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A09097 A conference about the next succession to the crowne of Ingland diuided into tvvo partes. VVhere-of the first conteyneth the discourse of a ciuill lavvyer, hovv and in vvhat manner propinquity of blood is to be preferred. And the second the speech of a temporall lavvyer, about the particuler titles of all such as do or may pretende vvithin Ingland or vvithout, to the next succession. VVhere vnto is also added a new & perfect arbor or genealogie of the discents of all the kinges and princes of Ingland, from the conquest vnto this day, whereby each mans pretence is made more plaine. Directed to the right honorable the earle of Essex of her Maiesties priuy councell, & of the noble order of the Garter. Published by R. Doleman. Allen, William, 1532-1594.; Parsons, Robert, 1546-1610, attributed name. 1595 (1595) STC 19398; ESTC S114150 274,124 500

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also of the houses of Scotland Suffolke that hold likewise of the house of Yorke and that for the reasons and argumēts vvhich in the former two chapters I haue set downe in particuler against euery one of them and shal here-after also againe those that remaine vvhich arguments and obiections or any of them if they should not be founde sufficient to exclude the said other houses then is the clayme of this house of Huntington therby made voide for that it is as vve see by the yonger childe of the house of Yorke that is to saye by the second brother so as if either the pretence of Lancaster in general be better thē that of Yorke or if in the house of Yorke it selfe any of the fornamed pretenders descended frō K. Edward the fourth as of the elder brother may hold or take place then holdeth not this title of Clarence for that as I haue said it cōming from the yonger brother must needes be grounded only or principally vppō the barring and excluding of the rest that ioyntly do pretēd of which barres and exclusions laid by this house of Clarence against the rest for that I haue spoken sufficiētly in the last two chapters going tefore for so much as toucheth the two houses of Scotland and Suffolk and shal do afterwards about the other two of Britanie and Portugal I meane in this place to omit to say any more therin only to consider vvhat the other competitors do alleage against this house of Clarence and especially agaynst the pretence of the earle of Huntington as chiefe titler therof for to the excluding of him do concurr not only those other of opposite houses but also the Pooles of his owne house as now vve shall see First then the contrary houses do alleage generally against al this house of Clarence that seing their clayme is founded only vppon the right of the daughter of George duke of Clarence second brother to K. Edward the fourth euident it is that so long as any lawful issue remayneth of any elder daughter of the said king Edward the elder brother as they say much doth and cannot be denyed no clayme or pretence of the yonger brothers daughter can be admitted and so by standing vppon this and answering to the obiections alleaged before against the elder houses they hold this matter for very cleere and al pretence of this house of Clarence vtterly excluded Secondly the same opposite houses do alleage diuers attainders against the principal heades of the house of Clarence vvherby their vvhole interests vvere cut of as namely it is to be shewed in three discents the one after the other to vvit in duke George himselfe the first head beginner of this house that was attainted and executed and then in the lady Margaret his daughter and heyre countesse of Salisbury and in like manner attaynted and executed thirdly in her sonne and heyre Henry Poole lord Monrague put also to death from vvhose daughters both the earle of Huntington his brethren vvith the children of Syr Thomas Barrington do descende and albeit some may say that the said house of Clarence hath bin since those attainders restored in blood yet reply these men that except it can be shewed that particuler mention was made of reabiliting the same to this pretence of succession to the crowne it vvil not be sufficient as in like manner they affirme that the same restoring in blood if any such were hath not bin sufficiēt to recouer the ancient landes and titles of honor which this house of Clarence had before these attainders for that they were forfeited therby to the crowne and so say these men was their forfeited therby in like manner vnto the next in blood not attainted this prerogatiue of succeeding to the crowne and cannot be restored againe by any general restauration in blood except special mention be made therof euen as vve see that many houses attainted are restored daylie in blood without restoremēt of their titles and dignities and a present example we haue in the earle of Arundel restored in blood but not to the title of duke of Norfolke and this saye the opposite houses against this house of Clarence But now thirdly entreth in also against the earle of Huntington the opposition of some of his owne house vvhich is of the issue of Syr Geffrey Poole brother to his grād father vvho say that vvhen the lord Henry Montague vvas put to death vvith his mother the countesse of Salisbury and therby both their pretences and titles cut of in them then fel al such right as they had or might haue vppō the said Sir Geffry Poole and not vppon his neece the lady Catherin daughter of the lord Henry his elder brother and mother of the earle of Huntingtō and this for three causes First for that he was not attainted and so vvhether we respect his grand-father duke George of Clarence or his great grand father duke Richard of York the saide right in this respect discended to him and secondly for that he vvas a degree neerer to the said dukes his ancestors then vvas at that tyme his neece Catherine vvhich right of neerest propinquitie say these men is made good lawful by al the reasons examples presidēts and authorities alleaged before in the fourth chapter of this conference in fauour of vncles before their nephewes and it shal not neede that vve speake any thing more of that matter in this place but only to remit your remembrance to that vvhich herein hath bin said before Fourthly they proue the same in fauour of Syr Geffrey for that the lady Catherin vvas a vvoman and Syr Geffrey a man vvhose priuilege is so great in a matter of succession as also hath bin touched before that albeit they had bin in equal degree and that Syr Greffrey were not a degree before her as he vvas yet seing neither of thē nor their fathers vvere euer in possessiō of the thing pretended Sir Geffrey should be preferred as hath bin shewed before by some presidents and shal be seene afterward in the case of Portugal wherin the king of Spaine that now is vvas preferred to the crowne for that respect only that his competitors vvere vvomen and in equal degree of discent vvith him and he a man And the very like allegation of propinquitie I haue hard produced for the lady Wenefred vvife of Syr Thomas Barrington if she be yet a-liue to wit that she is before the earle of Huntington and his brethrē by this reason of propinquitie in bloode for that she is one degree neerer to the stock then they Fiftly and lastely both these and other cōpetitors do alleage against the earle of Hūntington as an important and sufficient barr against his pretence the qualitie of his religion vvhich is as they say that he hath bin euer knowne to fauour those which commonly in Ingland are called Puritanes and not fauoured by the state but yet this
might be legitimate before God and yet illegitimate before men and consequently incapable of al such succession as otherwise he might pretend by his said mother And this now is for the first begotten of these two persons for as touching the second childe begotten in the tower of London diuers learned men are of opinion that he may be freed of this bastardy for that both the earle and the lady being examined vppon their first child did consesse and affirme that they vvere man and wife and that they had meaning so to be and to continew vvhich confession is thought to be sufficient both for ratifying of their old cōtract and also for making of a new yfthe other had not bin made before And seeing that in the other former pretended contract and marriage their wanted nothing for iustifying the same before men and for making it good in law but only external testimony of witnesses for prouing that they gaue such mutual consent of myndes before their carnal knowledge for the presence of priest or minister is not absolutly necessary no man can say that their wanted witnesses for restifying of this consent before the second copulation by vvhich vvas begotten their second sonne for that both the Queene herselfe and her councel and as many besides as examined these parties vppon their first acte and child birth are vvitnesses vnto them that they gaue their ful consents and approbations to be man vvife vvhich they ratified afterward in the tower by the begetting of their second child and so for the reasons afore-said he must needes seeme to be legitimate vvhatsoeuer my lord of Canterbury for that tyme or in respect of the great offence taken by the estate against that act did or might determyne to the contrary And this is the somme of that which commonly is treated about these two families of the house of Suffolk to wit of Hartford and Darby both vvhich families of Suffolke the other two opposite houses of Scotland and Clarence do seeke to exclude by the first bastardy or vnlawful contract betweene the Queene ofFrance and duke Charles Brandon as hath bin seene of which bastardye the house of 〈◊〉 doth indeuour to auoide it selfe in manner as before hath bin declared and preferreth it selfe in degree of propinquity not only before the foresaid two houses of Scotland and Clarence but also before this other part of the house of Suffolke I meane the familie of Hartford though descended of the elder daughter for that the countesse of Darby doth hold her selfe one degree neerer in discent then are the other pretenders of Hartford as hath bin shewed And albeit their vvant not many obiections and reasons of some against this pretence of the house of Darby besides that which I haue touched before yet for that they are for the most part parsonal impediments and do not touch the right or substance of the title or any other important reason of state concerning the common vvealth but only the mistike of the persons that pretende and of their life and gouerment I shal omitt them in this place for that as in the begining I promised so shal I obserue as much as lieth in me to vtter nothing in this conference of ours that may iustly offend and much lesse touch the honor or reputation of any one person of the blood royal of our realme vvhen the tyme of admitting or excluding cometh then vvil the realme consider as vvel of their persons as of their rightes and vvil see vvhat accompt and satisfaction ech person hath giuen of his former life and doings and according to that vvil proceede as is to be supposed but to me in this place it shal be enough to treat of the first pointe vvhich is of the right and interest pretended by vvay of succession and so vvith this I shal make an ende of these families and passe ouer to others that yet do remayne OF THE HOVSES OF CLARENCE AND BRITANIE WHICH CONTEYNE THE CLAYMES OF the earle of Huntington with the Pooles as also of the lady Infanta of Spayne and others of those families CAP. VII HAVING declared the claymes rightes and pretences which the two noble houses of Scotland and Suffolke descended of the tvvo daughters of king Hēry the seuenth haue or may haue to the succession of Ingland with intention afterward to handle the house of Portugal a part vvhich pretendeth to comprehend in it selfe the whole body or at least the first and principal branch of the ancient house of Lancaster it shal not be amisse perhaps by the way to treate in this one chapter so much as appartayneth to the tvvo seueral houses of Clarence and Britanie for that there is lesse to be said about them then of the other And first of al I am of opinion that the earle of Huntington and such other pretendors as are of the house of Yorke alone before the coniunction of both houses by king Henry the seuenth may be named to be of the house of Clarence and so for distinction sake I do name them for not to confound them vvith the houses of Scotland and Suffolke which are termed also by the Lancastrians to be of the houfe of Yorke alone for that they deny them to be of the true house of Lancaster but principally I do name them to be of the house of Clarence for that in deed al their clayme and title to the crowne doth discende from George duke of Clarence as before in the third chapter and other vvhere hath bin declared which duke George being brother to king Edward the fourth and put to death by his order left issue Edward carle of Warwick and of Salisbury vvhich vvas put to death by king Henry the seuenth in his youth and Margaret countesse of Salisbury which Margaret had issue by Syr Richard Poole Henry Poole lord Montague afterward behedded and he agayne Catherin married to Syr Francis Hastings earle of Huntington by whom she had Sir Henry Hastings now earle of Huntington Syr George Hastings his brother yet liuinge others so as the earle of Huntington vvith his said bretheren be in the fourth degree from the said George duke of Clarence to wit his nephewes twice remoued The faide Margaret countesse of Salisbury had a yonger sonne also named Syr Geffrey Poole vvho had issue an other Geffrey and this Geffrey hath two sonnes that liue at this day in Italie named Arthur and Geffrey vvho be in the same degree of distance with the saide earle of Huntington sauing that some alleage for them that they do discend al by male kinde from Margaret and the earle pretendeth by a Woman vvherof vve shal speake afterward Hereby then it is made manifest how the earle of Huntingtō commeth to preteud to the crowne of Ingland by the house of York only vvhich is no other in deede but by the debarring and disabling of al other former pretēdors not only of Portugal and of Britanie as strangers but
solemnities and feastes that were celebrated at ther seueral natiuities so as it seemeth ther can be no ertor in this matter The 2. reason is for that we read that this Lord Edmond was a goodly vvise and discreet prince notwithstanding that some authors cal him crokback and that he vvas highly in the fauour both of his father king Henry as also of his brother king Edward and employed by them in many great warres and other affayres of state both in France other where vvhich argueth that ther was no such great defect in him as should moue his father and the realme to depriue him of his succession Thirdly vve reade that king Henry procured by diuers waies and meanes the aduancement of this L. Edmond as giuing him the earldomes of Lecester Darby besides that of Lancaster as also procuring by al meanes possible with exceding great charges to haue him made king of Naples Sicilie by pope Innocentius which had bin no pollicy to haue done if he had bin put back from his inheritance in Ingland for that it had bin to haue armed him against his brother the king Fourthly we see that at the death of his father king Henry the third this Lord Edmond vvas principally left in charge with the realme his elder brother prince Edward being scarsly returned frō the warr of Asia at what tyme he had good occasion to chalēg his owne right to the crowne if he had had any seing he wanted no power therūto hauing three goodly sonnes at that tyme aliue borne of his wife Queene Blanch dowager of Nauarre vvho had bin marryed before to Henry king of Nauarre and contie of Champaine to whom she had borne only one daughter that vvas marryed to Phillip le bel king of France But vve shal neuer reade that either he or any of his children made any such clayme but that they liued in very good agreement high grace vvith king Edward the first as his children did also vvith king Edward the second vntil he began to be mis-led in gouerment and then the two sonnes of this Lord Edmond I meane both Thomas and Henry that successiuely vvere earles of Lancaster made vvarr vppon the said Edward the second and vvere the principal doers in his deposition in setting vp of his sonne Edward the third in his place at vvhat tyme it is euidēt that they might haue put in also for themselues if there title had bin such as this report maketh it A fift reason is for that if this had bin so that Edmond earle of Lancaster had bin the elder brother then had the controuersie betweene the two houses of York and Lancaster bin most cleare and vvithout al doubt at al for then had the house of Yorke had no pretence of right in the vvorlde and then vvere it euident that the heyres general of Blanch duchesse of Lancaster vvife of Iohn of Gaunt to wit the discendentes of lady Phillip her daughter that vvas marryed into Portugal these I say and none other were apparent and true heyres to the crowne of Ingland at this day and al the other of the house of Yorke vsurpers as wel king Henry the 7. as al his posterity ofspring for that none of them haue 〈◊〉 of the said Blanch as is manifest And therfore lastly the matter standeth no doubt as Polidor holdeth in the later ende of the life of king Henry the third vvhere hauing mētioned these two sonnes Edward Edmōd he addeth these wordes Ther wanted not certayne men long tyme after this that affirmed this Edmond to be the elder sonne to king Henry the third and to haue bin depriued of his inheritance for that he was deformed in body but these thinges were feyned to the end that king Henry the fourth that came by his mothers side of this Edmond might seeme to haue come to the kingdome by right whereas in decd he gat it by force Thus saith Polidor in this place but aftervvard in the begining of the life of the said K. Henry the 4. he sayeth that some vvould haue had king Henry to haue pretended this title among other reasons but that the more part accompting it but a meare fable it vvas omitted Novv then it being cleere that of these two sonnes of king Henry the third prince Edward vvas the elder and lawful heyre it remayneth only that vve set downe their seueral discents vnto the tymes of king Edward the third and his children in whose dayes the dissention controuersie betweene these royal houses of Yorke and Lancaster began to break fourth And for the issue of Edward that vvas king after his father by the name of king Edward the first it is euident that albeit by two seueral vviues he had a dosen children male and femal yet only his fourth sonne by his first vvife called also Edward vvho vvas king after him by the name of king Edward the second left issue that remayned which Edward the second being afterward for his euel gouerment deposed left issue Edward the third vvho vvas made king by election of the people in his place and after a long and prosperous reigne left diuers sonnes vvherof after vve shal speak and among them his third sonne named Iohn of Gaunt married lady Blanch daughter and heyre of the house of lancaster and of the fornamed Lord Edmond Crouchback by vvhich Blanch Iohn of Gant became duke of lancaster so as the lines of these tvvo bretheren Edward and Edmond did meete and ioyne againe in the fourth discent as novv shall appeare by declaration of the issue of the foresaid L. Edmond Edmond then the second sonne of K. Henry the third being made county palatine of Lancaster as also earle of Lecester and of Darby by his father king Henry as hath bin said had issue three sonnes to vvit Thomas Henry and Iohn among vvhom he deuided his three states making Thomas his eldest sonne county palatine of Lancaster Henry earle of Lecester Iohn earle of Darby But Thomas the eldest Iohn the yongest dying vvithout issue al three states fel againe vppon Henry the second sonne vvhich Henry had issue one fonne and three daughters his sonne vvas named Henry the second of that name earle of Lancaster and made duke of Lancaster by king Edward the third and he had one only daughter heyre named Blanch vvho vvas marryed vnto Iohn of Gant as before hath bin said But Duke Henries three sisters named Ioan Mary and Elenor vvere al marryed to diuers principal men of the realme for that Ioan vvas marryed to Iohn L. Maubery of vvhom are descended the Howards of the house of Norfolk at this day and Mary vvas marryed to Henry lord Pearcy from vvhom cometh the house of the Earles of Northumberland and Elenor vvas married to Richard earle of Arundel vvhence is issued also by his mothers side the Earle of Arundel that novv is so as of this
by confirmation of the commō wealth they were made lawful vvithout controuersie Fiftly they say that if we consider the fowre king Heuryes that haue bin of the house of Lancaster to vvit the 4. 5. 6. and 7. and do compare thē vvith the other fower that haue bin of the house of York to wit Edward the fourth Richard the third Henry the eight Edward the sixt al their acts both at home abroade vvhat quietnes or troobles haue passed what the common wealth of Ingland hath gotten or lost vnder each of them vve shal finde that God hath seemed to prosper and allow much more of those of Lancaster then of those of Yorke for that vnder those of Lancaster the realme hath enioyed much more peace and gayned far greater honor and enlarged more the dominions of the crowne then vnder those of Yorke and that it had done also much more if the seditions rebellions and troobles raysed and brought in by the princes of the house of Yorke had not hindered the same as saye these men it vvas euidently seene in the tyme of king Henry the sixt when their contention against the princes of the house of Lancaster vvas the principal cause vvhy al the English states in France vvere lost and what garboiles and troubles at home haue ensued afterwards and how infinite murthers and man slaughters vvith chainge of nobility haue bin caused hereby and increased aftervvard vnder the gouerment and rule of the princes of Yorke neadeth not say these men to be declared One thing only they note in particuler vvhich I vvil not omit and let it be the sixt note and that is that the princes of Yorke haue not only bin rigorous and very bloody vnto their aduersaires but also among themselues and to their owne kynred vvhich these men take to be a iust punishment of God vppon them And for proofe heerof they alleage first the testimonie of Polydor vvho albeit he vvere a great aduocat of the house of Yorke as before hath bin noted for that he liued and vvrote his story vnder king Henry the eight yet in one place he breaketh foorth into these wordes of the princes of this house Cum non haberent iam inimicos in quos soeuitiam explerent saturarent in semetipsos crudelitatem exercuerunt proprioque sanguine suas pollure manus When these princes now had brought to destruction al those of the house of Lancaster so as they had no more enimyes vppon vvhom to fill and satiat their crueltie then began they to exercise their fiersnes vppon themselues and to embrevv their handes with their owne blood thus far Polidor Secondly they do shew the same by the deedes of both sides for that the loue vnion trust confidence fayth fulnes kyndnes and loyaltie of the princes of Lancaster the one tovvardes the other is singuler and notorious as may appeare by the acts and studious endeuours of the lord Henry bishop of Winchester and Cardinal and of the lord Thomas duke of Excester and marques of Dorset brothers of king Henry the fourth to vvhom and to his children they were most faythfull frendly and loyal as also by the noble proceedings of the lordes Thomas duke of Clarence Iohn duke of Bedford and Humfrey duke of Glocester sonnes of the foresaid Henry the fourth and brothers of king Henry the fist the first of vvhich three gaue his blood in his seruice the other two spent their whole liues in defence of the dignity of the Inglish crowne the one as regent of France the other as protector of Ingland by the worthy acts also and renomed fayth fulnes of the dukes of Somerset cosen germans to the said king Henry the fourth and to his children and the proper ancestors of king Henry the seuenth al vvhich dukes of Somerset of the house of Lancaster being fiue or six in number did not only as Polydor sayeth assist and helpe their soueraine and the vvhole realme Vigilijs curis pcriculis that is to saye with watchfulnes cares and offering themselues to dangers but also fower of them one after an other to with Edmond with his three sonnes Henry Edmond and Iohn wherof two successiuely after him vvere dukes of Somerset and the other marques dorset were al fower I say as so many Machabyes slayne in the defence of their country and family by the other factiō of the house of Yorke which thing say these men shewed euidently both a maruelous confidence that these men had in their quarrel as also a great blessing of God towards that familie that they had such loue and vnion among them selues But now in the house of Yorke these men endeuour to shew al the contrary to witt that there vvas nothing els but suspition hatred emulations among themselues and extreme crueltie of one against the other and so vve see that as soone almost as Edward duke of Yorke came to be king George duke of Clarence his yonger brother conspired against him did help to driue him out againe both from the realme and crowne In recompence vvherof his said elder brother afterward notwithstanding al the reconciliation and many othes that passed betweene them of new loue and vnion caused him vppon new grudges to be taken murthered priuily at Calis as al the world knoweth And after both their deathes Richard their third brother murthered the two sonnes of his said elder brother and kept in prison vvhiles he liued the sonne and heyre of his second brother I meane the yong earle of Warwick though he were but a very child vvhom king Henry the seuenth aftervvard put to death But king Henry the eight that succeded them passed al the rest in crueltie toward his owne kynred for he weeded out almost al that euer he could finde of the blood royal of York and this either for emulation or causes of meere suspicion only For first of al he behedded Edmond de la Pole duke of Suffolk sonne of his owne aunt lady Elizabeth that was sister to king Edward the fourth vvhich Edward vvas grand father to king Henry as is euident The like distruction king Henry vvent about to bring to Richard de la Pole brother to the said Edmond if he had not escaped his handes by flying the realme whom yet he neuer ceased to pursue vntil he vvas slayne in the battel of Pauia in seruice of the king of Frāce by whose death vvas extinguished the noble house of the de la Poles Agayne the said king Henry put to death Edward duke of Buckingham high constable of Ingland the sonne of his great Aunt sister to the Queene Elizabeth his grādmother and therby ouerthew also that vvorthy house of Buckingham after againe he put to death his cosen germaine Henry Courtney marques of Excester sonne of the lady Catherin his Aūt that vvas daughter of king Edward the fourth and attainted iointly vvith him his
vvife the lady Gertrude taking from her al her goodes landes and inheritance and committed to perpetual prison their only sonne and heyre lord Edward Courtney being then but a childe of seuen yeares old vvhich remayned so there vntil many yeares after he vvas set at libertie and restored to his liuing by Queene Mary Moreouer he put to death the lady 〈◊〉 Plantagenet Countesse of Salisbury daughter of George duke of Clarence that vvas brother of his grandfather king Edward the fourth vvith her he put to death also her eldest sonne and heyre Thomas Poole lord Montague and committed to perpetual prison where soone after also he ended his life a little infant named Henry Poole his sonne and heyre condemned to death by act of parlament although absent Renald Pole brother to the said lord Montague Cardinal in Rome wherby he ouerthrew also the noble house of Salisbury and vvarwick nether need I to go further in this relation though these men do note also how Edward the sixt put to death two of his owne vncles the Seymers or at least it vvas done by his authority and how that vnder her Maiestie that now is the Queene of Scotland that vvas next in 〈◊〉 of any other liuing the chiefe titler of the honse of Yorke hath also bin put to death Lastly they do note and I may not omit it that their is no noble house standing at this day in Ingland in the ancient state of calling that it had and in that dignity and degree that it vvas in vvhen the house of Yorke entred to the crowne if it be aboue the state of a barony but only such as defended the right and interest of the houses of Lancaster and that al other great houses that toke parte vvith the house of Yorke and did helpe to ruine the house of Lancaster be either ceased since or extyrpated and ouer throwne by the same house of Yorke it selfe which they assisted to gett the crowne so at this present they be either vnited to the crowne by confiscatiō or transferred to other Images that are strangers to them who possessed thē before As for example the ancient houses of Inglād that remaine at this day were stāding whē the house of Yorke begā ther title are the houses of Arōdel Oxford Northūberland Westmerland Shrewsbery for al other that are in Ingland at this day aboue the dignity of Barons haue bin aduanced since that tyme and al these fiue houses vvere these that principally did stick vnto the house of Lancaster as is euident by al Inglish chronicles For that the earle of Arondel brought in king Henry the fourth first king of the house of Lancaster and did helpe to place him in the dignity royal comming out of France vvith him The earle of Oxford and his sonne the lord Vere were so earnest in the defence of king Hēry the sixt as they were both slayne by king Edward the fourth and Iohn earle of Oxford vvas one of the principal assistāts of Hēry the seuēth to take the crowne frō Richard the third The house of Northumberland also was a principal ayder to Henry the fourth in getting the crowne and two earles of that name to wit Henry the second and third were slayne in the quarrel of king Henry the sixt one in the battel of S. Albons and the other of Saxton and a third earle named Henry the fourth fled into Scotlād vvith the said king Henry the sixt The house of Westmerland also vvas chiefe aduācer of Hēry the fourth to the crowne the secōd earle of that house vvas slayne in the party of Henry the sixt in the said bartaile of Saxton and Iohn earle of Shrewsbury vvas likevvise slayne in defence of the title of Lancaster in the bartaile of Northamptō and I omit many other great seruices and faithful endeuours vvhich many Princes of these fiue noble anciēt houses did in the defence of the Lancastrian kings vvhich these men say that God hath revvarded vvith continuance of their howses vnto this day But on the contrary side these men do note that al the old houses that principally assisted The title of Yorke are now extinguished and that chiefly by the kings themselues of that house as for example the principal peeres that assisted the family of Yorke vvere Moubray duke of Norfolke de la Poole duke of Suffolk the earle of Salisbury and the earle of Warwick of al which the euent was this Iohn Moubray duke of Norfolke the first confederat of the house of Yorke dyed soone after the exaltation of Edward the fourth vvithout ifsue and so that name of Moubray ceased and the title of the dukedome of Norfolke vvas transferred afterward by king Richard the third vnto the house of Howards Iohn de la Poole duke of Suffolke that married the sister of king Edward the fourth was his great assistant though he left three sonnes yet al were extinguished vvithout issue by helpe of the house of Yorke for that Edmond the eldest sonne duke of Suffolke vvas beheaded by king Henry the eight his brother Richard driuen out of the realme to his destruction as before hath bin shewed Iohn their brother earle of Lincolue was stayne at Stockfild in seruice of king Richard the third and so ended the line of de la Pooles Richard Neuel earle of Salisbury a chiefe enemy to the house of Lancaster and exalter of York vvas taken at the battaile of VVakefild and there beheaded leauing three sonnes Richard Iohn and George Richard vvas earle both of Salisbuty and Warwick surnamed the great earle of Warwick vvas he that placed king Edward the fourth in the royal seate by whome yet he vvas slayne afterward at Barnet and the landes of these two great earldomes of Salisbury and Warwick were vnited to the crowne by his attainder Iohn his yonger brother vvas Marques of montague and after al assistance giuen to the said king Edward the fourth of the howse of Yorke vvas slayne also by him at Barnet and his lands in like māner confiscate to the crowne vvhich yet vvere neuer restored againe George Neuel their yonger brother vvas Archbishop of Yorke vvas taken sent prisoner by the said king Edward vnto Guynes vvho shortly after pined avvay and dyed and this vvas the ende of al the principal frendes helpers aduancers of the house of Yorke as these men do alleage Wherfore they do conclude that for al these reasons many more that might be alleaged the title of Lancaster must needes seeme the better title which they do confirme by the general consent of al the realme at king Henry the seuenth his comming in to recouer the crowne from the house of Yorke as from vsurpers for hauing had the victory against king Richard they crowned him presētly in the field in the right of Lācaster before he married with the house of Yorke
in his description of those countryes the whole wealth and riches of the world seemed to slow thither and I my selfe can remember to haue seene such exceding abundance in very ordinairy men of this country both for their dyet apparrel furniture of house and the like as was wonder ful besides that for their nobilitie they were al great Princes for that euery one had his prouince or great towne in gouerment which they ruled whith that pompe and honor as if they had bin absolute lordes themselues by reason of the farr distance of their supreme Prince and so they were receaued whith publique honor of al citties and townes their charges borne wheresoeuer they passed as such high estates are wont to be And albeit they had euer commonly a strainger for supreme gouernor among them vnder their kinge which bare the name to be aboue them yet did he in deed nothing but as they would haue him and this partly for that his time of gouerment being but short he alwaies attended principally to gett the good willes of the people and to hold them contented and therby to be grat-ful to his king at his returne home and partly also for that if he should attempt to do any thing against their myndes and liking they made reply by their president and Chancelor and other of their owne Councelers residing for the Flemish nation in the court of Spayne for this nation hath alwaies a particuler councel ther about the king as al other forayne nations also haue that are vnder him and by this meanes they obteyned lightly what they would and brought the gouernor to what they pleased so as in effect they were absolute kings in themselues wrought their willes in euery thing this in that tyme while the country was quiet But now since their reuolt which hath indured almose these foure or fiue and twenty yeares what hath succeded surely their hath not a quarter so many bin punished or put to death in al these yeares by order of Iustice of their king absent as before I haue shewed that there were in one day by their owne earles and dukes when they were present that vppon far lesse occasion and cause giuen then are these for if we take away the two noble men Egmond and Horne put to death at the beginning of these Flemish troobles by the duke of Alua for which some men say also that he had no thanke afterward by the king no man of importance hath bin since executed and the cheefest townes that haue bin and are agaynst the king in Holland and Zeland are suffred vntil this day to traffique freely into Spayne and yet we know that for a little beginning of a certayne tumult this last yeare past in Spayne it selfe to wit in the kingdome of Aragon many heades haue bin stroken of and much iustice done where of then riseth this differēce no doubt for that the Flemmings are straingers far of and the other neere at home natural borne so as this circumstance of being a stranger and dwelling far of doth them great pleasure and giueth them priuilege aboue the homborne subiects The like I might shew for this matter of punishment in the fore said states of Italie where if a mā do compare the number of them that were put to death pulled downe or afflicted by order of Iustice and other wise at the commandement of the Prince in tyme of their owne home-borne kings with that which hath bin since especially of the nobility you shal not finde one for twenty and the reason of this is for that their owne kings were absolute and had to giue accompt to no man of their doings and for that they were men and had their passions and emulations with the nobilitie and might put the same in execution without accompt or controlment they pulled downe set vp at their pleasure and made oftentymes but a iest of noblemens liues and deathes but now these that are gouernours viceroyes for a forraine prince first they haue not so great authority or comission as to touch any such principal persons liues whithout giuing relation therof first vnto their king councel and receaue againe particuler order for the same and then they knowing that after their three yeares gouermēt is ended they must be priuate men againe and stay their 40. dayes as subiects vnder the next new gouernour to giue a reconning of their doings against al that shal accuse them which in these countryes they call to make their residence they take heede what they doe and whom they offend so as the condition of nobility is far different vnder such a strainge gouerment as this is termed then vnder a natural Prince of their owne country which oppresseth them at his pleasure But now to draw neer homward if we wil examine and considerer what hath passed in Ingland in this point of massacring our nobility by our domestical Princes it is a matter lamentable for it may seeme that they haue serued oftentymes for our Princes to make disport to play whith their heades And to let passe al those which in tyme of warres rebellions comotions haue bin cut of which occasions may seeme more iustifiable I do read also in our chronicles that 2 Sangue freddo as the Italian sayth that is to say in tyme of peace and by execution of iustice at the Princes appoyntment these noblemen following and knyghts by name were put to death with in the space of one fiue yeares in king Henry the fourth his dayes The duke of Excester the duke of Surrey the Archbis hop of Yorke the earles of Salisbury of Glocester of Worcester and of Huntington The earle mowbray earle marshal The Baron of Kinderton S. Roger Clarington bastard sonne of Edward the black Prince S. Thomas Blunr S. Barnard Rocas S. Richard Vernon And agayne soone aftervnder king Edward the fourth in almost whith in as litle space The dukes of Somerset and of Excester The earles of Deuonshire of Oxford and of Keyns The Lord Rosse the Lord Molyns S. Thomas Tudingham S. Phillip Wentworth S. Thomas fyndam and many others afterward for this was but at the beginning of his reigne which number of nobility if a man should haue seene them aliue together with their traynes before they had bin put downe he would haue said they had bin a very goodly company pitiful that so many of our owne nobilitie should be brought by our own Princes to such confusion But yet this matter may seeme perhapps the lesse maruelous and more excusable vnder those two kings for that troobles and contentions had passed a little before in the realme about the succession and heervppon so many of the nobility might be cut of but let vs see then what ensued afterwards when thinges were established and al doubt of contention about the succession taken away as in king Henry the eight his dayes it was and yet do
I finde registred in our chronicles these persons following either made away cutt of or put downe by the said king to wit two Queenes Anne and Catherin Three Cardinales put downe and disgraced Wolsy Poole and fysher vvherof the last vvas behedded soone after his dignity giuen him in Rome and the first vvas arrested the second attaynted of imagined treasons Three dukes put downe to vvit the noble dukes of Buckingham Suffolk and Norfolke wherof the last lost his lands dignities and libertie only the former two both Landes liues A marques with two earles beheaded Deuonshire kyldare and Surray tvvo Countesses condemned to dye Deuonshire and Salisbury and the latter executed Lordes many as the Lorde Darcy the Lorde Hussy the Lorde Montagne the Lorde Leonard Gray the Lord Dacres of the south the Lord Cromwel and six or seuen Abbots Kinghtes also in great number as fiue in one day vvith the Lords Hussy and Darcy and fiue in an other day with the earle os kildare whose vncles they vvere and besides them S. Thomas Moore S. Rice Griffith S. Edward Neuel S. Iohn Neuel S. Nicholas Carew S. Adrian fortescue and diuers other kinghts of great accompt then gentlemen almost vvithout end And al these within the space of 20 yeares of his reigne and in the tyme of peace and yf we looke vppon but fower or fiue yeares together of the reigne of this mans children we shal see the like course continued for we shal see put to death within the space of foure yeares al these following by name The duke of Somerset the duke of Suffolk the duke of Northumberland and the L. Admiral of Ingland S. Miles Partrige S. Raphe Vane S. Michel Stanhope S. Thomas Arondel S. Iohn Gates S. Thomas Palmer kinghtes with diuers othet gentlemen of there retinew and al these by natural domestical and homborne Princes whereas I dare to aduenture the greateft wager that I can make that you shal not finde so many put to death of the nobility by any strainge Prince state or common wealth christian in any forrayne dominion that they possesse in many ages together and the reason therof is euident by that I said before neither were it pollicy or wisdome nor could the causes be so often nor ordinarily giuen by the nobility to a Prince that were absent from them to vse suche seueritie so as by this it may also appeare that to be vnder a forraine gouerment euen in the woorst kinde therof that can be deuised which is to be as a prouince or peece of an other kingdome and to come vnder it by very conquest it selfe is not so dangerous a matter as at the first shew it may seeme and much lesse to be vnder forraine gouerment by other sweeter meanes of succession or composition as the present case of Ingland seemeth to import in respect of those foraine Princes which do pretende to the succession therof And this is not only shewed and declared by the state and condition of Flanders before their tumultes but in like manner it is seene by the present state of Britanie Normandie Aquitaine Prouence and other dukedomes and countries in France that were wont to haue their owne particuler Princes and novv are much more commodiously vnder the crowne of France The like is seene by the states of Naples Millan Sicilie Sardinia other parts and countryes of Italie which were wont to be vnder kings and Princes of their owne and now are vnder the crownes of Aragon and Castile with infinite oddes of peace rest security and welth then they were before when they had domestical Princes and so themselues do confesse I meane the wise dis-passionate among them for of the vulgar in this case no accompt is to be made and if they should deny it yet the thing speaketh it selfe and the publique stories of their countryes would conuince them wherin it is to be read what Phalaris what Dionisius other homeborne tyrants Sicilie for example hath had and suffred and what infinite crueltie they and diuers others of their owne gouernours haue exercised vppon them as also what continuall turmoyles there were in the cittie of Naples in all that kingdome for many yeares together after it fel from the gouerment first of the Roman Empire and then of the Grecian vntil it came to the crowne of Aragon I meane betweene their owne domestical kings now of the bloode of Italians now of the Normans now of the Hungarians now of the french for of al these lines their haue reigned among them and the realme was a perpetual pray to souldiars and the very like may be said of Millan after their fal from the Roman Empire vnder which they liued quiet prosperously vntil they came againe to be vnder the crowne of Spayne they passed infinite tribulations first by the contention of their common people against their nobility and then by the bloody falling out of their chiefe families the one against the other to wit the Furiani Visconti Marcelli Mirabelli Castilioni and Sforzi which familie last of al preuayled he I say that shal remember this and then behold the present state with the quiet peace saftie and riches wherin they now liue wil easely confesse that they haue changed for the better though they be vnder forraine gouerment and thus much of this pointe Their remayneth to speake a woord or two about the second part of the question before proposed and included partly in this which alredy hath bin treated to wit whether it be better to be vnder a little or great king which question though it may be decided in parte by that which before hath bin alleaged about being vnder a forraine Prince yet more particulerly to make the same playne these men do saye that the reasons be many and euident to proue that the subiection to a great mightie monarch is far better first for that he is best able to defend and protect his subiects and secondly for that he hath least need ordinarily to pill and pole them for that a little king be he neuer so meane yet must he kepe the state of a king and his subiects must maynteyne the same and if they be but few the greater vvil the burthen be of euery one in particuler and thirdly for that a great and potent Prince hath more to bestow vppon his subiects for reward of vertue and valour then hath a poore Prince and seing that euery particuler subiect borne within his Princes dominions is capable of al the preferments vvhich his Princes state or kingdome do yeeld if he be worthy of the same it is a great prerogatiue say these men to be borne vnder a potent Prince that hath much to giue vvhich they declare by this example follovving A man that is borne in the citie of Genua or Geneua for both are cityes and states within themselues let him be of vvhat ability or worthines soeuer yet can he hope for
noted in the puritan and made them far more egar in defence of their cause according to the saying nitimur in vetitum semper and as a litle brook or ryuer though it be but shalow and tunne neuer so quiet of it selfe yet if many barres and stoppes be made therin it swelleth and riseth to a greater force euen so it seemeth that it hath happened heere wher also the sight remembrāce of so many of their Seminary preistes put to death for their religion as they accompt it hath wrought great impression in their hartes as also the notice they haue receaued of so many colleges and Inglish Seminaries remayning yet and set vp of new both in Flanders France Italie and Spayne for making of other preistes in place of the executed doth greatly animate them holdeth them in hope of continuing still their cause and this at home As for abroade it is easie to consider vvhat their party and confidence is or may be not only by the Inglish that liue in exile and haue their frends and kynred at home but also principally by the affection of forrayne Princes states to fauour their religion whose portes townes and prouinces lye neere vppon Ingland rounde about for such a tyme and purpose could not want commoditie to giue succor vvhich being vveighed together vvith the knowne inclination that way of Ireland and the late declaration made by so many of the Scotish nobility and gentlemen also to fauour that cause all these poyntes I saye put together must needes persuade vs that this body is also great and stronge and like to beare no smale sway in the decyding of this controuersie for the crowne when tyme shal offer it selfe for the same And so much the more for that it is not yet knowne that these are determined vppon any one person whom they vvill follow in that action nor as it semeth are they much inclined to any one of the pretenders in particuler wherin it is thought that the other two partyes either are or may be deuided among themselues and each parte also within it selfe for that so different persons of those religions do stand for it but rather it is thought that these other of the Roman religion do remayne very indifferent to follow any one that shal be set vp for their religion and is lykest to restore and mayntayne the same be he strainger or domestical which determination and vnion in general among themselues if they hold it still and the earle of Darby haue the difference of titles that before hath bin seene and each one his particuler reasons why he ought to be preferred before the other and for their other abilities and possibilities they are also different but yet in one thing both Lords seeme to be like that being both of the blood royal they are thought to haue abased themselues much by their marriages with the two knightes daughters S. Richard Rogers and S. Iohin Spenfer though otherwise both of them very vvorship ful but not their matches in respect of their kinred with the crowne yet doth the alliance of S. Iohn Spenser seeme to bringe many more frends with it then that of S. Richard Rogers by reason of the other daughters of S. Iohn vvel married also to persons of importance as namely the one to S. Georg Catey gouernour of the he of Wight vvho bringeth in also the Lord Hunsdon his father Captaine of Barwick tvvo of the most important peeces that Ingland hath And for that the said Lord Hunsdon and the Lady knowles disceased were brother and sister and both of them children to the Lady Mary Bullen elder sister to Queene Anne here of it cometh that this alliance with S. George Carey may draw after it also the said house of knowles who are many and of much importance as also it may do the husbandes of the other daughters of S. Iohn Spencer with their ahd erents and followers which are nether few nor feeble al which wanteth in the marriage of the Lord Beacham An other difference also in the ability of these two Lords is that the house of Seymers in state and title of nobility is much yonger then the house of Stanleys for that Edward Seymer late earle of Hartford and after duke of Somerset was the first beginner therof who being cut of together with his brother the Admiral so soone as they were could not so setle the saide house especially in the alliance with the residue of the nobilitie as otherwise they would and might haue done But now as it remayneth I do not remember any allyance of that house of any great moment except it be the childrē of S. Hēry Seimer of Hamshire and of S. Edward Seymer of Bery Pomery in Deuonshite if he haue any and of S. Iohn Smith of Essex whose mother vvas sister to the late duke of Somerset or finally the alliance that the late marriage of the earle of Hartford with the Lady Francis Haward may bring with it which cannot be much for so great a purpose as we talke of But the earle of Darby on the other side is very strōgly honorably allied both by father and mother for by his father not to speake of the Stanleys which are many and of good power and one of them matched in the house of Northumberland his said father the old earle had three sisters al wel married and al haue left children and heyres of the houses wherin they were married for the elder vvas married first to the Lord Sturton and after to S. Iohn Arundel and of both houses hath left heyres male The seconde sister vvas married to the Lord Morley by whom she hath left the Lord that now is vvho in lyke manner hath mached vvith the heyre of the Lord Montegle vvho is likevvise a Stanley And finally the third sister vvas married to S. Nicholas Poynes of Glocestershire and by him had a sonne and heyre that yet liueth And this by his fathers side but no lesse alliance hath this earle also by the side of his mother vvho being daughter of George Cliford earle of Cumberland by Lady Eleanor neece of king Henry the seuenth the said Lord George had afterward by a second wife that was daughter of the Lord Dacres of the North both the earle of Cumberland that now is and the Lady wharton who hereby are brother and sister of the halfe blood to the said Countesse of Darby and the Dacres are their Vncles Besides al this the states and posfessions of the two forsaide Lordes are far different for the purposse pretended for that the state of the earle of Hartford is far inferior both for greatnes situation wealth multitude of subiects the like for of that of the Stanleys doth depend the most part of the shires of Lancaster and Chester and a good parte of the North of Wales at least wise by way of obseruance and affection as also the I le of man is