whiles themselves in the meane space went about under hand to establish their owne ambushment Well quoth the Lawyer for the pretence of my Lord of Huntington to the Crowne I will not stand with you for thât it is a matter sufficâently known and seen throughout the Realme As also that my Lord of Leycesteâ is at this day a principall favourer and patron of that cause albeit some yeers past he were an earnest adversary and enemy to the same But yet I have heard some friânds of his in reasoning of these matters deây stoutly a point or two which you have touched here and doe seeme to beleeve the same And that is first that howsoever my Lord of Leicester do meane to helpe his friend when time shall serve yet pretendeth he nothing to the Crowne himselfe The second is that whatsoever may be meant for the title or compassing the Crowne after her Mâjesties death yet nothing is intended during her raigne And of both these points thây alledge reasons As for the first that my Lord of Leycester is very well knowne to have no title to the Crowne himselfe either by discent in blood alliance or otherwâyes For the second that his Lord. hath no cause to be a Mâlecontent in the present government nor hâpe for more preferment if my Lord of Huntington were King to morrow next then he receiveth now at her Majâsties hands having all the Realme as hath bin shewed at his owne disposition For the first quoth âe Gentleman whether he meane the Crowne for himsâlfâ or for his friend it importeth not much seeing both wayes iâ is âvident that he meaneâh to hâve all at his owne disposition And albeit now for the avoyding of envy he give it out as a crafty Fox that he meaneth not but to run wiâh other men and to hunt wâth Huntington and oâhââ hounds in the sâme chase yet is it not unlike but that he will plây the Beare when he coâeth to divâding of the pray and will snatch the best pârt to himselfe Yea and these sâlf same peâsons of his traine anââaction whom you call his friend though in publâque to excuse his doings and to cover the wholâ plot they will and must deny the matters to be so meant yet otherwise they both thinke hope and know the contrary and will not stick in secret to speâk it and among thâmselves it is their talke of consolation The words of his speciall Councellour the Lord North are known which he uttered to his trusty Pooly upon the receit of a letter from Court of her Majesties displeasure towards him for his being a witnesse at Leycesters second marriage with Dâme Lettice although I know he was not ignorant of the first at Wanstead of which displeasure this Lord making fâr lesse accompt then in reason he should of the just offence of his soveraigne said that for his owne part he was resolved to sinke or swimme with my Lord of Leycester who said he if once the Cards may come to shaffling I wâll use but his very own words I make no doubt but he alone shall beare away the Bucklers The words also of Sir Thomas Layton to Sir Henry Nevile walking upon the Taâresse at Windsor are known who told him after long discourse of their happy conceived Kingdome that hee doubted not but to see him one day hold the same office in Windsor of my Lord of Leycester which âow my Lord did hold of the Queene Meaning thereby the goodly office of Constableship wiâh all Royâlties and honours belonging to the same which now the said Sir Henry exerciseth onâly as Deputy to the Earle Which was plainely to signifie that he doubted not but to see my Lord of Leycester one day King or els his other hope could never possibly taââ effect or come to passe To the same point âended the words of Mistressâ Anne West Daâe Lettice sister unto the Lady Anne Askew in the great Chamber upon a day when her brothâr Robert Kâowles had danced disgratiously and scornfully before the Queen in pâesence of the French Which thing for that her Majesty tooke to proceed of wisâin him âs for dislâke of the strangers in presence and for the quarrell of his sister Essex it pleased her Majesty to check him for the same with additioâ of a reproachfull word or two full well deserved as though done for despite of the forced abseâce from that place of honour of the good old Gentlewoman I mitigate the worâs his sister Which words the other young twig receiving in deepe dudgen brake forth in great choler to her forenamed companion and said Thât she nothing doubted but that one day shee should see her sister upon whom the Queene railed now so much for so it pleased her to tearme her Majesties sharpe speech to sit in her place and throne being much worthier of the same for her qualities and rare vertues then was the other Which undutâfull speech albeit it were over-heard and condemned of divers that sate about them yet none durst ever report the same to her Majesty as I hâve heard sundry Courtiers affirme in respect of the revenge which the reporters should abide at my Lord of Leycesters hands whensoever the mâtâer should come to light And this is now concerning the opinion and secret speeches of my Lords owne friends who cannot but utter their conceit and judgement in time and place convenient whatsoever they are wâlled to give out publikely to the contrary for deceiving of such as will beleeve faire painted words against evident and manifest demonstration of reason I say reason for that if none of these signes and tokens were none of these preparations nor any of these speeches and detections by his friends that know his heart yet in force of plain reason I could alleadge unto you three arguments onely which to any man of intelligence wâuld easily perswade and give satisfactâon that my Lord of Leycester meaneth best and first for himsâlfe in this suât Whiâh three arguments for that you seeme to be attent I will not stick to run over in all brevity And the first is the very nature and quality of ambition it self which is such as you know that it never stayeth but passeth from degree to degree and the more it obtaineth the more it covereth and the more esteemeth it selfe both worthy and able to obtaine And in our matter that now we handle even as in wooing he âhât suâth to a Lady for another and obtaineth her good will entereth easily into conceit of his owne woâthinesse thereby and so commonly into hope of speedinâ himselfe while he speaketh for his friend so much more in Kingdomes he that sâeth himself of power to put the Crowne of another mans head will qâckly step to the next degree which is to set it of his owne seeâng that alwayâs the charity of such good men is wont to be so orderly as according to âhe precepâ it bâginneth
way of aspiring in Duke Dudley Gentleman Leycesters power in the privy Chamber Leycester married at Waenstead when her Maiesty was at M. Stoners Houf Doctor Culpeper Physition Minister No sute can passe but by Leycester Read Polidore in the 7. yeare of King Richard 1. and you shall find this proceeding of certaine about that K. to be put as a great cause of his overthrow No preferments but by Leycester to Leycestâians Leycesters anger and insolency Leycesters peremptory dealing Breaking of order in her Maiesties houshold Leycesters violatâng of all order in the Country abroad Lawyer A Leycestrian Commonwealth Gentleman Leycester called the heart and life of the Couât A demonstration of Leycesteâs tyranny in the Court. Leycester provideth never to come in the Qâeânes danger againe Anno Regni 3â Leyâesters puissance in the privy Councell L Keeper L. Chamberlain Matters wherin the Councell are inforced to wink at Leycester Leycesters intelligence with the rebellion in Ireland Acteons case now come in England Salvatour slaine in his bed Doughty hanged by Drake The story of Gates hanged at Tiborne Scholar This relation of Gates may serve hereafter for an addition in the second ediââon of this booke Gentleman The deck reserved for Leycester Leycesters puissanâ violence with the Prince her sâlfe The Earle of Sussex his speech of the Earle of Leycester The Lord Burghley Leycesterâ power in the countrey abroad Yorke Earle of Huntington Barwick The Lord Hunâden Wales Sir Henây Sidney The Earle of Pembrooke The West Earle of Bedford The Lord Grey â Her Maiesty âs he saith for striking of Master Fortesene calling him lame wretch that grieved him so for that he was hurt in her service at Lieth as he said he would live to be revenged * In Scotland or elswhere against the next inheritors or presenâ possessor Sir Iohn Parott Sir Edward Horsey Sir George Carew Sir Amias Paulet Sir Thomas Layton Her Maiesties stable her armour munition and artillery The Tower London Sir Rowland Heyward c. Mad Fleetwood Gentleman Scholar My Lord of Huntingtons preparation at Ashby Killingworth Castle Ralph Lane The offer and acceptation of Killingworth Castle Lawyer The prerogative of my Lord of Leycester Leycester the Star directory to Lâwyers in their claents affaires Leycesters furniture in money The saying of a Knight of the Shire touching Leycesters mony Gentleman The infinit waies of gaining that Leycester hath Sures Lands Licences Falling out with her Maiesty Offices Clergy Beneficeâ Vniveâsity Oppressions Rapines Princes favour Presents Lawyeâ Leycesters home gaine by heâ Maâesties faâour A pretty story Leycesters forraine gaine by her Maiesties favour Leycesters bribe for betraying of Callis Gentleman Leycesters father sold Bulloâgne Earles of Arundel and South-hampton pât out of the Councell by D. Dudley Lawyer Leycesters gaine by falling out with her Maiesty Gentleman Leycesters fraudulent chaâge of lands wiâh her Maiesty whereby he hath notably endammaged the Crowne Leycesters licenses Sâlkes and Velvetâ The Tyrannicall licence of alienation Gentleman Edmund Dudley Edmund Dudleis booke written in the Tower Gentleman The supplanting of the race of Henry the 7. The inserting of Huntington Edmund Dâdleies brood more cunning then himselfe Northumberland and Leycester with their Prince will not be roled Lawyer Gentlâman Leycester Master of Art and a cunning Logitioner Scholar Leycesters abusing and spoiling of Oxford The Lord Treasârer Caâbridge The disorders of Oxford by the wickednesse of their Chancellor Leases Leycesters instrumenâs * At Diââies house in Warwick shiâe dame Lettice ãâã and some othââ such pieces of pleasure Lawyeâ The perill of standing with Leycester in any thing * Poore men resisting Warwicks inclosure at North hall weâe hanged for hâ pleasure by Leycesters auâhority Gentleâân Great Tyranny Lawyer The Lordship of Denbigh and âeicesters oppression used therein The Manor of Killingworth and Leycesters oppression there The cause of Snowden forest most pitifull An old tyrannicall Commission A rediculouâ demonstration of excessive avaries A singular oppression Leycester extreamly hated in Wales Gentleman The end of tyrants Nero Vitellius A most terrible revenge taken upon a tyrant Leycesters oppression of particular men Master Robinson Master Harcourt M. Richrâd Lee. Ludowick Grâvel George Witney âord Barkley Archbâshop of Caâterbury Sir Iohn Throgmatton Lane Gifford Sir Drew Drewry The presentstate of my Lord of Leycester Leicesters wealth Leycest strength Leycest cunning Leycesters disposition Lawyer Causes of iust feare for her Maiesty A point of necessary policy for a Prince Scholar A philosophicall argument to prove Leycesters intent of soveraignty The preparationâ of Leycestâr declare his intended end How the Duke of Northumberland dissembled his end Gentleman The boldnesse of the titlers of Clarence Lawyer Gentleman The abuse of âhe Statute for silence in the true succession Lawyer Two excuses alleadged by Leycesters friends Gentlemen Whether Leycester meane the Crown siâceâely for Huntângton or for himselfe The words of thâ Lord North to Master Pooly Pooly told this to Sir Robert Iermine The words of Sir Thomas Layton brother in law to my Lord. The words of Mistris Anne West sister unto this holy Countesse Three arguments of Leycesters meaning for himselfe before Huntington The first arguâent the Nature of ambâtion The second argument Leycesters particular disposition Leycesters disposition to tamper for a Kingdome I meane the noble old Earle of Pembrooke The undutifull devise of Naturall issue in the Statutâ of succession The marriage of Arbella The third argument The nature of the cause it selfe The nâture of old reconciled enmity The reason of Machavell The meaning of the Duke of Northumberland with Suffolke South-house Lawyer The meaning of the D. of Northumberland towards the D. of Suffolke Scholar Gentleman The practise of King Richard for dispatching hâs Wife A new Triumvirââââtween ââtween Leycester Talbot and âhâ Coântesse of Shrâveâbury Lawyer Huntington Gentleman The sleights of Leycester for bringing all to himselfe Scambling between Leâcester Huntington at the upshot Richard of Glocester Aât 1. Edw. 5. 2. That the conspiratorâ meane in her Majesties dayes âoure considerations A thing worthy to be noted in ambitious men Hâstor 5. The Peâcies The two Neviles Leycesteâs hatred to her Majesty The evill nature of ingratitude Lâycesters speeches of her Majesty in the time of his disgrace The causes of hatred in Leycester towards her Majesty The force of female suggestions An evident conclusion that the execution is meant in time of her Majesty An errour of the Father now to bee corrected by the Sonne Lawyer Gentleman Her Majestâes life and death to serve the conspiratours turne A Proclamation with halters Lawyer Papisticall blessing The statute of concealing the heire apparant Richard going towards Hierusalem began the custome by Parliament as Polidore noteth Anno 10. of Richard the second to declare the next heire The danger of our Countrey by concealing the next heire Great inconveniences Sir Christopher Hattons Oration Intollerable Treasons The miseries to follow upon her Majesties death The danger to her
hath little cause to be solicitour for that God himselfe taketh care commonly that goods and honours so gotten and maintained as hiâ be shall never trouble the third heire Marry for himselfe I confesse the matter standing as you sây that he hath reason to forbeare that Country and to leave off his building begun at Denbigh as I heare say he hath done for that the universall hatred of a people is a perilous matter and if I were in his Lordships case I should often thinke of the end of Nero who after all his glory upon fury of the people was adjudged to have his head thrust into a Piloây and so to be beaten to death with rods and thongs Or rather I should feare the successe of Vitellius the third Empâror after Nero who for his wickednesse and oppression of the people was tâken by them at length when fortune began to faââeâh hâm and led out of his Palace naked with hooks of Iron fastned in his flâsh and so drâwn through the City with infamy whâre loâen in the streets with filth and ordure cast upon him and a priâk put under his chin to the end he should not loâke downe or hide hiâ fâce was brought to the banke of Tyber and there afâer many hundred wounds received was cast into the river So implacable a thing is the furâur of a muâtitude whân it is once stirred and hath place of reveâge And so heavy is the hand of God upon tyrants ân this world when it pleaseth his divine Majesty to take revenge of the same I have read in Leanâer in his description of Italy how that in Spoleto if I be not dâceived the chiefe City of the Country of Umbria there was a strange tyrant who in the time of his prosperity contemned all men and forbare to injury no man that came within his claws esteeming himself sure enough for ever being called to render account in this life and for the next he cared little But God upon the sudden turned upside-downe the wheele of his felicity and cast him into the peoples hands who tooke him and bound his naked body upon a planke in the Mârket place with a fire and iron tongues by him and then made proclamation that seeing this man was not otherwise able to make satisfaction for the publique injuries that he had done every private person annoyed by him should come in order and with the hot-burning tongues there ready should take of his flesh so much as was correspondent to the injury received as indeed they did untill the miserable man gave up the ghost and after too as this author writeth But to the purpose seeing my Lord careth little for such examples and is become so hardy now as he maketh no account to injury and oppresse whole Countries and Commonalties together it shall be bootlesse to speake of his proceedings towards particular men who have not so great strength to resist as a multitude hâth And yet I can assure you that there are so many and so pitifull things published daily of his tyranny in this kinde as doe move great compossion towards the party that doe suffer and horrour agâinst him who shameth not daily to offer such injury As for example whose heart would not bleed to heare the case before mentioned of Mâster Robinson of Staffordshire a proper yong Gentleman and well given both in religion and other vertues whose Father died at Newhaven in her Mâjâsties service under this mans brother the Earlâ of Warwick and recommended at his death this his eldest Son to the special protection of Leicester and his Brother whose servant also this Robinson hath bin from his youth upward and spent the most of his living in his service Yet notwithstanding all this when Robinsons Lands were intangled with a certaine Londoner upon interest forâs former maintenance in their service whose title my Lord of Leicester though craftily yet not covertly under Ferris his cloak had gotten to himselfe he ceased not to pursue the poore Gentleman even to imprisonment arraignment and sentence of death for greedinesse of the said living together with the vexation of his brother in law Master Harcourt and all other his friends upon pretence forsooth that there was a man slaine by Robinsons party in defence of his owne possession against Leicesters intruders that would by violence breake into the same What shall I speake of others whereof there would be no end as of his dealing with Mâster Richard Lee for his Manor of Hooknorton if I faile not in the name with Master Ludowick Grivell by seeking to bereave him of all his lâving at once if the drift had taken place with George Witney in the behalfe of Sir Henry Leâgh for inforcing him to forgoe the Controlership at Woodstock which he holdeth by Patent from King Henây the seventh with my Lord Barkley whom he enforced to yeeld up his lands to hâs brother Warwick which his ancestors had held quietly for almost two hundreâh yeeres together What shall I say of his intollerable tyranny upon the last Arâhbishop of Canterbury fâr Dâctor Iulio his sâke and that in so foule a matteâ Vpon Sir Iohn Thâoâmaâton whom he brought pitifully to his grave before his time by continuall vexations for a peece of faithfull service done by him to his Countrey and to all the line of King Henry against this mans Father in King Edward and Queen Maries dayes Upon divers of the Lanes for one mans sake of that name before mentioned that offered to take Killing worth-Castle upon some of the Giffords and other for Throgmartons sake for that is also his Lords disposition for one mans cause whom he brooketh not to plague a whole generation that any way pertaineth or is allied to the same his endlesse persecuting of Sir Drew Drewây and many other Courtiers both men and women All these I say and many others who daily suffer injuries rapines and opprâssions at his hands throughout the Realme what should it availe to name them in thâs place seeing neither his Lord careth any thâng for the same neither the parties agrieved are like to attain any least release of affliction thereby but rather âouble oppression for their complaining Wherâfore to return again wheras we began you see by this little who and how great what manner of mân my Lord of Leycester is this day in the state of England You see and may gather in some part by that which hath bin spoken his wealth his strength his cunning his disposition His wealth is excessive in all kinde of riches for a private man and must needs be much more then any body lightly can imagine for the infinite wayes he hath had of gaine so many yeâres together His strength and power is absolute and irresistable as hath beene shâwed both in Chamber Court Councell and Country His cunning in plotting and fortifying the same
King James being dead Margaret was married againe to Archihald Douglas Earle of Anguish by whom shee had a Daughter named Margaret which was married afterward to Mathew Steward Earle of Lenâx whose Sonne Charles Steward was married to Elizabâth Candish Daughter to the present Countesse of Shrewsbury and by her hath left his onely Heire a little Daughter named Arbella of whom you have heard some speech before And this is touching the Line of Scotland descending from the first and eldest Daughter of King Henry the seventh The second Daughter of King Henry the seventh called Mary was twice married also first to the King of France by whom she had no issue and after his death to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke by whom she had two Daughters that is Francis of which the Children of my Lord of Hartford do make their claime and Elenor by whom the issue of the Earle of Darby pretendeth right as shall be declared For that Francis the first Daughter of Charles Brando4 by the Queene of France was married to the Marquesse of Dorset who after Charles Brandons death was made Duke of Suffolke in right of his Wâfe and was beheaded in Queene Maries time for his conspiracy with my Lord of Leycesters Father And she had by this man three Daughters that is Jane that was married to my Lord of Leycesters Brother and proclaimed Queene after King Edwards death for which both shee and her husband were executed Katherine the second Dâughter who had two Sonnes yet living by the Earle of Hartford and Mâry the third Dâugter which left no Children The other Daughter of Chaâlâs Brandon by the Queene of France called Elenor was married to Georgâ Cliffârd Earle of Cumberland who left a Daughter by her named Maâgâreâ married to the Earle of Darby which yet liveth and hath issue And this is the title of the Hâuse of Suffolke descended from the second Daughter of K. Henry the seventh married as hath been shewed to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke And by this you may see also how many there be who do thinke their titles to be far before that of my Lord of Huntingtonâ if either râght lâw reason or coâsideration of home affaires may take place in our Realm or if not yet you cannot but imagine how many great Princes and Potentatâs abroad are like to joyne and buckle with Huntingâons Line for the preeminence âf once the matter fall againe to contention by excluding the Line of King Henry the seventh which God forbid Truly Sir quoth I I well perceive that my Lords turne is not so nigh as I had thought whether he exclude the Line of King Henry or noâ for if he exclude thât then must he enter the Combat with forraine titlers of the House of Lancaster and if he âxclude it not then in all apparance of reason and in Law to as you have said the succession of the two Dâughters of King Henây the seventh whiâh you distânguâsh by the two names of Scotland and Suffolke must needs bee as clearely before him and his Lâne that decended only from Edward the fourth his Brother as the Queenes title that new reigneth is before him For thâââoth Scotland Suffolke and her Majesty do hold all by one foundâtion which is the union of both Houses and Titles together in King Henry the seventh her Majesties Grandfather That is true quoth the Gentleman and evidenâ enough in every mans eye and therefore no doubt but as âhat much is meant âgâinst hâr Majesty if oc4âsion serve âs against thâ rest thât hold by the same âitle Albeit her Mâiesti4s state the Lord be praised be such at thiâ ãâã as it is not safây to pretend so much against hâr as against the rest whatsoever be meant And that in âruth more should be ment agâinst her hâghnes theâ agâinst all âhe rest there is this reaâon for tâat her Majesty by hâr present possession letteth more their desires then all the rest âogether with their future pretences But as I have said it is not safety for them nor yet good pâlâcy to declare openly what they meane aâainst her Majesty It is the best way for the pâesent to âhew downe the rest and to leave her Majesty for the last âlow and upshot to their gâme For which câuse they will âeeme to make great difference at this day betweene her Majesties title and the rest that descend in likewise from King Henrâ the seventh avowing the one and disallowâng the other Albeit my Lord of Leicesters Father preferred that of Suffolke when ãâã was before this of her Mâjâsty and coâpelleâ the whâle Realme to sweare thereunto Such is thâ variable policy of men that serve the time or rather that serve themselves of all times for their purposes I remember quoth I that time of âhe Duke and was present my selfe at some of his Proclamations for that purpose wherein my Lord his Sonne that now liveth âeing then a doer as I can tell he was I marvile how he can deale so contrary now preferring not onely her Majesties title bâfore that of Suffolk whereof I wonder lessâ because it is more gainfull to him but also another much further of Buâ you have signified the cause in that the times are changeâ and other bargaines are in hand of more importance for him Wherefoâe leaving this to be considered by others whom it concerneth I beseech you Sir for that I know your worship hath beeene much conversant among their frienâs and favourers to tell me what are the barres and lets which they doe alledge why the house of Scoâland and Suffolk descendâd of king Henry the seventh his daughters should not succeed in the Crowne of England after her Majesty who ended the line of the same king by his son for in my sight the matter appeareth vâry plaine They want not pretences of barres and lets against them all quoth the Gentleman which I will lây downe in order as I have heard them alledged First in the line of Scotland there are three persons as you know that may pretend right that is the Queen and her son by the first marriage of Margaret and Arbella by the second And against the first marriage I heare nothing affirmed but against the two persons proceeding thereof I heare them alledge three stops one for that they are strangers born out of the land consâquently incapâble of inheritance within the same another for that by a speciâl testament of king H. 8. authorised by 2. severall pârliam thây are excluded 3 for that they are enemies to the religion now among us therefore to be debarred Against the second marriage of Maâgâret with Aâchibald Douglas whââeof Aâbella is descended they alledge that the said Archibald had a former wife at the time of that marriage which lived long after and so neither that marriage lawfull nor the issue therof legitimate The same barre they have
mens humours oft I fed Whilst hope this while a good opinion bred To learned Schollers I was something franck Not for the love that I to leaâning bore But either to get praise or pick a thanke Of such as could the Musâs aide implore To consecrate my name for evermore For he is blest that so befriended dyes Whose praise the Musâs will immortalize You that desire to have your fame survive When you within your graves intomb'd shall lye Cherish those sacred Sisters while you live For they be daughters of Dame memory Of âhe thundâing Monarch of the sky They have the gift to register with pen Th' eternall fame or infamy of men The Students of the Vniversity Oxford whereof I was the Chancellor That Nurse of science and Philosophy Knowing the greatnesse of my wit and power Did honour me as the faire springing flower That in the Princesse favour highly grew Whom she with showârs oâ gold did of bâdew At my command both Dee and Allen tended By Magick Art my pleasure to fulfill These to my service their best studies bended And why they durst not disobey my will Yea whatsoever was of secret skill In Oxford or in Cambridge to be sold I bought for love for feare or else for gold Doubtlesse the most renown'd Philosophers As Plato and Pithagoras have sought To learne the Hierogliphick Characters And secrets which by Magick skill are wrought Such as th' Egyptians sewes and Chaldees taught Th'art's not ill if men doe not abuse it No fault so bad but some men will excuse it Lopus and Iulio were my chiefe Physitians Men that were cunning in the Art to kill Good Schollers but of passing ill conditions Such as could ridde mens lives yet no blood spill Yea and with such dexterity and skill Could give a dram of poyson that could slay At end of the yeare the moneth the weeke or day I never did these wicked men imploy To wrong my Prince or my true loving friend But false deceitfull wretches to destroy And bring them to an vnexpected end Let them looke to it that did most offend Whose names are Registred in Pluto's scroules For I will never answer for their soules Knights and Esquires the best in every shire Did waite on me in England up and downe And some among them did my Livery weare My smiles did seeme to promise them renowne But dismall haps insu'd when I did frowne As when the starre Arcturus doth appeare Of raging Tempests Sea-men stand in feare As for the Souldiers and the men of warre At home in service some I did retaine Others I sent abroad not very farre At my commandment to returne againe These I with cost did secretly maintaine That if ought chanced otherwise then well I might haue sent my foes to heauen or hell Likewise I brought the Lawyers in some awe The worthy students of the Innes of court That then applied them to the common Law Did yeeld to me in matters of import Although sometimes I did the Lawe extoât And whether right or wrong my cause once heard To plead against me made great Lords afeard So the Lord Barkley lost good lands by me Whereof perchance at fiâst he did not dreame Might many times doth overcome the right It is in vaine to strive against the streame When he that is chiefe subiect in the Realme Vpon his Princes favour rests him bold He cannot or he will not be controld Thus by the Queene my puissance was upheld And for my foes I euer was too strong The grace I had from her all feare expeld I might wrong others but not suffer wâong So many men did unto me belong Which on my favour chiefely did depend And for my sake both goods and land would spend The best esteemed Nobles of the land On whose support the publique state relied Were linckt with me in friendships faithfull band Or else in kindred nerely were allied Their perfect loues and constant hearts I tried The inferior sort at our devotion stood Ready to execute what we thought good The Earle of Warwicke my owne loving brother My sisters Husband th' Earle of Huntington The bounteouâ Earle of Bedford was another Of my best friends belov'd of every one Sir Henry Sidneys power in Wales well knowne And there the Earle of Pembroke chiefe of all Of kinâe my ââiend what ever thence might fall In Barwicâ my wives Vncle had chiefe power The Lord of Hunsdon my assured fâiend In Ireland the Lord Grey was Governour Gernsey and Iersey likewise did depend Vpon such men as did my will attend Hopton my man Lieutenant of the Tower Was prompt to doe me service at an houre Sir Edward Horsey in the Isle of Wight And noble Sir George Câây next bore sway Men of great courage and no little might To take my part in any doubtfull fray In London the Recorder Fleetwood lay That often us'd good words that might incense The Citizens to stand in my defence The Premises did likewise take my part As I in private quarrels oft have tryde So that I had the very head and heart The Court and City leaning on my side With flattery some others with gifts I plyd And some with threats stern looks angry words I wonne to my defence with Clubs and Swords Thus I by wisedome and fine poilicie Maintain'd the reputation of my life Drawing to me the flowre of Chivalrie To succour me at need in civill strife Men that lov'd change in every place were rife And all the realme was with my power possest Think what this might have wrought but judge the best Like Claudius Marcellus drawne through Rome In his faire chariot which with Trophees deckt Crowned with Garlands by the Senates doome Whom they five times their Consul did elect That from their foes he might their lives protect When he wiâh conquest did his Country greet Loaden with spoyles lay prostrate at his feet So did I ride in tryumph through chiefe townes As if I had beene Vice-roy of this Land My face well grac'd with smiles my purse with crowneâ Holding the reynes of honour in my hand I managed the state I did command My lookes with humble majesty repleat Made some men wish me a Kings royall seat Thus waxt I popular to purchase fame To me the common peoples knees did bow I could my humour still so fitly frame To entertaine all men to outward shew With inward love for few my heart did know And that I might not seeme puft up with pride Bare-headed oft through Cities I did ride While some cry'd out God save you gracious Lord Lord how they did my fame hyperbolize My words and gestures did so well accord As with their hearts I seem'd to simpathize I charm'd their eares and did inchant their eyes Thus I was reckoned their chiefe Potentate No poller but a piller of the stâte Then I was call'd the life and th' heart o'th'Court And some I wot wisht I had beene the head I had so great a trayne
and banishment Caligula the scourge of fâmous Rome Wishâ all the Romanes had onely one head That when he list to give their fatall doome He might with one great blow strâke all them dead So should he never need thâir hâte to dread Even sâch a mischiefe I wâsht to my foes That many men might pârish with fâw blowes But unto those that doe your favour seeke And by your helpe hope their low states to raise You must be courâeous bountifull and meeke Caesar by clemency won greatest praise And was esteem'd the mirrour of hâs dâyes For it belongs to men of great estate To spare the poore and rich mens mindes abate It 's ill to be a rub upon that ground Whereas the Prince the alley meanes to sweep Their owne conceits they fondly doe confound That into high attempts doe boldly creep And with their shallow pares âoe wade to deep To hinder what their Soveraigne doth intend Or to controule what they cannot âmend Calisthenes much torment did sustaine Because great Alexanders pride he checkt Grave Seneca choosing his death wâs slâine By Nero's doome whosâ faults he did correct Use not too shârpe rebukeâ but have respect Unto the persons when great men doe evill The vengeance leave to God or to the devill Be not too haughty pride ârocureth hate And meane mens hate may turne to your disgrace Nor too familiar be in high estate For that will breed contempt among the base Observe a meane whiâh winneth man much grace Speake well to all trust none use well your foes For this may purchase love where hatred growes And if that you doe feâre your friând should chance To mount too highly in the Princes grace Hiâ praise to heaven then stick not to advance Say that the charge he beareth is too base And that his worth deserves farre better place So may you by this praise rid him away And so supply his place another day Sây he will prove a terror in the field This private life doth much obscure his fame More fit to beare great Ajax sevenfold shield Then like Sardanapalus court a dame He idlely lives at home it is a shâme His very presence may his foes appall Let him be sent Lieutenant Generall Now if he chance to perish in some fight Iâ was not your worke but the chance of warres Or thus you may excuse your selves by fleight Bââming âhe influence of the angry starres Thââ thus by death his future fortune barres Aââ sighing we are sory you may say That this brave man would cast himselfe away But if in feats of armes he have no skill If he be learned wise and eloquent By praising him thus may you have your will Procure him in ambassage to be sent Far off lest he returne incontinent As to the mighty Châm or Prestor Iohn And triumph in his roome when he is gone Let no man think I exerciâ'd the ghost Of this great Peere that sleepeth in the dust Or conjur'd up his spirit to this coâst To presse him with despaire or praise unjust I am not partiall but gâve him his due And to his soule I wish eternall health Ne doe I think all written tales are true That are inserted in his Commonwealth What others wrote before I do survive But am not like to those incenst with hate And as I plainly write so doe I strive To write the truth not wronging his estate Of whom it may be said and censur'd well He both in vice and vertue did excell Iamque opus exegi Deus dedit his quoque finem FINIS Scholar The occâsiân oâ hâs ãâã and âeâtâng The persons and place of this conference A temperate Paâist The booke of Iustâce Lawâer Gentleman The Papists practices against the state Lawyer Two sorts of dealing against the sâate Directly Indirectly The state of all Subiects is a state of different religion The second kind of treason The application of the former example Gentleman Two degrees of treason Lawyer Gentleman Lawyer France Flanders Portugal The old hatred of East Grecians towards the West Latins Scholar Not all Papists propeâly traytors Lawyer The Priests and Seminaries that were executed Gentleman The considerations Misery moveth mercy A good wâsh Lawyer The nature and practice of the Guânâans Gentleman The Târant of Englâsh staâe Three ãâ¦ã in Eâgâand ãâã The âule of âeâceâteâ Gentlâman Lawyââ ãâã Lord Nââths pâââcy Gentleman A strange speculation Sâhâlâr The Queens Maiesties most excellent good nature Gentleman Fears that subiect have of my Lord of Leicester Sir Francis Walâingham Deepe disâimulâtion ãâ¦ã Edmund Dudley Robert Dudley Lawyer Gentleman The Law against talking Actâons of Leicester whereof he would have no speecâ Shâlaâ ãâ¦ã upon ãâã marriage To Sir Thomas Layton L. Treasurer L. Chambeâlaine M. Controler Sir Thomas Hibbot Gentleman Leicesters Father a traiterous Papist The honour and comâodities by the marriage with France Ethelbert King of Kent converted An. Dom. 603 Lawyer Tolleration in Religion with union in defence of our Country Gentleman Dâvers marriages of her Madeseaâed Leicesters devices to drive away all Sutors from her Maiesty Leicester convinced himselfe of impudency Lawyer The basenesse of Leâcesters ancestors Anno 1. R. Mary Gentleman Doctor Dale Doctor Iulio The Archbishops oâerâhâow for not allowing two wives to Leicester his Physician The Lady Sheffield now Embassadresse in France The death of Leicesters fiâst Lady and wife Sir Richard Varney Bald Baâtler The suspitious death of the Lord Sheffield The poisoning of the Earle of Essex The shâfâing of a châlde in dame Lettice belly The diverâ operation of Roylor Doctor Bayly the yonger Death of Cardinall Chatilian Schâlâr Lea. Honnieâ Mistris Draykot poisoned with the Earl of Essâx The Earle of Essex speech to his Page Robin Honnieâ Genâleman Death of Sir Nicholas Throgmarton Sir William Cicill now Lord Treasurer The poisoning of Sir Nicholas in a salet The Lord Chamberlin Monsieur Simiers The poisoning of thâ Lady Lenox Leicesters most variable dealing with women in contractâ and marriages Contracts Precontracts Postcontracts Retract Protract Leicesters two testaments Scholar Varius Heliogabalus and his most infamous death An Epitaph A pittifull permission The exâerpation of the Tarquinions Anno Dom. 959. Gentleman The intollerable lâcenciousnes of Leicesters carnality Mony well spent Anne Vauisour The punishments of God upon Leicester to do him good * The children of adulterers shall be consumed and the seed of a wicked bed shall be rooted out saith God Sap. 3. Leicesters oyntment Leicesters bottle Scholar A pretty device An act of atheism Lawyer Gentleman Lawyer Gentleman The first reason why Leicester slew his wife by violence rather then by poyson The second reason Doctor Bayly the elder A practice for poisoning the Lady Dudley Doct. Babington A third reason The intended murder of Monsieur Simiers by sundry meanes The intended murder of the Earle of Ormond William Killegre Scholar Preoccupation of her Maiesties person An ordinary way of aspiring by preoccupation of the Princes person A comparison The
with it selfâ first Adde to this that ambition is jealous suspitious and fearfull of it selfe especially when it is jâyned with a conscience loden wâth the guilt of many crimes whereof he would be loth to be called to account or be subject to any man that might by auâhority take review of his life actions when it should please him In which kinde seeing my Lord of Leycester hath so much to encrease his feare as before hath beene shewed by his wicked dealings it is not like that ever hee will put himselfe to another mans courtesie for passing his audict in particular reckonings which he can no way answer or satisfie but rather will stand upon the grosse Sum and generall Quietus est by making himselfe chiefe Auditour and Master of all accompts for his owne part in this life howsoever he do in the next whereof such humours have little regard And this is for the nature of ambition in it selfe The second argument may bee taken from my Lords particular disposition which is such as may give much light also to the matter in question being a disposition so well liking and inclined to a Kingdome as it hath beene tampering about the same from the first day that hee came in favour First by seeking openly to marry with the Queenes Majestie her selfe and so to draw the Crowne upon his owne head and to his posterity Secondly when that attempt tooke not place then hee gave it out as hath beene shewed before how that he was privily contracted to her Majesty wherein as I told you his dealing before for satisfaction of a stranger so let him with shame and dishonour remember now also the spectacle hee secretly made for the perswading of a subject and Counsellour of great honour in the same cause to the end that if her Highnesse should by any way have miscarried then he might have entituled any one of his owne brood whereof he hath store in many places as is knowne to the lawfull succession of the Crowne under colour of that privy and secret marriage pretending the same to bee by her Majestie wherein hee will want no witnesses to depose what hee will Thirdly when he saw also that this devise was subject to danger for âhat his privy contract might be denied more easily then he able justly to prove the same after her Majesties decease he had a new fetch to strengâhen the matter and that was to cause these words of Naturall issue to be put into the Statute of succession for the Crowne against all order and custome of our Realme and against the knowne common stile of Law accustomed to bee used in Statutes of such matter whereby hee might be able after the death of her Majesty to make ligitimate to the Crowne any one bastard of his owne by any of so many hacknies as he keepeth affirming it to bee the Naturall issue of her Majesty by himselfe For no other reason can bee imagined why the ancient usuall words of Lawfull issue should so cunningly bee changed into Naturall issue thereby not onely to indanger our whole Realme with new quarrels of succession but also to touch as farre as in him lyeth the Royall honour of his Soveraigne who hath beene to him but too bountifull a Princesse Fourthly when after a time these fetches and devices began to be discovered he changed straight his course and turned to the Papists and Scottish faction pretending the marriage of the Queene in prison But yet after this againe finding therein not such successe as contented him throughly and having in the meane space a new occasion offered of baite he betooke himselfe fiftly to the party of Huntington having therein no doubt as good meaning to himselfe as his Father had by joyning with Suffolke Marry yet of late he hath cast anew about once againe âor himselfe in secret by treating the marriage of young Arbella with his Son intitled the Lord Denbigh So that by this we see the disposition of this man bent wholly to a scepter And albeit in right title and discent of bloud as you say hee can justly claime neither Kingdome nor Cottage considering either the basenesse or disloyalty of his Ancestours if in respect of his present state and power and of his naturall pride ambition and crafty conveyance received from his Father hee hath learned how to put himselfe first in possession of chiefe rule under other pretences and after to devise upon the title at his leasure But now to come to the third argument I say more and above all this that the nature and state of the matter it selfe permitteth not that my Lord of Leycester should meane sincerely the Crowne for Huntington especially seeing there hath passed betweene them so many yeares of dislike and enmity which albeit for the time and present commodity bee covered and pressed downe yet by reason and experience we know that afterward when they shall deale together againe in matters of importance and when jealousie shall bee joyned to other circumstances of their actions it is impossible that the former mislike should not breake out in farre higher degree then ever before As wee saw in the examples of the reconciliation made betwixt this mans Father and Edward Duke of Somerset bearing rule under King Edward the sixt and betweene Richard of Yârke and Edmund Duke of Somerset bearing rule in the time of King Hânry the sixt Both which Dukes of Somerset after reconciliation with theiâ old crafty and ambitious enemies were broâght by the same to their destruction soone after Whereof I doubt not but my Lord of Leycester will take good heed in joyning by reconciliation with Huntington after so long a breach and will not be so improvident as to make him his soveraigne who now is but his dependent He remembreth too well the successe of the Lord Stanley who helped King Henry the seaventh to the Crowne of the Duke of Buckingham who did the same for Richard the third of the Earle of Warwicke who set up King Edward the fourth and of the three Percies who advanced to the Scepter King Henry the fourth All which Noblemen upon occasions that after fell out were rewarded with death by the selfe same Princes whom they had preferred And that not without reason as Seignior Machavell my Lords Counsellour affirmeth For that such Princes afterward can never give sufficient satisfaction to such friends for so great a benefit received And consequently least upon discontentment they may chance to doe as much for others against them as they have done for them against others the surest way is to recompence them with such a reward as they shall never after be able to complaine of Wherefore I can never thinke that my Lord of Leycester will put himselfe in danger of the like successe at Huntingtons hands but rather will follow the plot of his owne Father with the Duke of Suffolke whom no doubt but hee meant
owne passion and leese his commodity As for that which is alleadged before for my Lord in the reason of his Defenders that his present state is so prosperous as hee cannot expect better in the next change whatsoever should be is of small moment in the conceipt of an ambitious head whose eye and heart is alwayes upon that which he hopeth for and enjoyeth not and not upon that which already hee possesseth be it never so good Especially in matters of honour and authority it is an infallible rule that one degree desired and not obtained afflicteth more then five degrees already possessed can give consolation the story of Duke Hamân confirmeth this evidently who being the greatest subject in the World under King Assuerus after he had reckoned up all his pompe riches glory and felicity to his friends yet hee said that all this was nothing unto him untill he could obtaine the revenge which hee desired upon Maâdâchaeus his enemy and hereby it commeth ordinarily to passe that among highest in authority are found the greatest store of Male-contents that most doe endanger their Prince and Countrey When the Percies took part with Henry of Bolingbrooke against King Richard the second their lawfull Soveraigne it was not for lack of preferment for they were exceedingly advanced by the said King and possessed the three Earledomes of Northumberland Worâester and Stafford together besides many other offices and dignities of honour In like sort when the two Neviles tooke upon them to joyne with Richard of Yorke to put downe their most benigne Prince King Henry the sixt and after again in the other side to put downe King Edward the fourth it was not upon want of advancement they being Earles both of Salisbury and Warwick and Lords of many notable places besides But it was upon a vaine imagination of future fortune whereby such men are commonly led and yet had not they any smell in their nostrils of getting the Kingdome for themselves as this man hath to prick him forward If you say that these men hated their Soveraigne and that thereby they were led to procure his destruction the same I may answer of my Lord living though of all men he hath least cause so to do But yet such is the nature of wicked ingratitude that where it oweth most and disdaineth to be bound there upon every little discontentment it turneth double obligation into triple hatred This he shewed evidently in the time of his little disgrace wherein hee noâ onely did diminish vilipend and debase among his friends the inestimable benefits hee hath received from her Majestie but also used to exprobrate his owne good services and merits and to touch her highnesse with ingrate consideration and recompence of the same which behaviour together with his hasty preparation to rebellion and assault of her Majesties Royall person and dignity upon so small a cause given did well shew what minde inwardly he beareth to his Soveraigne and what her Majesty may expect if by offending him shee should once fall within the compasse of his furious pawes seeing such a smoke of disdainâ could not proceed but from a fierie fornace of hatred within And surely it is a wonderfull matter to consider what a little check or rather the bare imagination of a small overthwart may worke in a proud and disdainfull stomâcke The remembrance of his marriagâ missâd that hee so much pretended and desired with her Majestie doth sticke deeply in his breâst and stirreth him daily to revenge As also doth the disdaine of certaine checks and disgraces received aâ sometimes especially that of his last marriage which irketh him so much the more by how much greater feare and danger it brought him into at that time and did put his Widow in such open phrensie as shee raged many moneths after against her Majestie and is not cold yet but remaineth as it were a sworne enemy for that injury and standeth like a fiend or fury at the elbow of her Amadis to stirre him forward when occasion shall serve And what effect such female suggestions may worke when they finde an humour proud and pliable to their purpose you may remember by the example of the Duchesse of Somerset who inforced her Husband to cut off the head of his onely deare Brother to his owne evident destruction for her contentation Wherefore to conclude this matter without further dispute or reason saying there is so much discovered in the case as there is so great desire of raigne so great impatience of delay so great hope and hability of successe if it be attempted under the good fortune and present authority of the competitours seeing the plots be so well laid the preparation so forward the favourers so furnished the time so propitious and so many other causes conviting together seeing that by differing all may be hazarded and by hastening little can be indangered the state and condition of things well weyed finding also the bands of duty so broken already in the conspiratours the causes of mislike and hatred so manifest and the solicitours to exâcution so potent and diligent as women malice and ambition are wont to bee it is more then probable that they will not leese their present commodity especially seeing they have learned by their Archi-tipe or Proto-plot which they follow I meane the conspiracy of Northumberland and Suffolke in King Edwards dayes that herein there was some errour committed at that time which overthrew the whole and that was the deferring of some things untill after the Kings death which should have beene put in execution before For if in the time of their plotting when as yet their designements were not published to the world they had under the countenance of the King as well they might have done gotten into their hands the two Sisters and dispatched some other few affaires before they had caused the young Prince to die no dobut but in mans reason the whole designement had taken place and consequently it is to be presupposed that these men being no fooles in their owne affaires will take heed of falling into the like errour by delay but rather will make all sure by striking while the iron is hot as our proverbe warneth them It cannot bee denied in reason quoth the Lawyer but that they have many helpes of doing what they list now under the present a favour countenance and authority of her Majesty which they should not have after her Highnesse decease when each man shall remaine more at liberty for his supreame obedience by reason of the statute provided for the uncertainty of the next successor and therefore I for my part would rather counsell them to make much of her Majesties life for after that they little know what may ensue or befall their designements They will make the most thereof quoth the Gentleman for their owne advantage but after that what is like to follow the examples
desired peace which ever since wee have enjoyed by the raigne of their two most noble issue so the plot that now is in hand for the cutting off the residue of that issue and for recalling backe of the whole Title to the House of Yorke againe is like to plung us deeper then ever in civile discord and to make us the bait of all forraine Princes seeing there be among them at this day some of no small power as I have said who pretend to bee the next heires by the House of Lancaster and consequently are not like to give over or abandon their owne right if once the doore bee opened to contention for the same by disanulling the Line of King Henry the seventh wherein onely the keyes of all concord remaine knit together And albeit I know well that such as be of my Lord of Huntingtons party will make small accompt of the Title ãâã Lancasteâ as lesse rightfull a great deale then that of Yorke and I for my part meane not greatly to avow the same as now it is placed being my selfe no favourer of forraine Titles yet indifferent men have to consider how it was taken in times past and how it may againe in time to come if contention should arise how many Noble personages of our Realme did offer themselves to die in defence thereof how many Oaths and Lawes were given and received throughout the Realme for maintenance of the same against the other House of Yorke for ever how many worthy Kings were crowned and raigned of that House and Race to wit the foure most Noble Henries one after another the fourth the fift the sixt and the seventh who both in number government sanctity courage and feats of armes were nothing inferiour if not superiour to those of the other House and Line of Yorke after the division betweene the Families It is to bee considered also as a speciall signe of the favour and affection of our whole Nation unto that Family that Henry Earle of Richmond though discending but of the last Sonne and third Wife of John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster was so respected for that onely by the universall Realme as they inclined wholly to call him from banishment and to make him King with the deposition of Richard which then ruled of the House of Yorke upon condition onely that the said Henry should take to Wife a Daughter of the contrary Family so great was in those dayes the affection of English hearts towards the Line of Lancaster for the great worthinesse of such Kings as had raigned of that Race how good or bad soever their Title were which I stand not here at this time to discusse but onely to insinuate what party the same found in our Realme in times past and consequently how extreame dangerous the contention for the same may be hereafter especially seeing that at this day the remainder of that Title is pretended to rest wholly in a stranger whose power is very great Which we Lawyers are wont to esteeme as a point of no smaâl importance for justifying of any mans title âo a Kingdome You Lawyers want not reason in that Sir quoth I howsoever you want right for if you will examine the succession of governements from the beginning of the Wârld untill this day either among Gentile Jew or Christian people you shall finde that the sword haâh âeene alwayes bâtter thân halfe the title to get estâbliâh or maintaâne a Kingdome which maketh ãâã âhââore apalled to heare you discourse in such sort of new contentions and forraine titles accompanied wâth such power and strength of the titlers which cannot bee but infinitely dangerous and fatall to our Realme if once it come to actâon both for the division thât is like to be at home and the variety of partâes from abâoad For as the Prince whoâ you signifie will not faile by all likelyhood to pursue his title with all forces that hee can make if occasion were offered so reason of state and policy will enforce other Princes adjoyning to let and hinder him therein what they can and so by this meanes shâll we become Juda and Isrâel among our selves one killing and vexing the othâr with the sword and to forraine Princes we shall be as the Iland of Salamina was in old time to the Athenians and Megatians and as the Iland of Cicilia was afterward to the Grecians Carthaginians and Romans and as in our dayes the Kingdome of Naples hath beene to the Spaniards French-men Germans and Venetians That is a bait to feed upon and a game to fight for Wherefore I beseech the Lord to avert from us all occasions of such miseries And I pray you Sir for that wee are fallen into the mention of these matters to take so much paines as to open unto me the ground of these controversies so long now quiet betweene Yorke and Lancaster seeing they are now like to bee raised againe For albeit in generall I have heard much thereof yet in particular I either conceive not or remember not the foundation of the same and much lesse thâ state of their severall titles at this day for that it is a study not properly pertaining unto my profession The controversie betweene the Houses of Yorke and Lancaster quoth the Lawyer took his actuall beginning in the issue of King Edward the third who died somewhat more then two hundred yeares agone but the occasion pretence or cause of that quarrell began in the children of King Henry the third who died an hundred yeares before that and left two Sonnes Edward who was King after him by the name of Edward the first and was Grandfather to Edward the third and Edmond for his deformity called Crookebacke Earle of Lancaster and beginner of that House whose inheritance afterward in the fourth discent fell upon a Daughter named Blanch who was married to the fourth Son of King Edward the third named John of Gaunt for that he was borne in the City of Gaunt in Flanders and so by this his first wife hee became Duke of Lancaster and heire of that House And for that his Son Henry of Bolingbrooke afterward called King Henry the fourth pretended among other things that Edmond Crookeback great Grandfather to Blanch his mother was the elder Sonne of King Henry the third and unjustly put by the inheritance of the Crowne for that he was Crook-backed and deformed hee tooke by force the Kingdome from Richard the second Nephew to King Edward the third by his first Sonne and placed the same in the House of Lancaster where it remained for three whole discents untill afterward Edward Duke of Yorke descended of Iohn of Gaunts yonger brother making claime to the Crowne by title of his Grandmother that was heire to Lionel Duke of Clarence Iohn of Gaunts elder Brother tooke the same by force from Henry the sixt of the House of Lancaster and brought it backe againe to the
House of Yorke where it continued with much trouble in two Kings onely untill both Houses were joyned together in King Henry the seventh and his noble issue Hereby wee see how the issue of Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster fourth Son to King Edward the third pretended right to the Crowne by Edmond Crookebacke before the issue of all the other three Sonnes of Edward the third albeit they were the elder Brothers whereof wee will speake more hereafter Now Iohn of Gaunt though hee had many children yet had he foure onely of whom issue remaine two Sonnes and two Daughters The first Son was Henry of Bolingbrooke Duke of Lancaster who tooke the Crowne from King Richard the second his Unkles Sonne as hath beene said and first of all planted the same in the House of Lancaster where it remained in two discents after him that is in his Son Henry the fift and in his Nephew Henry the sixt who was afterward destroyed together with Henry Prince of Wales his onely Sonne and Heire and consequently all that Line of Henry Bolingbâooke extinguished by Edward the fourth of the House of Yorke The other Son of Iohn of Gaunt was Iohn Duke of Somersât by Katherine Sfinsford his third wife which Iohn had issue another Iohn and he Margaret his Daughter and Heire who being married to Edmond Tyder Earle of Richmond had issue Henry Earle of Richmond who after was named King Henry the seventh whose Line yet endureth The two Daughters of John of Gaunt were married to Portugall and Castile that is Philip borne of Blanch Heire to Edmond Crookeback as hath beene said was married to Iohn King of Portugall of whom is descended the King that now possesseth Portugall and the other Princes which have or may make title to the same and Katherin borne of Constanâe Heire of Castile was married back againe to Henry King of Castile in Spaine of whom King Philip is also descended So that by this wee see where the remainder of the House of Lancaster resteth if the Line of King Henry the seventh were extinguished and what pretext forraine Princes may have to subdue us if my Lord of Huntington either now or after hâr Majesties dayes will open to them the doore by shutting out the rest of King Henries Line and by drawing backe the title to the onely House of Yorke againe which he pretendeth to doe upon this that I will now declare King Edward the third albeit he had many children yet five onely will we speake of at this time Whereof three were elder then Jâhn of Gaunt and one yonger The first of the elder was named Edward the blacke Prince who died before his Father leaving one onely Sonne named Richard who afterward being King and named Richard the second was deposed without issue and put to death by his Cosin germain named Henry Bolingbrooke Duke of Lancaster Son to John of Gaunt as hath beene said and so there ended the Line of King Edwards first Sonne King Edwards second Sonne was William of Hatfââld that died without issue His third Sonne was Leonell Duke of Clarence whose onely Daughter and Heire called Phââip was married to Edmond Mortimer Earle oâ Marcâ and after that Anneâhe âhe Daughter and Heire of Mortimer was married to Richard Plantagiâet Duke of Yorke Son and Heire to Edmond of Langâây the first Duke of Yorkâ which Edmond was the fift Son of King Edward the third and younger Brother to John of Gaunt And this Edmond of Lanâley may bee called the first beginner of the Hâuse of Yorke even as Edmond Crookback the beginner of the House of Lancaster This Edmond Langley then having a Sonne named Richard that married Anne Mortimer sole Heire to Leonell Duke of Clarence joyned two Lines and two Titles in one I meane the Line of Leonell and of Edmond Langley who were as hath bin said the third and the fift Sonnes to King Edward the third And for this cause the childe that was borne of this marriage named after his Father Richard Plantaginet Duke of Yorke seeing himselfe strong and the first Line of King Edward the thirds eldest Son to be extinguished in the death of King Richard the second and seeing William of Hatfield the second Sonne dead likewise without issâe made demand of the Crowne for the House of Yorke by the title of Leonell the third Sonne of King Edward And albeit hee could not obtaine the same in his dayes for that hee was slaine in a Battell against King Henry the sixt at Wakefield yet his Sonne Edward got the same and was called by the name of King Edward the fourth This King at his death left divers children as namely two Sonnes Edward the fift and his Brother who after were both murdered in the Tower as shall be shewed and also five Daughters to wit Elizabeth Cicily Anne Katherine and Briget Whereof the first was married to Henry the seventh The last became a Nunne and the other three were bestowed upon divers other husbands Hee had alâo two Brothers the first was called George Duke of âlarence who afterward upon his deserts as is to be supposed was put to death in Callis by commandement of the King and his attainder allowed by Parliamânt And this man left behinde him a Sonne named Edward Earle of Warwick put to death afterward without issue by King Henry the seventh and a Daughter named Margaret Countessâ of âalisâury who was married to a meane Gentleman named Richarâ Poole by whom she had issue Cardinall Poole that died without marriage and Henry Poole that was attainted and executed ân King Henry the eight his time as also her selfe was and this Henry Poole left a Daughter married afterward to the Earle of Huntington by whom this Earle that now is maketh title to the Crowne And this is the effect of my Lord of Huntingtons title The second Brother of King Edward the fourth was Richard Duke of Gâocester who after the Kings death caused his two Sonnes to be murdered in the Tower and tooke the Kingdome to himselfe And afterward he being slaine by King Henry the seventh at Bosââorth-field left no issue behind him Wherefore King Henry the seventh descending as hath bin shewed of the House of Lancaster by John of Gaunts last Sonne and third Wife and taking to Wife Lady âlizabeth eldest daughter of King Edward the fourth of the House of Yorke joyned most happily the two Families together and made an end of all controversies about the title Now King Henry the seventh had issue three Children of whom remaineth posterity First Henry the eighth of whom is descended our Soveraigne her Majesty that now happily raigneth and is the last that remaineth alive of that first Line Secondly he had two Daughters whereof the first named Margaret was married twice first to James King of Scotland from whom are directly discended the Queene of Scotland that now liveth and her Sonne and
house of Suffolk bâfore them both A notable change quoâh the Gântleman that a title so much exalted of late by the Father above all order right ranke and degree should now be so âuch debased by the Son as thouâh it were not worthy to hold any degree but rather to be troden under-foot for plain bastardy And you see by thâs how true it is which I told you before that the race of Dudlies are most cunning merchants to make their gaine of all thângs men and times And as we have seene now two testâments alleaged the one of the Kings father and the other of the kings sonne and both of them in prejudice of the testators true successors so many good subjects begân greatly to fear that we may chance to see sâortly a third Testâment of her Mâjesty for the tituling of Huntington and exurpation of King Henries blood thât before her Majesty can think of sicknessâ wherein I beseech the Lord I be no Prophet But now sir to the foresaid Will and Testament of King Henry I have often heard in truth that the thing was counterfeit or at the least not able to be proved aâd that it was discovered rejected and defaced in Queen Maries time but I would gladly understand what you Lawyers esteeme or judge thereof Touching this matter quoth the Lawyer it cannot be denied but that in the 28. and 36 years of King Henries reign upon coâsideration of some doubt aâd irâesolution which the King himselfe had shewed to have about the order of succâssion in his owne children as also for taking away all occasions of controversies in those of the next blood the whole Parliament gave authority unto the said King to debate and determine âhose matters himselfe together with his learned councell who best knew the lawes of the Realme and titles that any man might hâve thereby and that whatsoever succâssion his Majesty should declare as most right and lawfull under his letters patents sealed or by his last Will and Tâstâment rightfully made and signed with his owne hand that the sâme should bee received for good and lawfull Upon pretence whereof soon after King Henries death there was shewed a Will with the kings stamp at the same and the names of divers witnesses wherein as hath beene said the succession of the Crowne after the kingâ owne children is assigned to the heyres of Frances and Elenore Neeces to the king by his younger Sister Which assignation of the Crown being as it were a meer gift in prejudice of the elder sisters right as also of the right of Frances and Elenor themselves who were omitted in the same assignation and their heires intituled onely was esteâmed to be against all reason law and nature and consequently not thought to proceed from so wise and sage a Prince as K. Henrie was knowne to be but rather either the whole forged or at least wise that clause inserted by other and the Kings stamp set unto it after his death or when his Majesty lay now past understanding And hereof there wanteth not divers most evident reasons and proofes For first it is not probâble nor credible that King Henrie would ever go about against law and reason to disinherit the line of his eldest sister without any profit or interest to himselfe and thereby give most evident occasion of Civill war and discord within the Realm seeing that in such a case of manifest and apparent wrong in so great a mâtter the authoritie of Paâlament taketh little effect against the true and lawfull inheritâr as well appeared in the former times and contentions of Henrie the sixth Edward the fourth and Richard the third in whose reignes the divers and contrarie Parliaments made and holden âgainst the neât inheritor held no longer with any man then untill the other was able to make his owne partie good So likewise in the case of King Edward the third his succession to Fâance in the right of his mother though he were excludâd by the generall assembly and consent of their Parliaments yet he esteemed not his right extinguished thereby as neither did other Kings of our Countrie that ensued after him And for our present case if nothing else should have restrained King Henrie from such open injustice towards his eldest sister yet this cogitation at least would have stayed him that by giving example of supplanting his elder sisters Line by vertue of a testament or pretence of Parliament some other might take occasion to displace his children by like pretence as we see that Duke Dudley did soone after by a forged testament of King Edward the sixt So ready Schollars there are to be found which easily will learne such lessons of iniquity Secondly there be too many incongruities and indignities in the said pretended Will to proceed from such a Prince and learned councell as King Henries was For first what can be more ridiculous than to give the Crowne to the heires of Francis and Elenor and not to any of themselves or what had they offended that their heires should enjoy the Crowne in their right and not they themselves What if King Henries Children should have dyed whiles Lady Francis had been yet alive who should have possessed the Kingdome before her seeing her Line was next and yet by this testament shee could not pretend her selfe to obtaine it But rather having marryed Adrian Stokes her horse-keeper she must have suffered her sonne by him if she had any to enjoy the Crown and so Adâian of a Serving man and Master of Horses should have become the great Master and Protector of England Of like absurditie is that other clause also wherein the King bindeth his owne daughters to marry by consent and direction of his counsell or otherwise to leese the benefit of their succession yet bindeth not hiâ Neices daughters to wit the daughters of Francis Elenor if they had any to any such condition Thirdly there may bee divers causes and arguments alledged in law why this pretended will is not authenticall if otherwise it were certaine that King Henrie had meant it first for that it is not agreeable to the mind and meaning of the Parliament which intended onely to give authoritie for declaration and explication of the true title and not for donation or intricating of the same to the ruine of the Reâlme Secondly for that there is no lawfull and authenticall Copie extant thereof but onely a bare inrolement in the Chancerie which is not sufficient in so weighty an affaire no witnesse of the privie Councell or of Nobilitâe to the same which had been convenient in so great a case for the best of the witnesses therein named is Sir Iohn Gates whose miserable death is well knowne no publike Notary no probation of the will before any Bishop or any lawfull Court for that puâpose no examination of the witnessâs or other thing orderly done for lawfull authorizing of
hee was going towards the place of his appoynted destiny there was given up into his hands a detection of the whole treason with request to read the same presently which he upon confidence omitted to doe Wee read also of Alexander the great how hee was not onely forbidden by a learned man to enter into Babylon whither he was then going for that there was treason meant against him in the place but also that he was foretold of Antipaters mischievous meaning against him ân particular Buâ the yong Prince hâving so well deserved of Antipatâr could not bâ brought to mistâust the man that was so deaâe unto him and by that meanes was poysoned in a banquât by three sons of Antipater which were of most credit and confidence in the Kings Chamber Here truly my heart did somewhat tremble with feare horror and detâstation of such events And I said unto the Gentlemân I beseech you Sir to talke no more of these matters for I cannot well abide to heare them named hoping in the Lord thât there is no câuse nor ever shâll be to doubt the like in England especially from thâse mân who are so much bound to her Majesty and so forward in seeking out and pursuing all such aâ may be tâought to be dângerous to her Majesties peâson as by the âundây late executions wee have have seân and by the punishments every way of Papists we mây perceive Truth it is quoth the Gentlemân that justice hath bin done upon divers of late which contenteth me gâeatly for the terrouâ and râstraint of others of what sect or religion soâver they be And it is most necâssary doubtles for the compressing of paâtiâs that greât vigilance be used in thaâ behalfe But when I consider that only one kind of men are touched heâein and that all speeâh regard doubt distrust ând watch is of them alone without reflection of eye upon other mens doings or dâsignements when I see the double diligence and vehemency of cârtaine instruments which I like not bent wholly to raise wonder and admiration of the people feare terrour and attention to the dâinâs sayings and meanings of one part or âaction alone and of that namely and only which these conspirators esteem for most dangerous and opposite to themselves I am beleeve me often tempted to suspect fraud and false measure and that these men deale as wolves by nature in other Countries are wont to do Which going together in great numbers to assaile a flocke of sheep by night doe set some one or two of their company upon the wind side of the fold a far off who parly by their sent and oâher bruteling which of purpose they make may draw the dogs and shepheards to pursue them alone whiles the other doe enter and slay the whole flock Or as rebels that meaning to surprize a Town to turne away the Inhabitants from considering of the danger and from defence of that place where they intend to enter doe set on fire some other parts of the Towne further off and doe sound a false alarme at some gate where is meant least danger Which art was used cunningly by Richard D. of Yorke in the time of King Henrie the sixt when he to cover his owne intânt brought all the Realme in doubt of the doings of Edmond Duke of Somerset his enemy But Iohn of Northamberland father to my Lord of Leycester used the same art much more skilfully when hee put all England in a maze and musing of the Protector and of his friends as though nothing could be safe about the yong King untill they were suppressâd and consequently all brought into his owne authority without obstacle I speake not this to excuse Papists or to wish them any way spared wherein they offend but onely to signifie that in a Countrey where so potent factions bee it is not safe to suffer the one to make it selfe so puissant by pursuit of the other as afterwards the Prince must remaine at the devotion of the stronger but rather as in a body molested and troubled with contrarie humours if all cannot be purged the best Physick is without all doubt to reduce and hold them at such an equality as destruction may not be feared of the predominant To this said the Lawyer laughing yea marry Sir I would to God your opinion might prevaile in this matter for then should wee bee in other tearmes then now we are I was not long since in company of a cetaine honourable Lady of the Court who after some speech passed by Gentlemen that were present of some apprehended and some executed and such like affâires brake into a great complaint of the present time and therewith I assure you moved all the hearers to griefe as women you know are potent in stirring of affections and caused them all to wish that her Majesty had beene nigh to have heard her words I doe well remember quoth she the first dosen yeares of her Highnesse reigne how happy pleasant and quiet they were with all manner of comfort and consolation There was no mention then of fâctions in religion neither was any man much noted or rejected for that cause so otherwise his conversation were civill and couâteous No suspition of treason no talke of bloudshed no complaint of troubles miseries or vexations All was peace all was love all was joy all was delight Her Mâjestie I am sure took more Recreation at that time in one day than shee doth now in a whole week and wee that served her Highnesse enjoyed more contentation in a weeke than we can now in divers yeares For now there are so many suspitions every where for this thing and for that as we cannot tell whom to trust So mâny melancholick in the Court that seem male-contented so many complayning or suing for their friends that are in trouble others slip over the Sea or retire themselves upon the suddaine so many tales brought us of this or that danger of this man suspected of that man sent for up and such lâke unpleasant ând unsavorie stuffe as we can never almost bee merry one whole day together Wherefore quoth this Lady wee that are of her Majesties traine and speciall service and doe not onely feele these things in our selves but much more in the grief of her most excellent Majesty whom we see dayly molested herewith being one of the best natures I am sure that ever noble Princesse was indued withall wee cannot but mone to behold contentions advanced so far forth as they are and we could wish most heartily that for the time to come these matters might passe with such peace friendship and tranquillity as they doe in other Countryes where difference in religion breaketh not the band of good fellowship or fidelity And with this in a smiling manner she brake off asking pardon of the company if she had spoken her opinion over boldly like a woman To whom answered a Courtier that
Scots captived Queen to wife I âgg'd him on to follow his intent That by this meanes I might abridge his life And she a crowned Queen to stint all strife First finding Scotland lost to England fled Where she in hope of succour lost head O blessed Spirits live yee evermore Iâ heavenly Sion where your maker reignes And give me leave my fortunes to deplore That am fast fetterd with sins iron chaines Mans most sweet joys are mixt with some foul pains And doâh he live of high or low degree In life or death that can from woe be free Ah now my tongue growes weary to recite Such mâssaâres as have been here exprest Whose sad remembrance doth afflict my spright Me thinkes I see legions of soules to rest In Abrahams bosome and my selfe opprest The burden of my sinnes doe weigh me downe At me the fiends doe laugh and Angels frowne My crimes I grant were geat and manifold Yet not so heynous as men make report But flattering Parasites are growne so bold That they of Princes matters make a sport To please the humors of the vulgar sort And that poore peevish giddiheaded crue Are prone to credit any tale untrue Let those that live endeavour to live well Left after death like mine their guilt remaine Let no man thinke there is no Heaven or Hell Or with the impious Sadduces maintaine That after death no flesh shall rise againe Let no man trust on Fortunes fickle wheele The guerdon due for ââne I partly feele Know that the Prince of heavenly Saraphins When he 'gainst his Creator did rebell Was tumbled downe for his presumptuous sinne Sathan that once was blest like lightning fell From the highest heaven to the deepest hell And all those Angells that his part did take Have now their portion in the burning lake Of mighty heapes of treasure I could vant For I reapt profit out of every thing I could the Prince and peoples hearts inchant With my faire words and smooth fac'd flâttering And out of drosse pure gold I oft did wring For though the meanes to win be oft unmeet The smell of lucre ever smelleth sweet So I somtimes had very much good hap Great suites of my dread Soveraigne to obtaine Prodigall fortune powr'd down from hâr lap Angels of gold as thick as drops in raine Such was my luck to finde the golden veine Likewise with me it seemed nothing strange Both tents and lands oft with my Prince to change I had another way t' inrich my selfe By geting licences for me alone For Wine Oyle Velvet Cloath and such like pelfe By licences to alienation By raising rents and by oppression By claiming Forrests Pastures Commons Woods And forfeiture of lands of life and goods By this strong course also I greatly thrived Jn falling out with my deere Soveraigne For I the Plot so cunningly contrived That reconcilement soone was made againe And by this meanes great gifts I did obtaine For that I might my bags the better fill I beg'd great suites as pledge of new goodwill Besides somtimes I did encrease my store By benefit that I from Oxford tooke Electing heads of houses heretofore I lov'd their money and they lov'd their booke Some poorer though more learned I forsooke For in those daies your charity was cold Little was done for love but much for gold Doubtlesse my Father was a valiant Peere In Edwaâd the sixt daies when he was sent Gainst Rebells that did rise in Norfolke shire And after that when he to Scotland went Under the Lord Protectors Regiment By notable exploits against the Sâot Eternall glory to himselfe he got Truly ambition was his greatest fault Which commonly in noble hearts is bred He thought the never could his slate exalt Till the good Dâke of Sumerset was dead Who by my Fathers meanes did lose his head So ill the race of Dudlies could endure The Seymors lives which did their fame obscure When once King Edward ãâã the butt had shot My Father sayd your Grace shoots neere the mark Thâ King repli'd but not so neere I wot As when you shot my Vncles head off quite The duke my Father knew the King said right And that he ment this matter to debate If ere hee liv'd to come to mans estate It seemes my Father in times past had been A skillfull Archer though no learned clerke So straâge a chance as this is seldome seen I doe suppose hâ shot not in the dark That could so quickly hit so faire a mark Nor have I mâst my aime nor worse have sped When I shot off the Duke of Norfolks head Now when the Duke of Somerset was dead My Father to the French did Bulloigne sell As pleâsâd him the King he governed And from the privy counsell did depell Th'earles of Southampton and of Arundell Thus whilst he ruled and controuled all The wise young King extreamly sick did fall Who having languisht long of lâfe deprived Not wâthout poison as it was suspected The counsell through my Fathers meanes conârived That Suffolks Daugther should be Queen elected Thâ Sisters of King Edward were rejected My brother Guiâforâ to Iane Gray was wedded Too high preferr'd that was so soone beheaded This Lâdy Iane that once was tearmed Queeen Greatâr in fame then fortune was put downe Had not King Henries Dâughters living been Mâght for her vertues have deserv'd a ârowne Fortune at once on her did smile and frowne Her wedding garment for a Princes meet Was quickly changed for a winding sheet For I was iump of Julââus ââsars minde That could ãâã one supârioâ Lord endure Nay I to guide my Sâveraigne was inclin'd And bring the common people to my lure Accounting that my fortune was obscure And that I lived in a wofull plight If any one eclipst my glorious light The love to reigne makes many men respect Neither their friend their kindâed nor their vow The love to reigne makes many men neglect The duty which to God and man they ow From out this fountaine many mischeifes flow Hâreof examples many may be read In Chronicles of th' English Princes dead This humor made King Hârâold break his oath Made unto William Duke of Normandy This made King Rufus and young Beauclaâk both Their elder Brother Robert to defie And Stephen to forget his loialty To Mawa the Empresse and to hold in scorne The faithfull oath which he to her had sworne This made young Henry crowned by his sire Against his Father Warfare to maintaine This made King Iohn the kingdome to aspire Which to his Nephew Arthur did pertaine And him in pâison hardly to retaine And this made Buâingbrook t' usurp the Crowne Putting his lawfull Soveraigne Richard downe This made Edward the fourth at his returne From Burgundy when he to Yorke was come To break the oath which he had lately sworne And rule the Realme in good King Henries roome This made the Tyrant Richard eke to doome His Nephewes death and rid away his wife And so in bloud to end