Francis Windebank remained not there until his death for he came
consent to the acting of any thing to take away his life By which it needs must follow if the Bill of Attainder was first passed or at the least in probability to be passed in the House of Peers before the King had given any such promise under his hand for the words are that the King had given him a promise under his hand never to passe that Bill Now that Bill was not taken into consideration in the House of Lords till Saturday the 24. of April in which considering their own danger and the little satisfaction they are able to give themselves M. St Iohn the Kings Sollicitor Generall was appointed by the House of Commons to open the Bill before their Lordships and to give them information in it which was done upon Thursday the nine and twentieth of the same Moneth On the next day some of the Lords began to stagger in their resolutions and to incline unto the Commons which moved the King to declare himself before both Houses on the first of May That he could not with a good Consciâ—nce condemn the Earl of High Treason which he must needs do if he passe that Bill and therefore hoped that they would not expect that from him which neither fear nor any other respect whatsoever should enforce him to Other assurance then this of not passing the Bill as the King never made the Earl so indeed he could not the Earl being a close Prisoner and so narrowly watcht especially after his Majesties said Declaration of the first of May that no such Paperâ—promise under the Kings hand could be sent unto him if either the King had thought it necessary to make any such promise or the Earl to seek it Adeo mendaciorum natura est ut coherere non possint as Lactantius hath it This point thus cleared and the King discharged from making any such promise under his hand there must some other way be found out to preserve the Earl by devising some means for his escape and to this plot the King must be made a party also our Authour telling us positively That Some Designe there was no doubt of delivering the Earl of Strafford by escape in order whereunto Sir William Balfour Lieutenant of the Tower must be commanded by the King to receive one Captain Billingsley with an hundred men to secure the place If so how durst Balfour refuse to yeeld obedience to the Kings command Marry forfooth because three good Women of Tower-street peeping into the Earls Gallery through the Key-hole could by the Spectacles of their eyes discern him talking with this Captain and by the Otocoâ—sticon of their ears could hear them talk of some Desigâ—e for this escape The Summe of their Discourse being this that a Ship of Captain Billingsleys Brothers should be in readinesse which was fallen down on purpose below in the River that they three might be there in twelve hours that if the Fort were but secur'd for three or four Moneths there would come aid enough and that there was nothing to be thought upon but an escape and much more broken speech to that purpose It seems the womens ears must be very long and the tongues both of the Earl and Billingsly must be very loud or else how could a practise of such a close and dangerous nature be so plainly heard Assuredly by the same means by which the Zealous Brother in More fields discovered a dangerous plot against the Parliament discoursed of by some who were passing by but he knows not who they were as he was sunning himself under an hedge Of whom as creditable an Authour as Sir William Balfour hath told me this That while he was contriving some Querpo-cut of Church-Government by the help of his out-lying ears and the Otocousticon of the Spirit â—e discovered such a Plot against the Parliament that Selden intends to combat Antiquity and maintain it was a Taylors Goose that preserved the Capitol But in good earnest I would fain know of our Author or of Sir William Balfour or of both together whether the three Good-Wives of Tower-street did hear these Passages in discourse by their eyes or their ears Not by their Eyes for the Eye is not the sense of hearing nor by their Ears for it is not said that they laid their Ears to the Key-hole but that they peeped thorow it And next I would fain know whâ—ther they peep'd or hearkned all at once or one after another If all at once the Key-hole must be wondrous wide as Heavenly-wide as Mopsus mouth in Sir Philip Sidney which could admit of three pair of hearing Eyes or of three single seeing Ears at one time together And if they peep'd or hearkned one after another they must needs have both very quick Wits and strong Comprehensions that could make up so much of a set Discourse from such broken Speeches though they within spake never so loudly Letting this pass therefore with a Risum teneatis Amici we have next a more serious discovery of this Design by the Conference which the Earl of Strafford had with Sir William Balfour offering him but four days before his death no less then Twenty thousand pounds and a Marriage of his Daughter to Balfours Son if he would assent to his Escape And for this also as well as for the tale of the three Good-Wives of Tower-Street and the command of admitting Billingsley with an hundred men to secure the Tower we must take Sir Williams bare word for he gave it not in upon his Oath in the House of Commons And what the bare word of a Scot a perfidious Scot and one that shortly after took up Arms against his Master will amount unto we all know too well Nor was the Earl so ignorant of the hatred which generally the Scotish Covenanters bare unto him or of the condition of this man particularly as to communicate any such design unto him had he been so unprepar'd for death as our Author makes him And so this second Romance of Sir William Balfour and the three Women Good-Wives of Tower Street being sent after that of the Bishop of Lincoln we leave the Earl of Straffords business and go on with our Author to some other Fol. 418. Then follows King Henry the fourth c. ofâ—larence â—larence Title to precede that of Mortimer That some of the Lords combined to depose this King I shall easily grant though not upon those grounds which our Author mingles with the Speech of one Mr. Thomas a Member of the House of Commons against the Bishops For though the Title of Clarence did precede that of the King yet was not the Kings Title derived from Mortimer the Title of Mortimer and Clarence being one and the same The Title of King Henry the fourth came by his Father Iohn Duke of Lancaster the fourth Son of King Edward the third the title of Mortimer came by Philip the sole Daughter and Heir of Lionel Duke of Clarence the third son of the said King Edward
amount unto commanded the Officers of the late Army before-mentioned to attend his pleasure till he saw some issue of the practices which were held against him On which command they followed him to Hampton Court Ianuary the tenth 1641. at his Removall from Whitehall for avoiding such fresh Insolencies as the people in their triumphant conducting of the accused Members to the Houses of Parliament might have put upon him These Officers now known by the Name of Cavaliers were lodged at Kingston and upon them the Lord Digby accompanied with Col. Lunâ—â—ord in a Coach with six Horses intended to bestow a visit no Troops of Horse being raised by him nor any other appearance of Horse at all except those six only His Majesties Declaration of the 12. of August hath so cleared this businesse that I marvell our Authour could let it passe by without Observation Fol. 485. And so the breach between the King and Parliament was stitcht up That is to say that great breach of pretended priviledge in the Kings coming to the House of Commons to demand the five impeached Members And yet this breach was not stitcht up now nor in a long time after For fol. 495. we finde the Parliament again at their five Members insisted on in the preamble to the Ordinance about the Militia fol. 498. and prest in their Petition delivered to the King at Royston fol. 501. and finally made one of the Propositions presented to the King at Oxford fol. 599. So far was this breach from being stitcht up in the end of Ianuary Anno 1641. that it was not made up in the Ianuary following at what time those Propositions were brought to Oxford From the five Members passe we to the Militia of which he telleth us That Fol. 496. The Parliament having now the Militia the security of the Tower and City of London Trained Bands of the Kingdom and all the Forces out of the Kings hands Our Authour placeth this immediatly after the Kings coming back from Dover whither he went with the Queen and the Princesse Mary there shipped for Holland at what time the Parliament had neither the command of the Tower nor of the Trained Bands in the Countrey or of any Forces whatsoever but their City-guards For fol. 498. we finde his Majesty sticking at it especially as to the Militia of London or of Towns incorporate and after fol. 502. when they petitioned him about it being then at New-Market and not as our Authour saith at Royston he answered more resolutely then before that he would not part with it for a minute no not unto his Wife and Children After which time finding the King too well resolved not to part with such a principall flower of his prerogative they past an Ordinance for entituling themselves unto it and did accordingly make use of it in the following war against the King Nor was the Petition any thing the better welcome for the men that brought it viz. the Earls of Pembroke and Holland both of them sworn Servants to him both of them of his Privy Councell both in great favour with him when he was in Prosperity and both perâ—idiously forsaking him when his Fortunes changed unto the worse Particularly our Authour tels us of the Earl of Holland That Fol. 501. He was raised and created to become his most secret Counsellour the most intimate in affection the first of his Bed-chamber his constant companion in all his Sports and Recreations Yet notwithstanding all these favours this Earl as much promoted the Puritan affairs of the Court but secretly and under-hand as his Brother the Earl of Warwick more openly and professedly did in the Countrey Of which thus Viscount Conway in a Letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury dated at Newcastle Iune 8. 1640. I assure my self saith he that there is not any lesse your friend then my Lord of Holland and I beleeve that at all times you ought to take heed to your self with him c. My Lord of Warwick is the temporal head of the Puritans and my Lord of Holland is their spirituall Head or rather the one is their visible Head the other their invisible Head Peradventure not because he means to do either good or hurt but because he thinks it is a Gallantry to be the principall pillar on which a whole Caball must rely Fol. 511. And taking only a guard for his person of his Domesticks and Neighbour Gentry went in person the 23. of April but contrary to his expectation the Gates were shut upon him the Bridges drawn up and Hotham from the Wals flatly denies him entrance Of this Affront Hotham being first proclaimed Traitor under the Wals of the Town the King complains to the Houses of Parliament but he had more reason to complain of some about him For in his Answer to their Petitition about the Magazine of Hull delivered to him in the beginning of April he had let them know how confident he was that place whatsoever discourse there was of private or publick Instructions to the contrary should be speedily given up if he should require it Being thus forewarn'd it was no wonder that they were fore-arm'd also against his Intentions or that he was â—epulst by Hotham at his coming thither For which good Service as Hotham was highly magnified for the present so he had his Wages not long after For being suspected to hold intelligence with the Marquess of Newcastle he was knockt down on that very place on which he stood when he refused the King admittance into the Town sent Prisoner unto London together with his eldest Son and there both beheaded the Son confessing that he had deserv'd that untimely death for his Disloyalty to the King the Father whining out his good affections to the Parliament and still expecting that reprieve which was never intended Fol. 512. All which that is to say the Kings going to Hull being by the King a high breach of Priviledge and violation of Parliaâ—ent they think fit to clear by voting it and Hotham justifâ—ea and send a Committee of Lords and Commons to reside there for the better securing Hull and him April 28. The breach of priviledge objected was the Kings endeavor to possess himself of the Town of Hull his own Town and to get into his hands a Magazine of Arms and Ammunition which he had bought with his own money To hinder which and to justifie Hotham the Lord Fairfax Sir Philip Stapleton Sir Henry Cholmnâ—y and Sir Hugh Cholmnly were sent by the House of Commons as a standing Committee to reside at York And had they come thither on no other business then what was openly pretended it had been such an extent of Priviledge making the House of Commons as wide as the Kingdom as never was challenged before But they were sent on another errand that is to say to be as Spies on all the Kings Actions to undermine all his Proceedings and to insinuate into the people that all their hopes of Peace
to say the Title of Earl of Hereford which the Duke requested but so much of the Lands of those Earls as had been formeâ—ly enjoy'd by the House of Lancaster Concerning which we are to know that Humphry de Bohun the last Earl of Hereford left behinde him two Daughters only of which the eldest called Eleanor was married to Thomas of Woodstock Duke of Gloster Mary the other married unto Henry of Bullenbrook Earl of Darby Betwixt these two the Estate was parted the one Moiety which drew after it the Title of Hereford falling to Henry Earl of Darby the other which drew after it the Office of Constable to the Duke of Glocester But the Duke of Glocester being dead and his estate coming in fire unto his Daughter who was not able to contend Henry the fifth forced her unto a sub-division laying one half of her just partage to the other Moiety But the issue of Henry of Bullenbrook being quite extiâ—ct in the Person of Edward Prince of Wales Son of Henry the sixth these three parts of the Lands of the Earls of Hereford having been formerly incorporated into the Duchy of Lancaster remained in possession of the Crown but were conceiv'd by this Duke to belong to him as being the direct Heir of Anne Daughter of Thomas Duke of Glocester and consequently the direct Heir also of the House of Hereford This was the sum of his demand Nor do I finde that he made any suit for the Office of Constable or that he needed so to do he being then Constable of England as his Son Edward the last Duke of Buckingham of that Family was after him Fol. 199. At last the coming in of the Lord Stanley with three thousand fresh men decided the controversie on the Earls side Our Author is out in this also It was not the Lord Stanley but his Brother Sir William Stanley who came in so seasonably and thereby turn'd the Scale and chang'd the fortune of the day For which service he was afterward made Lord Chamberlain of the new Kings Houshold and advanc'd to great Riches and Estates but finally beheaded by that very King for whom and to whom he had done the same But the King look'd upon this action with another eye And therefore when the merit of this service was interposed to mitigate the Kings displeasure and preserve the man the King remembred very shrewdly that as he came soon enough to win the Victory so he staid long enough to have lost it ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Fifth and Sixth Books OF The Church History OF BRITAIN Relating to the time of King Henry the Eighth WE are now come to the busie times of King Henry the Eighth in which the power of the Church was much diminisht though not reduced to such ill terms as our Author makes it We have him here laying his foundations to overthrow that little which is left of the Churches Rights His superstructures we shall see in the times ensuing more seasonable for the practice of that Authority which in this fifth Book he hammereth only in the speculation But first we will begin with such Animadversions as relate unto this time and story as they come in our way leaving such principles and positions as concern the Church to the close of all where we shall draw them all together that our discourse and observations thereupon may come before the Reader without interruption And the first thing I meet with is a fault of Omission Dr. Newlen who succeeded Dr. Iackson in the Presâ—dentship of Corpus Christi Colledge in Oxford Anno 1640. by a free election and in a statuteable way being left out of our Authors Catalogue of the Presidents of C. C. C. in Oxford fol. 166. and Dr. Stanton who câ—me in by the power of the Visitors above eight years after being placed therein Which I thought fit though otherwise of no great moment to take notice of that I might do the honest man that right which our Author doth not Fol. 168. King Henry endevoured an uniformity of Grammar all over his Dominions that so youths though changing their School-masters might keep their learning That this was endevoured by King Henry and at last enâ—oyned I shall easily grant But then our Authour should have told us if at least he knew it that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thereof pâ—oceeded fâ—om the Convocation in the yeaâ— 1530. in which complaint being made Quod multiplex varius in Scholis Grammaticalibus modus esset 〈◊〉 c. That the multiplicity of Grammars did much him to learning it was thought meet by the Prelates and Clergy then assembled Vt una eadem edatur formula Auctoritate 〈…〉 singula Schola Grammaâ—icals per 〈…〉 that is to say that one only 〈…〉 that within few years after it was enjoyned by the Kings Proclamation to be used in all the Schools thoughout the Kingdom But here we are to note withall that our Author anticipates this business placing it in the eleventh year of this Kingâ— Anno 1519. whereas the Convocation took not this into conâ—ideration till the eighth of March Anno 1530. and ceâ—tainly would not have medled in it then if the King had setled and enjoyned it so long before Fol. 168. otherâ—ardiner â—ardiner gathered the Flowers made the Collections though King Henry had the honour to wear the Posie I am not ignorant that the making of the Kings Book against Martin Luther is by some Popish writers ascribed to Dr. Iohn Fisher then Bishop of Rochester But this Cavâ—â— was not made till after this King had reâ—ected the Popes Supremacy and consequently the lesse credit to be given unto it It is well known that his Father King Henry the seventh designed him for the Arch-bishoprick of Canterbury and to that end caused him to be trained up in all parts of learning which might inable 〈◊〉 for that place But his elder Brother Prince Arthur dâ—ing and himself succeeding in the Crown though he had laid aside the thoughts of being a Priest he could not but retain that Learning which he had acquired and reckon it amongst the fairest Flowers which adorned his Diadem Too great a Clerk he was to be called Beauclerk junior as if he were as short in learning of King Henry the first whom commonly they called Beauclerk as he was in time though so our Author would fain have it Hist. Cam. p. 2 3. A little learning went a great way in those early dayes which in this King would have made no shewâ— in whose â—â—me both the Arts and Languages began to flourish And if our Author doth not suspect this Kings lack of learning he hath no reason to suspect his lack of 〈◊〉 the work being small the glory great and helps enough at hand if he wanted any But of this enough Fol. 196. Which when finished as White-hall Hampton-Court c. he either freely gave to the King or exchanged them on very reasonable considerations That Hampton Court was either freely given by
why his Children should desire a restitution in bloud not otherwise to be obtained but by Act of Parliament And so without troubling the learned in the Law for our information I hope our Author will be satisfied and save his Fee for other more necessary uses Fol. 72. In the Convocation now sitting the nine and thirty Articles were composed agreeing for the main with those set forth in the Reign of King Edward the sixth though in some particulars allowing more liberty to dissenting judgements This is the active Convocation which before I spake of not setling matters of Religion in the same estate in which they were left by King Edward but altering some Articles expunging others addingsome de novo and fitting the whole body of them unto edification Not leaving any liberty to dissenting Iudgments as our Author would have it but binding men unto the literal and Grammatical sense They had not othewise attained to the end they aimed at which was ad tollendam opinionum dissensionem consensum in vera Religione firmandum that is to say to take away diversity of Opinions and to establish an agreement in the true Religion Which end could never be effected if men were left unto the liberty of dissenting or might have leave to put their own sense upon the Articles But whereas our Author instances in the Article of Christs descent into Hell telling us that Christs preaching unto the Spirits there on which the Article seemed to be grounded in King Edwards Book was left out in this and thereupon inferreth that men are left unto a latitude concerning the cause time manner of his descent I must needs say that he is very much mistaken For first the Church of England hath alwayes constantly maintained a locall Descent though many which would be thought her Children the better to comply with Calvin and some other Divines of forain Nations have deviated in this point from the sense of the Church And secondly the reason why this Convocation left out that passage of Christ preaching to the Spirits in hell was not that men might be left unto a latitude concerning the cause time and manner of his Descent as our Author dreams but because that passage of St. Peter being capable of some other interpretations was not conceived to be a clear and sufficient evidence to prove the Article For which see Bishop Bilsons Survey p. 388 389. Fol. 74. In a word concerning this clause whether the Bishops were faulty in their addition or their opposites in their substraction I leave to more cunning Arithmeticians to decide The Clause here spoken of by our Author is the first Sentence in the twentieth Article entituled De Ecclesiae Authoritate where it is said that the Church hath power to decree Rites and Ceremonies and Authority in Controversies of the Faith Which being charged upon the Bishops as a late addition the better to support their power and maintain their Tyranny the late Archbishop of Canterbury in his Speech in the Star-Chamber Iune the 15 1637. made it appear that the said Clause was in a Printed Book of Articles published in the year 1563. being but very few moneths after they had passed in the Convocation which was on the 29. of Ianuary 1562. in the English account And more then so he shewed unto the Lords a Copy of the twentieth Article exemplified out of the Records and attested by the hands of a publick Notary in which that very Clause was found which had been charged upon the Bishops for an innovation And thus much I can say of mine own knowledge that having occasion to conâ—â—â—t the Records of Convocation I found this controverted Clause verbatim in these following words Habet Ecclesia Ritus statuendo jus in fidei Controversis Authoritatem Which makes me wonder at our Author that having access to those Records and making frequent use of them in this present History he should declare himself unable to decide the doubt whether the addition of this Clause was made by the Bishops or the substraction of it by the opposite party But none so blinde as he that will not see saies the good old proverb But our Author will not so give over He must first have a fling at the Archbishop of Canterbury upon this occasion In the year 1571. the Puritan Faction beginning then to grow very strong the Articles were again Printed both in Latin and English and this Clause left out publisht according to those copies in the Harmony of Confessions Printed at Geneva Anno 1612. and publisht by the same at Oxford though soon after rectified Anno 1636. Now the Archbishop taking notice of the first alteration Anno 1571. declares in his said Speech that it was no hard matter for that opposite Faction to have the Articles Printed and this clause left out considering who they were that then governed businesses and rid the Church almost at their pleasure What says our Author to this Marry saith he I am not so well skilled in Historical Horsemanship as to know whom his Grace designed for the Rider of the Church at that time fol. 74. Strange that a man who undertakes to write an History should professe himself ignorant of the names of those who governed the businesse of the times he writes of But this is only an affected ignorance profest of purpose to preserve the honour of some men whom he beholds as the chief Patrons of the Puritan Faction For aftâ—â—wards this turn being served he can finde out who they were that then governed businesses and rid the Church almost at their pleasure telling us fol. 138 that the Earl of Leicester interpos'd himself Patron-general to the non-subscribers and that he did it at the perswasion of Roger Lord North. Besides which two we finde Sir Francis Knollys to be one of those who gave countenance to the troubles at Frankforâ— at such time as the Faction was there hottest against the Liturgy and other Rites and â—eremonies of the Church of England Who being a meer kinsman of the Queens and a Privy Counsellor made use of all advantages to pursue that project which being 〈◊〉 on foot beyond sea had been driven on here and though Leicester was enough of himself to rid the Church at his pleasure it being fitted with such helps Sir Francis Walsingham and many more of that kind which the times then gave him they drove on the faster till he had almost plung'd all in remedilesse Ruine But our Author hath not done with these Articles yet for he tels us of this Clause that it was Ibid. Omitted in the English and Latin Artiâ—â—â—â—â— set forth 1571 when they were first ratified by Actâ—â— Our â—uthor doth so dream of the power of Parliaments in matters of Religion that he will not suffer any Canon or Act of Convocation to be in sorce or obligatiory to the subject till confirmed by Parliament But I would fain know of him where he finds any Act of Parliament
their private discontents into open practices endeavouring to settle their Religion by the destruction of the King and the change of Government And first beginning with the Papists because first in time Fol. 5. Watson with William Clark another of his own profession having fancied a Notional Treason imparted it to George Brooks To these he after adds the Lord Cobham a Protestant the Lord Gray of Whaddon a Puritan and Sir Walter Rawleigh an able Statesman and some other Knights In the recital of which names our Author hath committed a double fault the one of omission and the other of commission A fault of omission in leaving out Sir Griffith Markham as much concerned as any of the principal actors design'd to have been Secretary of Estate had the Plot succeeded and finally arraign'd and condemn'd at Winchester as the others were His fault of commission is his calling the Lord Gray by the name of the Lord Gray of Whaddon a fault not easily to be pardon'd in so great an Herald whereas indeed though Whaddon in Buckinghamshire was part of his Estate yet Wilton in Herefordshire was his Barony and antâ—ent Seat his Ancestors being call'd LL. Gray of Wilton to difference them from the Lord Gray of Reuthen the Lord Gray of Codnor c. Having thus satisfied our Author in this particular I would gladly satisfie my self in some others concerning this Treason in which I finde so many persons of such different humors and Religions that it is very hard to think how they could either mingle their interefles or unite their counsels But discontentments make men fuel fit for any fire and discontents had been on purpose put upon some of them the more to estrange them from the King and the King from them And though I am not Oedipus enough for so dark a Sphinx yet others who have had more light into the businesses of that time have made their discontents to grow upon this occasion Sir Robert Cecil then principal Secretary to the Estate fearing the great abilities of Rawleigh and being wearied with the troublesome impertinencies of Gray and Cobham all which had joyned with him in design against the Earl of Essex their common Enemy had done their errand to Kings Iames whose counsels he desired to ingross to himself alone before his coming into England And the Plot took so good effect that when the Lord Cobham went to meet the King as he came towards London the King checked him being then Warden of the Cinqne Ports for his absence from his charge in that dangerous time The Lord Gray was not look'd upon in the Court as he had been formerly there being no longer use of his rashness and praecipitations And the better to discountenance Rawleigh who had been Captain of the Guard to Queen Elizabeth the King bestowed that Office on Sir Thomas Erskin then Vicount Fenton and Captain of his Guard in Scotland All which being publickly observ'd it was no haâ—d matter for George Brook to work upon the weak spiâ—its of Gray and Cobâ—am of which the last was his brother and the first his brothers special friend and by such Artifices as he us'd in laying before them their disgraces and shewing them a way to right themselves to draw them into the confederacy with Clark and Watson And it is possible that they not being substantive enough to stand alone might acquaint Rawleigh with the Plot whose head was able to do more then all their hands But of his actings in it or consenting to it when the paâ—ties were brought unto their Tryal there appear'd no proof but that Cobham in his confession taken before the Lords had accus'd him of it and that not only as an accessary but a principal actor But Cobham not being brought into the open Court to justifie his accusation face to face as the custom as it was thought a good argument by many that Rawleigh was not so criminal in this matter as his Enemies made him And though found guilty by the Jury on no other evidence then a branch of Cobhams confession not so much as subscribed by his hand yet all men were not satisfied in the manner of this proceeding it being then commonly affirm'd that Cobham had retracted his accusation as since it hath been said and printed that in a letter written the night before his Tryal and then sent to the Lordâ—â— he cleared Rawlâ—igh from all manner of Treasons against the King or State for which consult the Observations upon some particular Persons and passages c. printed Anno 1656. But from the practices of the Papists which have led me thus far out of my way it is now time that I proceed to the Petition of the Puritans presented to the King much about that time Fol. 7. This called the Millenary Petition And it was called so because given out to be subscribed by 〈◊〉 thousand hands though it wanted a fourth part of thiâ— number More modest now then they had been in Pâ—â—ries time when in stead of one thousand they threatnâ—â— to bring a Petition which should be presented by the hands of a hundred thousand More modest also in the style and phrase of their Petition and in the subject Mâ—â—ter of it then they had been when Martin Mar Prâ—â—â—rul'd the Rost and would be satisfied with nothing 〈◊〉 the ruine of the English Hierarchy Which notwithstanding the King thought fit to demur upon it and 〈◊〉 commended the answering of their Petition to the Uâ—â—versity of Oxford and was done accordingly The Anâ—â—â— and Petition printed not long after gave the first stopâ—â— this importunity represt more fully by the Conferâ—â—â— at Hampton-Court of which it is told us by our Authâ—â— how some of the Millenary party complained that 〈◊〉 Fol. 21. This Conference was partially set forth only 〈◊〉 Dr. Barlow Dean of Chester their professed Adversaâ—â— to the great disadvantage of their Divines If so 〈◊〉 did it come to pass that none of their Divines thâ—â— present noâ— any other in their behalf did ever manifeâ—â— the world the partialities and falsehoods of it The 〈◊〉 was printed not long after the end of the Conference publickly passing from one hand to another and neâ— convicted of any such crime as it stands charged with 〈◊〉 any one particular pâ—â—â—age to this very day Only pleas'd some of the Zealoâ—s to scatter abroad some triâ—â—ing Papers not amounting to half a sheet amongst them which tended to the holding up of their sinking Party and being brought by Dr. Barlow were by him put in Print and publisht at the end of his Book Vt deterrim comparatione gloriam sibi compararet in the words of Tacitus He could not better manifest his own abilities then by having those weak and imperfect Scribbles for a foil unto them And here before I leave this conference I must make a start to fol. 91. for rectifying a mistake of our Authors which relates unto it Where speaking of Dr. King then Bishop of London and
resolved to joyn them with the rest of his members Fryers Monks and Cardinals and our Author being a great favourer of the Presbyterians must not take notice of this scandal especially considering that Papacy and Praelacy are joyn'd together in the language of the present times and therefore fit to go together in this Annotation Fol. 68. In this Parliament Dr. Harsnet Bishop of Chichester gave offence in a Sermon preached at Court pressing the word Reddite Caesari quae sunt Caesaris as if all that was levied by Subsidies or paid by Custom to the Crown was but a redditum of what was the Kings before This Parâ—â—ament is placâ—â— by our Author in the year 1613. but 〈◊〉 Parliament in the sitting whereof Bishop Haâ—â—â—et 〈◊〉 the Sermon above mentioned was held by Proâ—ogation in the year 1609. and afterwards dissolved by Proclâ—mation in December of the year next following Concerning which Sermon King Iames gives this account to the Lords and Commons assembled before him at White-hall March 23. and therefore sâ—ith he That Reverend Bâ—shop here amongst you though I hear by divers he was miâ—â—aken or not well understood yet did he preach both learnedly and 〈◊〉 ancient this point concerning the power oâ— a King for what he spake of a Kings power in abstracto is most true in Divinity for to Emperors or Kings that are Monarchs their Subjects bodies and goods are due for their defence and maintenance But if I had been in his place I would only have added two words which would have cleared all for after I had told as a Divine what was due by the Subjects to their Kings in general I would then have concluded as an English man shewing this people that as in general all subâ—ects were bound to relieve their King so to exhort them that as we lived in a setled state of a Kingdom that was governed by his own fundamental Laws and Orders that according thereunto they were now being assembled for this purpose in Parliament to consider how to help such a King as now they had and that according to the antient form and order established in this Kingdom putting so a difference between the general power of a King in Divinity and the setled and established state of this Crown and Kingdom and I am sure that the Bishop meant to have have done the same if he had not been straiâ—ned by time which in respect of the greatness of the present Preaching befoâ—e us and such an Auditory he durst not presume upon 〈◊〉 that the doctrine of the Bishop being thus justified and explained by King Iames and the Parliament continuing undissolved till December following we have no reason to believe that the Parliament was dissolved upon this occasion and much less on the occasion of some words spoken in that Parliament by Bishop 〈◊〉 of which thus our Author Ibid. Likewise Dr. Neile Bishop of Rochester uttered words in the House of Lords interpreted to the disparagement of some reputed zealous Patriot in the House of Commons â— In this passage I have many things to excepâ— against As 1. That this Patriot is not nam'd to whoâ—e disparagement the words are pretended to be uttered And 2. that the words themselves are not here laid down and yet are made to be so hainously taken that to sâ—ve the Bishop from the storm which was coming â—owards him the King should principally be occasion'd to â—â—ssolve that Parliament 3. That Dr. Neile is here call'd Bishop of Rochester whom twice before viz. sel. 64. 67. he makes to be Bishop of Coventry and Leiâ—hfield And 4. That the words here intimated should be spoken in Parliament Anno 1613. whereas by giving Dr. Neile the Title of Rochester it should rather be referred to the Parliament holden by prorogation till the last of December Anno 1610. when it was dissolved and then dissolved as appears by the Kings Proclamation for not supplying his necessities and other reasons there expressed whereof this was none Fol. 70. Some conceive that in revengâ— Mr. John Selden soon after set forth his Book of Tithes wherein he Historically proveth that they were payable jure humano and not â—therwise Whether the acting of the Comedy called Ignoramus might move Mr. Selden at the first to take this revenge I enquire not here though it be probable it might that Comedy being acted before King Iames Anno 1614. and this Book coming out about two years after Anno 1616. But here I shall observe in the first place our Authors partiality in telling us that Mr. Selden in that book hath proved Historically that Tithes are payable 〈◊〉 humano and not otherwise whereas indeed he undertook to prove that point but proved it not as will â—ppear to any which have read the Answers set out against him I observe secondly our Authors ignorance in the Book it self telling us within few lines after that the first part of it is a meer Iew of the practice of Tithing amongst the Hebrews the second a Christian and chiefly an English man whereas indeed that part thereof which precedes the manner of Tithing amongst Christians hath as much of the Gentil as of the Iew as much time spent upon examining of the Tithes paid by the Greeks and Romans as was in that amongst the Hebrews Thirdly I must observe the prejudice which he hath put upon the Cause by telling us in the next place that though many Divines undertook the Answer of that Book yet sure it is that never a fiercer storm fell on all Parsonage Barn since the Reformation then what this Treatise raised up And so our Author leaves this matter without more ado telling us of the Churches danger but not acquainting us at all with her deliverance from the present storm neither so violent not so great nor of such continuance as to blow off any one Tile or to blow aside so much as one Load of Corn from any Parsonage barn in England For though this History gave some Countrey Gentlemen occasion and matter of discourse against paying Tithes yet it gave none of them the audaciousness to deny the payment So safe and speedy a course was took to prevent the mischief which since our Author hath not told us as had he plaid the part of a good Historian he was bound to do I will do it for him No sooner was the Churches Patrimony thus called in question but it pleased God to stir up some industrious and learned men to undertake the answering of that History which at the first made so much noise amongst the people Dr. Tillesly Archdeacon of Rochester first appeared in the Lists managing that part of the Controversie which our Author cals a Christian and an English-man relating to old Chartularies and Infeodations The three first Chapters which Dr. Tillesly had omitted concerning the payment of Tithes by the Iews and Gentiles were solidly but very smartly examined and confuted by Mr. Mâ—ntague at that time Fellow of Eaton Colledge and afterwards Lord
and that Nation satisfied by the Kings condescensions to them there might be such an explication made of those general words as to restrain them unto temporal pains and civil penalties by which the censures of the Church might remain as formeâ—ly And fourthly in order thereunto they had procured a Proviso to be entred in the House of Paâ—s That the general words in this Bill should extend only to the High Commission Court and not reach other Ecclesiastical jurisdictions for which consult our Author fol. 181. â—aving thus passed over such matters as concern the Châ—â—ch we will now look upon some few things which relate to the Parliament And the first is that Fol. 174. Dâ— Pocklington and Dr. Bray were the twâ— first that felt the displeasures of it the former for preaching and printing the later for licencing two Books one calâ—â— Sunday no Sabbâ—h the other the Christian Altar No other way to 〈◊〉 the higâ— displeaâ—ures of the Bishop of Lincoln but by â—uch a Sacrifice who therefore is intrusted to gather such Propositions out of those twâ— Books as were to be recanâ—ed by the one and for which the other was to be depriv'd of all his preferments And in this the Bishop serv'd his own turn and the peoples too his own turn first in the great controversie of the Altar in which he was so great a â—â—ickleâ— and in which Pocklington was thought to have provoked him to take that revenge The Peoples turn he serv'd next in the condemning and recanting of some points about the Sabbath though therein he ran cross to his former practice Who had been not long since so far from thoâ—e Sabbatarian rigors which now he would fain be thought to countenance that he caus'd a Comedy to be acted before him at his house at Bugden not only on a Sunday in the afternoon but upon such a Sunday also on which he had publickly given sacred Orders both to Pâ—iests and Deacons And to this Comedy he invited the Earl of Manchester and divers of the neighbouring â—entry though on this turning of the tide he did not only cause these Doctors to be condemned for some Opinions which formerly himself allowed of but mov'd at the Assembly in Ierusalem Chamber that all Books should be publickly burnt which had disputed the Morality of the Lords-day-Sabbath Quo teneam nodo c. as the Poet hath it But whereas our Author tells us in the following words that soon after both the Doctors deceaâ—ed for grief I dare with some confidence tell him there was no such matter Dr. Pocklington living about two years and Dr. Bray above four years after with as great chearfulness and courage as ever formerly How he hath dealt with Dr. Cousen we shall see more at large hereafter in a place by it self the discourse thereof being too long and too full of particulars to come within the compass of an Animadveâ—â—on In the mean time proceed we unto Bishop 〈◊〉 of whom thus as followeth Fol. 182. A Bill was sent up by the Commons against Matthew Wren ofâ—ly â—ly containing 25 Articles c. That such a Bill was â—â—nt up from the House of Commons is undoubtedly true And no less true it is that many impeachments of like nature were hammered at and about the same time against many other Clergy men of good note though inâ—erior Order the Articles whereof were printed and exposed to open sale to their great disparagement And therefore I would fain know the reason why this man should be singled ouâ— amongst all the rest to stand impeached upon Record in our Authors History especially considering that there was nothing done by the Lords in pursuance of it the impeachment dying in a manner assoon as born Was it beâ—â—use he was more criminal then the others were 〈…〉 the 〈◊〉 was better prov'd or for what 〈…〉 Well since our Author will not I will tell you 〈◊〉 And I will tell it in the words of King 〈◊〉 in the Conference at Hampton-Court upon occasion of a 〈…〉 exception taken by Dr. Reynolds at a passage in Ecclesiâ—sticus What trow ye said the King makes these men so aâ—gâ—y with Ecclesâ—â—â—cus By my Sal I think he was a Bishopâ— or else they would never use him so And so much for thaâ— Fol. 174. About this time was the first motion of a new Protestatiâ—n to be taken all over England which some months â—â—ter was generally performed What time this was ouâ— Aâ—thoâ— tells us in the margin pointing to Feb. 4. about which time there was no mention of the Protestation nor occasion for it The first mention which was made of the Pâ—â—testation was upon Munday May the third on which day it was mentioned fram'd and taken by all the Membeâ—s of the House of Commons excepting the Lord George Digby now Earl of Bristol and an Uncle of 〈◊〉 The occasion of it was a Speech made by the King in the House of Peers in favour of the Earl of 〈◊〉 upon the Saturday before which mov'd them to unite themselves by this 〈…〉 bringing to condign punishment all such as â—â—all either by â—orce practice plots councels conspiracies or otherwise do any thiâ—g to the contrary of any thing in the same Prâ—testation contain'd Which Proâ—estation being carried into the 〈◊〉 of Peers was after some few dâ—yes generally taken by that House also But tâ—e prevalent party in the 〈◊〉 of Commons having fâ—â—ther aims then such as our Author pleaseth to take notice of first caâ—s'd 〈◊〉 to be 〈◊〉 by an Order of the fifth of May that they 〈…〉 down to the Sheriffes and Iâ—sâ—ices of Peace in the several Shires to whom the intimaâ—ed that as they 〈◊〉 the taking of it in themselves so they câ—uld not but approve it in all such as should take iâ— But fâ—nding that this did not much edifie with the Countâ—â—◠〈◊〉 they desired the Lords to concur with them 〈…〉 the same Failing thereof by an Order of their own House only Iuly 30. it was declared that the Protâ—station made by them was fit to be taken by every Person that was well affected in Religion and to the good â—f the Common-wealth and therefore what Person â—â—ever 〈◊〉 not takâ— the same was unfit to bear Office in the Church or Common-wealth Which notwithstanâ—ing many refus'd to take it as our Aâ—thor telleth us not knowing bâ—t 〈…〉 use might be made thereof as afteâ—ward 〈◊〉 by those Pikes and Protestations whiâ—h condâ—â—â—ed some of the five Members to the House of Commons Fol. 183 About this time came forth the Lâ—rd Bâ—ook his Book against Bishops accusing them in respect of their Parentage to be de faece populi of the 〈◊〉 of the peâ—ple and in respect of their Studies no way fiâ— for Government or to be Barons in Parliameâ—t A passage mis-beâ—oming no mans pen so much as his 〈…〉 whose Father neither was of a better Extraction then some noâ— better leâ—t as in the way of his subsisâ—ence then any of the Bishops
false But I must needs say that there was small ingenâ—ity in acknowledging a mistake in that wherein they 〈◊〉 not been mistaken or by endeavouring to avoid a reputed Rock to run themselves on a certain Rock even the Rock of scandal For that the English Bishops had their vote in Parliament as a third 〈◊〉 and not in the capacity of temporal Barons will evidently appear by these reasons following For first the Clegy in all other Christian Kingdoms of theâ—e Noâ—thwest pâ—rts make the third Estate that is to say in the German Empire as appears by Thuanus the Historian lib. 2. In France as is affirmed by Paulus Aemilius lib. 9. in Spain as testifieth Bodinus in his De Bepub lib. 3. Foâ— which consult also the General History of Spain as in point of practice lib. 9 10 11 14. In Hâ—ngâ—ry as witnesseth Bonfinius Dec. 2. l. 1. In 〈…〉 by Thuanus also lib. 56. In Denmarkâ— as 〈◊〉 telleth us in Historia 〈…〉 observing antiently the same form and order of Government as was us'd by the Danes The like we finde in Camden for the Realm of Scotland in which antiently the Lords Spiritual viz. Bishops Abbots Priors made the third Estate And certainly it were very strange if the Bishops and other Prelates in the Realm of England being a great and powerful body should move in a lower Sphere in England then they doe elsewhere But secondly not to stand only upon probable inferences we finde first in the History of Titus Livius touching the Reign and Acts of King Henry the fifth that when his Funerals were ended the three Estates of the Realm of England did assemble together and declared his Son King Henry the sixth being an Infant of eight moneths old to be their Soveraign Lord as his Heir and Successor And if the Lords Spiritual did not then make the third Estate I would know who did Secondly the Petition tendred to Richard Duke of Glocester to accept the Crown occurring in the Parliament Rolls runs in the name of the three Estates of the Realm that is to say The Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons thereof Thirdly in the first Parliament of the said Richard lately Crowned King it is said expresly that at the request and by the consent of the three Estates of this Realm that is to say the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons of this Land assembled in this present Parliament and by Authority of the same it be pronounced decreed and declared That our said Soveraign Lord the King was and is the very and undoubted King of this Realm of England c. Fourthly it is acknowledged so in the Statute of 1 Eliz. cap. 3. where the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons in that Parliament assembled being said expresly and in terminis to represent the three Estates of this Realm of England did recognize the Queens Majesty to be their true lawful and undoubted Soveraign Liege Lady and Queen Adde unto these the Testimony of Sir Edward Cooke though a private person who in his Book of the Jurisdiction of Courts published by order of the long Parliament chap. 1. doth expresly say That the Parliament consists of the Head and Body that the Head is the King that the Body are the three Eâ—tates viz. the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons In which words we have not only the opinion and tesâ—imony of that learned Lawyer but the Authority oâ— the long Parliament also though against it self Thoâ—e aged Bishops had been but little studied in their own concernments and betray'd their Rights if any of them did acknowledge any such mistake in châ—llenging to themselves the name and priviledges of the third 〈◊〉 Fol. 196. The Convocation now not sittingâ— and matters of Religion being brought under the cognizance of the Parliament their Wisdoms adjudged it not only convenient but necessary that some prime Clergy men might be consulted with It seems then that the setting up oâ— the new Assembly consisting of certain Lords and Gentlemen and two or more Divineâ— out of every County must be ascrib'd to the not sitting of the Convocation Whereas if that had been the reaâ—on the Convocation should have been first waâ—ned to reassemble with liberty and safe conducts given them to attend that service and freedom to debate such matters as conduced to the Peace of the Church If on those terms they had not met the substituting of the new Assembly might have had some ground though being call'd and nominated as they were by the Hoâ—se of Commons nothing they did could binde the Clergy further then as they were compellable by the power of the sword But the truth is the Convocation was not held fit to be trusted in the present Designs there being no hope that they would 〈…〉 change of the Goverâ—â—ent or to the abrogating of the Liturgy of the Church of England in all which the Divines of their own nomination were presum'd to serve them And so accordingly they did advancing their Presbyteries in the place of Episcopacy their Directory in the room of the Common Prayer Book their Confession to the quality of the Book of Articles all of them so short liv'd of so little continuance that none of them past over their Probationers year Finally having seâ—v'd the turn amus'd the world with doing nothing they made their Exit with far fewer Plaudites then they expected at their entrance In the Recital of whose names our Author craves pardon for omitting the greatest part of them as unknown to him whereas he might have found them all in the Ordinance of the Lords and Commons by which they were called and impowered to be an Assembly Of which pardon he afterwards presumes in case he hath not marshalled them in their Seniority because saith he Fol. 198. It â—avours something of a Prelatical Spirit to be offended about Precedency I â—ee our Author is no Changeling Primus ad extremum similis sibi the very same at last as he was at the first Certainly if it â—avour of a Prelatical Spirit to contend about Precedencies that Spirit by some Pythagorean Metempsychosis hath passed into the bodies of the Presbyterians whose pride had swell'd them in conceit above Kings and Princes Nothing more positive then that of Travers one of our Authors shining Lights for so he cals him Lib. 9. fol. 218. in his Book of Discipline Huic Discipline omnes Principes submittere Fasces suos necesse est as his words there are Nothing more proud and arrogant then that of the Presbyterians in Queen Elizabeths time who used frequently to say That King and Queens must lay down their Scepters and lick up the very dust of the Churrches feet that is their own And this I trow doth not savour so much of a Prelatical as a Papal Spirit Diogenes the Cynick affecting a vain-glorious poverty came into Plato's Chamber and trampled the Bed and other furniture thereof under his feet using these words Calco Platonis fastum
to call it to minde or else if no such Oath was tendred by him as our Author is assur'd there was not that part of the Tragedy might be acted by Mr. Good the other Chaplain without communicating his Instructions to his fellow Visitor And therefore thirdly I would know why Mr. Good was not writ to also that having from him the like Certificate our Author might have had the better grounds for his unbelief before he had pronounc'd so positively against the Author of that Querela Fourthly and finally it is not easie to be thought that the Author of that Book should have vented sâ—ch a manifest falshood especially in a matter so derogatory to all Christian charity and that neither the Earl of Manchester nor either of his two Chaplains or any friend of theirs should in the space of ten years and more endeavour to wipe off such an odious imputation till our Author out of pure zeal to the Paramount power played the Advocate in it But to return again to Oxford one of the first effects which followed on the alteration before remembred though mentioned by our Author in another place was the risling of the Treasury in Magdalen Colledge of which he tells us lib. 9. fol. 234. That a considerable sum of gold being by Dr. Humphry who had been Master of that Colledge left in a Chest not to be opened except some great necessity urged thereunto was lately shar'd between Dr. Wilkinson who then held the place of President by the power of the Visitors and the Fellows there But first our Author is mistaken in Dr. Humphry though he be willing to entitle him whom he calls a moderate Non-conformist to some benefaction The sum there found amounted to above twelve hundred double Pistolets the old Doctor having no fewer then one hundred for his part of the spoil and every Fellow thirty a piece for theirs each Pistolet exchang'd at sixteen shillings six pence and yet the Exchanger got well by the bargain too Too great a sum for Dr. Humphry who had many children and no provident woman to his wife to leave behinde him to the Colledge had he been so minded The money as the Tradition went in that Colledge was left there by the Founder to remedy and repair such â—uines as either the casualty of fire or the ravages of a Civil war might bring upon it to which the nature of the Coin being all French pieces remember that the English at that time were Masters of a great part of France gives a further testimony Secondly I would have our Author observe that those whom he accuseth of this act of Rapine were neither high Royalists nor Covetous Conformists as we know who words it but men agreeable to the times and of the same temper and affections which himself is of the Conformists never being so covetous as to cast an eye towâ—râ—s it nor the high Royalists so ignoble in their greatest extremities as to lay hands on it And thirdly I must needs charge our Author with some partiality in aggravating this fact which indeed cannot be excused with so many circumstances and passing over the like at Cambridge as a thing incredible I cannot believe saith he Hist. Camb. fol. 38. what I have read in the Querela Cantabrigiensis That three or four hundred pounds worth of Timber brought to Clare-hall for the repair of that House was lately taken away that is to say inverted to the use of some private persons whom our Author hath beâ—riended with this incredulity Nay so extremely favourable he is to his friends in Cambridge as to proâ—ess that had he seen it he would nâ—t have believed his own eyes which is the highest point of partiality and most invincible unbelief that I ever met with There remains nothing now to conclude these Animadversions but some passages relating to Archbishop Williams in which I must confess my self not willing to meedle but that I think it is as much against the Rule of distributive Justice to give one man to much as to give another man too little Let us see therefore what he saith of this Prelate and how far he saith truth the whole truth and nothing but the truth And first saith he Fol. 227. He sueth to the Parliament for favour and obtained it whoseâ—General in a manner he becomes in laying siege to the Town and Castle of Abercon-way c. This is the truth but whether it be the whole truth oâ— not I do more then doubt His suing for and obtaining pardon from the Parliament precedeth in the order oâ— time his being their Gâ—neral and thereâ—ore it is not to be thought but that he had done some special service to the Parliament to prepare the way for such a favour Before his commitment to the Tower about the Bishops Protestation he was grown as odious to the Commons as before he had been honoured by them He had liv'd some time with the King at Oxford and is said to have done him good services in Wales and which is most he had a fair temporal Estate able to yeeld some thousands of pounds for Composition in Goldsmiths-hall So that there must be somewhat in it more then ordinary which occasioned that he neither came under Fine nor Ransom as the rest of the Kings Party did But what that was whether he serv'd them with intelligence when he was at Oxford or by inhibiting his Tenants and neighbours to pay their accustomed Taxes to the Kings Forces when he liv'd in Wales I determine not Certain it is that before his redintegration with them he had been in a manner besieged in his House of Penrin by the Lord Byron for the prohibiting of sending in such provisions as had been required and that observing with what carelesness the Kings Souldiers did attend that service he caus'd a sally to be made out of the House and slew many of them Upon the merit of which service and the promise of greater it is no wonder if such Ministers and Sollicitors of his as were imploy'd in that business compounded for him without fine though not without money That which our Author tells us of his being their General seems to have been fore-signified some five or six years before the siege of Conway Castle For I remember that about such time as he was Prisoner in the Tower with the rest of the Bishops his picture was sold commonly in black and white in his Episcopal Roabs with a square Cap on his head a Rest in his hand a Musket on his shoulder and a Bandeleir about his neck For which fancy at that time I could learn no reason though he came up to it at the last But he goes on Ibid. He was very chast in his Conversation And I hope so too notwithstanding the scandalous reports of Weldon the nameless Author aim'd at in the following words in his Pamphlet called the Court of King Iames and some vulgar fames or hear-says too much credited by a late Historian
may affirm of him as the Historian doth of Caiuâ— Câ—â—sar Son of Agrippa and Nephew to the great Augustus viz. Tam varie se gessit ut nec laudaturum magna nec vituperaâ—urum mediocriâ— materia deficiat as my Author hath it And with the same Character accommodated to our Author and this present History I conclude these Notes subjoyning only this old Saying as well for my comfort as defence viz. Truth though it may be blam'd can never be sham'd AN APPENDIX To the fore-going ANIMADVERSIONS CONTAINING THE APOLOGY OF Dr. IOHN COSINS Dean of PETER BVRROVGH In Answer to some Passages in the Church-History of BRITAIN In which He finds himself concerned AN APPENDIX To the fore-going ANIMADVERSIONS c. T IS well known to some in London that the fore-going Animadversions were finished and fitted for the Press before Michaelmas Anno 1657. the reasons why they have lain so long unpublished were these two especially First A Report that the Task was undertaken by a Cambridge man who had more knowledge of the Author whom I had to deale with then I can pretend to and I desired rather that the burthen of it the publick satisfaction to all parties intrusted should be born by any then my self Secondly There was a generall opinion spred abroad in all places to what ends I know not nor much care that the Church Historian was in hand with a Review of the Work before us in which he was resolved to make some fair amends to Truth to correct the errors of his Pen and to make reparation to the injured Clergy and to say truth there was none fitter then himself for that undertaking none fitter to give Plaisters for the broken headâ— then the man that breakâ— them The Poet waâ— right enough in this â—â—m qui mihi vulâ—er◠〈◊〉 Solus Achilleo tollere more potest That is to say None but the man who gave the Wound Achilles like could make it sound But the Reports being thought at last to have somewhat in them of design or artifice to stave off the business I was sollicited with greater importunity to pâ—blish the fore-going Animâ—dversions then I was at firâ—â— to undertake them The Reader notwithstanding will be no looser by this delay For first It gave me leasure and opportunity of bestowing my second thought upon the Animadverâ—â—ons adding here and there some Observations which before were wanting And secondly It brought into my hands the Apâ—logie oâ— Doctor Iohn Cosens Dean of Peterburrough in answer to some passages of our present History directed in the way of a Letter to one Mr. VVarren now deceased with a desire to have them communicated to the Author of some Animadversions upon that History which he was credibly informed by what intelligence I know notâ— to be then in readiness I shall therefore do him so much right as to communicate his Papers to 〈◊〉 publick view First laying down Mr. Fâ—â—â—ers word◠〈◊〉 they lye in his Hiâ—â—ory and then leaving Dr. Cosâ—ns to speak for himself So doing I shall keep my self from engaging upon either â—ide and leave the Reader to judge indifferently between the pâ—rtiâ—â— as h◠〈◊〉 occâ—sion Mr. Fullers Charge on Dr. Cosens Lib 11. fol. 173. DR Cosens soon after was highly accused for Superstition and unjust proceedings against one Mr. Smart on this occasion The Doctor is charged to have set upon the Church of Durham a Mâ—rble Altar with Cherubins which cost two thousand pounds with all the Appurtenances thereof namely a Cope with the Trinity and God the Father in the Figure of an old man another with the Crucifix and Image of Christ with a red Bewd and blew Cap besides he was accused for lighting two hundred Wax Candles about the Altar on Candlâ—maâ— day for forbidding any Psalmes to be sung before or after Sermon though making an Antheme to be sung of the three Kings of Colen by the names of Gasper Balthazar and Melchior and for procuring a consecrated Knife only to cut the Bread at the Communion 35. Mr. Smart a Prebendary of the Church one of grave Aspect and reverend Presence sharply inveighed in a Sermon against these Innovations taking for his Text I hate all those that â—old superâ—â—itioâ—s Vanities but thy Law I love 36. Hereupon he was kâ—pt Prisoner foure Months by the High Commission of York before any Articles were exhibited against him and five Months before any Proctor was allowed him hence was he carried to thâ— High Commission at Lambâ—th and after long trouble remanded to York fined five hundred pounds committed to Prison ordered to recant and for neglect thereof fined again Excommunicated Degraded and Deprived his Damage as brought in amounting to many thousand pounds 37. But now Mr. Rows of the House of Commons bringing up the Charge to the Lords against Dr. Cosens termed Mr. Smart the Protomartyr of England in these latter daies of Persecution and large reparation was allowed to him though he lived not long after to enjoy them Now though none can excuse and defend Dr. Cosens his carriage herein yet this must be reported to his due commendation some yeares after getting over into France he neither joyned with the Church of French Protestants at Charen Town nigh Paris nor kept any Communion with the Papists therein but confined himself to the Church of English Protestants therein where by his pious living constant praying and preaching he reduced some Recusants to and confirmed more Doubters in the Protestant Religion Many were his Encounters with Jesuits and Priests defeating the suspicions of his Foes and exceeding the expectacion of his Friends in the success of such Disputes PARIS April 6. 1658. The Answer of Dr. Cosins to the Charge foregoing Sir I Am glad to hear from you of your safe Arrivall in England and I am to thank both you and other of my Friends that intend to vindicate me from the Injury done no less to Truth then to my self by a passage in Mr. Fullers History which I beleive he inserted there as he doth many things besides upon the false Reports and Informations of other men that were loath to let an old malicious Accusation dye as it might well enough have done if he had not kept it up still alive and recorded it to Posteâ—ity whereof he is so sensible already himself that by his own Letter directed to me more then a year since he offered to make me amends in the next Book he writeâ— but he hath not done it yet Having never been acquainted with him more then by his Books which have many petulant light and indiscreet passages in them I know not how to trust him and therefore if the Authors of the intended Animadversions which you mention will be pleased to do me right you may assure thâ—m there is nothing but Truth in this ensuing Relation Mr. Smart who had been Schoolmaster and after became Prebendery of Durham was an old man of a most froward fierce and unpeaceable Spirit
c. Upon a sâ—ditious Sermon which he preached in that Church where contrary to his duty he had neglected to preach for seven years together before he was first questioned at Durham from whence he was called to the High Commission Court at Lond. and afterwardâ— at his own desire remitted to the same Court at York where being sentenced to recant and refusing so to do with great scorn he was at last upon his obstinacy degraded from his Ecclesiasticall Function and that Sentence was not long after judicially confirmed by Judge Damport at the publick Assises in Durham where he was by publick sentence also at the Common Law put out of his Prebend and his Benefices that he formerly held in that County Many years following he procured a large Maintenance for himself and his Family to the summ of 400 l. per ann more worth to him then his Chuâ—ch-profiâ—s ever were out of the peculiar Contributions at London and elsewhere gathered up for silenced Ministers But when the Parliament began in the year 1640 upon project and hope of getting more he preferred a Bill oâ— Complaint there against thirty severall persons at the least that is against the High Commissioners at London the same Commissioners and Prebends Residentiary at York the Dean and Chapter of Durham with diveâ—s others whereof I was but One though he was pleased to set my Name in the Front of them all From all these together he expected to recover and receive a greater summ of money for Money was his project pretending that he had lost by them no less then thirty thousand pounds though he was never known to be worth one After his Bill of Complaint was carried up by a Gentleman of the House of Commons to the House of Lords among the rest of those persons that were accused by him some for Superstition and some for Persecution I put in my full Answer upon Oath and declared the truth of the whole matter whereof Mr. Fuller taketh not any notice at all and therein dealeth most unfaithfully both with me and the Reader of his History for that Answer of mine is upon Record among the Rolls of Parliament and was justified before the Lords both by my self and by the very Witness that Mr. Smart and his Son-in-law produced there against me whereupon his own Lawyer Mr. Glover openly at the Bar of that honourable House forsook him and told him plainly that he was ashamed of his Complaint and could not in Conscience plead for him any longer Mr. Smart in the mean while crying out aloud and beseeching their Lordships to appoint him another Lawyer and to take care of his fourteen thousand pound damages besides other demands that he had to make which arose to a grâ—ater summ But after this which was the fifth day of pleading between uâ— the Case was heard no more concerning my particular and many of the Lords said openly that â—r Smarâ— had abused the House of Commons with a causâ—â—ess Complaint against me whereupon my Lord the Earl of Warwick was pleased to bring me an Order of â—he Lords House whereby I had liberty granted me to â—eturn unto my places of Charge in the University or â—lsewhere till they sent for me again which they never â—id The Answers that I gave in upon Oath and justified â—efore their Lordships were to this effect all contrary 〈◊〉 Mr. Fullers groundless reports 1. Tâ—at the Communion-Table in the Church of Durâ—am which in the Bill of Complaint and M. Fullers Hist. 〈◊〉 said to be the Marble Altar with Châ—rubins was not 〈◊〉 up by me but by the Dean and Chapter there 〈◊〉 of Mr. Smart himself was one many years beâ—â—re I bâ—came Prâ—â—endary of that Church or ever saw 〈◊〉 Country 2. That by the publick Accountâ— which are there â—â—gistred it did not appear to have cost above the tenth â—â—rt of what is pretended Appurtenanceâ— and all 3. That likewise the Copes used in that Church â—ere brought in thither long before my time and when â—r Smart thâ— Complainant was Prebâ—ndary there who â—â—so allowed his part as I was ready to prove by the 〈◊〉 Book of the money that they cost for they cost â—t little 4. That as I never approved the Picture of the Triâ—y or the Image of God the Father in the Figure of 〈◊〉 old Man or otherwise to be made or placed any â—â—ere at all So I was well assured that there were none â—â—ch nor to my knowledge or hear-say ever had been put upon any Cope that was used there among us One there was that had the Story of the Passion embroidered upon it but the Cope that I used to weare when at any time I attended the Communion-Service was of plain white Sattin only without any Embroidery upon it at all 5. That â—hat the Bill of Complaint called the Image of Christ with a blew Cap and a golden Beard Mr. Fullers History sayes it was red and that it was set upon one of the Copes was nothing else but the top of Bishop Haâ—fields Tomb set up in the Church under a siâ—e-Arch there two hundred years before I was born being a little Portraiture not appearing to be above ten Inches long and hardly discernable to the eye what Figure it is for it stands thirty Foot from the ground 6. That by the locall Statutes of that Church wherunâ—o Mr. Smart was sworn as well as my selfe the Treasurer was to give Order that the provision should every year be made of a sufficient number of Wax-lightâ— for the Service of the Quire during all the Winter time which Statute I observed when I was chosen into that Office and had order from the Dean and Chapter by Capâ—tular Act to do it yet upon the Communion Table they that used to light the Candles the Sacriâ—ts and the Virgers never set more then two fair Candleâ— with a few small Sizes neer to them which they put there of purpose that the people all about might have the better use of them for singing the Psalmes and reading the Lessons out of the Bibles But two hundred was a greater number then they used all the Church over either upon Candlemâ—s Night or any other and that there were no more sometimes many less lighted at that time then at the like Festivalls in Christmas-Holydaies when the people of the City came in greater company to the Church and therefore required a greater store of lights 7. That I never forbad nor any body else that I know the singing of the Meeter Psalms in the Church which I used to sing daily there my self with other company at Morning Prayer But upon Sundaies and Holy-daies in the Quire before the Sermon the Creed was sung and sung plainly for every one to understand as it is appointed in the Communion Book after the Sermon we sung a part of a Psalm or some other Antheme taken out of the Scripture and first signified to the people where they might find it 8. That so far
one of the Daughters of Charls Brandon Duke of Suffolk and of Mary the French Queen King 〈◊〉 Sister Fol. 427. The late French King Henry the fourth had three Daughters the one married to the Duke of Savoy c This Marriage both for the time and person is mistaken also First for the time in making it to precede the match with Spain whereas the cross Marriages with Spain were made in the year 1612. and this with Savoy not trans-acted till the year 1618. Secondly for the Person which he makes to be the eldest Daughter of Henry the fourth and Elizabeth married into Spain to be the second whereas Elizabeth was the eldest Daughter and Christienne married into Savoy the second onely For which consult Iames Howels History of Lewis the 13. fol. 13. 42. Fol. 428. The story was that his Ancestors at Plough â—lew Malton an High-land Rebel and dis-comfited his Train using no other Weapon but his Geer and Tackle But Camden whom I rather credit tells us That this was done in a great fight against the Danes For speaking of the Earls of Arrol he derives the Pedigree from one Hay a man of exceeding strength and excellent courage who together with his Sons in a dangerous Battle of Scots against the Danes at Longcarty caught up an Ox Yoak and so valiantly and fortunately withal what with fighting and what with exhorting re-inforced the Scots at the point to shâ—ink and recoyl that they had the day of the Danes and the King with the States of the Kingdom adscribed the Victory and their own safety to his valor and prowess Ibid. But to boot he sought out a good Heir Gup my Lady Dorothy sole Daughter to the Lord Denny This spoken of Sir Iames Hay afterwards Viscount Doncaster and Earl of Carâ—â—sle who indeed married the Daughter and sole Heir of the L. Denny of Waltham But he is out for all that in his Gup my Lady her name being Honora and not Dorothy as the Author makes it And for his second Wife one of the Daughters of Henry Piercy E. of North-Humberland she was neither a Dorothy nor an Heiâ— And therefore we must look for this Gup my Lady in the House of Huntington that bald Song being made on the Marriage of the Lady Dorothy Hastings Daughter of George Earl of Huntington with a Scotish Gentleman one Sir Iames Steward slain afterward at â—â—â—ington by Sir George Wharton who also perisht by his Sword in a single Combate Fol. 429. Amongst many others that accompanied Hays expedition was Sir Henry Rich Knight of the Bath and Baron of Kensington Knight of the Bath at that time but not Baron of Kensington this Expedition being plac'd by our Author in the year 1616. and Sir Henry Rich not being made Baron of Kensington till the 20 year of King Iames Annâ— 1622. Fol. 434. The chief Iudge thereof is called Lordchief Iustice of the Common Pleas accompanied with three or four Assistants or Associates who are created by Letters Patents from â—he King But Doctor Cowel in his learned and laborious work called The Interpreter hath informed us otherwise This Iustice saith he speaking of the chief Justice of the Kings Bench hath no Patent under the Broad-Seal He is made onely by Writ which is a short one to this effect Regina Iohanni Popham Militi salutem Sciatis quod constituimus 〈◊〉 Iâ—stâ—ciarium nostrum Capitalem ad Placita coram nobis terâ—â—nandum durante bene placito nostro Teste c. For this he citeth Crompton a right learned Lawyer in his Book of the Iurisdiction of Courts And what he saith of that chief Justice the practice of these times and the times preceding hath verified in all the rest Fol. 450. She being afterwards led up and down the Kingâ— Army under oversight as a Prisoner but shewed to the people 〈◊〉 if reconâ—iled to her Son c. Not so for after the deatâ— of the Marquess D'Aucre she retired to Blois where 〈◊〉 liv'd for some years under a restraint till released by the Duâ—â— of Eâ—pâ—rnon and prtly by force pâ—rtly by treaty restorâ— again into power and favor with her Son which she improvâ—â— afterwards to an omne-regenâ—y till Richeleu her great Assistant finding himself able to stand without her and not enduring a Competitor in the Affairs of State mde her leave the Kingdom Fol. 45â— By his first Wife he had bâ—t one Sâ—n risâ—â—g no higher in Honor then Kâ—ight and Baronet Yet afâ—erwâ—â—ds he had preferment to the Govâ—rnment of Ulster Pâ—ovince in Ireland This spoken but mistakingly spoken of Sir George Vâ—lliers Father of the Duke of Buckingham and his eldest son For first Sir George Villiers had two sons by a former Wife that is to say Sir William Villiers Knight and Baronet who preferred the quiet and repose of a Countrey life before that of the Court and Sir Edward Villiers who by a Daughter of Sir Iohn St. Iohn of Lidiard in the County of Wilts was Father of the Lord Viscount Graâ—dâ—son now living And secondly It was not Sir William but Sir Edward Villiers who had a Government in Ireland as being by the Power and Favor of the Duke his halfâ— Brother made Lord President of Mâ—nster not of Vlster which he held till his death And whereas it is said fol. 466. that the Dâ—ke twiâ—teâ— himself and his Issue by inter-marriâ—ges with the best and most â—noble If the Author instead of his Issue had said his â—â—ndred it had been more properly and more truly spoken For the Duke liv'd not to see the Marriage of any one of his châ—ldren though a Contract had passed between his Daughter Mary and the Heir of Pembroke but he had so disposed of hâ—s Female Kindred that there were more Countesses and â—onorable Ladies of his Relations then of any one Family 〈◊〉 the Land Fol. 458. Henry the eighth created Anne Bullen 〈◊〉 of Pembroke before he marryed her The Author here â—â—eaks of the Creation of Noble Women and maketh that of â—nne Bullen to be the first in that kinde whereas indeed it as the second if not the third For Margaret Daughter 〈…〉 Fol. 4â—4 And that Comâ—t at Châ—ists birth was 〈…〉 But first the Star which appeared at the birth of our 〈◊〉 and conducted the wise men to Ierusalem was of condition too â—ubâ—ime and supernatural to be called a Comet and so resolved to be by allâ—learned men who have written of it And secondly had it been a Comet it could not possibly have portended the death of Nero there passing between the bâ—â—th of Chrâ—st and the death of that Tyrant about 〈◊〉 yearâ— too long a time to give unto the influences of thâ— strongest Comet So that although a Comet did presage thâ— death of Nero as is said by Tacitus yet could not that Comet be the 〈◊〉 which the Scriptures speak of Fol. 48â— Ferdinand meets at Franckford with the three 〈◊〉 Menâ—â— Colen and Trevours the other three Silesia Moravia and Luâ—atia
would otherwise have been imputed for a Defect that he was not able or for a Crime as if he thought himself too great to speak to his people and secondly it put the Commons on a â—og of following the Kings example not onely in making long speeches but of printing them also of which more hereafter Ibid. His place being 〈…〉 of King William Rufus where he is to 〈◊〉 totius Regni 〈◊〉 Our 〈◊〉 speaks this of the Speaker of the house 〈…〉 but he speaks without Book the Commons noâ— being called to Parliament in the time of Rusus as all our 〈…〉 agree â—oyntly He that was called 〈◊〉 〈…〉 might be a speaker of the Parliament though not of 〈…〉 in regard hâ— delivered the kings minde to the 〈◊〉 and Peers of that great Counsil and theirs 〈◊〉 to him Which office was commonly performed by the lord Chancellor of the Kingdom who is therefore 〈◊〉 the Speaker of the house of Peers And when the Commons had the Honour to be called to Parliaments they also had their Spâ—akâ— to perform the same Offices betwixâ— the King and them as the Lord Chancellor performed between the King and the Peers who theâ—forâ— was as still he is at the Kings Nomination and appointment admitted rather then elected on that nomination by the house of Commons It was not properly and Originally the Speakers Office to sit still in the Chair and â—earken to those trim Oratioâ—s which the Gentlemen of the House were pleased to entertain the time and themselves with all but to signifie to the people the Command 〈◊〉 thâ— King and to present unto the King the desire of his people It â—s from speaking not from hearing that he takeâ— his name though none have spoken lesse in thaâ— House since the time of King Iames then the Speaker himself as if he were called Speaker by that figure in Rhetorick by which Lucus is said to take its name a non lucenâ—â— Fo◠◠〈…〉 in the Prince Elector to 〈◊〉 〈…〉 Bohemia so no â—ustice in the House of 〈◊〉 to 〈…〉 Palatinate from him Neither so not so 〈…〉 Prince Elector had no coulour to accept of thâ— Kingdom of 〈◊〉 at our Author plainly saies he had not then was iâ— no inâ—ustice in the House of Austâ—â—a to â—ade conquer and detain the 〈◊〉 from him as our Author plainly saies it was In the last of these two propositions the Author shall confute himself and save me the Labour he telling us within few lines after that an 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 Then for the first of the two propositions I must needs tell him that the Prince Elector had not only some colour to accept the Crown of â—â—mia but a fair one too The kingdom of Bohemia according to the fundamental constitutions of it was elective meerly And though the Electoâ—â—used constantly to keep them selves to the royal family except onely in the case of George Pogibrachio yet they reserved a latitude unto themselves of chusing one rather then another many times pretermitting the eldest son of the former King and pitching on a younger brother and sometimes on some other more remote from the Crown But Mathias the Emperor being childlesse adopted Ferdinand of Gâ—ats the next Heir male of the House of Austria for his Son and successor and caused him without any formal election as the Bohemâ—ans did pretend to be Crowned King of that Kingdom and put him into the actual possession of it in his own life time But after his decease the Bohemians rejecting Ferdinand as not lawfully chosen elected Frederick the fift Prince Palatine of the Rhene for their King and Soveraign as lineally deâ—cended from Ladislaus 2. King of Poland and Bohemiâ— from whom the House of Astria also do derive their Claim â—o that his Action was not so precipitae and his ground more justifiable in accepting that Crown then our Author hath been pleased to make it Fol. 163. And had King Iames espoused that quarrel as all generally did expect he would have done he might with far lesse charges have assured the possession of that Crown or at the least have preserved the 〈◊〉 from the hand of Ruin then he did put himself unto by sending Embassadors to excuse the one and mediate the restitution of the other In which last point I grant him to have been for some years deluded not onely by the Emperour but the K. of Spain but that he was deluded by the Spaniards also in the businesse and treaty of the Match I by no means grant and could sufficiently prove the contrary if it had not been already done in the Observations on the former History But our Author hath not yet done with the Spaniard telling us that Ibid The Crown of Spain hath enlarged her bounds these last 60. years more than the Ottoman Not so neither The House of Austria within sixty years from the time that our Author writ this part of the History hath been upon the losing hand the Kingdom of Portugal with all the appendixes thereof being revolted from that Crown as also are the Countries of Catalonia and Rousillon in the Continent of Spain it self the lower Palatinate surrendred to its lawful Prince according to the Treaty at Munster and many of his best Towns if not entire provinces in the Netherlands extorted from him by the French besides the seven united Provinces which within the compasse of that time have made themselves a free state and are now rather confederates with that King then Subjects to him whereas upon the other side the Ottomans within that compasse of time have regained Babylon and all the Countrey there about from the hands of the Persians and conquered a great part of the Isle of Candy from the State of Venice Ibid. The Kings Mercer infected and fled no purple velvet to be had on the suddain and so the colour of his Robes was changed by necessity This passage is brought in out of season as not relating to the Parliament but the Coronation The Author of the former History had told us out of Mr. Prinne that the King upon the day of his Coronation was arraied in white Sattin contrary to the custom of his Predecessors who were clothed in purple which change although the King affected to declare the innocency of his heart or to expresse that Virgin purity wherewith he came unto the marriage betwixt him and his Kingdoms yet our Author would fain have it to be done upon necessity and not upon designe or choice How so Because saies he the Kings Mercer being infected and fled there was no purple velvet to be had on the suddain But first though the Kings Mercer was infected and fled yet there were other Mercers in the City who could have supplied the King with that commodity Secondly at the time of the Coronation the infection had been much abated the Air of London being generally corrected by a very sharp winter and most of the Citizens returned again to their former dwellings amongst
Seas and a Westâ—country Gentleman whose name I call not now to minde of the Western parts Our Author may be good for land service but we have some cause to fear by this experiment that if he should put forth to Sea he would easily fall into Scylla by avoiding Charybdis Fol. 18. This Gentleman was second Son of Thomas Cecil Earl of Exeter c. Our Author speaks this of Sr. Edward Cecil created by King Charles in the first year of his Reign Lord Cecil of Putney and Viscount Wimbleton and by the King made Commander General of his first Fleet against the Spaniards concerning whom he falls into several Errours For first Sr Edward Cecil was not the second but the third son of Thomas Earl of Exeter the second Son being Sr. Richard Cecil of Walkerly in the County of Rutland the Father of that David Cecil who succeeded in the Earldom of Exeter after the death of Earl William eldest Son of Thomas aforesaid Secondly this Sr. Edward Cecil was not of a Colonel made General of the English forces in the unhappy war of the Palatinate He was indeed made General of the English forces in the war of Cleve Anno 1610. the power which his Uncle Sr. Robert Cecil Earl of Salisbury had with King Iames advancing him to that imployment But that he was not General of the English forces in the Palatinate war I am very confident Sr. Horace Vere one of a more noble extraction and a far better Souldier being chief Commander in that service of the English forces Thirdly admitting this for true yet could not the mis-effects of that war be charged on him or any other of the English Commanders the English forces being inconsiderable for their number in reference to those which were raised for that war by the German Princes all of them under the Command of the Marquesse of Oâ—alsback as their Generalissimo to whose either cowardize or infidelity the mis-effects of that war as our Author calls them were imputed commonly And fourthly it was not 27. years since his imployment there when he was called home to be Commander of this fleet there being not above five years from the beginning of the war in the Palatinate and his calling home and not above fifteen from his being made General of the English in the war of Cleveland Fol. 24. Dr. Williams outed of the Seal but kept his Bishoprick of Lincoln and the Deanry of Westminster which indeed he had for his life Our Author is as much out in this as in that before for though the Deanry of Westminster was given at first to Dr. Williams for terme of Life yet when he was made Bishop of Lincoln that Deanry fell again to the King and by the king was regranted to him to be holden in Commendam with that Bishoprick After which being made Arch-Bishop of York in the year 1641. he obtained it in Commendam for three years onely which term expired he was a Sutor to the King at Oxford for a longer term and on denial of that Suit retired into Wales and openly betook himself to the Parliament-party concerning which consult our Author in the latter part of his History Nor did he only keep the Bishoprick of Lincoln and the Deanry of Westminster but also a Residenciaries place in the Church of Lincoln the Prebend of Asgarve and Parsonage of Walgrove so that he was a whole Diocesse within himself as bing Parson Prebend Dignitary Dean and Bishop and all five in one Fol. 25. All setled and reposed the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury presented his Majesty to the Lords and Commons East West North and South asking them if they did consent to the Coronation of K. Charles their lawful Soveraign Our Author takes this whole Narrative of the pomp and order of the Kings Coronation out of the Church History of Britain endeavoured and but endeavoured by Mr. Fuller of Walthamâ— and takes it all upon his credit without so much as startling at that dangerous passage which is now before us That Author and this also following him conceive the peoples consent so necessary to the Coronation of the King that it was askt no less then four times by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury before he could proceed any further in that solemnity But if we look into the form used in the Coronation of King Edward the sixth we shall finde it thus viz. That being carried by 〈◊〉 noble Courâ—iers in another Chair unto the four sides of the Stage he was by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury declared unto the People standing round about both by Gods and Mans Laws to be the right and lawful King of England France and Ireland and proclaimed that day to be Crowned Coâ—secrated and Anoiâ—ted unto whom he demanded whether they would obey anâ— serve or not By whom it was again with a loudâ—ery answered God save the King and ever live his Majesty And in the Coronation of King Iames more briefly thus The King is shewed to the people and they are required to make acknowledgement of their Allegiance to his Majesty by the Arch-Bishop which they do by Acclamations Which being so it cannot possibly be supposed that instead of requiring the peoples obedience to the Kings Authority the Arch-Bishop shouâ—d crave their consent to his Coronation as if the Coronation were not strong and valid nor his succession good in Law without their consent But though our Author follow Mr. Fuller in one Error yet he â—orrects him in another though in so doing he require some correction also Master Fuller tells us that the Kings Traâ—â— was held up by the Lord Compton as belonging to the Robes and the Lord Vicount Dorchester lib. 11. fol. 122. Mr. Sanderson knowing that there was no such man then being as a Viscount Dorchester must play the Critick on the Text and instead of Viscount Dorchester gives us Viscount Doncaster whom he makes Master of the Wardrobe and both true alike fol. â— 5. The Master of the Wardrobe at that time was the Earl of Dâ—â—bâ—gh and the Lord Viscount Doncaster now Earl of Carstile was then too yong to perform any Service in this solemnity which had he done Mr. Fuller who hath some dependence on him would not have robb'd him of the honor of performing that service which none but persons of place and merit could pretend unto Fol. 25. The Sermon being done the Arch-Bishop invested in a rich Cope goeâ—h to the King kneeling upon Cushions at the Communion Table and asks his willingness to take the Oath usually taken by his Predecessors c. The form and maner of w h Oath as having afforded much matter of discourse in these latter times I will first subjoyn and afterwards observe what descants have been made upon it The form and maner of the Oath as followeth Sir says the Arch-Bishop will you grant and keep and by your Oath confirm to the People of England the Laws and Customs to them granted by the Kings of England your Lawful and
Commons in matters Doctrinally delivered without the least diminution of the Kings Authority in Ecclesiastical Causes there is nothing of the Presbyter or the Papist to be charged upon him as the Historian to create him the greater odium would fain have it to be Fol. 115. But how suddenly the Commons House 〈◊〉 upon the Lorâ—s liberties excluding the words the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in the very grant of the Bill of Subsidies c. And to say truth the Lords were but serv'd in their own kinde who having so unworthily joyn'd with the Commons in devesting the King from whom they deriv'd all their Honors of his just Prerogatives are now assaulted by those Commons and in danger of losing their own Rights which by the favor of the King or his Predecessors were conferr'd upon them which might have given them a sufficient warning but that there was a Spirit of Inâ—atuation over all the Land not to joyn with them any more in the like Designs against the King whose Authority could not be diminisht without the lessening of their own nor any Plot carried on toward his Destruction by which they would not be reduc'd to the same condition with the rest of the People But Quos Iupiter vult perdere dementat prâ—us so it prov'd with them Fol. 123. His body brought to York House and after sumptuously intombed at Westminster in St. Edwards Chappel The Church of Westminster was indeed founded by King 〈◊〉 the Confessour whom they called sometimes by the name of St. Edward the King 〈◊〉 that part of it that lies betwen the crosse Isle and the Chappel of King Henry 〈…〉 best known by the name of the Chappel of 〈◊〉 by reason of the many Kings and Queens which are there 〈◊〉 In a side Isle or inclosure whereof the Dukes body was Sumptuously interred with this glorious Epitaph which in honour of his invincible fidelity to his gracious Masters for I am otherwise a meer stranger to all his Selatious I shall here Subjoyn P. M. S. Vanae multitudinis improperium hic jacet Cujus tamen Hispania Prudentiam Gallia Fortitudinem Belgia Industriam Tota Europa mirata est Magnanimitatem Quem Daniae Sweciae Reges integerrimum Germaniae Transilvaniae Nassautiae Princip Ingenuum Veneta Reipublica Philobasileia Sahaudiae Lotharingiae Duces Politicum Palatinus Comes Fidelem Imperator Pacificum Turca Christianum Papa Protestantem Experti sunt Quem Anglia Archithalassum Cantabrigia Cancellarium Buckinghamia Ducem habuit Verùm siste viator quid ipsa Invidia Sugillare nequâ—t audi Hic est ille Calamitosae virtutis Buckinghamius Maritus redamatus Pater amaâ—s Filius obsequens Frater amicissimus Affinis Beneficus Amicus perpetuus Dominus Benignus Optimus omnium servus Quem Reges adamarunt optimates honorarunt Ecclesia deflevit Vulgus Oderunt Quem Iacobus Carolus Regum perspicacissimi intimum habuerunt A quibus Honoribus auctus negotiis onustus Fato succubuit Antequam par animo periculum invenit Quid jam Peregrine Aenigma mundi moritur Omnia fuit nec quidquam habuit Patriae parens hostis audiit Deliciae idem querela Parliamenti Quidum Papistis bellum infert insimulatur Papista Dum Protestantium partibus consulit Occiditur à Protestante Tesseram specta rerum humanarum At non est quòd serio triumphet malitia Interimere potuit laedere non potuit Scilicet has preces fundens expiravit Tuo ego sanguine potiar mi Iesu dum mali pascuntur meo Fol. 127. But the Religious Commons must reform Gods causâ— before the Kings nor would they be prescribed their Consultations but resolved to remit the Bill of Tunnage and Poundage at pleasure This is another new incroachment of the House of Commons that is to say the poasting off of the Kings businesse and the publick concernments of the State till they had either lessened his prerogative weakned the Authority of the Church or advanced the interest of the people Which resolution of not being prescribed their Consâ—ltations became at last so fixt amongst them that when the King had frequently recommended to them his Message of the 20. of Ianuary Anno 1641. So necessary for the setling of the peace of the Kingdome they returned answer at the last that it was an infringing of their Priviledges to be pâ—est with any such Directions Fol. 128. And King Iames commended them over to the Synod of Dort and there asserted by suffrage of those Doctors and were afterwards commended to the Convocation in Ireland Our Authour takes this Errour from the former Historian but takes no notice of the correction of it by the Observator though it â—ppears by his citation in the margin that he had consulted with those Observations in this very point And therefore I must let him know since otherwise he will not take notice of it that this is a strange Hysteron Proteron setting the Cart before the Horse as we use to phrase it The Convocation in Ireland by which the Articles of Lambeth were incorporated into the Articles of that Church was holden in the Year 1615. the Synod of Dort not held till three years after anno 1618. and therefore not to Dâ—rt first and to Ireland afterwards The like mistake in point of time we finde in our Authour fol. 134. where speaking of that wilde distemper which hapned in the House of Commons on the dissolving of the Parliament Anno 1628. he telleth us That the effects of those Malignities flew over Seas and infected the French Parliaments about this time where that King discontinued the Assemblies of the three Estates upon farre lesse Provocations Whereas he lets us know from the Observator within few lines after that those Assemblies of the three Estates in Francâ— were discontinued by King Lewis thâ— 13. and a new form of Assembly instituted in the place thereof Anno 1614. So that the malignity of those distempers which happened in the Parliament of England Anno 1628. could not about that time passe over the Seas and infect the French Parliaments which had been discontinued and dissolved 14. years before Fol. 133. This was ratiâ—ied by the Contract of this Nation which the Conquerour upon his admittance had declared and confirmed in the Laws which he published Our Author speaks this of an hereditary Freedom which is supposed to have been in the English Nation from paying any Tax or Tallage to the King but by Act of Parliament And I would fain learn so much of him as to direct me to some creditable Authour in which I may finde this pretended contract between the Norman Conquerour and the English Subject and in what Book of Statutes I may finde these Laws which were publisht by him to that purpose The Norman Conquerour knew his own strength too well to reign precariò to ground his Title on his admittance by the people or to make any such contract with them by which he might more easily win them
to that admittance He won the Kingdome by his sword and by that he kept It. 'T is true that the people did petition him for a Restitution of the Laws of Edward the Conâ—essor in which such an immunity from extraordinary Taxes might be granted to them But I cannot finde that either he or William Rufus who succeeded did ever part with so much of their powet as not to raise money on the Subject for their own occasions whensoever they pleased And it is true also that both King Hen. 1. and K. Steven who came to the Crown by unjust or disputable Titles did flatter the people when they first entred on the Throne with an hope of restoring the said Laws but I cannot finde that ever they were so good as their words nay I finde the contrary The first of our Kings which gave any life to those old Laws was King Hen. 2. the first granter of the Magna Charta which notwithstanding he kept not so exactly as to make it of any strength and consequence to binde his Heirs But the Commons having once tasted the sweetnesse of it and with the Lords in a long war against King Iohn from whom they extorted it by strong hand and had it confirmed unto them at a place called Running Mead near Stanes Anno 1215. Confirmed afterward in more peaceable times by King Hâ—n 3. in the Ninth year of hiâ— Reign But so that he and his Successors made bold with the Subject notwithstanding in these money matters till the Statute de Tallagio non concedendo was past by Edward of Carnarvon eldest Son to King Edward the third at such time as his Father was beyond the Seas in the war of Flanders which being disâ—llowed by the King at his coming home seems to have been taken off the File to the intent it might not passe for a Law for the time to come nor is it to be found now in the Records of the Tower amongst the Laws of that Kings time as are all the rest But from the generall position touching the hereditary freedom of the Eâ—glish subject from Taxes and Tallage not granted and confirmed by Parliament our Authour passeth to such Râ—tes and Impositions as are laid on Merchandize of which he telleth us that Ibid. Moâ—â—ly these upon Merchandise were taken by Parliament six â—r twelve per pound fâ—r time and years as they saw cause for defence of the Sea and afterwards they were granted to the King for life and so continued for divers descents Our Authour had before told us that the Merchant in â—ormer times usually gavâ— consent to such taxes but limited to a time tâ— the ratification of the next following Parliament to be cancelled â—r confirmed By which it seems that the Kings hands were so tied up that without the consent of the Merchant or Authority of the Parliament he could impose no tax upon â—ny Merchandise either exported or imported But cerâ—ainly whatever our Authour saies to the contrary the King might impose rates and taxes upon either by his sole prerogative not troubling the Parliâ—ment in it nor asking the leave of the Merchant whom it most concerned Which Taxes being accustomably paid had the name of Customes as the Officers which received them had the name of Customers Concerning which we finde no old Statute or Act of Parliament which did enable the King to receive them though some there be by which the King did binde himself to a lesser rate then formerly had been laid upon some commodities as appears by the Statute of the 14. of King Edward 3. where it is said that neither we nor our Heirs shall demand assesse nor take nor suffer to be taken more custome for a Sack of Wool of any English man but half a mark only And upon the Woolfels and Lether the old Custome And the Sack ought to contain 26. stone and every stone 14. pound By which it seems that there had been both Customes and old Customes too which the Kings of England had formerly imposed on those commodities now by the goodnesse of this King abated to a lesser summe and deduced to a certainty The like Customes the Kings of England also had upon forreign Commodities 〈◊〉 namely upon that of wine each Tun of Wine which lay before the Mast and behinde the Mast bâ—ing duâ— unto the King by Câ—stome receiv'd accordingly sic de câ—teris But being these old Customes were found insufficient in the times of open hostility betwixt uâ— and France both to mâ—intain the Kings Port and to enable him to guard the Seas and secure his Merchants a Subsidie of Tâ—nnage and Poundage impos'd at a certain rate on all sorts of Merchandize was granted â—â—rst by Act of Parliament to King Hen. 6. and afterward to King Edw. 4. in the 12. Year of his Reign and finally to all the Kings successively for term of life Never denied to any of them till the Coâ—mons begâ—n to think of lessening the Authority Royall in the first Yâ—ar of King Charles whom they had engaged in a War with the King of Spain and meâ—nâ—â—o make use of the advantage by holding him to hard meats till they had brought him to a necessity of yeelding to any thing which they pleased to ask For in the first Pâ—rliament of his Reign they past the Bill â—or one Year only which for that cause was rejected in the House of Lords In the 〈◊〉 Parliament they were too busie with the Duke to do any thing in it And in the first Session of the third theâ— drew up a Remonstrance against it as if the King by passâ—â—g 〈◊〉 Petition of Right had parted with his Interest in that Imposition Nor staid they there but in the â—umultuous end of the next Session they thundred out their Aâ—athema'sâ—ot â—ot only against such of the Kings Ministers as should act any thing in the levying of his Subsidie of Tunnage and Poundage but against all such as voluntarily should yield or pay thâ— same not being granted by Parliament as betrayers of the Liberties of England and enemies to this Common-wealth And though the King received it but not without some losse and difficulty from the first year of his Reign to the sixteenth current yet then the Commons being backt with a Scottish Army resolved that he should hold it not longer but as a Tenant at will and that but from three Moneths to three Moneths neither And then they past it with this clogge ' which the King as his case then stood knew not how to shake off viz. that it must be declared and enacted by the Kings Authority â—nd by the Authority of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament Thâ—t it is and hath been the ancient Right of the Subjects of this Realm that no Subsidy Custome Impost or other charge whatsoever ought or may be laid or imposed upon any Merchandise exported or imported by Subjects Denizenâ— or Aliens without common consent in Parliament As for the Imposition raised on
Câ—rrans by Queen Elizabeth it was done as our Authour tels us to cry quits with the Venetians who had rais'd the Customes of our Clâ—th And this was done saith he without regret or complaint the generall prosperity of the Reign overshadowing and her power commanding fol. 133. Here then we have an Imposition raised upon some Commodities by the sole will anâ— power of the Queen not only without Act of Parliament but without any regret or complaint of the Merchants as our Authour tels us And in the first he tels us true but not so in the last For the Merchants having fee'd some Members of the House of Commons to befriend them in it it was moved that some course might be taken by the House to ease the Merchants in thâ—t Point When presently M. Secretary Cecil addressing himself unto the Speaker desired that that businesse might proceed no further affirming that it was a Noli me tangere part of the Queens prerogative Royall and therefore not to be disputed within those wals adding wâ—â—hal that if 〈◊〉 proceeded any further he must as he was in duty bound acquaint her Majesty with the matter of whose displeasure they would quickly finde themselves to be very sensible And so the businesse stopt for that time though it broke out afterwards but little to the benefit of the Merchant as in fine it proved It seems by this story that the Commons challenged no such priviledge in Queen Elizabeths time as they did afterwards in the time of King Charles that is to say that neither the King nor Queen was to take notice of any thing which was said or done within those Walls until it was communicated to them by the consent of the House For whereas the King in a Speech made to both Houses on the 14 of December 1641. took notice of some dispute which had been raised in that House about the Kings power in pressing Soldiers for his Wars the Commons voted this for a breach of Priviledge and gain'd so far upon the Lords that they joyn'd together in this Declaration to his Maâ—esty viz. That amongst other priviledges of Parliament it was their ancient and undoubted right that his Majâ—sty ought not to take notice of any matter in Agitation and debate in either House of Parliament but by their Information and Agreement But yet as ancient as it was the yongest man present had seen the beginning and as undoubted as it was the oldest man there sitting liv'd to see the end of it And so much for that Fol. 136. But they were all ten committed to several Prisons and on the first of May Attorney-General Noy sent Process out against them to appear in the Star-Chamber and answer his Information there Our Author speaks this of those ten persons who had been guilty of that most unparallel'd Ryot which was committed in the House of Commons at the dissolving of the last Parliament at what time Mr. Noy was not Attorney-General nor in three years after and therefore could not send out Process or make any Infoâ—mation against them as is here affirmed The Attorney-General was at that time Sir Robert Heath who not long after entred the like Information against the Earls of Bedford Somerset and Clare Sir Robert Cotton Master Selden Mr. St. Iohn for dispersing a Manuscript containing sundry projects for raising money on the Subject without the help of Parliaments as if it had been some Design of the King or his Councel to enslave the Nation Concerning which our present Author tells us one thing and an absent Author tells us another That which our present Author tells us is That Fol. 140. It was contrived at Florence by Sir Robert Dudley who descended from the Dudlies Earls of Warwick and so he stiled himself That this Book of projects was contrived by Sir Robert Dudley I am well assured and I am well assured also that he neither descended from the Dudlies Earls of Warwick nor ever call'd himself by that Title There were but three that held the Titles of Warwick viz. Iohn the first Baron of that House created Earl of Warwick and Duke of Northumberland by K. Edward the sixth Secondly Iohn his eldest surviving Son commonly called Earl of Warwick as the custom is after his Father was made Duke who dyed without Issue And thirdly Ambrose the fourth Son of the first Ioâ—n created Earl of Warwick by Queen Elizabeth Anno 1552. who deceased without Issue also so that there was but one Dudley Earl of Warwick from whom this Robert could descend and from him he did as being the base or natural Son of Robert Dudley Earl of Leicester the fifth Son of the said Iohn Dudly Earl of Warwick and Duke of Northumberland Secondly This Sir Robert Dudley who contriv'd the Manuscript did not stile himself by the name of Earl of Warwick that being too low a title to content his Ambition For looking on himself as the onely remaining branch of this House of the Dudlies he took upon himself the Stile of Duke of Northumberland and was commonly called so by all sorts of People in the State of Florence But to proceed our Author tells us of this Manuscript of Sir Robert Dudlies That Ibid. It was a Rhapsody of several proâ—ects for increase of the Kings Revenue and somewhat in prejudice of proceedings in Parliament sundry copies whereof were dispersed c. And so disperst that there were few or none who were inquisitive into matters which conâ—erned the publick that got not â— Copy of thâ—se Paperâ— Which being found in the Study of the Earl of Strafford as it might have been in thousâ—nds more gave an occasion to E. H. an obscure fellow compos'd of Ignorance and malice to publish it in Print with this following Title viz. Straffords Plâ—t discovered and thâ— Parliament vindicated in their Iustice executed upon him by the late discovery of certain Propositions delivered to his Majesty by the Earl of Strafford a little before his tryal with this Inscription Propositions for the bridling of Parliaments and for the increasing of his Majesties Revenue much mâ—re then before c. And so much for the harmless Errors of my present and the malicious falshood of my absent Author Amongst which harmless Errors of my present but not to be excused in any Author I reckon his naming of King Charls to be the Uncle of Frederick Prince Elector Palatine fol. 143. and within few lines after his Brother-in-law as indeed he was his making â—alcedon to be a City in Greece fol. 151. whereas it was a City of Bithynia in Asia minor on the other side of the Sea But leaving these I proceed to matters of more moment and of greater conseqâ—ence Fol. 148. And therefore draws a Pedigree of his right and title from King James the first c. Our Author speaks this of the Pedigree by which the Marquess of Hamilton pretended a Right and Title to the Crown of Scotland a Title which had so many flaws that
if all the Issue of King Iames the sixth were utterly extinguisheâ— coâ—ld not serve the turn For first the Lady Katherine Stuart Daughter to Iames the second from whom and not immediately from Iames the first he must fetch his pedigree was first Marryed to Robert Lord Boide Earl of Arran from whom being forcibly taken by her brother King Iames the third and marryed in her said Husbands life time Sir Iames Hamilton the especial favorite of that Kiâ—g she carryed with her for her Dower the Earldom of Arran The Children born of this Adulterous bed could pretend no Title to that Crown if all the Issue of Iames the first second and third should have chanc'd to fail And yet there was another flaw as great as this For Iames the Grand childe of this Iames having first marryed a Wife of one of the Noble Houses of Scotland and afterwards considering that Cardinall Betâ—n Arch-Bishop of St. Andâ—ews was the only man who managed the affairs of that Kingdome put her away and married a Neece or Kinswoman of the Cardinals his first Wife still living by whom he was the Father of Iohn the first Marquesse of Hamilton whose Grandchilde Iames by vertue of this goodly Pedigree pretended to the Crown of Scotland Fol. 149. M. Rogers in his Preface to the 39. Articles saith That since the suppression of Pâ—ritâ—ns by the Arch-Bishops Parker Grindal and Whitgift none will seems to be such That Archbishop Grindal was a suppressor of the Puritan Faction is strange to me and so I think it is to any who are verst in the actions of those times it being the generall opinion of our Historians that he fell into the Queens displeasure for being a chief Patron and promoter of it Certain it is that he wrote a large Letter to the Queen in defence of their prophesyings then which there could be nothing more dangerous to Church and State Nor does M. Rogers in his Preface to the 39. Articles tell us that he had any hand in the suppression of the Puritans it being affirmed by him on the contrary that they continued multiplying their number and growing strong even head-strong in bâ—ldnesse and schism till the dying day of this most Reverend Archbishop Fol. 151. But wâ—y to a forreign Title and not at as easie a rate to English as in Ireland he had tâ— all Sees there Our Authour makes a Quaery Why the Bishop appointed by the Pope to govern his party here in England should rather take his Title from Chalcedon in Greece then from any one of the Episcopal Sees in this Kingdom as well as they do in that of Ireland In answer whereunto though he gives us a very satisfactory reason yet I shall adde something thereunto which perhaps may not be unworthy of the Readers knowledge And him I would have know that at such time as Prince â—â—arles was in Spain and the Dispensation passed in the Court of Rome it was concluded in the Conclave that some Bishops should be sent into England by the Name of the Bishops of Salisbury Glocester Chester Durham sic de caeteris the better to manage and improve their encreasing hopes Intelligence whereof being given unto the Iesuites here in England who feared nothing more then such a thing one of them who formerly had free accesse to the Lord Keeper Williams acquaints him with this mighty secret assuring him that he did it for no other reason but because he knew what a great exasperation it would give the King and consequently how much it must incense him against the Catholicks Away with this Intelligence goes the Lord Keeper to the King who took fire thereat as well as he and though it was somewhat late at night commanded him to go to the Spanish Embassadour and to require him to send unto the King his Master to take some course that those proceedings might be stopt in the Court of Rome or otherwise that the Trâ—aty of the Match should advance no further The Lord Keeper findes the Embassadour ready to send away his packets who upon hearing of the News commanded his Carrier to stay till he had represented the whole businesse in a Letter to the King his Master On the receiving of which Letter the King imparts the whole businesse to the Popes Nuncio in his Court who presently sends hiâ— dispatches to the Pope acquainting him with the great inconveniences and unavoidable dangers of this new designe which being stopt by this devise and the Treaty of the Match ending in a Rupture not long after the same Jesuite came again to the Lord Keepers Lodging and in a fair and facetious manner thanked him most humbly for the good office he had done for that Society for brâ—aking the bearing off which blow all the friends they bad in Rome could finde no Buckler which Story as I heard from his Lordships own mouth with no small contentment so seemed he to be very well pleased with the handsomenesse of the trick which was put upon him Fol. 162. The German war made by Gustavus a pretension and but a pretension for liberty to the oppressed Princes Which Proposition as it stands is both true and false with reference to the beginning progresse and successe of his war For when he first undertook the conduct of it on the sollicitation of the Kings of England France and Denmark and many of the afflicted and disinherited Princes he cannot be supposed to entertain any other thoughts then to restore the Princes and free Cities to their former Rights for doing whereof his Army was defraid by the joynt charges and expence of the Confederates In order whereunto he caused the Inhabitants of all the Towns and Provinces which he had forced from the Emperours Forces before the overthrow of Tilly at the valley of Lipsick to take an Oath to be true unto the Liberty and Empire of Germany And hitherto his intents were reall not pretentionall only But after that great victory and the reducing of all Franconia and the lower Palatinate under his absolute command though he continued his pretensions yet he changed his purpose swearing the people of all degrees and ranks which submitted to him to be true from thenceforth to the King and Crown of Sweden This as it first discovered his ambition of the first designe which brought him over so was it noted that his affairs never prospered after receiving first a check from Wallenstein at the Siege of Noremberg and not long after his deaths wound and the battel of Lutzen Fol. 174. And now they revive the Sabbatarian controversie which was begun five years since Bradburn on the Sabbath day and directed to the King In this Discourse about the Sabbatarian Quarrels our Authour hath mistook himself in several particulars The businesse first is not rightly limn'd the coming out of Bradburns Book being plac'd by him in the year 1628. whereas it was not publisht until five years after But being publisht at that time and directed to the
King as our Authour words is it gave the King occasion to consider of the generall tendency of the Puritan doctrine in this point unto downright Iudâ—â—sme and thereupon to quicken the reviving of his Fathers Declaration about Lawfull sports in which the signification of his pleasure beareth date the 18. of October in the 9. year of his Reign Anno 1633. A remedy which had been prescribed unseasonably to prevent and perhaps too late to cure the disease if Bradburns Book had been publisht six years before as our Authour makes 〈◊〉 Our Authour secondly relating this very businesse of Bradburnes Book or rather of Barbarous Books as he cals them there fol. 196. must either be confest to speak Vngrammatically or else the coming out of these Barbarous Books must be one chief motive for setting out that Declaration by King Iames Anno. 1618. Thirdly This Bradbuâ—u was not made a Convert by the High Commission Couâ—t bâ—t by a private conference with some Learned Divines to which he had submitted himself and which by Gods blessing so far prevailed with him that he became a Converts and freely conformed himself to the Orthodoxall Doctrine of the Church of England both concerning the Sabbath day and likewise concerning the Lords day So Bishop White relates the Story in his Epistle Dedicatory before his Book to the Aâ—ch-Bishop of Canterbury Anno 1635. Fourthly Whereas our Authour tels us fol. 175. That the Declaration was not 〈◊〉 on the Ministers to publish more proper for a Lay-Officer or a Constable I must needs grant that the publishing of this Declaration was not prest on the Minister by any expresse command of the King But then I would fain know withall how the Bishops could take Order that publication thereof be made in all the Parish Churches of their severall Diocesses according to his 〈◊〉 will and pleasure but by the mouth of the Ministers The Constable and other Lay-Officers whom our Authour thinks more proper for that Employment were not under the Bishopâ— command as to that particular and therefore as he â—ad nâ— Authority so he had no reason to require any such duty from them And as for the Church-Wardens which are more liable to the power and command of the Oâ—dinary it happeneth many times especially in Countrey-Villages that they cannot reade and theâ—efore no such publication of the Kings pleasure to be laid on them The Ministers who had takeâ— an Oath oâ— Canonicall Oâ—edience to their severall and respective Bishops must consequently bâ— the fittest men for that Employment implicitly intended though not explicitly named in the Declaration As many mistakes there are concerning the decay and repair of S. Pauls Church in London For first the high Spire was not burnt down by accident of Lightning in the time of Queen Elizâ—beth as our Authour tels us fol. 176. That vulgar Errour hath been confuted long agoe and no such thing as the burning of Pauls Steeple by Lightning hath for these twenty years and more occurred in the Chronologies of our common Almanacks that dreadfull accident not happening by the hand of Hâ—aven but by the negligence of a Plumber who leaving his pan of Coals there when he went to Dinner was the sole occasion of that mischief Secondly The Commission for the Repair of this Church issued in the time of King Charles came not out in the year 1632. where our Authour placeth it but had past the Seal and was published in Print the year before Anno 1631. Thirdly The Reparation of the Church began not at the West end as our Authour tels us fol. 177. the Quire or Eastern part of the Church being fully finisht before the Western part or the main body of the Chuâ—ch had been undertaken Fourthly The little Church called S. Gregories was not willingly taken down to the ground the Parishioners opposing it very strongly and declaring as much unwillingnesse as they could or durst in that particular and fiftly the Lord Mayor for the time then being was not named Sir Robert 〈◊〉 as our Authour makes it but Sir Robert Ducy advanc'd by â—is â—ajesty to the dâ—gree of a Baronet as by the Commission doth appear so many mistakes in so few linâ—â— are not easily met with in any Author but our present Histâ—â—rian But we proceed Fol. 179. â—he Turkâ— hâ—ve Auxiliâ—ry friendâ—hip of the 〈◊〉 Tartar Chrim from whose Ancestors Tamberlain proceeded â— A Proposition strangely mixt of truth and falshood it being most true that the Turks have Auxiliary Forces from the Tartar Chrim and no less false that Tamberlain dâ—â—cended from him All who have written of that great Prince make him the son of Og or Zain-Cham the Cham of Zagathey a Province some thousands of miles distant from the dwellings of the Tartar-Chrim which Og or Zâ—in-Châ—m was the Grand-childe of another Zâ—in-Cham the third great Cham of the Tartars and he the Grand-childe of Cingis the first great Cham who laid the foundation of that mighty and for a time most terrible Empire Whereas the Chrim-Tartar or the Tartar-Chrim as our Authâ—r calls him derives 〈◊〉 from Lochtan-Cham descended from one Bathu or Roydo a great Commander of the Tartars who during the Reign of Hoccata the second great Cham subdued these Countries But this mistake I shall more easily pardon in our Author then another of like nature touching Vladislaus King of Poland of whom he tells us that being the fâ—urth of that name he succeeded his Brother Sigismund in that Kingdom Vladislaus the fâ—â—rth saith he was after the death of his Brother Sigismund by the consent of the States preferred to the â—hroâ—e fol. 182. In which few words there are two things to be corrected For first Vlâ—dislâ—us who succeeded Sigâ—smund was not his Brother but his Son And secondly he succeeded not by the name of Vladislaus the fourth but of Vladâ—slâ—us the sevenâ—h Adde herein his making of Smolensko a Town of Pâ—land ibâ—d which most of our Geograpâ—ers have placed in Râ—ssia A Town whâ—ch sometime by the chance of War or otherwise hâ—th been in possession of the Pole though properly belonging to the great Duke of Muscovy which can no more entitle it to the name of a Polish Town then Calice may be now said to be an English Colony because once a Colony of the English Nor does our Author speâ—k more properly I will not say more understandingly of the Affairs of Ireland then of those of Poland For first He tells us fol. 185. That the Conquest of it was never perfected till its subjection to King Charls whereas there was no other subjection tendred by that People to King Charls then by those of his other two Kingdoms of England and Scotland Secondly Forgetting what he had said before he tells us fol. 186. That Mountâ—oy made an end of that War in the Reign of King James and yet he says not true in that neither â—or the War was ended by Mountjoy at the Battle of Kingsale by which that great Rebel the Earl
of Tirone who had the conduct of that War was forced to submit unto him upon condition of his Pardon which not without great difficulty was obtain'd of the Queen After whose death the Lord Mountâ—oy returned into England brought the said Earl of Tyrone with him and presented him unto King Iames who by this means reaped the fruit of that Victory and setled Ireland upon a better foundation of Peace and Happiness then all the Kings which had Reign'd before him Thirdly There was never any such Lord Deputy of Ireland as Sir William Fitzers mentioned within few lines after Sir William Fitz-Williams was once Deputy there whom I think he means Nor â—ourthly was Sir George Cary whom he brings in by Head and shoulders to be the Governor of Ireland f. 187. ever advanced unto that Honor and our Author being as much mistaken in the name of the Man as of his Office Sir George Cary never had Command in Ireland Sir George Caâ—ew had made by the Queen Lord President of Muâ—ster which place he worthily discharg'd but not the Governor of that Kingdom Fol. 192. The Queen was delivered of her second Son the 13 of October 1633. and not upon the 14 of November 1634. he was 〈◊〉 ten days 〈…〉 James and created Duke of York by Letters Patents c. Our Author here corrects the former Historian for making the Kings second Son to be born on the 14 of 〈◊〉 and deâ—erves himself to be corrected for making him to be created Duke of York by Letters Patents on 〈…〉 day after his Birth For though he was by the King dâ—signed to be Duke of York and that it was commanded that he should be called so accordingly yet was he not created Duke of York by Letters Patents until ten years after and aâ—ove those Letters Patents bearing date at Iâ—nuaryâ—7 â—7 Anno 1643. The like mistake to that which he corrects in the former Historian he falls intâ— himâ—elf fol. 312. wheâ—e he makes Henry Duke of Glocester the Kings yongest Son to be born on the twentieth day 〈◊〉 Iuly Anâ—o 1640. whereas it appears by the Arch Bishops Breviâ—t that he was born on Wednesday the eighth day of that Moneth being the day of the solemn Faâ—t And by this rule we may correct a passâ—ge in the sâ—oâ—t view of this Kings life pag. â—3 wherâ— he is 〈…〉 born on the seventeenth of this Moneth though rightly 〈◊〉 46. on the eighth day of it he is said to be bâ—rn upâ—n the eighth And thus he fails fol. 232. in making Edwâ—rd 〈◊〉 the onely Son of George Duke of Clarence to be Duke of Warwick whom all our Heralds and 〈…〉 Earl of Warwick The like mistake I finde in the name of a Town near unto which a great Battle was fought between the 〈◊〉 and the Swedes The Town near which that Battle was fought being named Norlinghen a City of that part of Svevia which is called North-schwâ—hâ—n misâ—akingly by 〈◊〉 Author called the Battle of Norlington The loss of which Battle drew after it the loss of the Palatinate restored to the Electoral Family but the year before Fol. 209. And that Story of truth that John of Orleans of this Family like a second Judith saved France from the Oppression of Strangers Not now to quarrel the ungrammaticalness of this passage nor the mistake of Iohn of Orleans for Iohane I would fain know by what Authority our Author makes this Iohn orâ— Ioane to be descended of this Illustrious Family of the Dukes of Lorrein Most of the French who have written the Story of her life report her to be a poor mans daughter of Ocolieur a Town in that Dukedom instructed by the Earl of Dunois commonly called the Bastard of Orleans to pretend to some Divine Revelations the better to incourage that dejected Nation and to take upon her the Conduct of the French Armies against the English in which she sped fortunately at the first but in the end was taken Prisoner and burnt at Rouen Nor does the paralel between her and Iudish hold so well as our Author would have it that Lady adventuring into the Tent of Holophernes accompanied onely with her Maid this Damosel Errant never looking on the face of an Enemy but when she was backt by the best Commanders and united Forces of the French that Lady carrying back with her the head of her Enemy which occasioned the total overthrow of all his Aâ—my this Damosâ—l not being able to save her own Head from the power of the Conqueror that Lady dying honorably in the Bed of Peace and this ingloriously in a Ditch Fol. 219. A severe eye had been upon the Roman Catholicks and their numerous râ—sorts c. to the ancient Chappel at Denmark House An ancient Chappel questionless of not much above twenty years continuance when our Author writ this part of his History and then built for the devotions of a small Covent of Capuchins whom the Queen had got leave â—o sâ—ttle there for her personal comfort No Chappell anciently belonging to that House which our Authour cals by the name of Denmark but is more commonly called Somerset House It having been observed of Edward Duke of Somerset the first Founder of it that having pull'd down one Parish Church and three Bishops houses each of which had their several Oratories to make room for that Palace for himself he could not finde in his heart to build a Chappell to it for the Service of God And though some Room was afterward set apart in it for Family-duties and devotions by the name of a Closet yet so uncapable was that Closet of admitting any numerous resort of Catholiques out of other places that it was not able to contain the Queens Domesticks at her first coming hither But perhaps our Authour will hit it better in the affairs of Scotland and therefore passe we on to them where first we finde That He makes Sir Iohn Stewart Earl of Traquair to succeed the Earl of Marr in the Office of Lord Treasurer of Scotland fol. 193. Whereas it is most undoubtedly true and acknowledged by himself in another place that he succeeded in that Office to the Earl of Morton the Earl of Morton being made Captain of the guard in the place of the Earl of Holland and the Earl of Holland made Groom of the Stool upon the death of the Earl of Carlile His making of Sir Iohn Hay of Scotlandâ—o â—o be the Master of the Robes for that Kingdom fol. 237. in stead of Master of the Rolls Clerk-Register they call him there I look on as a mistake of the Printer only though such mistakes condemn our Authour of no small negligence in not reviewing his own work Sheet by Sheet as it came from the Presse and making an Errata to it as all Authours carefull of their credit have been used to do Fol. 230. And because the Earl of Strathern a bold man and had the Kings ear and deservedly too being faithfull and true these
Secondly he bought not the Dutchy of Gelders neither but possest himself of it by a mixt Title of Arms and Contract The first Contract made between Charls the Warlike Duke of Burgundy and Arnold of Egmond Duke of Gelders who in regard of the great Succors which he received from him when deprived and Imprisoned by his own ungracious son passed over his whole Estate to him for a little mony But this alienation being made unprofitable by the death of Charls the intrusion of Adolph the son of Arnold and the succession of Charls the son of Adolph this Emperor reviv'd the claim and prest Duke Charls so hotly on all sides with continual Wars that he was forc'd to yield it to him upon condition that he might enjoy it till his death which was afterwards granted Thirdly if he had any right to the Dukedom of William it accrued not to him by discent as King of Spain but as a â—ief forfeited to the Empire for want of Heirs male in the House of Sforsa which not being acknowledged by the French who pretended from the Heir General of the Galeazzo's he won it by his Sword and so disposed thereof to his Son and Successor King Philip the second and his Heirs by another right then that of Conquest The proceeding of the short Parliament and the surviving Convocation have been so fully spoken of in the Observations on the former History that nothing need be added here But the long Parliament which began in November following will afford us some new matter for these Advertisements not before observ'd And first we finde That Fol. 336. There came out an Order of the Commons House that all Projectors and unlawful Monopolists that have or had â—â—tely any benefit from Monopolies or countenanced or issued out any Warrants in favor of them c. shall be disabled to sit in the House A new piece of Authority which the Commons never exercised before and which they had no right to now but that they knew they were at this time in such a condition as to venture upon any new Incroachment without control For ancientlyâ— and legally the Commons had no power to exclude any of their Members from their place in Parliament either under colour of false elections or any other pretence whatsoever For it appears on good Record in the 28 year of Queen Elizabeth that the Commons in Parliament undertaking the examination of the chusing and returning of Knights of the Shire for the Counâ—y of Norfolk were by the Queen sharply reprehended for it that being as she sent them word a thing improper for them to deal in as belonging onely to the Office and Charge of the Lord Chancellor from whom the Writs issue and aâ—e returned And if they may not exclude their Members under colour of undue Elections and false Returns much less Authority have they to exclude any of them for acting by vertue of the Kings Letters Patents or doing any thing in order to his Majesties Service For if this power were once allowed them they might proceed in the next place to shut out all the Lords of the Privy Councel his Counsel learned in the Laws his Domestick Servants together with all such as hold any Offices by his Grant and Favor because forsooth having dependance on the King they could not be true unto the Interest of the Commonwealth And by this means they might so weed out one another that at the last they would leave none to sit amongst them but such as should be all ingag'd to drive on such projects as were laid before them But whereas our Author tells us in the following words that it was Ordered also That Mr. Speaker should issue out new Warrants for electing other Members in their places he makes the Commons guilty of a greater incroachment then indeed they were All that they did or could pretend to in this case was to give order to the Speaker that intimation might be given to his Majesty of the places vacant and to make humble suit unto him to issue out new Writs for new Elections to those places But the next Incroachment on the Kings Authority was far greater then this and comes next in order Fol. 360. The Bill for the Trienial Parliament having pâ—ssed both Houses was confirmed with the Kings Royal Assent Febr. 16. And then also he past the Bill of Subsidies fol. 361. The Subsidies here mentioned were intended for the relief of the Northern Counties opprest at once with two great Armies who not onely liv'd upon Free Quarter but raised divers sums of money also for their present necessities the one of them an Army of English rais'd by the King to right himself upon the Scots the other being an Army of Scots who invaded the Kingdom under colour of obtaining from the King what they had no right to So that the King was not to have a peny of that Money and yet the Commons would not suffer him to pass the one till he had before hand passed the other which the King for the relief of his poor Subjects was content to do and thereby put the power of calling Parliaments into the hands of Sheriffs and Constables in case he either would not or should not do it at each three years end But the nexâ— incroachment on the Power and Prerogative Royal was worse then this there being a way left for the King to reserve that Power by the timely calling of a Parliament and the dissolving of it too if called within a shorter time then that Act had limited But for the next sore which was his passing of the Bill of Tonnage and Poundage there was no Plaister to be found the King being for'd remember that the Commons had an Army of Scots at their devotion to pass away all his Right unto it before he could obtain it but for three Moneths onely as was said before In which Bill it is to be observ'd that as they depriv'd the King of his Right to Tonnage and Poundage so they began then to strike at the Bishops Rights to their Vote in Parliament For whereas generally in all former Acts the Lords Spiritual and Temporal were distinctly named in this that distinction was left out and the Bill drawn up in the name of the Lordâ— and Commons which being disputed by the Bishops as well fore-seeing what the Commons intended by it was notwithstanding carried for the Commons by the Temporal Lords who thereby made a way for their own exclusion when the Commons were grown as much too strong for them as they were for the Bishops The secular Lords knew well that the Lords Spiritual were to have the precedence and therefore gave them leave to go first out of the House that they themselves might follow after as they ought to do Proceed we next to the business of the Earl of Strafford aâ— whose Tryal our Author tells us That Fol. 376. The Earl of Arundel was made Lord High Steward and the Earl of
Lindsey Lord High Constable â— Our Author borrows this Error as he does some others from the former History and makes it worse by an addition of his own For first The Earl of Lindsey was not made High Constable upon this occasion nor did he act there in that capacityâ—â— He had been made High Constable to decide the difference between the Lord Rey and David Ramsey which being an extraordinary case was likely to be tried by battle But in this case there was no need of any such Officer the Triall being to be made by proofs and Evidences the verdict to be given by the Lords of Parliament and sentence to be pronounced by the Lord High Steward all â— things being to be carried and transacted in due form of Law Secondly The Court being broken up which was before the passing of the Bill of Attainder in the end of April the Office of Lord High Steward expired also with it And therefore when our Authour speaks of a Request which was made unto the King in Parliament that the Earl of Pembroke should be made Lord High Steward in the place of the Earl of Arundel then absent fol. 430. he either speaks of a Request which was never made or else mistakes the Lord Steward of the Kings houshold which place might possibly be desired for the Earl of Pembroke not long before turn'd out of the Office of Lord Chamberlain for the Lord High Steward of the Kingdome And now we are fallen on his mistakes touching these great Officers I shall adde another It being said in our Authours unfigured Sheets that the King having signed the Bill of Attainder sent Sir Dudly Carlton Secretary of State to acquaint him what he had finished An errour too grosse and palpable for our Authour to be guilty of considering his Acquaintances in the Court and relations to it which may perswade me to beleeve that these unfigured Sheets patcht in I know not how between fol. 408. and 409. should be none of his But whether they be his or not certain I am that there was no Secretary at this time but Sir Henry Vane Windebank being then in France and his place not filled with the Lord Falkland till the Christmas after Sir Dudly Carlton Lord Imbercourt and Vicount Dorchester was indeed Secretary for a while but he died upon Ashwednesday in the year 1631. which was more then nine years before the sending of this message and I perswade my self the King did not raise him from the grave as Samuel was once raised at the instance of Saul to go on that unpleasing errand Sir Dudly Carlton whom he means being Brothers son unto the former was at that time one â—f the Clerks of the Councel but never attained unto the place and honour of a principall Secretary Our Authour having brought the businesse of the Earl of Strafford toward a Conclusion diverts upon the Authour of the Observations on the former History to whom he had been so much beholden for many of the most materiall and judicious Notes in the former part of his Book and he chargeth thus Fol. 406. I conceive it convenient in more particular to clear two mistakes of our Authours concerning the Articles of Irâ—land and the death of the Earl of Strafford reflecting upon the late most Reverend Prelate the Archbishop of Armagh Primate of all Ireland whilest he was liuing and worse pursued since his decease somewhat too sharp also upon D. Bernard What Fee or Salary our Authour hath for this undertaking I am noâ— able to determine but if he be not well paid by them I am sure he hath been well paid by another who in his Answer to D. Bernards Book entituled The â—udgement of the late Primate of Ireland Ac. hath fully justified the Observator against all the exceptions which either our Authour or D. Bernard or the Lord Primate himself have made against him in these two points Which being extrinsecall as to the matter of this History shall not be repeated the Reader being desired if he want any further satisfaction to look for it there All I shall here observe is this that our Authour grounds himself in his whole Discourse of that businesse upon somewhat which he had in writing under the hand of the said Lord Primate and more which he hath took verbatim out of the said Book of D. Bernards who being both parties to the Suit ought not to be admitted for Witnesses in their own behalf And yet our Authour having driven the matter to as good a conclusion as he could from such faulty Premises conceives an hope that by the â—ight of those Testimonies he will be of more moderation notwithstanding he hath there shewn much disaffection to the Primate in endeavouring to his utmost to evade divers of those particulars either in giving the worst sense of them or turning them to other ends But as I can sufficiently clear the Observator from bearing any disaffection to the Lord Primates person and the equal Reader may defend him from the imputation of giving the worst sense of any thing which he found in the Pamphlet called The Observator observed or turning it to other ends then was there intended so am I no more satisfied by this tedious nothing touching the Articles of Ireland or the death of the Earl of Strafford as they reflect upon the Archbishop of Armagh then I was before As little am I satisfied with the following passage in the last Folio of the unfigured Sheets viz. That D. Iuxon Bishop of London resigned his Office of Treasurer of England into the hands of five Commissioners more sufficient then he could be Our Authour might have spared these last words of disparagement and diminution and yet have left his Proposition full and perfect But taking them as they come before me I must first tell him that the Lord Bishop of London resigned not his Office of Treasurer into the hands of any Commissioners but only into the hands of the King who not knowing at the present how to dispose of it for his best advantage appointed some Commissioners under the great Seal of England to discharge the same And next I would have him tell me what great sufficiency he found in those Commissioners which was not to be found in the Bishop of London how many of his debts they paid what improvement they made of his Revenue what stock of money they put him into toward the maintaining of the Warre which not long after followed In all which particulars the Bishop of London had very faithfully performed his part though not as to the Warre of England to the great honour of the King and content of the Subject But to look back upon some passages in the businesâ—e of the Earl of Strafford which are not toucht at by the Observator or his alteridâ—m the first we meet with is a very pretty devise of the Bishop of Lincoln to cheat the poor Gentleman of his head by getting a return of the
the Church-Wardens generally in all the Parishes of the Kingdom notwithstanding they were told that the Lords had never given their consent unto it and that it would be safest for them to suspend their proceedings till the Parliament was again assembled But so mighty was the name of Pym that none of them durst refuse Obedience unto his Commands Nor did the Lords ever endeavour to retrench this Order but suffered their Authority and priviledge to be torn from them peece-meal by the House of Commons as formerly in imposing the Protestation of the third of May so now in this great Alteration in the face of the Church Fol. 432. The late Irish Army raised for the Assistance of the Kings Service against the Scots was disbanded and all their armes brought into Dublin This though our Authour reckoneth not amongst the grounds and reasons of the Irish Rebellion yet was it really one of the chief encouragements to it For when the King was prest by the Commons in Parliament for the disbanding of that Army a Suit was made unto him by the Embassadour of Spain that he might have leave to List three or four thousand of them for his Masters Service in the wars The like Suit was made also by the Embassadour of France and the King readily condescended to their severall motions and gave order in it accordingly But the Commons never thinking themselves safe as long as any of that Army had a sword in his hand never left importuning the King whom they had then brought to the condition of denying nothing which they asked till they had made him eat his word and revoke those Orders to his great dishonour Which so exasperated that Army consisting of 10000 Foot and 1500 Horse that it was no hard matter for those who had the managing of the Plot to make sure of them And then considering that the Scots by raising of an Army had gain'd from the King an Abolition of the Episcopall Order the reâ—cinding of his own and his Fathers Acts about the reducing of that Church to some Uniformity with this and setled their Kirk in such a way as best pleased their own humours why might not the Irish Papists hope that by the help of such an Army ready raised to their hands or easily drawn together though disperst at that present they might obtain the like indulgences and grants for their Religion Tantum Religio potuit suadere Malorum as true on the one side as the other Fol. 443. The next Morning the Vpper house sent them down to the House of Commons by the Lord Marshal Privy Seal c. the Lords Goring and Wilmot Our Authour speaks this of the first Letter sent from Ireland touching that Rebellion but is mistaken in the last man whom he makes to be sent down with these Letters The Lord Wilmot at that time was no Peer of England and therefore had no place in the English Parliaments The honour of an English Baron being first conferred on his Son the Lord Henry Wilmot by Letters Patents bearing date 29. of Iune Anno 1643. And as I am sure that the Lord Wilmot was not of that number so I am doubtfull whether the Lord Marshall were or not Our Authour not long before tels us that his Office of Lord High Steward was like to be begg'd from him in regard of his Absence which is to be understood of his absence out of the Realm and if he were then absent out of the Realm he could not now be present in the House of Peers Either not absent then or not present now is a thing past questioning Fol. 462. The King returns from Scotland magnificently â—easted by the City of London But while the Citizens at one end of the Town were at their Hosanna some of the Commons at the other end were as busie at their Crucifige intent on hammering a Remonstrance which they entitled A Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom in which they ript up all the actions which they had complained of in the King and sum'd up all those services which they had done for the common people The whole so framed that it served for a pair of Bellows to blow that fire which afterwards flamed out and consumed the greatest part of the Kingdom In the presenting whereof to the King at his coming from Scotland though the Lords refused to joyn with them in it yet was it presented to the King by some of their Members an Order made for the publishing and dispersing of it and the Lords brought at last to justifie what they had condemned Nor did the Citizens continue long in their good Affections For though they gave him Rost-meat now yet they beat him with the Spit in the Christmas following of which our Authour tels us saying Fol. 471. The loose people of the City and the Mechanick sort of Prentices were encouraged by the Ministers and Lecturers and other Incendiaries in tumultuous manner to come down to Westminster and by the way at Whitehall to be insolent in words and actions And insolent they were indeed both in words and actions some of them crying out as they past by that the King was not fit to live others that the Prince would govern better all of them with one voice that they would have no Porters lodge between them and the King but would come at him when they pleased using some other threatning words as if they meant to break open the Gates But so it happened that some of the Officers of the Kings late Army being come to the Court some of them to receive the Arrears of their pay and others to know the Kings Commands before they returned into the Low Countries to their severall Charges and observing the unsufferable Insolencies of this Rascal Rabble sallied upon them with drawn swords in which scuffle some of that tumultuous Rabble were slightly hurt and others dangerously wounded To these men being profest Souldiers was the Name of Cavaliers first given communicated afterwards to all the Kings party and Adherenâ—s though never in Arms or otherwise appearing for him then in the Loyalty of their Affections Fol. 477. This fell out as many would have it a lâ—â—â—ing case to their confusion How so Because saith he at a conference desired by the Lords with the House of Commons they were told by the Lord Keeper that this Petition and Protestation of the twelve Bishops was extending to the deep intrenching upon the fundamentall priviledges and beings of Parliaments c. Upon which Declaration the Bishops were voted to be guilty of High Treason committed first to the custody of the black rod and from thence to the Tower But first the Authour is to know that the Lord Keeper at that time was not altogether so rectus in Curia as might have been wished and therefore having received that Petition and Protestation from the hands of the King to whom in the first place it was addressed he communicated it privately to such of both
Houses as were like to make the worst use of it and the more to ingratiate himself with the prevalent party he aggravated the supposed offence to the very utmost And the supposed offence was this that the Bishops having been frequently reviled pursued and violently kept from the House of Peers protested by a Writing under their hands That they durst not sit or Vote in the House of Peers untill his Majesty should secure them from all affronts indignities and dangers and therefore that all Laws Orders Votes Resolutions and Determinations should be reputed null and of none effect which in their absence had passed or should passe in the said most Honourable House during the time of their forced and violent absence Which Petition and Protestation being 〈…〉 Records of Parliament was thought to be a good 〈◊〉 of their place and right suffrage in the House of 〈◊〉 â—â—â—withstanding the Subsequent Act of Parliament 〈◊〉 deprived them of it But how that Protestation could amount to Treason in the newest construction of the word was so impossible to be proved that they who 〈◊〉 so voted it having served their turns by the imprisonment of the Bishops for depriving them of their place and vote in Parliament and divesting the King of his power and prerogative in pressing Souldiers for his wars at once released them of the impâ—iâ—onment and accusation under which they suffered Adde hereunto that when the Members of the House of Commons were seized upon and kept in custody by the Officers of the Army under the command of Sir Thomas Fairfax on the sixt and seventh daies of December 1647. they made a Protestation to this effect viz. that all Acts and Ordinances Votes and proceedings of the House of Commons made after the said sixt and seventh of December or after to be made during their restraint and forcible seclusion from the House and the continuance of the Armies force upon it should be no way obligatory but void and null to all â—ntents and purposes whatsoever Which protestation though it toucht the Officers of the Army to the very quick yet had they so much modesty as not to count it for high Treason And when the Members which were left remaining in that House for the present turn had scanned over every particular of that protestation they only ventured so far as to Vote it to be scandalous and seditious as tending to destroy the present visible Government and that all that had a hand in it were unworthy of trust for which consult Mercurius Pragmaticus Numb 38. By which we see that which was counted Treason in the Bishops was not conceived to be such in these Members of the House of Commons No more then farre worse crimes then those which 〈…〉 for Treason in the Earl of Strafford could 〈◊〉 to be Treason in the Case of the Five 〈…〉 Lord of Kimbolton So true is that which Horace 〈…〉 Book De Arte Poetica viz. Coecilio Plautoqâ—e dabit 〈…〉 Virgilio Varioque which cannot be englished more â—â—â—nificantly then by this old Proverb that is to say that 〈◊〉 better steal a Horse then others look on Fol. 478. The City taking hâ—art and hands with the House of Commons summon a Common Councel where they debate their jealousies and fears The constitution of the Common Councell of the City was of great concernment at this time and therefore it behoved the Commons in order to the prosecution of their designe that it should be new moulded most of the old ones laid aside and creatures of their own elected into their places And by their Emissaries and Agents they prevailed so far that on S. Thomas day when the Common-Councell-men were to be chosen for every Ward in stead of those grave sober and substantiall men which before they had they chose a company of factious and indigent persons known only by their disaffections to Monarchical and Episcopal Government And whereas by the ancient custome of the City the Common-Councell-men then elected were not admitted unto Councell till the Munday after Twelfthday when their Elections were returned and enrolled by the Town-Clerk these men well knowing how much the Designe of the Commons did depend upon them would not stay so long And therefore when the King had appointed a Common-Councell to be called on the last day of December for the prevention of such tumults as had happened a few daies before they thrust themselves in amongst the rest The like they did when the King gave a meeting to a Common Councel appointed by him on the fifth of Ianuary wherein he acquainted them with the reason of his proceedings against the five impeached Members desiring that they might not have any retreat or harbour within the City At what time Fowke one of these Common-Councell men as being the Bell-weather to the rest made a sawcy and insolent speech unto the King concerning fears and â—â—â—lousies touching the Members accused the Priviledges of Parliament and that they might not be tried but in a Parliamentary way To which though the King returned a very milde and gracious Answer yet the Rabble being once inflamed by their seditious Orator would not so be satisfied but at his coming out of the Hall and as he past in his Coach thorow the Streets there was nothing ecchoed in his ears but Priviledges of Parliament Priviledges of Parliament By the help and vote of these men also was that Petition framed and delivered to the King on the morrow after which follows immediatly in our Authour And by the help of these men did they extort the Militia of the City out of the hands of the Mayor and Aldermen and put it into the power of inferiour persons such as the Faction in the House of Commons might best confide in And for their Iealousies and Fears which were to be debated in the Common Councell they were of no lesse nature then the blowing up of the Thames to drown the City or the beating it down about their ears by Col. Lunsford from the Tower or the sacking it by the King and the Cavaliers Horrible Gulleries but such as were generally disperst and no lesse generally beleeved by fools women and children Fol. 482. Vpon information of Troops of Horse to be gathered by the Lord Digby and Colonell Lunsford at Kingston where the County Magazine is lodged they order that the Sheriffs of the severall Counties c. shall suppresse all unlawfull Assemblies c. Most true it is that such an order was made by the House of Commons the better to amaze the people and keep them in continuall Fears and Iealousies of the Kings proceedings But nothing is more false then that any Troops of Horse had been rais'd by the Lord Digby or Colonel Lunsford or that they had any such designe as to seize the Magazine at Kingston which they might easily have done had they been so minded before it could have been prevented But the truth is that the King not knowing what the London Tumults might
Ordnance being drawn off and the Works slighted the men were sent away to Glocester And these were the three hundred and fourty Auxiliaries which were sent from the grand Garison of Newport Pagnel the Town being small and consequently not capable of receiving any great number of Souldiers or to give those Souldiers the name of so grand a Garison Fol. 809. About five a Clock in the morning June 13. the King drew off from Burrough Hill towards Harborough and Pomfrait â— He might as well have said that the King drew toward 〈◊〉 and Orkney in the North of Scotland as that he drew â—oward Harborough and Pomfrait both lying Northward from the place of his remove For though it would be thought by any ordinary Reader who is not well studied in the Maps that Harborough and Pomfrait towards which the King is said to remove did lie very near to one another yet Harborough and Pomfrait are at least eighty miles asunder the one a Town of Leicestershire remarkable for a great Fair of Horse and â—attle the other a Town of great Note in Yorkshire renowned for a fair and ancient Castle which being anciently part of the possessions of the Lacies Earls of Lincoln by Marriage and Capitulation descended on the Earls of Lancaster and is now part of that great Dutchy Fol. 811. Naseby the fatall battle to the King and his party â— Fatall indeed whether we look upon the Antecedents or the Consequents of it For if we look on the Antecedents there could be nothing but some unavoidable fatality in it that the King having taken Leicesâ—er and thereby put his affairs into a more hopefull way as he writ to the Queen then thâ—y had been in at any time since the Rebellion should come back to Daventry and there spend eight or ten daies without doing any thing If it be said that he returned back upon the noise that Oxford was besieged by Fairfax his staying so long at Daventry was not the way to raise that siege Nor was the Town in any such danger but that the Ladies wanted fresh Butter for their Pease as to bring him back from the pursuit of his Successes and thereby to give time to Cromwell without whom Fairfax could do little to come with 600 fresh Horse to the rest of the Army And yet being come they had not made so fast after the King as to resolve on â—ighting with him when they did if they had not Intercepted a Letter the night before sent from Col. â—oring to the King in which he signified that he was upon his march towards him desiring his Majesty to keep at a distance and not to engage with the Enemy till he came to him For which intelligence I am beholding to Hugh Peters who in one of his Thanks-giving Sermons hath informed me in it Upon the reading of this Letter it was concluded to fall on with the first opportunity before these new supplies should be added to the rest of the Kings Forces And it was as fatall in the Consequents as it had been in the Antecedents neither the King noâ— his party being able after that time to make any considerable opposition but losing battle after battle and place after place till there was nothing left to lose but their Lives or Liberties Ibid. The Kings Coaches his Cabinet of Letters and Paâ—pers In the loss of his Coaches there was no great matter nor so much in the loss of his Cabinet of Letters and Papers as his Enemies did conceive it was A Cabinet in which were many Letters and Paper most of them written to the Queen but they together with the rest publisht in Print by Order of the Houses of Parliament The Design was to render the King odious in the sight of the People by giving license to the Queen to promise some favors for the Catholick party here in England if she could obtain any succour for him from the Catholicks there But they lost more by it then they got For first They drew a general obloquy on themselves by publishing the secret passages betwixt Man and Wife contrary to the rules of Humanity and common honesty And secondly They gave the People such a representation of the Kings Abilities his Piety Prudence and deep foresight into Affairs as rais'd him to an high degree of Estimation with all sorts of men as Mr. Pryn had done before of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury in printing the Breviat of his Life though intended otherwise An errour which the Houses were soon sensible of and thereupon gave Order that in the publishing of the great Volume of Ordinances c. by Edward Husbands in which were many passages also betwixt them and the King these intercepted Letters should be left out though the Letters in the Lord Digbies Cabinet which was taken at Sherburn were printed there among the rest So wise are men upon the post fact when it is too late Fol. 826. But the same night at the very noise of the Kings coming from Worcester they prepared for flight and the next morning not a Scot to be seen felt or heard of they were all fled The Scots had lain before Hereford from the 30. of Iuly to the first of September and had so well entrencht themselves that there was no fear of being beaten up by the King who since the fatall blow at Naseby had never been the Master of such Forces as to give Battell to the Scots and much lesse to assault them in their Trenches So that the noise of the coming of the Kings Forces from Worcester might be the pretence but it could not be the reall cause of his hasty raising of the Siege Lesly unworthily made Earl of Leven at the Kings being in Scoâ—land An. 1641. had received Letter after Letter out of Scotland touching the successes of Montrosse And now there comes the lamentable News of the taking of Edinburg and consequently the losse of all if he hasted not towards their Relief On the receiving of which Letters he was willing to take the noise of the Kings coming from Worcester with all his Forces for an occasion to be gone and being gone march'd directly Northwards till he came neer enough to Scotland to dispatch David Lesly with all his Horse and without any noise to set upon the Marquesse of Montrosse at the first opportunity By reason of whose sudden coming and coming with no lesse then 6000 Horse the Noble Marquesse by the treachery of the Earls of Roâ—burgh and Traquair who were acquainted with the plot the Marquesse was almost surprized and the greatest part of his Forces routed himself escaping with the rest and making an orderly maâ—ch to the North-parts of Scotland where he continued in some strength till he was commanded by the King to lay down his Commission and disâ—and his Forces I adde here only by the way that the Scoâ—s had pretty well scoured the Countrey who came in but with two thousand Horse and had now raised them to six thousand
ordinary temper And so much was the King startled when he heard of the giving up of that City with the Fort and Castle and that too in so short a time that he posted away a Messenger to the Lords at Oxford to displace Col. Legg a well known Creature of Prince Ruperts from the Government of that City and Garison and to put it into the hands of Sir Thomas Glenham which was accordingly done and done unto the great contentment of all the Kings party except that Prince and his Dependents But Legg was sweetned not long after by being made one of the Grooms of his Majesties Bed-chamber a place of less command but of greater trust Fol. 891. And now the Parliament consider of a Term or Titleâ— to be given to the Commissioners intrusted with their Great Seal and are to be called Conservators of the Common-wealth of England Not so with reference either to the time or the thing it self For first The Commissioners of the Great Seal were never called the Conservators fo the Common-wealth of England And Secondly If they ever had been called so it was not now that is to say when the Kings Seals were broken in the House of Peers which was not long after Midsummer in the year 1646. But the truth is that on the 30 of Ianuary 1648. being the day of the Kings most deplorable death the Commons caused an Act or Order to be printed in which it was declared that from thenceforth in stead of the Kings Name in all Commissions Decrees Processes and Indictments the â—â—tle of Custodes Libertatis Angliae or the Keepers of the Liberties of England as it was afterwards englished when all Legall Instruments were ordered to be made up in the English-Tongue should be alwaies used But who these Keepers of the Liberties were was a thing much questioned some thought the Commissioners for the great Seal were intended by it whom our Authour by a mistake of the Title cals here the Conservators of the Common-wealth others conceiv'd that it related to the Councel of State but neither rightly For the truth is that there were never any such men to whom this Title was appliable in one sense or other it being onely a Second Notion like Genus and Species in the Schools a new devised term of State-craft to express that trust which never was invested in the persons of any men either more or fewer Fol. 892. â—o then the eldest Son and the yongest Daughter are with the Quâ—â—n in France the two Dukes of York and Glocester with the Princess Elizabeth at St. James 's The Prince in the Weâ—t with his Army â— This is more strange then all the rest that the Kings eldest Son should be with his Mother in France and yet that the Prince at the same time should be with his Army in the West of England I always thought till I saw so good Authority to the contrary that the Prince and the Kings eldest Son had been but one person But finding it otherwise resolved I would fain know which of the Kings Sonâ— is the Prince if the eldest be not It cannot be the second or third for they are here called both onely by the name of Dukes and made distinct persons from the Prince And therefore we must needs believe that the Kings eldest Son Christned by the name of Charls-Iames who dyed at Greâ—nwich almost as soon as he was born Anno 1629. was raised up from the dead by some honest French Conjurer to keep company with the yong Princess Henrietta who might converse with hâ—m as a Play-Fellow without any terror as not being able to distinguish him from a Baby of Clouts That he and all that did adhere unto him should be safe in their Persons Honors andâ—â—onsciences in the Scotish Army and that they would really and effectually joyn with him and with such as would come in unto him and joyn with them for his preservation and should employ their Armies and Forces to assist him to his Kingdomâ— in the recovery of his â—ust Rights But on the contrary these jugling and perfidious 〈◊〉 declare in a Letter to their Commissioners at London by them to be communicated to the Houses of Parliament that there had been no Treaty nor apitulation betwixt his Mâ—â—esty and them nor any in their names c. On the receit of which Letters the Houses Order him to be sent to Warwick Castle But Lesâ—ly who had been us'd to buying and selling in the time of his Pedlâ—ry was loth to lose the benefit of so rich a Commodity and thereupon removes him in such post-haste that on the eighth of May we finde him at Southwel and at Newcastle on the tenth places above an hundred Miles distant from one another and he resolv'd before-hand how to dispose of him when he had him there â—o Scotland he never meant to carry him though some hopes were given of it at the first for not onely Lesly himself but the rest of the Covenanters in the Army were loth to admit of any Competitor in the Government of that Kingdom which they had ingrossed whoâ—y to themselves but the 〈◊〉 in an Assembly of theirs declare expresly against his coming to live amongst them as appears fol 〈◊〉 So that there was no other way left to dispose of his person but to â—ell him to the Houses of Parliament though at the first they made 〈◊〉 of it and would be thought to stand upon Terms or Honor The Eaâ—l of Lowdon who lov'd to hear himsâ—lf speak more â—hen â—ny man living in some Speâ—ches made beâ—ore â—he Houses protested strongly against the dâ—livery of their Kings Person into their Power 〈◊〉 what in 〈◊〉 â—â—amy would lie upon them and the whole Nation â—f 〈◊〉 â—hould to 〈◊〉 But this was but a coâ—y of their Countenance onely 〈◊〉 â—â—vice to raise the Marâ—eâ— and make is â—uch money 〈…〉 as they could At last they came to this Agreement that for the sum of Two hundred thousand pounds they should deliver him to such Commissioners as the Houses should Authorize to receive him of them which was done accordingly For Fol. 939. The Commissioners for receiving the Person of the King came to Newcastle Iune 22. c. Not on the 22 of Iune I am sure of that the Commodity to be bought and sold was of greater value and the Scots too cunning to part with it till they had raised the price of it as high as they could The driving of this Bargain took up all the time betwixt the Kings being carried to Newcastle and the middle of the Winter then next following so that the King might be delivered to these Commissioners that is to say from Prison to Prison on the 22 day of Ianuary but of Iune he could not And here it will not be amiss to consider what loss or benefit redounded to those Merchants which traded in the buying and selling of this precious Commodity And first The Scots not long before their breaking out
in the Countrey as well as that at London were confirmed by Ordinance For though the Generall and the Army passed a Declaration upon this Petition on the 22. of Iuly That the Estates of all persons of what rank or condition soever whether râ—all or personall under any Sequestration howsoever or to whomsoever disposed shall remain in the hands of the Tenants Parishioners or any other persons from whom they are legally due until the Generall peace be setled and then to be restored and accounted for to those to whom they shall be justly and legally due yet on their piecing with the Presbyterian Members in the House of Commons they did nothing in it but left the poor Clergy as before if not in a worse condition then they found them Fol. 929. His Funerall Herse remâ—ining in Westminster Abbey Church a spectacle for the people some bold Malignaâ— on the 27. of November at night most â—hamefully handlea his Effigies That is to say by breaking off his head disfiguring the face tearing away his Sword and Spurs and renting down his Arms and Escucheons as it after followeth That such an outrage was committed on the Herse of the Earl of Essâ—x is most notoriously true and that it was committed by some bold Malignant that is to say some person disaffected to that Earl is as true as that But who that bold Malignant was whether of the Royall party or any other who maligned his Estate and Honour our Authour should have done well to have told more clearly and note to have left him under the generall notion of a bold Malignant by which name those of the Kings party were most commonly branded It seems by our Authour that they were no poor knaves who made this deâ—acement conâ—idering they left all behinde them silk and velvet to boot And it is more then probable that the Nobility and Gentry who made up the greatest and most considerable number of the Royal Party were such as had too much sense of Honour to injure and deface the monument of a Noble man whom they had never otherwise beheld then as an honourable Enemy in the course of the Wars The conduct of which war when he first undertook for the Houses of Parliament they published a Resolution in a Declaration of theirs August 4. 1642. that they would live and die with him in pursuit of that quarrell But afterâ—aâ—ds finding that he did not prosecute the war with so much â—â—â—ernesse and passion as by some desired he was not only â—â—â—posed to the publick scorn by scandalous jeers Pictures â—nd Pamphlets while he was in the head of his command â—ut finally divested of all that power which he had in the Army and reduc'd to the Estate of a private person And whether some of those who had so reproachfully treated him when he was alive might not commit this outrage on his Essigies when he was deceased I leave to be considered by â—he equall and impartial Reader â—ol 1056. M. Palmer made D. of Physick at Oxford The making of new Doctors was one of the first works of the â—arl of Pembroke at his Visitation of the University of Oxford that so they might enter on their intended Headships with the greater honour But Palmer the designed Warden â—or All soulâ— was not at that time to be made a Doctor He 〈◊〉 taken that Degree before in Cambridge and by the name 〈◊〉 Pâ—lmer I finde him in a Reference from the Commitâ—â—â—â— of Plundred Ministers to settle a difference betwixt a 〈◊〉 Incumbent and the intruding Minister about tho fifths Incorporated he might be at Oxford as the custome is but not then made or created Doctor as our Authour would have it That which comes next touching the ejecting of many of the Commons of Christ-Church gives us two mistakes whereof I conceive the one to be the Printers and the other our Authors The mistake of the Printer is the putting down of the Common of Christ-Church for the anons of Christ-Church unlesse perhaps the meaning be that the old Canons were put out of Commons that the new ones might have the fuller Diet when they came into their places The mistake of our Authour is in saying that many of the Canons of Christ-Church were ejected whereas they were all of them ejected not a man excepted the Earl of Pembroke being so impartiall in the executing of his Office that he would not spare D. Hammond though he were his God-son And though D. Iohn Wall partly by the mediation of Friends but chiefly by his humble submission to the power of the Visitors was again admitted into the number of the Canons yet was he ejected with the rest and came not into his own place at this new admission but into the place of some of the other Canons to shew that he stood not on his old Right but this new Admission The Earl of Pembroke having done the businesse which he came about returns to the Parliament was first thanked for his wonderful wisedom and then they Vote That all such Masters Fellows and Officers there as refused to submit to the power should be expelled the Vniversity According to which Vote a generall purge was given to all the Colleges in the same working upon them more or lesse as they found the humours more or lesse Malignant on none so strongly as on Christ-Church and Mâ—gdalâ—neâ—ollege â—ollege in which last they descended so low as to the Choristers and lower then that also to the very Cook And yet the storm fell not so heavy on those at Oxford as the Earl of Manchesters Visitation had done at Cambridge For he not only cut off the heads and skinned the Fellows and Scholars of most Colledges but in Queens Colledge cut off all the members from the head to the heel leaving not one of the old Foundation to keep possession for the new Comers as if the House it self and all the lands belonging to it had been designed to an Escheat as a forfeited and dissolved Corporation or like a Wrecca Marâ—â— to be seiz'd on by the Lord Paramount of the shore adjoyning as having no living creature in it to preserve the possession of it for the proper owner But the Scholars at Oxford howsoever made themselves merry with their misfortunes publishing some unhappy Papers and amongst them a Speech made by the Earl of Pembroke with some additioâ—s of their own which afterwards drew on two or three others of the same strain though on other occasions to the great manifestation and applause of his wonderfull wisedom Fol. 1034. Yet not long after some one so well affected to the Kings Service that whilest he is a Prisoner takes upon him the Kings Cause and published an Answer such as it is which we submit to censure And being submitted unto Censure I conceive it deserves not such a diminution or disparagement as to call it an Answer such as it is The Answer I never saw before and cannot now possibly conjecture at the Authour of
Chappel of King Henry the seventh Had it not been for these and some other passages of this nature our Author might have lost the honoâ— of being took notice of for one of the Clerks of the Convocation and one not of the lowest fourm but passing for some of those wise men who began to be fearful of themselves and to be jealous of that power by which they were enabled to make new Canons How so Because it was feared by the judicious himself still for one lâ—st the Convocation whose power of medling with Church matters had been bridled up for many years before shâ—uld now enabled with such power over-act their parts especially in such dangerous and discontented times as it after followeth Whâ—ly fore-seen But then why did not WE that is to say our Author and the rest of those wise and judicious Persons fore-warn their weak and unadvised Brethren of the present danger or rather why did they go along with the rest for company and follow those who had before out-run the Canons by their additional Conformity How wise the rest were I am not able to say But certainly our Author shew'd himself no wiser then Walthams Calf who ran nine mile to suck a Bull and came home a thirst as the Proverb saith His running unto Oxford which cost him as much in seventeen weeks as he had spent in Cambridge in seventeen years was but a second Sally to the first Knight-Errantry Fol. 168. Next day the Convocation came together c. when contrary to general expectation it was motioned to improve the present opportunity in perfecting the new Canons which they had begun I have not heard of any such motion as our Author speaks of from any who were present at that time though I have diligently labour'd to inform my self in it Not is it probable that any such motion should be made as the case then stood The Parliament had been diâ—â—olv'd on Tuesday the 5 oâ— May. The Clergy met in Convocation on the morrow after expecting then to be dissolved and licenced to go home again But contrary to that general expectation in stead of hearing some news of his Majesties Writ for their dissolution there came an Order from the Archbishop to the Prolocutor to adjourn till Saturday And this was all the business which was done that day the Clergy generally being in no small amazement when they were required not to dissolve till further Ordeâ— Saturday being come what then A new Commission saith he was brought from his Majesty by vertue whereof WE were warranted still to sit not in the capacity of a Convocation but of a Synod I had thought our Author with his wise and judicious Friends had better hearkened to the â—enor of that Commission then to come out with such a gross and wilde absurdity as this is so fit for none as Sir Edward Deering â—nd for him only to make sport within the House of Commons At the beginning of the Convocation when the Prolocutor wâ—s admitted the Archbishop produc'd his Maâ—esâ—ies Commission under the Great Seal whereby the Clergy was enabled to consult treat of conclude such Canons as they conceiv'd most expedient to the peâ—ce of the Church and his 〈◊〉 service But this Commission being to expire with the end of the Parliament it became void of no effect assoon as the Parliament was dissolved Which being made known unto the King who was resolv'd the Convocation should continue and that the Clergy should go on in compleating those Canons which they had so happily began he caus'd a new Commission to be sent unto them in the same words and to the very same effect as the other was but that it was to continue durante beneplacito only as the other was not It follows next that Ibid. Dr. Brownrig Dr. Hacket Dr. Holdsworth c. with others to the number of thirty six earnestly protested against the continuance of the Convocation It 's possible enough that Dr. Brownrig now Lord Bishop of Excester Dr. Hacket and the rest of the thirty six our Author being of the Quorum in his own understanding of the word might be unsatisfied in the continuance of the Convocation because of some offence which as they conceiv'd would be taken at it But if they had protested and protested earnestly as our Author tells us the noise of so many Voâ—es concurring must needs be heard by all the rest which were then assembled from none of which I can leaâ—n any thing of this Protestation Or if they did protestâ—o â—o earnestly as he sayes they did why was not the Protestation reduced into writing subscâ—ibed wiâ—h their hands in due form of Law and so delivered to the Register to remain upon Record amongâ— the other Acts of that House for their indemnity Which not being done rendreth this Protest of theirs if any such Protest there were to signifie nothing but their dislike of the continuance But whereas our Author tells us that the whole â—ouse consisted but of six score persons it may be thought that he diminisheth the number of 〈◊〉 purpose to make his own party seem the greater For in the lower â—ouse of Convocation for the Province of Canterbury iâ— all paâ—ties summon'd do appear there are no fewer then two and twenty Deans four and twenty Prebendaries fifty four Archdeacons and forty four Cleâ—ks representing the Diocesan Clergy amounting in the total to an hundred foâ—ty four persons whereof the thirty six Protestors if so many they were make the fourth part only Howsoever all parties being not well satisfied with the lawfulness of their continuance his Majesty was advertis'd of it who upon conference with his Judâ—es and Councel learned in the Laws caus'd a short Writing to be dâ—wn and subscribed by their several hands in these following words viz. at White-hall May the 10. 1640. the Convocation being called by the Kings Writ is to continue till it be dissolved by the Kings Writ notwithstanding the dissolving of the Parliament Subscribed by Finch Lord Keeper Manchester Lord Privy Seal Littleton chief Justice of the Common Pleas Banks Attourney General Whitfield and Heath his Majeâ—â—iâ—s Serjeants Which writing an Instrument our Author calls it being communicated to the Clergy by the Lord Archbishop on the morrow after did so compose the mindes of all men that they went forwâ—â—ds very cheerfully with the work in hand the principal of those whom oâ—r Author calls Dissenters bringing in the Canon oâ— preaching for conformity being the eighth Canon in the Book as now they are plac'd which was received and allowed of as it came from his hand without alteration Howsoever our Author keeps himself to his former folly shutting up his extravagancie with this conclusion Fol 169. Thus was an old Convocation converted into a new Synod An expression borrowed from the speech of a witty Gentleman as he is called by the Author of the History of the Reign of King Charles and since by him declar'd to be the Lord George
Digby now Earl of Bristow But he that spent most of his wit upon it and theâ—eby gave occasion unto others for the like mistakings was Sir Edward Deering in a Speech made against these Canons Anno 1640. where we finde these flourishes Would you confute the Convocation They were a Holy Synod Would you argue against the Synod Why they were Commissioners Would you dispute the Commission They will mingle all powers together and answer that they were some fourth thing that neither we know nor imagine that is to say as it follows aftâ—rwâ—rds p. 27. a Convocational-Synodical-Assembly of 〈◊〉 More of this fine stuffe we may see hereafteâ— In the mean time we may judge by this Remnâ—nt of the whole Piece and 〈◊〉 iâ— upon proof to be very â—light and not worth the weâ—ring For first the Gentleman could not our Author cannot chuse but know that a Convocation and a Synod as 〈◊〉 in England of late times are but the same one thing under diveâ—s names the one borrowed from a Grecian the other from a Latin Original the Convocation of the Clergy of the Province of Canterbury being nothing but a Provincial Synod as a National Synod is nothing elâ—e but the Convocation of the Clergy of both Provinces Secondly our Aâ—thor knows by this time that the Commission which seems to make this doughty difference changed not the Convocation into a Synod as some vainly think but only made that Convocation active in order to the making of Canons which otherwise had been able to proceed no â—urther then the grant of Subsidies Thirdly that nothing is more ordinary then for the Convocations of all times since the Reformation to take unto themselves the name of Synâ—ds For the Articles of Religion made in the Convocation An. 1552. are called in the Title of the Book Articuli de quibus in Synodo Londinensi convenit c. The same name given to those agreed on in the Convocation An. 1562. as appears by the Title of that Book also in the Latin Editiâ—n The Canons of the year 1571. are said to be concluded and agreed upon in Synodo inchoat â Lond. in aede Divi Paulâ— c. In the year 1575. came out a Book of Articles with this title following viz. Articles whereupon it was agreed by the most Reverend Father in God the Archbishop of Canterbury and other the Bishops the whole Clergy of the Province of Canterbury in the Convocation or Synod holden at Westminster The like we finde in the year 1597. being the last active Convocation in Q. Elizabeths time in which we meeâ— with a Book entituled Constitutiones Ecclesiasticae c. in Synodo inâ—heata Londini vicâ—simo quinto die Mensis Octobris Our Author finally is to know that though the members of the two Convocations of York and Canterbury did not meeâ— in person yet they communicated their â—ounsels the Reâ—ults of the one being dispatch'd unto the other and there agreed on or rejected as they saw 〈◊〉 for it Which laid together shews the vanity of â—â—â—ther passage in the Speech of Sir Edward Deering where he vapoâ—reth thus viz. A strange Commission wherein no one Commissioners name is to be found a 〈◊〉 Convocation that lived when the Parliament was 〈◊〉 a strange Holy Synod where one 〈…〉 conferred with the other Lastly Siâ— Edward Deeriâ—g seems to marvel at the Title of the Book of Canoâ—â— then in question expressing that they were treated upon in Convocation agreed upon in Synâ—d And this saith he is a new Mould to cast Canons in never us'd before But had he looked upon the 〈◊〉 of the Book of Canons An. 160â— he hâ—d found it otheâ—wise The Title this viz. Constitutions and Canons 〈…〉 by the Bishop of London President of the Convocation for the Province of Canterbury c. and agreed upon with the Kings Majesties Licence in their Synod 〈◊〉 at London An. 1603. And so much for the satisfaction of all such persons whom either that gentleman or this oâ—r Authoâ— hâ—ve mis-informed and consequently abâ—â—ed in this particular Ibid. Now because great Bâ—aies mâ—ve 〈…〉 it was thought fit to contract the 〈…〉 of some 26 beside the Prolocutor No â—â—ch contracting of the Synod as our Author speaks of There was indeed a Committee of twenty â—ix or thereabouts appointed to consider of a Canon for uniformity in some Rites and Ceremonies of which number were the principal of those whom he calls dissenters and our Author too amongst the rest who having agreed upon the Canon it was by them presented to the rest of the Clergy in Convocation and by them appâ—ov'd And possible it is that the drawing â—p of some other Canons might be refer'd also to that Committee â— as is accustomed in such cases without contracting the whole Hoâ—se into that small body or excluding any man from being present at their consultation But whereas our Author afterwards tells us that nothing should be accounted the Act of the House till thrice as he takes it publickly voted therein It is but as he takes it or mistakes it rather and so let it goe But I needed not to have signified that our Author was one of this Committee he will tell it himself And he will tell us more then that publishing himself for one of the thirty six Dissenters the better to ingratiate himself with the rising side The next day so he lets us know We all subscribed the Canons suffering our selves â— according to the Order of such meetings to be all concluded by the majority of votes though some of US in the Committee privately dissented in the passing of many particulars So then our Author was content to play the good fellow at the last and go along hand in hand with the rest of his company dissenting privately but consenting publickly which is as much as can be looked for Ibid. No sooner came these Canons abroad into a publick view but various were mens censures upon them Not possible that in such a confusion both of Affections and Opinions it should otherwise be Non omnibus una voluntas was a note of old and will hold true as long as there are many men to have many mindes And yet if my information deceive me not these Canons found great approbation from the mouths of some from whom it had been least expected particularly from Justice Crook whose Argument in the case of Ship-mâ—ny was printed afterwards by the Order of the House of Commons Of whom I have been told by a person of great worth and credit that having read over the Book of Canons when it first came out he lifted up his hands and gave hearty thanks to Almighty God that he had liv'd to see such good effects of a Conâ—â—â—â—tion It was very well that they pleased him but that they should please all men was not to be hoped for Fol. 171. Many took exception at the hollowness of the Oath in the middle thereof having its Bowels puffed up