names if they write matters of fact 't is a sign they cannot make them good and all men are agreed to reject their Testimony except such as resolve to deny others common justice but the ill opinion of these prejudic'd persons can no more injure any man than their good opinion will do him honor Besides other reasons of mentioning my suppos'd designs one is to disabuse several people who as I am told are made to believe that in the History of SOCRATES I draw a Parallel between that Philosopher and JESUS CHRIST This is a most scandalous and unchristian calumny as will more fully appear to the world whenever the Book it self is publish'd for that I have bin som time about it I freely avow yet not in the manner those officious Informers report but as becoms a disinterested Historian and a friend to all mankind The Inscription on the Monument of Sir JAMES HARRINGTON and his three Sons at Exton in Rutlandshire HERE lieth Sir James Harrington of Exton Kt. with a And Sister to Sir Philip Sidney Kt. Lucy his Wife Daughter to Sir William Sidney Kt. by whom he had 18 Children wherof three Sons and 8 Daughters marry'd as follows THE eldest Son Sir b Who was afterwards created Ld Harrington and his Lady was Governess to the Queen of Bohemia His Family is extinct as to Heirs Male One of his Daughters was marry'd to the Earl of Bedford and was Groom of the Stole to Q. Ann. The other was marry'd to a Scotch Lord whose name was Lord Bruce Earl of Elgin his Grandson now Lord Alisbury John marry'd the Heiress of Robert Keylwoy Surveyor of the Court of Wards and Liverys The 2 d Son Sir c Who happen'd to be President of Ireland and from him descended my Lady Fretchavil's Father my Lady Morison and my Lord Falkland's Lady Henry took to Wife one of the Coheirs of Francis Agar one of his Majesty's Privy Council in Ireland the 3 d Son James d Afterwards Baronet To him were born Sir Edward Harrington Sir Sapcotes Harrington and Mr. John Harrington who had Issue both Sons and Daughters Harrington Esq had to Wife one of the Coheirs of Robert Sapcotes Esq The eldest Daughter Elizabeth was married to Sir Edward e Who was Father to the Lord Montague the Earl of Manchester and Lord Privy Seal and Sir Sidney Montague who was afterwards created Earl of Sandwich and to the Earl of Rutlana's Lady and Judg Montague Montague Kt. The 2 d Frances to Sir William f Who was afterwards created Lord Chichester and Earl of Dunsmore and marry'd one of his Daughters to the Earl of Southamton by whom he had the present Lady Northumberland And his other Daughter marry'd her self to Col. Villâ—rs and is now Governess to the Lady Mary the Duke of York's eldest Daughter Lee Kt. The 3 d Margaret to Don g Which Dukedom afterwards fell to him and by this Lady he had one sole Daughter and Heir who is said to have marry'd the Duke of Ferio and by him to have had one Daughter who is marry'd to a King of Portugal Bonitto de Sisnores of Spain of the Family of the Dukes of Frantasquo The 4 th Katherine to Sir Edward h Of Lincolnshire the King's Standard-bearer Dimmock Kt. The 5 th Mary to Sir Edward i An antient noble Family in Kent Wingâ—ield Kt. The 6 th Maball to Sir Andrew k Now Lord Cambden Owner of the place where this Monument is â—oell Kt. The 7 th Surah was marry'd to the Lord Hastings Heir to the Earl of Huntingdon The 8 th Theodosia l One of whose Daughters marry'd the Earl of Hume in Scotland and had by him two Daughters one married my Lord Morrice and the other my Lord Maitland now Duke of Lauderdale The other Daughter of my Lady Dudley was Heir to the Honour of Dudley Castle of whose Issue by the Mother's side is the present Lord Dudley to the Lord Dudley of Dudley Castle THE same Sir James and Lucy were marry'd fifty years She died first in the 72 d year of her Age he shortly after yielded to Nature being 80 years old in the year of our Lord 1591 and of Queen Elizabeth's Reign 34. their Son James being made sole Executor to them both who that he might as well perform to his Parents their Rites as leave a Testimony of his own Piety to Posterity hath erected and dedicated this Monument to their eternal Memory The Mechanics of Nature OR An Imperfect Treatise written by JAMES HARRINGTON during his sickness to prove against his Doctors that the Notions he had of his own Distemper were not as they alleg'd Hypocondriac Whimsys or Delirious Fancys The PREFACE HAVING bin about nine months som say in a Disease I in a Cure I have bin the wonder of Physicians and they mine not but that we might have bin reconcil'd for Books I grant if they keep close to Nature must be good ones but I deny that Nature is bound to Books I am no study'd Naturalist having long since given over that Philosophy as inscrutable and incertain for thus I thought with my self Nature to whom it is given to work as it were under her Veil or behind the Curtain is the Art of God now if there be Arts of Men who have wrought openly enough to the understanding for example that of TITIAN nevertheless whose excellency I shall never reach How shall I thus sticking in the Bark at the Arts of Men be able to look thence to the Roots or dive into the Abyss of things in the Art of God And nevertheless Si placidum caput undis extulerit should Nature afford me a sight of her I do not think so meanly of my self but that I would know her as soon as another tho more learn'd man Laying therfore Arts wholly and Books almost all aside I shall truly deliver to the world how I felt and saw Nature that is how she came first into my senses and by the senses into my understanding Yet for the sake of my Readers and also for my own I must invert the order of my Discourse For theirs because till I can speak to men that have had the same Sensations with my self I must speak to such as have a like understanding with others For my own because being like in this Discourse to be the Monky that play'd at Chess with his Master I have need of som Cushion on my head that being in all I have spoken hitherto more laid at than my Reason My Discourse then is to consist of two parts the first in which I appeal to his understanding who will use his Reason is a Platform of Nature drawn out in certain Aphorisms and the second in which I shall appeal to his senses who in a Disease very common will make further trial is a Narrative of my Case A Platform or Scheme of Nature 1. NATURE is the Fiat the Breath and in the
don After considerably improving his Knowlege in the University he was more particularly fitting himself for his intended Travels by learning several Foren Languages when his Father dy'd leaving him under Age. Tho the Court of Wards was still in being yet by the Soccage Tenure of his Estate he was at liberty to chuse his own Guardian and accordingly pitcht upon his Grandmother the Lady SAMUEL a Woman eminent for her Wisdom and Virtue Of her and the rest of his Governors he soon obtain'd a permission to satisfy his eager desire of seeing som other parts of the World where he cou'd make such Observations on Men and Manners as might best fit him in due time to serve and adorn his Native Country 3. HIS first step was into Holland then the principal School of Martial Disciplin and what toucht him more sensibly a place wonderfully flourishing under the influence of their Liberty which they had so lately asserted by breaking the Yoke of a severe Master the Spanish Tyrant And here no doubt it was that he begun to make Government the Subject of his Meditations for he was often heard to say that before he left England he knew no more of Monarchy Anarchy Aristocracy Democracy Oligarchy or the like than as hard words wherof he learnt the signification in his Dictionary For som months he listed himself in my Lord CRAVEN'S Regiment and Sir ROBERT STONE' 's during which time being much at the Hague he had the opportunity of further accomplishing himself in two Courts namely those of the Prince of Orange and the Queen of Bohemia the Daughter of our K. JAMES I. then a Fugitive in Holland her Husband having bin abandon'd by his Father in Law betray'd by the King of Spain and stript of all his Territorys by the Emperor This excellent Princess entertain'd him with extraordinary favor and civility on the account of his Uncle the Lord HARRINGTON who had bin her Governor but particularly for the sake of his own Merit The Prince Elector also courted him into his Service ingag'd him to attend him in a Journy he made to the Court of Denmark and after his return from travelling committed the chief management of all his Affairs in England to his care Nor were the young Princesses less delighted with his Company his Conversation being always extremely pleasant as well as learn'd and polite to which good qualitys those unfortunat Ladys were far from being strangers as appears by the Letters of the great Philosopher CARTESIUS and by the other Writers of those times 4. THO he found many Charms inviting his longer stay in this place yet none were strong enough to keep him from pursuing his main design of travelling and therfore he went next thro Flanders into France where having perfected himself in the Language seen what deserv'd his curiosity and made such Remarks on their Government as will best appear in his Works he remov'd thence into Italy It happen'd to be then as it is now the Year of Jubilee He always us'd to admire the great dexterity wherwith the Popish Clergy could maintain their severe Government over so great a part of the World and that Men otherwise reasonable enough should be inchanted out of their Senses as well as cheated out of their Mony by these ridiculous Tricks of Religious Pageantry Except the small respect he shew'd to the Miracles they daily told him were perform'd in their Churches he did in all other things behave himself very prudently and inoffensively But going on a Candlemass day with several other Protestants to see the Pope perform the Ceremony of consecrating Wax Lights and perceiving that none could obtain any of those Torches except such as kist the Pope's To which he expos'd to 'em for that purpose tho he had a great mind to one of the Lights yet he would not accept it on so hard a condition The rest of his Companions were not so scrupulous and after their return complain'd of his squeamishness to the King who telling him he might have don it only as a respect to a temporal Prince he presently reply'd that since he had the honor to kiss his Majesty's hand he thought it beneath him to kiss any other Prince's foot The King was pleas'd with his answer and did afterwards admit him to be one of his Privy Chamber extraordinary in which quality he attended him in his first Expedition against the Scots 5. HE prefer'd Venice to all other places in Italy as he did its Government to all those of the whole World it being in his Opinion immutable by any external or internal Causes and to finish only with Mankind of which Assertion you may find various proofs alleg'd in his Works Here he furnish'd himself with a Collection of all the valuable Books in the Italian Language especially treating of Politics and contracted acquaintance with every one of whom he might receive any benefit by instruction or otherwise 6. AFTER having thus seen Italy France the Low Countrys Denmark and som parts of Germany he return'd home into England to the great joy of all his Friends and Acquaintance But he was in a special manner the Darling of his Relations of whom he acknowleg'd to receive reciprocal satisfaction His Brothers and Sisters were now pretty well grown which made it his next care so to provide for each of 'em as might render 'em independent of others and easy to themselves His Brother WILLIAM he bred to be a Merchant in which calling he became a considerable Man he was a good Architect and was so much notic'd for his ingenious Contrivances that he was receiv'd a Fellow of the Royal Society How his other Brothers were dispos'd we mention'd in the beginuing of this Discourse He took all the care of a Parent in the education of his Sisters and wou'd himself make large Discourses to 'em concerning the Reverence that was due to Almighty God the benevolence they were oblig'd to shew all mankind how they ought to furnish their minds with knowlege by reading of useful Books and to shew the goodness of their disposition by a constant practice of Virtue In a word he taught 'em the true Rules of humanity and decency always inculcating to 'em that good Manners did not so much consist in a fashionable carriage which ought not to be neglected as in becoming words and actions an obliging address and a modest behavior He treated his Mother in Law as if she were his own and made no distinction between her Children and the rest of his Brothers and Sisters which good Example had such effects on 'em all that no Family has bin more remarkable for their mutual friendship 7. HE was of a very liberal and compassionat nature nor could he indure to see a Friend want any thing he might spare and when the Relief that was necessary exceded the bounds of his Estate he persuaded his Sisters not only to contribute themselves but likewise to go about to the rest of their Relations
to complete what was wanting And if at any time they alleg'd that this Bounty had bin thrown away on ungrateful Persons he would answer with a smile that he saw they were mercenary and that they plainly sold their Gifts since they expected so great a return as Gratitude 8. HIS natural inclinations to study kept him from seeking after any publick Imployments But in the year 1646 attending out of curiosity the Commissioners appointed by Parlament to bring King CHARLES the First from Newcastle nearer to London he was by som of 'em nam'd to wait on his Majesty as a Person known to him before and ingag'd to no Party or Faction The King approv'd the Proposal yet our Author would never presume to com into his presence except in public till he was particularly commanded by the King and that he with THOMAS HERBERT created a Baronet after the Restoration of the Monarchy were made Grooms of the Bedchamber at Holmby together with JAMES MAXWELL and PATRICK MAULE afterwards Earl of Penmoore in Scotland which two only remain'd of his old Servants in that Station 9. HE had the good luck to grow very acceptable to the King who much convers'd with him about Books and Foren Countrys In his Sisters Papers I find it exprest that at the King's command he translated into English Dr. SANDERSONS Book concerning the Obligation of Oaths but ANTHONY WOOD says it was the King's own doing and that he shew'd it at different times to HARRINGTON HERBERT Dr. JUXON Dr. HAMMOND and Dr. SHELDON for their approbation However that be 't is certain he serv'd his Master with untainted fidelity without doing any thing inconsistent with the Liberty of his Country and that he made use of his Interest with his Friends in Parlament to have Matters accommodated for the satisfaction of all Partys During the Treaty in the I le of Wight he frequently warn'd the Divines of his acquaintance to take heed how far they prest the King to insist upon any thing which however it concern'd their Dignity was no essential point of Religion and that such matters driven too far wou'd infallibly ruin all the indeavors us'd for a Peace which Prophecy was prov'd too true by the Event His Majesty lov'd his company says ANTHONY WOOD and finding him to be an ingenious Man chose rather to converse with him than with others of his Chamber They had often discourses concerning Government but when they happen'd to talk of a Commonwealth the King seem'd not to indure it Here I know not which most to commend the King for trusting a Man of Republican Principles or HARRINGTON for owning his Principles while he serv'd a King 10. AFTER the King was remov'd out of the I le of Wight to Hurstcastle in Hampshire HARRINGTON was forcibly turn'd out of service because he vindicated som of his Majesty's Arguments against the Parlament Commissioners at Newport and thought his Concessions not so unsatisfactory as did som others As they were taking the King to Windsor he beg'd admittance to the Boot of the Coach that he might bid his Master farewel which being granted and he preparing to kneel the King took him by the hand and pull'd him in to him He was for three or four days permitted to stay but because he would not take an Oath against assisting or concealing the King's Escape he was not only discharg'd from his Office but also for som time detain'd in custody till Major General IRETON obtain'd his Liberty He afterwards found means to see the King at St. James's and accompany'd him on the Scaffold where or a little before he receiv'd a Token of his Majesty's Affection 11. AFTER the King's Death he was observ'd to keep much in his Library and more retir'd than usually which was by his Friends a long time attributed to Melancholy or Discontent At length when they weary'd him with their importunitys to change this sort of Life he thought fit to shew 'em at the same time their mistake and a Copy of his Oceana which he was privatly writing all that while telling 'em withal that ever since he began to examin things seriously he had principally addicted himself to the study of Civil Government as being of the highest importance to the Peace and Felicity of mankind and that he succeded at least to his own satisfaction being now convinc'd that no Government is of so accidental or arbitrary an Institution as people are wont to imagin there being in Societys natural causes producing their necessary effects as well as in the Earth or the Air. Hence he frequently argu'd that the Troubles of his time were not to be wholly attributed to wilfulness or faction neither to the misgovernment of the Prince nor the stubborness of the People but to a change in the Balance of Property which ever since HENRY the Seventh's time was daily falling into the Scale of the Commons from that of the King and the Lords as in his Book he evidently demonstrats and explains Not that hereby he approv'd either the Breaches which the King had made on the Laws or excus'd the Severity which som of the Subjects exercis'd on the King but to shew that as long as the Causes of these Disorders remain'd so long would the like Effects unavoidably follow while on the one hand a King would be always indeavoring to govern according to the example of his Predecessors when the best part of the National Property was in their own hands and consequently the greatest command of Mony and Men as one of a thousand pounds a Year can entertain more Servants or influence more Tenants than another that has but one hundred out of which he cannot allow one Valet and on the other hand he said the People would be sure to struggle for preserving the Property wherof they were in possession never failing to obtain more Privileges and to inlarge the Basis of their Liberty as often as they met with any success which they generally did in quarrels of this kind His chief aim therfore was to find out a method of preventing such Distempers or to apply the best Remedys when they happen'd to break out But as long as the Balance remain'd in this unequal state he affirm'd that no King whatsoever could keep himself easy let him never so much indeavor to please his People and that tho a good King might manage Affairs tolerably well during his life yet this did not prove the Government to be good since under a less prudent Prince it would fall to pieces again while the Orders of a well constituted State make wicked men virtuous and fools to act wisely 12. THAT Empire follows the Balance of Property whether lodg'd in one in a few or in many hands he was the first that ever made out and is a noble Discovery wherof the Honor solely belongs to him as much as those of the Circulation of the Blood of Printing of Guns of the Compass or of Optic Glasses to their several
his Book speedily restor'd to him and he did accordingly inscribe it to OLIVER CROMWEL who after the perusal of it said the Gentleman had like to trapan him out of his Power but that what he got by the Sword he would not quit for a little paper Shot adding in his usual cant that he approv'd the Government of a single Person as little as any of 'em but that he was forc'd to take upon him the Office of a High Constable to preserve the Peace among the several Partys in the Nation since he saw that being left to themselves they would never agree to any certain form of Government and would only spend their whole Power in defeating the Designs or destroying the Persons of one another 15. BUT nothing in the world could better discover CROMWEL'S Dissimulation than this Speech since HARRINGTON had demonstrated in his Book that no Commonwealth could be so easily or perfectly establish'd as one by a sole Legislator it being in his power if he were a man of good Invention himself or had a good Model propos'd to him by others to set up a Government in the whole piece at once and in perfection but an Assembly being of better Judgment than Invention generally make patching work in forming a Government and are whole Ages about that which is seldom or never brought by 'em to any perfection but is commonly ruin'd by the way leaving the noblest Attemts under reproach and the Authors of 'em expos'd to the greatest dangers while they live and to a certain infamy when dead Wherfore the wisest Assemblys in mending or making a Government have pitch'd upon a sole Legislator whose Model they could rightly approve tho not so well digest as Musicians can play in consort and judg of an Air that is laid before them tho to invent a part of Music they could never agree nor succede so happily as one Person If CROMWEL therfore had meant as he spoke no man had ever such an opportunity of reforming what was amiss in the old Government or setting up one wholly new either according to the Plan of Oceana or any other This would have made him indeed a Hero superior in lasting fame to SOLON LYCURGUS ZALEUCUS and CHARONDAS and render his Glory far more resplendent his Security greater and his Renoun more durable than all the Pomp of his ill acquir'd Greatness could afford wheras on the contrary he liv'd in continual fears of those he had inslav'd dy'd abhor'd as a monstrous betrayer of those Libertys with which he was intrusted by his Country and his Posterity not possessing a foot of what for their only sakes he was generally thought to usurp But this last is a mistaken Notion for som of the most notorious Tyrants liv'd and dy'd without any hopes of Children which is a good reason why no mortal ought to be trusted with too much Power on that score LYCURGUS and ANDREW DORIA who when it was in their power to continue Princes chose rather to be the founders of their Countrys Liberty will be celebrated for their Virtue thro the course of all Ages and their very Names convey the highest Ideas of Godlike Generosity while JULIUS CAESAR OLIVER CROMWEL and such others as at any time inslav'd their fellow Citizens will be for ever remember'd with detestation and cited as the most execrable Examples of the vilest Treachery and Ingratitude It is only a refin'd and excellent Genius a noble Soul ambitious of solid Praise a sincere lover of Virtue and the good of all Mankind that is capable of executing so glorious an Undertaking as making a People free 'T is my fix'd opinion that if the Protector 's mind had the least tincture of true greatness he could not be proof against the incomparable Rewards propos'd by HARRINGTON in the Corollary of his Oceana as no Prince truly generous whether with or without Heirs is able to resist their Charms provided he has an opportunity to advance the happiness of his People 'T was this Disposition that brought the Prince of ORANGE to head us when we lately contended for our Liberty to this we ow those inestimable Laws we have obtain'd since out of a grateful confidence we made him our King and how great things or after what manner we may expect from him in time to com is as hard to be truly conceiv'd as worthily express'd 16. I SHALL now give som account of the Book it self intitl'd by the Author The Commonwealth of Oceana a name by which he design'd England as being the noblest Iland of the Northern Ocean But before I procede further I must explain som other words occurring in this Book which is written after the manner of a Romance in imitation of PLATO'S Atlantic Story and is a method ordinarily follow'd by Lawgivers Adoxus King JOHN Convallium Hamton Court Coraunus HENRY VIII Dicotome RICHARD II. Emporium London Halcionia The Thames Halo Whitehall Hiera Westminster Leviathan HOBBES Marpesia Scotland Morpheus JAMES I. Mount Celia Windsor Neustrians Normans Olphaus Megaletor OLIVER CROMWEL Panopaea Ireland Pantheon Westminster Hall Panurgus HENRY VII Parthenia Queen ELIZABETH Scandians Danes Teutons Saxons Turbo WILLIAM the Conqueror Verulamius Lord Chancellor BACON 17. THE Book consists of Preliminarys divided into two parts and a third Section call'd the Council of Legislators then follows the Model of the Commonwealth or the body of the Book and lastly coms the Corollary or Conclusion The Preliminary Discourses contain the Principles Generation and Effects of all Governments whether Monarchical Aristocratical or Popular and their several Corruptions as Tyranny Oligarchy and Anarchy with all the good or bad mixtures that naturally result from them But the first part dos in a more particular manner treat of antient Prudence or that genius of Government which most prevail'd in the world till the time of JULIUS CAESAR None can consult a more certain Oracle that would conceive the nature of Foren or Domestic Empire the Balance of Land or Mony Arms or Contracts Magistracy and Judicatures Agrarian Laws Elections by the Ballot Rotation of Officers with a great many such heads especially the inconveniences and preeminences of each kind of Government or the true comparison of 'em all together These Subjects have bin generally treated distinctly and every one of them seems to require a Volum yet I am of opinion that in this short Discourse there is a more full and clearer account of them than can be easily found elswhere at least I must own to have receiv'd greater satisfaction here than in all my reading before and the same thing has bin frankly own'd to me by others 18. THE second part of the Preliminarys treats of modern Prudence or that genius of Government which has most obtain'd in the world since the expiration of the Roman Liberty particularly the Gothic Constitution beginning with the inundation of the barbarous Northern Nations over the Roman Empire In this Discourse there is a very clear account of the English Government
towards the better settlement of the Kingdom Among these there was an eminent Royalist who prevail'd with him to draw up som Instructions for the King's service wherby he might be inabl'd to govern with satisfaction to the People and safety to himself which being perform'd and sign'd with his one hand his Friend after shewing it to several of the Courtiers found they did not approve a Scheme that was not likely to further their selfish Designs At last he put his Paper into the hands of a great Minister about the King and how well our Author was rewarded for his good Intentions we are now going to relate About this time he was busy in reducing his Politics into short and easy Aphorisms yet methodically digested in their natural order and suted to the most vulgar capacitys Of this he made no secret and freely communicated his Papers to all that visited him While he was putting the last hand to this System and as an innocent man apprehensive of no danger he was by an Order from the King on the 28 th of December 1661 seiz'd by Sir WILLIAM POULTNEY and others and committed to the Tower of London for treasonable Designs and Practices He had the written sheets of his Aphorisms then lying loose on the table before him and understanding they intended to carry 'em to the Council he beg'd the favor that he might stitch 'em together which was granted and so remov'd with som other Papers to Whitehall I have that Manuscript now in my hands and another Copy of the same which was given me by one of his acquaintance from both which I have printed it among the rest of his Works It is a complete System of Politics and discovers the true Springs of the rise temper and dissolution of all sorts of Governments in a very brief and perspicuous manner 32. HE had no time given him to take leave of any body but was straight convey'd to the Tower where none were allow'd to com to his sight or speech His Sisters were inconsolable and the more so the less they knew what was laid to their Brother's charge One of them who on another occasion had experienc'd the King's favor threw her self now at his feet and petition'd him to have compassion on her Brother who thro a great mistake was fallen under his Majesty's displeasure for as she was sure that none of his Subjects exceded his Loyalty so his Majesty might see he was not the man they design'd since the Warrant was for Sir JAMES HARRINGTON wheras her Brother was never honor'd with such a Title by his Majesty's Ancestors and he would not have accepted it from OLIVER To this the King made answer that tho they might be mistaken in his Title he doubted he might be found more guilty of the Crimes alleg'd against him than he wish'd any Brother of hers to be Then she press'd he might be examin'd before his Majesty or be brought to a speedy trial Shortly after my Lord LAUDERDALE Sir GEORGE CARTERET and Sir EDWARD WALKER were sent to the Tower to question him about a Plot which they said he had contriv'd against his Majesty's Person and Government At this he was extraordinarily reviv'd not being able to divine before the cause of his Confinement and knowing himself wholly innocent of this Charge He found means to transmit a Copy of his Examination to his Sisters giving 'em leave to publish it which was never hitherto don and is as follows 33. THE Examination of JAMES HARRINGTON taken in the Tower of London by the Earl of LAUDERDALE Sir GEORGE CARTERET and Sir EDWARD WALKER LORD LAUDERDALE Sir I have heretofore accounted it an honor to be your Kinsman but am now sorry to see you upon this occasion very sorry I assure you HARRINGTON My Lord seeing this is an occasion I am glad to see you upon this occasion Which said the Commissioners sat down and Mr. HARRINGTON standing before my Lord he began in this manner Lord. SIR the King thinks it strange that you who have so eminently appear'd in Principles contrary to his Majesty's Government and the Laws of this Nation should ever since he came over live so quiet and unmolested and yet should be so ungrateful Were you disturb'd were you so much as affronted that you should enter into such desperat practices Har. MY Lord when I know why this is said I shall know what to say Lord. WELL then without any longer preamble will you answer me ingenuously and as you are a Gentleman to what I have to propose Har. MY Lord I value the asseveration as I am a Gentleman as high as any man but think it an asseveration too low upon this occasion wherfore with your leave I shall make use of som greater asseveration Lord. FOR that do as you see good do you know Mr. WILDMAN Har. MY Lord I have som acquaintance with him Lord. WHEN did you see him Har. MY Lord he and I have not bin in one house together these two years Lord. WILL you say so Har. YES my Lord. Lord. WHERE did you see him last Har. ABOUT a year ago I met him in a street that gos to Drury-lane Lord. DID you go into no house Har. NO my Lord. Sir G. Carteret THAT 's strange Lord. COM this will do you no good Had not you in March last meetings with him in Bowstreet in Coventgarden where there were about twenty more of you where you made a Speech about half an hour long that they should lay by distinguishing Names and betake themselves together into one Work which was to dissolve this Parlament and bring in a new one or the old one again Was not this meeting adjourn'd from thence to the Mill Bank were not you there also Har. MY Lord you may think if these things be true I have no refuge but to the mercy of God and of the King Lord. TRUE Har. WELL then my Lord solemnly and deliberatly with my eys to Heaven I renounce the mercy of God and the King if any of this be true or if ever I thought or heard of this till now that you tell it me Sir G. C. THIS is strange Lord. DO you know BAREBONES Har. YES my Lord. Lord. WHEN did you see him Har. I THINK that I have call'd at his house or shop thrice in my life Lord. HAD you never any meetings with him since the King came over Har. NO my Lord. Sir G. C. THIS is strange Lord. DO you know Mr. NEVIL Har. VERY well my Lord. Lord. WHEN did you see him Har. MY Lord I seldom us'd to visit him but when he was in Town he us'd to see me at my house every evening as duly almost as the day went over his head Lord. WERE you not with him at som public meeting Har. MY Lord the publickest meeting I have bin with him at was at dinner at his own lodging where I met Sir BERNARD GASCOIN and I think Col. LEG Sir Edw. Walker THEY were good
safe company Lord. WHAT time was it Har. IN Venison time I am sure for we had a good Venison pasty Lord. DO you know one PORTMAN Har. NO my Lord I never heard of his name before Sir G. C. THIS is strange Lord. COM deal ingenuously you had better confess the things Har. MY Lord you do not look upon me for I saw he did not firmly I pray look upon me Do you not know an innocent face from a guilty one com you do my Lord every one dos My Lord you are great Men you com from the King you are the Messengers of Death Lord. IS that a small matter at which my Lord gave a shrug Har. IF I be a Malefactor I am no old Malefactor why am not I pale why do not I tremble why dos not my tongue falter why have you not taken me tripping My Lord these are unavoidable symtoms of guilt Do you find any such thing in me Lord. NO which he spoke with a kind of amazement and then added I have said all that I think I have to say Har. MY Lord but I have not Lord. COM then Har. THIS plainly is a practice a wicked practice a practice for innocent Blood and as weak a one as it is wicked Ah my Lord if you had taken half the pains to examin the Guilty that you have don to examin the Innocent you had found it it could not have escap'd you Now my Lord consider if this be a practice what kind of persons you are that are thus far made instrumental in the hands of wicked men Nay whither will wickedness go Is not the King's Authority which should be sacred made instrumental My Lord for your own sake the King's sake for the Lord's sake let such Villanys be found out and punish'd At this my Lord LAUDERDALE as was thought somwhat out of countenance rose up and fumbling with his hand upon the Table said Lord. WHY if it be as you say they deserve punishment enough but otherwise look it will com severely upon you Har. MY Lord I accepted of that condition before Lord. COM Mr. Vice-Chamberlain it is late Har. MY Lord now if I might I could answer the Preamble Lord. COM say and so he sat down again Har. MY Lord in the Preamble you charge me with being eminent in Principles contrary to the King's Government and the Laws of this Nation Som my Lord have aggravated this saying that I being a privat man have bin so mad as to meddle with Politics what had a privat man to do with Government My Lord there is not any public Person not any Magistrat that has written in the Politics worth a button All they that have bin excellent in this way have bin privat men as privat men my Lord as my self There is PLATO there is ARISTOTLE there is LIVY there is MACCHIAVEL My Lord I can sum up ARISTOTLE'S Politics in a very few words he says there is the barbarous Monarchy such a one where the People have no Votes in making the Laws he says there is the Heroic Monarchy such a one where the People have their Votes in making the Laws and then he says there is Democracy and affirms that a man cannot be said to have Liberty but in a Democracy only MY Lord LAUDERDALE who thus far had bin very attentive at this shew'd som impatience Har. I SAY ARISTOTLE says so I have not said so much And under what Prince was it Was it not under ALEXANDER the greatest Prince then in the World I beseech you my Lord did ALEXANDER hang up ARISTOTLE did he molest him LIVY for a Commonwealth is one of the fullest Authors did not he write under AUGUSTUS CAESAR did CAESAR hang up LIVY did he molest him MACCHIAVEL what a Commonwealthsman was he but he wrote under the Medici when they were Princes in Florence did they hang up MACCHIAVEL or did they molest him I have don no otherwise than as the greatest Politicians the King will do no otherwise than as the greatest Princes But my Lord these Authors had not that to say for themselves that I have I did not write under a Prince I wrote under a Usurper OLIVER He having started up into the Throne his Officers as pretending to be for a Commonwealth kept a murmuring at which he told them that he knew not what they meant nor themselves but let any of them shew him what they meant by a Commonwealth or that there was any such thing they should see that he sought not himself the Lord knew he sought not himself but to make good the Cause Upon this som sober men came to me and told me if any man in England could shew what a Commonwealth was it was my self Upon this persuasion I wrote and after I had written OLIVER never answer'd his Officers as he had don before therfore I wrote not against the King's Government And for the Law if the Law could have punish'd me OLIVER had don it therfore my Writing was not obnoxious to the Law After OLIVER the Parlament said they were a Commonwealth I said they were not and prov'd it insomuch that the Parlament accounted me a Cavalier and one that had no other design in my writing than to bring in the King and now the King first of any man makes me a Roundhead Lord. THESE things are out of doors if you be no Plotter the King dos not reflect upon your Writings AND so rising up they went out my Lord being at the head of the stairs I said to him My Lord there is one thing more you tax me with Ingratitude to the King who had suffer'd me to live undisturb'd truly my Lord had I bin taken right by the King it had by this Example already given bin no more than my due But I know well enough I have bin mistaken by the King the King therfore taking me for no Friend and yet using me not as an Enemy is such a thing as I have mention'd to all I have convers'd with as a high Character of Ingenuity and Honor in the King's Nature Lord. I AM glad you have had a sense of it and so went down Har. MY Lord it is my duty to wait on you no farther 34. NOTWITHSTANDING the apparent Innocence of our Author he was still detain'd a close Prisoner and Chancellor HIDE at a Conference of the Lords and Commons charg'd him with being concern'd in a Plot wherof one and thirty persons were the chief mâ—nagers after this manner That they met in Bowstreet Coventgarden in St. Mâ—rtins le grand at the Mill Bank and in other places and that they were of seven different Partys or Interests as three for the Commonwealth three for the Long Parlament three for the City three for the Purchasers three for the Disbanded Army three for the Independents and three for the Fifthmonarchy men That their first Consideration was how to agree on the choice of Parlamentmen against the insuing Session and that a special care
the Heavens are the Lords but the Earth has he given to the Children of Men Yet says God to the Father of these Children In the sweat of thy Face shalt thou eat thy Bread Dii laborantibus sua munera vendunt This Donation of the Earth to Man coms to a kind of selling it for INDUSTRY a Treasure which seems to purchase of God himself From the different kinds and successes of this Industry whether in Arms or in other Exercises of the Mind or Body derives the natural equity of Dominion or Property and from the legal establishment or distribution of this Property be it more or less approaching towards the natural equity of the same procedes all Government The balance of Empire consists in Property THE distribution of Property so far as it regards the nature or procreation of Government lys in the overbalance of the same Just as a man who has two thousand pounds a year may have a Retinue and consequently a Strength that is three times greater than his who injoys but five hundred pounds a year Not to speak at this time of Mony which in small Territorys may be of a like effect but to insist upon the main which is Property in Land the overbalance of this as it was at first constituted or coms insensibly to be chang'd in a Nation may be especially of three kinds that is in One in the Few or in the Many The generation of Absolute Monarchy THE overbalance of Land three to one or therabouts in one Man against the whole People creates Absolute Monarchy as when JOSEPH had purchas'd all the Lands of the Aegyptians for PHARAOH The Constitution of a People in this and such cases is capable of intire servitude Buy us and our Land for Bread and we and Gen. 47. 19. our Land will be Servants to PHARAOH The generation of Regulated Monarchy 1 Sam. 8. THE overbalance of Land to the same proportion in the Few against the whole People creates Aristocracy or Regulated Monarchy as of late in England And hereupon says SAMUEL to the People of Israel when they would have a King He will take your Fields even the best of them and give them to his Servants The constitution of a People in this and the like cases is * Nec totam libertatem nec totam servitutem pati possunt Tacit. neither capable of intire Liberty nor of intire Servitude The generation of Popular Government THE overbalance of Land to the same proportion in the People or where neither one nor the few overbalance the whole People creates Popular Government as in the division of the Land of Canaan to the whole People of Israel by lot The constitution of a People in this and the like cases is capable of intire Freedom nay not capable of any other settlement it being certain that if a Monarch or single Person in such a State thro the corruption or improvidence of their Counsils might carry it yet by the irresistible force of Nature or the reason alleg'd by MOSES I am not able to bear all this People alone Numb 11. 14. Book I because it is too heavy for me he could not keep it but out of the deep Waters would cry to them whose feet he had stuck in the mire Of the Militia and of the Negative Voice WHEREVER the balance of a Government lys there naturally is the Militia of the same and against him or them wherin the Militia is naturally lodg'd there can be no negative Vote IF a Prince holds the overbalance as in Turky in him is the Militia as the Janizarys and Timariots If a Nobility has the over-balance the Militia is in them as among us was seen in the Barons Wars and those of York and Lancaster and in France is seen when any considerable part of that Nobility rebelling they are not to be reduc'd but by the major part of their Order adhering to the King IF the People has the overbalance which they had in Israel the Judg. 20. Militia is in them as in the four hundred thousand first decreing and then waging War against Benjamin Where it may be inquir'd what Power there was on earth having a Negative Voice to this Assembly This always holds where there is Settlement or where a Government is natural Where there is no Settlement or where the Government is unnatural it procedes from one of these two causes either an imperfection in the Balance or else such a corruption in the Lawgivers wherby a Government is instituted contrary to the Balance Imperfect Government IMPERFECTIONS of the Balance that is where it is not good or down weight cause imperfect Governments as those of the Roman and of the Florentin People and those of the Hebrew Kings and Roman Emperors being each exceding bloody or at least turbulent Tyranny Oligarchy Anarchy GOVERNMENT against the balance in One is Tyranny as that of the Athenian PISISTRATUS in the Few it is Oligarchy as that of the Roman DECEMVIRS in the Many Anarchy as that under the Neapolitan MAZINELLO The Divine right of Government WHEREVER thro Causes unforeseen by Human Providence the Balance coms to be intirely chang'd it is the more immediatly to be attributed to Divine Providence And since God cannot will the necessary cause but he must also will the necessary effect or consequence what Government soever is in the necessary direction of the Balance the same is of Divine Right Wherfore tho of the Israelits God says â—os 8. 4. They have set up Kings but not by me they have made Princes and I knew it not yet to the small Countries adjoining to the Assyrian Empire â—â—r 27. 6 17. he says Now have I given all these Lands into the hand of the King of Babylon my Servant Serve the King of Babylon and live CHAP. II. Shewing the variation of the English Balance THE Land in possession of the Nobility and Clergy of England till HENRY 7 th cannot be esteem'd to have overbalanc'd those held by the People less than four to one Wheras in our days the Clergy being destroy'd the Lands in possession of the People overbalance those held by the Nobility at least nine in ten In shewing how this change came about som would have it that I assume to my self more than my share tho they do not find me delivering that which must rely upon Authority and not vouching my Authors But HENRY the Seventh being conscious of infirmity in his Title yet finding with what strength and vigor he was brought in by the Nobility Chap. 2 conceiv'd jealousys of the like Power in case of a decay or change of Affections Nondum orbis adoraverat Romam The Lords yet led Country lives their Houses were open to Retainers Men experienc'd in Military Affairs and capable of commanding their Hospitality was the delight of their Tenants who by their Tenures or Dependence were oblig'd to follow their Lords in Arms.
So that this being the Militia of the Nation a few Noblemen discontented could at any time levy a great Army the effect wherof both in the Barons Wars and those of York and Lancaster had bin well known to divers Kings This state of Affairs was that which inabl'd HENRY the Seventh to make his advantage of troublesom times and the frequent unruliness of Retainers while under the pretence of curbing Riots he obtain'd the passing of such Laws as did cut off these Retainers wherby the Nobility wholly lost their Officers Then wheras the dependence of the People upon their Lords was of a strict ty or nature he found means to loosen this also by Laws which he obtain'd upon as fair a pretence even that of Population Thus Farms were so brought to a Verulam H. 7. standard that the Houses being kept up each of them did of necessity inforce a Dweller and the proportion of Land laid to each House did of necessity inforce that Dweller not to be a Begger or Cottager but a man able to keep Servants and set the Plow on going By which means a great part of the Lands of this Nation came in effect to be amortiz'd to the hold of the Yeomanry or middle People wherof consisted the main body of the Militia hereby incredibly advanc'd and which henceforth like cleaner underwood less choak'd by their staddles began to grow excedingly But the Nobility who by the former Laws had lost their Offices by this lost their Soldiery Yet remain'd to them their Estates till the same Prince introducing the Statutes for Alienations these also became loose and the Lords less taken for the reasons shewn with their Country lives where their Trains were clip'd by degrees became more resident at Court where greater pomp and expence by the Statutes of Alienations began to plume them of their Estates The Court was yet at Bridewel nor reach'd London any farther than Temple-Bar The latter growth of this City and in that the declining of the Balance to Popularity derives from the decay of the Nobility and of the Clergy In the Reign of the succeding King were Abbys than which nothing more dwarfs a People demolish'd I did not I do not attribute the effects of these things thus far to my own particular observation but always did and do attribute a sense therof to the Reign of Queen ELIZABETH and the Wisdom of her Council There is yet living Testimony that the ruin of the English Monarchy thro the causes mention'd was frequently attributed to HENRY the Seventh by Sir HENRY WOTTON which Tradition is not unlike to have descended to him from the Queen's Council But there is a difference between having the sense of a thing and making a right use of that sense Let a man read PLUTARCH in the Lives of AGIS and of the GRACCHI there can be no plainer demonstration of the Lacedemonian or Roman Balance yet read his Discourse of Government in his Morals and he has forgot it he makes no use no mention at all of any such thing Who could have bin plainer upon this point than Sir WALTER RALEIGH where to prove that the Kings of Egypt were not elective but hereditary he alleges that if the Book I Kings of Egypt had bin elective the Children of PHARAOH must have Hist of the World part 1. p. 200. bin more mighty than the King as Landlords of all Egypt and the King himself their Tenant Yet when he coms to speak of Government he has no regard to no remembrance of any such Principle In Mr. SELDEN'S Titles of Honor he has demonstrated the English Balance of the Peerage without making any application of it or indeed perceiving it there or in times when the defect of the same came to give so full a sense of it The like might be made apparent in ARISTOTLE in MACCHIAVEL in my Lord VERULAM in all in any Politician there is not one of them in whom may not be found as right a sense of this Principle as in this present Narrative or in whom may be found a righter use of it than was made by any of the Partys thus far concern'd in this story or by Queen ELIZABETH M. D. l. 1. b. 10. and her Council If a Prince says a great Author to reform a Government were oblig'd to depose himself he might in neglecting of it be capable of som excuse but reformation of Government being that with which a Principality may stand he deserves no excuse at all It is not indeed observ'd by this Author that where by reason of the declination of the Balance to Popularity the State requires Reformation in the Superstructures there the Prince cannot rightly reform unless from Soverain Power he descends to a Principality in a Commonwealth nevertheless upon the like occasions this fails not to be found so in Nature and Experience The growth of the People of England since the ruins mention'd of the Nobility and the Clergy came in the Reign of Queen ELIZABETH to more than stood with the interest or indeed the nature or possibility of a well founded or durable Monarchy as was prudently perceiv'd but withal temporiz'd by her Council who if the truth of her Government be rightly weigh'd seem rather to have put her upon the exercise of Principality in a Commonwealth than of Soverain Power in a Monarchy Certain it is that she courted not her Nobility nor gave her mind as do Monarchs seated upon the like foundation to balance her great Men or reflect upon their Power now inconsiderable but rul'd wholly with an art she had to high perfection by humoring and blessing her People For this mere shadow of a Commonwealth is she yet famous and shall ever be so tho had she introduc'd the full perfection of the Orders requisit to Popular Government her fame had bin greater First She had establish'd such a Principality to her Successors as they might have retain'd Secondly This Principality the Common-wealth The great Council of Venice has the Soverain Power and the Duke the Soverain Dignity as Rome of ROMULUS being born of such a Parent might have retain'd the Royal Dignity and Revenue to the full both improv'd and discharg'd of all Envy Thirdly It had sav'd all the Blood and Confusion which thro this neglect in her and her Successors has since insu'd Fourthly It had bequeath'd to the People a Light not so naturally by them to be discover'd which is a great pity For M. D. l. 1. c. 9. even as the Many thro the difference of opinions that must needs abound among them are not apt to introduce a Government as not understanding the good of it so the Many having by trial or experience once attain'd to this understanding agree not to quit such a Government And lastly It had plac'd this Nation in that perfect felicity which so far as concerns mere Prudence is in the power of human nature to injoy To this Queen succeded King JAMES who
find to be utterly impossible So either way they are overcom by the mere obstinacy of their Matter IF thro som secret Dictat as when the Senat of Rome was Conviva Caesaris or a hast to make riddance this be not perceiv'd by the Workmen it will be but the more perceivable by the Work when it coms to wearing or in practice and the Flaws or Grievances being found insupportable the next Parlament thro the mere want of any other remedy must introduce a Commonwealth GOOD and egregiously Prophetical But what say you for all this if we have a House of Peers and that even for the Lord's sake there being no other way to secure Liberty of Conscience Why I say if we have a House of Peers it must be a House of old Peers or a House of new Peers or a House of the one and the other Moreover I say Let it be which way you will such a House may at som time or for som reason be personally affected to Liberty of Conscience but is a Constitution in it self naturally averse and contrary to Liberty of Conscience and therfore can be no security to the same whether the Lords be Spiritual or Temporal or partiperpale LORDS Spiritual are inspir'd with a third Estate or share of a Realm which gives no toleration to any Religion but that only asserting this point which is Monarchy Setting this Oracle and som like Reasons of State aside we may think that every Soverainty as such has Liberty of Conscience This a King having cannot give and a People having will not lose For Liberty of Conscience is in truth a kind of State wherin a man is his own Prince but a House of Peers sets up another Prince it cannot stand without a King If the Balance be in the Lords as before HENRY the Seventh yet must they have a King to unite them and by whom to administer their Government and if the Balance be not in the Lords they stand or fall with the King as the House of Peers in the Long Parlament and the King falling their Government devolves to the People Again a House of Peers having the overbalance signifys somthing in which case it has not bin known to be for Liberty of Conscience and not having the overbalance signifys nothing in which case it cannot secure the Liberty of Conscience Thus a House of Peers whether somthing or nothing is no way for the Liberty of Conscience but every way for a King and a King is a defender of the Faith The Faith wherof a King is defender must be that which is or he shall call his own Faith and this Faith it concerns his Crown and Dignity that he defend against all other Faiths True it is that a King for a step to a Throne may use what is readiest at hand Otherwise where there is Liberty of Conscience to assert Civil Liberty by Scripture can be no Atheism which lames a Prince of one Arm. But where Liberty of Conscience is not at all or not perfect Divines who for the greater part are no fair Huntsmen but love dearly to be poaching or clubbing with the secular Arm tho if we who desire no such Advantages might prosecute them for abusing Scripture as they have don this thousand years to all the ends intents and purposes of Monarchy they would think it a hard case Divines I say not only brand the Assertors of Civil Liberty with Atheism but are som of them studious in Contrivances and quaint in Plots to give a check or remove to this or that eminent Patriot by the like pretences or charges which succeding accordingly by the power of a Parlament they may at length com to have a Parlament in their power Where there is no Liberty of Conscience there can be no Civil Liberty and where there is no Civil Liberty there can be no security to Liberty of Conscience but a House of Peers is not only a necessary but a declar'd check upon Civil Liberty therfore it can be no security to Liberty of Conscience And so much for this particular NOW to make upon the other parts propos'd and in a mere civil sense som farther conjecture WHEN a House of Peers sets up a House of Commons as in the Barons Wars they will govern the Commons well enough for their own purpose and not seldom the King too BUT we are to speak of a thing without any example a House of Peers set up by a House of Commons nor in the want of example are we thought worthy by our Adversarys to be furnish'd with Reason so the guidance of our Discourse upon this point is committed to Mother Wit a notable Gossip but not so good a Politician NEVERTHELESS if this House consists of old Peerage only we have direction enough to know how that will be for either the single Person or the Commons will be predominant in the Government if the Commons be so then it will be with the Peers as it was before their last Seclusion that is while they do as the Commons would have them they may sit otherwise they are sent home And if the single Person be predominant it can be no otherwise than by an Army in which case the old Peers being not in Arms nor having any help that way are as much under the Yoke as the Commons By which it may be apparent that it is the great interest of the present Peerage that there be a well order'd Commonwealth otherwise the Commons being in bondage the Lords whom that least becoms are but equal with them and being free the Lords are not the head but at the foot of them wheras in an equal Common-wealth that the Nobility be not at the head or have not the leading is quite contrary to all Reason and Experience IF the House consists of new Peers only it must consist of the chief Officers in the Army which immediatly divides the Government into two distinct Governments the one in the House of Commons whose Foundation is the Body of the People the other in the House of Peers whose Foundation is the Army This Army if it remains firm to the Peers they not only command the Commons but make and unmake Kings as they please or as ambitious Partys and Persons among themselves are diligent or fortunat But if the Army as is most and more than most likely coms off to the Commons the Peers are nothing and the Commons introduce a Commonwealth IF the House consists of new Peers and old the old Peers while they like it are Cyphers to new Figures and when they like it not may go home again Nor whether they stay or go is this case so different from the former as to be any greater obstruction to a Common-wealth TO hate the very name of a Commonwealth or not to see that England can be no other is as if men were not in earnest It is ask'd of the Commons what the Protector shall be and he can be nothing but