After my departing from Linlithgow I continued in great anger whereof I am not yet fully freed because of that sentence or decreet reserved to Farnihaste against the Earle of Angus and though the doers bee partiall yet I blame most his owne simplicitie I must needes so call it seeing his authoritie ought to put order to others where now hee is onely a beholder of that which it pleaseth others to doe But hee must either take matters otherwayes upon himselfe or undoe himselfe and all the rest with him For if the Master of Glames forgetting the event of Ruthven businesse will needs trace the steps of the Earle of Gowrie it is not for the rest of the fellowship to be slothfull to their owne hinderance They are indeed at Court but are esteemed no better abroad then beasts in the Countrey never like to acquire the favour of any but continually declining out of the hearts of many of their well affected friends who all speake as though they saw already an evident ruine of them and that doubtlâ—…sly deserved for lying in their good cause and not vindicating Israel from Aram. Remember whence they are fallen and return or we shall bee forced to lament for that which wee shall never bee able to amend If they sticke to their cause all is sure otherwise nothing sure for either their suretie is by the Kings favour whereof I speake nothing or the favour of the people this they must have by pressing their cause of Noblemen for relieving them from bondage and revenging their bloud of Gentlemen and Commons for purging Religion restoring of Justice and providing that Tyrannie thrust not it selfe in againe If this bee urged it will confirme such as are already in the cause and will make more to joyne in it So shall the cause prosper and if occasion crave so there is a partie ever ready to take Armes for it But if omitting this a flattering or a fearefull course bee taken who shall speake plaine and assist such fearefull dissemblers who shall credit them when afterwards as heretofore they shall take on the name of the good cause I wish the Kings Majestie may bee used with all Princely reverence but not flatteringly fostered in tyranny to his owne undoing though I seeme to see even now that these flatterers shall be worthily wracked I aske them whether they had a just cause in hand or not and yet of all these evils under the burden whereof the Countrey groned they have opened nothing at all to his Majestie why is it not then justified in deed by condemning the other worthy to bee condemned Is their cause already ended And if not why is it then left off hath it not enemies why should it not then bee fortified against them The Declaration of their cause why was it published To acquire favour at the hands of the people And why then is there nothing done to retaine this favour yea rather why are such things done as procure their disfavour and hatred I see nothing but as men have dissemblingly pretended a good cause with uncleansed hearts God to discover their hypocrisie hath given them their hearts desire but for their further ruine for their Hypocrisie I cannot forbeare to write this though I bee out of hope of any good yet I suppose that such as have meant uprightly shall in Gods favour bee provided for though with trouble when God shall require of those dissemblers the bloud of such as have perished and shall perish through their default giving them a proofe of their owne wits and their unfaithfull hearts They would not serve God hee made men their masters Are means failed him No the last shall bee worse then the first It seemeth to mee that God hath even prepared a mischief for them and therefore given them over to their owne devices wherewith they are so drunke and blinded as men in a melancholicke apprehension who are past all cure of Physicke But this above all troubles mee most that till such time as good men bee all undone and the Land utterly ruined and overborne with Tyrannie it shall not bee resisted hereafter For a new Generation must arise that hath forgotten these things before that any who shall pretend a common cause get credit good men are so often deceived under that colour and pretext and drawne on to their wracke And certainely rather then I were hee that through mis-governance and evill order should undoe so many as are like to bee undone at this time I had farre rather give my owne life for it But I speake to deafe men and therefore I cease committing to God the providing for those whose hearts hee sees to bee upright having from time to time kept nothing backe of that which I knew would make for the surety of these men and the cause without troubling them with any particulars If Angus could steere in his owne roome hee might redresse the Masters errours Speake to Dunniepace and Largoe See what is done about the Barons and give me notice of such direction as goeth to their Shires I say for conclusion their earnest suite in particulars and negligence in the common cause convicts them before all men and the King may justly say They had no good meaning But if it were mine to doe wee should goe all together to the King and say this or the like speech Sir in that yee have as may be redressed our particulars wee thanke you heartily though it was ever the least part of our desire for Gods Church hath beene heavily oppressed then tell him the particulars apart Your Realme and Subjects have beene tyrannized over then tell him also some proofes Let therefore the Gospell bee restored to the owne libertie and some men chosen to set downe some sure policy which may last and continue Let some also bee deputed to heare the plaints and grievances of such as have beene wronged under the colour of your Majesties name and let their wrongs bee redressed as much as is possible and such order taken that the Subjects may bee out of feare heareafter of suffering so they keepe the Lawes Let the Lawes also bee revised by wise men and such of them taken away as bee hurtfull to the Subjects for you shall finde the like Ordinance touching Acts of Parliament of olde This being done wee doubt not but God shall blesse you and your Countrey seeing the neglecting hereof hath beene the cause of the evills past Sir doe it your selfe for the gaine is yours though wee put you in minde of it Now except this bee done there can bee no continuing quietnesse Post script THeir foolish proceedings make all men to stand aloofe I heare the Lord Boyd is secretly in this Countrey of Scotland but seeth not that in them which hee could wish Let the Master behave himselfe as hee pleaseth can the King but thinke that hee would rather wish his owne sister sonne King I finde great fault that the Abbots Driebrough and Cambuskenneth Lie abake who are practitioners and partakers as Marre at Ruthven let them joyne together and bee knowne This letter being received and a fit opportunitie espied it was brought to my Lord and
resolution Shee was no sooner committed but some began to plot her deliverie supposing that undoubtedly she would get out at last by one mean or other they strove to anticipate her favour and make her beholding to them for that which could not faile to come to passe Neither did they fear the consequent if once she were set at libertie for they made no question to make their partie good The authoritie was hers time would make the peoples heart to relent and fold to their naturall Princesse the Faction that was against her was the weaker and diversitie of opinions would bring forth division amongst them Of those that sought her favour Sir William Metellane Secretarie was one His dis-like and hatred of Bothwell had made him joyne with the Lords being now rid of him he returned to his old byas again and bent his course toward her But not daring to do it openly he wrote privately to her and assured her of his good-will and promised his best endeavour to serve her and that howsoever his power were none of the greatest he shewed that he might prove steadable to her by the Apologue of the Lion which being taken in a net was delivered from thence by the help of a Mouse that did shear the net and cut it in pieces with her teeth Morton did constantly prosecute the course begun with great courage and wisedome over-coming all difficulties before the Earle of Murrays returne who had gone to France in the beginning of these stirres which were neither small nor few His Associates found them moe than they had expected They had promised themselves the approbation of all men and that all would joyne with them at least the best affected It fell out otherwise time diminished envie change of their Princes estate begate pity fear of the event kept aloof doubt of dutie restrained some and desire of rest and securitie others So that no new Forces came to them but on the contrary some of their own side forsook them and went to the other new hopes not onely cooling but even changing their affections Wherefore they were much perplexed and had it not been for Morton they had quite deserted the cause But he perswaded them to keep together at Edinburgh and to write to the other Lords that were assembled at Hamilton to desire them to come to Edinburgh that so they might consult together what were fittest to bee done for the good and peace of the Kingdome But they would neither receive Letter nor Message saying It was great presumption in them to have possessed themselves of the chief City and to offer to send for them and not to come to them who were so they thought the stronger and had the better cause The others to give them satisfaction in that point caused the Ministers of Edinburgh to write to them jointly as also severally to their particular friends and acquaintance both to excuse that which they took exception at which they told they had done not because they did challenge or claime any preeminence or prerogative to themselves beyond them or for any other cause save onely the conveniencie of the place for both parties to meet in and withall to exhort them that in so perillous a time setting aside all particular respects and quarrels they would have a care of the common good of the Countrey But these Letters prevailed no more than the former Yet though they would not concurre with them they did nothing against them whether because they were not able they being within the town of Edinburgh or because they did not agree among themselves or that they wanted a Commission and a sufficient Warrant from the Queen they dissolved and returned every man to his own home This their attempt to have kept some forme of meeting and Parliament in the Queens name admonished the Lords to take away that which would beare greatest shew against them the Queens authoritie Wherefore they deale with her to resigne it to her sonne which she was very loath to do yet at last shee consented to it and having subscribed a formall renunciation and dimission shee made also and signed a Procuration or Letters of Attourney to cause crown her sonne at Stirlin or where they pleased She named likewise his Curators Murray if he would accept of it at his returne failing him these seven The Duke Hamilton Lennox the Childes grandfather Argyle Morton Glencairne Marre and Athole It was presently put in execution for within two dayes the 26. of July the Prince was crowned at Stirlin being then thirteen moneths and eight dayes old Morton and the Lord Hume took the Oath for him that he should observe the Laws and maintain the Religion then professed Master Knox made the Sermon the Coronation was also performed by him and two Super-intendents Having gained this point they had now this advantage of the others that not only were their enemies deprived of the countenance and colour of authoritie but they themselves were armed therewith And thus they remained till Murrays returne who at first would not accept of the Place which by the Queens direction was reserved for him but being pressed by the rest that they might have an established and certain Head he yeelded to their requests and took the Place and charge of Regent upon him From this time forward Murray being Regent according as did belong unto his place hee was chief Commander in every thing yet was hee assisted by Mortons faithfull counsell and advice who did also many times supply the publick wants with his private meanes in times of greatest necessitie Especially when Bothwell was to be pursued who having put forth to sea and being turned Pirate lay about Orknay robbing all that came in his way without fear of being followed knowing wel that there was no money in the treasurie he himself having emptied it to rig out any shipping against him Then did Morton on his own charges provide Vessells hire Mariners and Souldiours to go out after him This was the fruit of his good husbandrie and the good use he made of his parsimonie and menagerie Grange was sent Admirall who came so suddenly upon him that he had well-nigh taken him before he was aware yet he escaped in a light Pinnace over a craig in the sea with such hazard that it is thought to have grazed upon it The Lion which followed after being a Ship of greater bulk and burden and which drew more water stuck fast upon it so that the men were constrained to betake themselves to their Cock-boat The Bishop of Orknay Bothwell to his name who was father to the Lord Haly-rude-house was last in the Ship and seeing the Boat loosing called to them to stay for him but they being already sufficiently laden would not hear him He seeing no other remedy leapt into the Boat having on him a Corselet of proof which was thought a strange leap especially not to have over-turned the Boat Thus the men were all
but how uncertaine and unsure a prop is the vulgar England did befriend them some times but not so fully as they needed and even so farre as did concern their own safetie So that when all is duely considered we shall not finde any ground for one to build on that would seek nothing else but his own private ends of honour or preferment Wherefore it is no wonder if Secretarie Metellane and Grange men that sought themselves onely did joyne with that partie which was likest to thrive and prosper in all discourse of reason and humane wisedome Neither can any man think that Morton did aime at his own greatnesse or that it was out of any self-respect that he followed the other partie with such disadvantage if we will acknowledge that he was a wise and judicious man And therefore if we search with an unpartiall eye what could have been the motives that made him cleave so stedfastly to this cause we shall finde them to have been no particular of his own nor any thing else besides the equitie and justnesse thereof as he conceived his love to the young King as his King and Kinsman together with the preservation of Religion and the welfare of his Countrey which he thought did stand and fall with this quarrell and cause This in all likelihood hath been his minde which whether it was right or wrong let them dispute who list our purpose is onely to shew so farre as may be gathered by discourse of reason what it was that did induce him to follow this course Now although he had bent all his power and endeavours this way yet there lacked not some who did blame him as not zealous enough to revenge Murrays death His brothers Uterine Loghleven and Buchain craved justice against the murtherers so much the rather for that he was not slain for any private quarrell or enmitie but for the publick defence of the King and Countrey When it came to a consultation some were of opinion that those who were suspected should be summoned to appear against a certain day according to custome and order of Law Others again thought that such processe and legall proceeding needed not to be observed toward them who had already taken arms to maintain by force what they had committed by treacherie and treason but that an Army should be levied against them and not only against them but also against all such as had been declared Rebels by the former Parliament But Morton did not like of this last course nor Athole because neither was that meeting frequent enough to determine of those things and besides they foresaw that the joyning of many faults would take away or diminish and make men forget the principall and to mingle other crimes with the murther were but to make all the guiltie in what ever kinde to joyn with the murtherers and so raise a generall and open insurrection and a most dangerous Civill Warre Wherefore they deferred all till the first of May the day appointed for a Convention as also for choosing of a new Regent These delayes were motioned by Secretary Metellane who at Granges request upon his oath that he was innocent of the Kings and Regents murther and of the Rebellion raised in England and having found sureties to appear and answer whensoever he should be legally pursued was released by the Nobility here conveened For what ever respect Metellane made this motion Athole consented to it and Morton also because he saw there could be no orderly proceeding at this time This was ill taken of the vulgar who did interpret this delay of which they knew Metellane to be authour to be nothing else but a plot of his to gain time to strengthen his own faction and that Murrayes death might be forgotten or at least the heat of revenging it might cool and relent which they thought should not have been granted and given way to This was done the 14. of February the day after the Regents Funerall The 15. of February Argyle and Boyde wrote to Morton from Glasgow where the principall of the Queens side were conveened that they were willing to joyn with the rest of the Nobility against such as were guilty of the Regents death but because it was not yet perfectly known who they were they desired that they might meet and conferre about it so that they of the Kings side would come to Lithgow or Fawkirk or Stirlin for they would not come to Edinburgh Morton did impart the businesse and communicate these Letters with Metellane as they had wished him to do but he refusing to meet any where else save in Edinburgh there was no meeting at this time But afterward the 24. of February they came to Morton to Dalkeeth and laboured to perswade him to come over to their side but he was so farre from listening to them that he did assure them he would stand to the maintenance of the Kings authority to the utmost of his power It may be some will think that this constancie did proceed from distrust according to that Pseudo politick and Machiavillian maxim qui offensa non pardóna who once offends never forgives and that he thought his fault so great in opposing the Queen that it could not be pardoned But why should he have thought so His was no greater than were some of theirs who were pardoned than the Lord Humes by name And certainly by all appearance he could have made a far better mends he might have put an end to the controversie and restored the Queen again to her own place which might have sufficiently expiated all his former transgressions Wherefore we may justly call it constancy which was accompanied with courage in undertaking so hard and difficult a task and with wisedome in atchieving and bringing of it through In the beginning of March he went to Edinburgh whither the principals of the other party came also Huntley Crawford Oglebee and the Lord Hume Seton and Metellane There were but few with Morton till Marre and Glencairne came in to him The next day after they met to consult of businesse but because Argyle was absent whose power was great they could conclude nothing Wherefore Huntley goes to him with intention to bring him along with him but he came back without him which every body thought was done by Metellans cunning who hindred all agreement that he might the better fish in troubled waters The night following these Lords who were on the Queens side took such a sudden apprehension and panick fear without any apparant cause that having watched all the night in their Arms they departed next morning without order and very dismayedly About the end of April 1570. The Earle of Marre set forth from Stirlin to Edinburgh against the 1. of May which was the day appointed for a Convention of the States but the Lords of the contrary partie lay in his way at Linlithgow Wherefore Morton goes forth to meet him with 500. horse and 1000. foot so that
and king James the second claimeth Stuarton from James the last Earle of Douglas in the conditions of peace sent to him Now Stuarton is knowne to have been the proper inheritance of Iohn Stuart and after him of Walter then of Robert the first king of the Stuarts and so of Robert the third which in all likelihood he hath given with his daughter as her dowrie to this Archbald 6. Also Iohn Earle of Buchan the kings brothers son married a daughter of this Archbald whom he hath had apparently by some other wife 7. Then Alexander son to the Earle of Buchan married Isabel Douglas Countesse of Marre daughter to William the first Earle of Douglas 8. William the first Earle married Margaret Stuart daughter to Thomas Earle of Angus who was uncle to king Robert the second and first king of the Stuarts 9. George Douglas son to the same William who was the first Earle of Angus of the name of Douglas married Mary Stuart daughter to king Robert the third and sister to king Iames the first 10. Iames Douglas Lord of Dalkeith married a daughter of king Iames the second 11. Archbald brother to William the eighth Earle of Douglas married the inheritrix of Murray who was Niece to king Robert the second and so became Earle of Murray 12. Archbald Earle of Angus the second of that name married Margaret Queen of Scotland relict of king Iames the fourth and eldest daughter to king Henry the seventh sister to king Henry the eighth of England and mother to king Iames the fifth of Scotland by her he had Ladie Margaret Douglas 13. Ladie Margaret Douglas his daughter was married to Matthew Stuart Earle of Lennox who was also of the bloud Royall 14. Henry Stuart Lord Darnely son to Lennox and Lady Margaret married Mary Queene of Scotland onely daughter and heire to king Iames the fisth She bare to him Iames the sixth of Scotland and now happily the first king of Great Brittaine France and Ireland And so much for Nobility in bloud and alliance 5. The fift and last kinde of Nobilitie is that of same and renowne Those that take upon them to derive and deduce the Pedegree and Etymologie of words doe thinke that this signification is most proper as being chiefly implyed in the word Nobilis quasi Notabilis so that those are said to be most Noble who are least obscure who are most eminent and conspicuous in the eyes of the world and most praised and blazed by Fame in their own and forraign Countries This kinde of Nobilitie hath ever accompanied their vertue as a shadow followes the bodie and that both at home and abroad And so we have done with their Nobility which is the second point we propounded to be treated of The third maine head to be considered is their Greatnesse concerning which in generall our Chronicles doe witnesse that those of the name of Douglas together with their Friends Vassals and Dependers were able to make an Armie of thirty thousand or fourty thousand men This also doth argue their greatnesse that it was thought an honour and credit to have dependance on them Histories doe testifie that the Hamiltouns and Flemmings thought it no disparagement to follow them Humes were their Pensioners and Vassals even the chiefe houses of them This is verified by a bond of a thousand nobles a great summe in those dayes made by Archbald Earle of Wigtoun and Long Willie who was after his fathers death Earle of Douglas to Alexander Hume of Hume dated at Bothwell 1423. The same Earle also for his father was Duke of Turaine gave the lands of Wedderburne to David Hume brother to the said Alexander propter multiplicia sua servitia for his many good services This Charter of Wedderburne is anterior to the gift of Alexanders pension some eight or nine yeares being dated in the yeare 1414. The Lawders of Basse and Loganes of Rastarigge were their Messengers into France and other parts Gray Salton Seaton Oliphant were their followers also Neither could any man of ordinary pitch of power have brought such aid to a forraign Prince as this same Earle of Wigtoun transported over into France five thousand or as some say ten thousand which he levied and carried over at his owne proper cost all brave and choice gentlemen If for this he were rewarded with the Dutchie of Turaine it was but the just recompence of his service and no more then he deserved and would but countervaile his charges Wherefore I wonder with what indifferent judgement Du Serres Author of the French Inventarie doth grudge at it and can call it mercenarie Certainly the kings of France have thought it their due or else they would not have continued it so long for five or six generations that is untill the Earles of Douglas were forfeited Few subjects of forraigne Princes have beene so much respected and so rewarded It is also an evidence of their power and greatnesse that Henry the sixth of England did contract and covenant with George the second Earle of Angus for his aid and assistance against Edward the fourth and made an Indenture wherein he promises to give him lands erected into a Dutchie lying betwixt Humber and Trent Edward the fourth made James the last Earle of Douglas Knight of the Garter even when he was banished so much did he honour and respect his name and vertue So Henry the second of France made Archbald the second Earle of Angus one of the Order of Saint Michael or the Cockle Their magnificence and stately entertainment and courage at home and abroad doth likewise show their greatnesse William the fourth of that name and sixth Earle being but a very young man not above fourteen or fifteen yeares of age bad for his ordinary train a thousand horse he dubbed Knights had his Counsellours and Officers of State like a Prince and William the fifth was admired for his train and magnificence as he passed through Flanders France and Italy in his journey to Rome Our Writers indeed blame him for it and call it pride ambition and ostentation in him but however that be It was an evident proofe of Greatnesse The last and main point that we are to treat of is their valour Let their deeds and actions speak for this property But to take a generall view of it The common Epethite in the mouths of the common people hath appropriate unto them this vertue who never speak of them but with the addition of doughty the doughty Douglas And from hence indeed chiefly their greatnesse and honours did spring and we shall find none of them but were both skilfull commanders and stout souldiers being no lesse endowed with personall valour then discretion and judgement to direct and conduct That brave matchlesse Romane Scipio Africanus when he was taxed for not hazarding his person and fighting with his own hand thought it enough to answer Imperatorem mater me peperit non bellatorem My mother bare me a Commander not a fighter
that it was not fit to increase the number they resolved to take one from them in the place of which in memory of it they put a white or argent bar which beginning at the right hand is drawn along and ends at the left for if it had begun at the left and ended at the right hand it had been Ghibelline The field which was given by the Emperour Henry the fourth together with a Pelican for the crest which is the Crest of the Scoti onely who carry it at this houre and the field of the whole Family generally I have thought good to make this short digression that your Lordship might have some knowledge wherfore this change was made in our coat your Lordship should do me a singular favour if you would be pleased to write unto me of the receit of this Tree in the armes of which the Coronet is wanting because the Crest is the place where it should be and to honour me with your letters which you may send to my noble Captain the Duke of Nivers and so they shall come safe to me for which favour I shall be particularly obliged to your Lordship So kissing your Lordships hands together with thèse of your brethren and children I pray the Lord to blesse you with all happinesse and prosperity Paris 8. May 1622. Your Lordships humble servant and Cousen Mark Antonio Scoto Counte d'Agazano This Tree was received by the Earle of Angus who did also send to him the Tree of the house of Douglas Now besides all this which we have said the Evidents and Monuments Charters and Writs of priviledge of their house do witnesse the same for in the priviledges granted to them by the Emperour Henry the fourth and Sigismond as also by Giovanni Maria Duke of Millain the surname of Douglas is expresly inserted with the titles of Earles given to three severall persons of that house first Francisco created Conte de vigolino Giovanni his brother Conte d'Agazano by the said Duke and to Alberto expressely intituled Conte de Douglas Vigolino by Sigismond the Emperour Now after all this I hope we may justly say with John Leslie Bishop of Rosse Unde certissimâ conjecturâ assequimur illam perantiquam familâ—…am quibus Scoti cognomen confirmabit jam usus loquendi Placentiae florentem ex nobilissimâ nostrorum Duglassiorum comitum prosapiâ oriundam fuisse that the Scoti in Plaisance are come of the Douglasses in Scotland And thus much for William the second sonne to Hugh the first and grandchilde to Sholto Of William the first Lord created Lord of Douglas at the Parliament of Forsaire NOw to return home again to the Scotish Douglasses we finde that King Malcolme Kenmore in a Parliament held at Forfair in Angus in the yeare 1057. as the manuscript Major and Buchanan have it but according to Boctius 1061. did create many Earles Barons or Lords and Knights amongst whom there is Gulielmus a Douglas who was made a Barron the words are these Malcolmus Scotorum Rex 86 tus Sconae coronatus anno 1061. Inde Forfarum generale indixit Concilium volens ut Primones quod antea non fuerat aliarum more gentium à praedis suis cognomina caperent quosdam vero etiam comites vulgo Earles quosdam Barones vulg Lords alios Milites aut Equites Auratos vulgo martiall Knights creavit Makduffum Fifae Thanum Fifae Comitem Patritium Dumbarum Marchiarum comitem alios quoque viros praestantes Montethiae Atholiae Marriae Cathanesiae Rossiae Angusiae dixit comites Johannem Soules Davidem Dardier ab Abernethie Simonem a Tueddell Gulielmum a Douglas Gillespium Cameron Davidem Briechen Hugonem a Caldella Barones cum diversis aliis Equites Auratos perplures pauci vero Thani relicti In English thus Malcolme the 86t. King of Scots being crowned at Scone in the year 1061 conveened a Parliament at Forfaire where according to the custome of other Nations he ordained that Noblemen should have their titles to be distinguished by their possessions and lands which had not been the custome of this Countrey in former times And so he created some Countes or Earles others Barons or Lords and others Cavalliers or Martiall Knights he made Mackdusse Earle of Fife who had been Thane of Fife Pà trick Dumbarre Earle of Marche he made also others of the Nobility Earles of Monteeth Athole Marre Murray Cathnes Rosse Anguse John Souls David Dardier of Abernethie Simon of Tweddale William of Douglas Gilespie Cameron David Briechen Hugh of Calder were made Barons or Lords others more he knighted likewise a great many so that few Thanes were left This note of these very words were extracted out of the Register and Monuments of Icolmekill and sent to George Buchanan when he was in writing his history of Scotland whereof John Read Buchanans servitour and amanuensis having reserved a copy did communicate it to diverse afterward Now here this William being ranked amongst the Nobility who were chosen out to receive these new honours could be no mean man but in all likelyhood the chief and principall of that name and so the eldest descended of Sholto and his sonne Hugh the first and his grandchilde Hugh the second by lineall succession This is al we have of him save that it is a received generall report and tradition that his two sons John and William were Knights at the same Parliament which is an argument that he hath been a man of good esteem and eminent place Of John the second Lord of Douglas WIlliam did leave behind him two sonnes John and William both Knights The eldest was Sir John of Douglasburn which is a parcell of ground and mannour lying betwixt Ettrick forrest and Peebles The other was William of Glendinning which is about the upmost parts of West-Teviotdale neere to Ewesdale Now whether this John did succeed to his father in the Lordship as being his eldest son and heire who was designed during his fathers life time onely by the title of Douglasburn or whether he had an elder brother and so both he and Sir William were but cadets of the house of Douglas we cannot affirm But thus much they say that these two brothers were men of great power and authority and very worthy and valiant gentlemen They affirm also that Sir William of Glendinning had two sonnes Alexander and William of whom are descended those of Cressewall Strabrock Pompherston Pittendrigh and Calder-Cleer Of William the second of that name and third Lord of Douglas WE have but little mention of this man onely in a Charter granted to the town of Aire by King David first sonne to King Malcolme Kenmore he is inserted a witnesse without any other title or designation Then Gulielmus de Douglas William of Douglas This Charter was given the 25. or 27. yeare of his Reigne the yeare of God 1151. two yeares before his death which was 1153. Of Archbald the fourth Lord of Douglas and first of that name THere is as little mention made of
Douglas Thomas Dickson supposing he had beene hard at hand drew out his sword and ran upon them having none to second him but an other man so that oppressed with the multitude of his enemies he was beaten downe and slaine In the meane time Sir James being come the English that were in the Chancel kept off the Scots and having the advantage of the strait and narrow entrie defended themselves manfully But Sir James encouraging his men not so much by words as by deeds and good example and having slain the boldest resisters prevailed at last and entring the place slew some 26 of their number and tooke the rest about 10. or 12. persons intending by them to get the Castle upon composition or to enter with them when the gates should be opened to let them in but it needed not for they of the Castle were so secure that there was none left to keepe it save the porter and the cooke who knowing nothing of what had hapned at the Church which stood a large quarter of a mile from thence had left the gate wide open the porter standing without and the Cooke dressing the dinner within They entred without resistance and meat being ready and the cloth laid they shut the gates and tooke their refection at good leasure Now that he had gotten the Castle into his hands considering with himselfe as he was a man no lesse advised then valiant that it was hard for him to keep it the English being as yet the stronger in that Countrey who if they should besiege him he knew of no reliefe he thought better to carry away such things as be most easily transported gold silver and apparell with ammunition and armour whereof he had greatest use and need and to destroy the rest of the provision together with the Castle it selfe then to diminish the number of his followers for a garrison there where they could do no good And so he caused carrie the meale and malt and other cornes and graine into the Cellar and layd all together in one heape then he took the prisoners and slew them to revenge the death of his trustie and valiant servant Thomas Dickson mingling the victuals with their bloud and burying their carcasses in the heap of corne after that he struck out the heads of the barrells and puncheons and let the drink runne through all and then he cast the carkasses of dead horses and other carrion amongst it throwing the salt above all so to make altogether unusefull to the enemie and this Cellar is called yet the Douglas Lairder Last of all he set the house on fire and burnt all the timber and what else the fire could overcome leaving nothing but the scorched walls behind him And this seemes to be the first taking of the Castle of Douglas for it is supposed that he took it twice For this service and others done to Lord William his father Sir James gave unto Thomas Dickson the lands of Hisleside which hath beene given him before the Castle was taken as an encouragement to whet him on and not after for he was slaine in the Church which was both liberally and wisely done of him thus to hearten and draw men to his service by such a noble beginning The Castle being burnt Sir James retired and parting his men into divers companies so as they might be most secret he caused cure such as were wounded in the fight and he himselfe kept as close as he could waiting ever for an occasion to enterprise something against the enemie So soone as he was gone the Lord Clifford being advertised of what had happened came himselfe in person to Douglas and caused re-edifie and repair the Castle in a very short time unto which he also added a Tower which is yet called Harries Tower from him and so returned into England leaving one Thruswall to be Captain thereof Sir James his men being cured of their wounds and refreshed with rest he returned again to the King at what time he was ready to fight with Sir Aymore Valence the Lord of Lorne and Sir Thomas Randulph at Cumnock The King had not above 400. men so that being almost encompassed by the enemie ere he was aware he was forced to forsake the field having lost his Banner which was taken by Sir Thomas Randulph by which he got great credit with King Edward King Robert in his flight or retreat divided his men into three companies that went severall wayes that so the enemie being uncertaine in what company he himself were and not knowing which to pursue rathest he might the better escape When they were all come againe to the place of their rendezvous which the King had appointed when he divided them Sir James Douglas perswaded the King to set upon a company of the enemies who were very securely lying by themselves farre from the body of the Army without feare of any danger which the King did and having slaine 200. of them he scattered the rest After this Sir Aymore Valence being then Warden for King Edward in Scotland and residing himselfe at Bothwell sent Sir Philip Mowbray with a company of men about 100. into Coile and Cunninghame to keepe the Inhabitants in their obedience to England whereof when Sir James Douglas had notice and knowing the way by which they must go called Machanacks way he lay in a straight foord betweene two marishes called Ederfoord accompanied with some 40. choice men and there rising up of a sudden ere Sir Philip was aware they routed his men and chased himselfe who did escape very narrowly for he left his sword with them and fled alone to Kilmarnock and Kilwinnin the rest back to Bothwell This was before the battell of Lowdoun hill where both the King and Sir James were present at which they defeated Sir Aymore Valence and 3000. men they having onely 500. which Sir Aymore tooke so to heart that he retired himselfe into England where he gave over his charge of Warden and never returned into Scotland againe with any command except it were when the King came in person The English Chronicle sayes that the King discharged Sir Aymore who was Earle of Penbrooke and placed John de Britton in his office and made him Earle of Richmond These particulars I cannot ghesse why they should have beene omitted by our Writers being so remarkable defeats where diligence dexteritie and valour have beene used with wisedome and judgement However upon this withdrawing and departure of Sir Aymore Valence King Robert being rid of the greatest danger makes toward Innernesse leaving Sir James behinde him to recover such places as were still in the enemies hands He therefore getting him into Douglasdale did use this stratagem against Thruswall Captaine of the Castle of Douglas under the Lord Clifford hee caused some of his folkes drive away the cattell that fed neare unto the Castle and when the Captaine of the garrison followed to rescue gave order to his men to leave them and to flee
Towne and after burnt it without resistance This was in the yeare 1318. in May. The next was in the year following 1319. when King Edward having gathered an army lay before Berwick These two entred England as farre as Milton which is within 12. miles of York where the Archbishop of Yorke and the Bishop of Ely Chancellour made head against them in which conflict there were foure thousand English slain amongst whom was the Major of Yorke and a thousand drowned in the water of Swail and if the night had not come in too soon the battell being joyned in the afternoon few or none of them had escaped as it is thought It is called the battell of Milton or Swail or the white battell because there were a number of Priests slain at it belike they have been apparelled in their surplices Hollinshed in his Chronicle of England relateth the manner how it was done He sayes that as the English men passed over the water of Swale the Scots set fire upon certain stacks of hay the smoke whereof was so huge that the English might not see where the Scots lay And when the English were once gotten over the water the Scots came upon them with a wing in good order of battell in fashion like to a shield eagerly assailing their enemies who were easily beaten down and discomfited Many were drowned by reason that the Scots had gotten betwixt the English and the bridge so that the English fled betwixt that wing of the Scots and the main battell which had compassed about the English on the one side as the wing did upon the other The King of England informed of this overthrow brake up his siege incontinently and returned to Yorke and the Scots home into their Countrey of Scotland Their third expedition was that same yeare at Hallowtide when the Northern borders of England had gotten in their cornes and their barns were well stuffed with grain which was their provision for the whole yeare They entred England and burnt Gilsland tooke divers prisoners and drave away all the cattell they could finde Then they went to Brough under Stanmoore and returned by Westmooreland and Cumberland with great booty and spoil none offering to make head against them The fourth was in the yeare 1322. when the King of England grieved with these invasions having complained to the Pope had purchased a Legate to be sent into Scotland to admonish King Robert to desist from further disquieting the Realme of England and because he would not obey he with Sir James Douglas and Thomas Randulph were accursed by the two Cardinalls the Archbishop of Canterbury and York and all the Priests in England every day thrice at Masse These two Sir James Douglas and Randulph some say the King himself following the Legate at the heels as it were entred England little regarding their cursings and wasted the Countrey to the Redcrosse and coming to Darlington at the feast of Epiphanie stayed there a while for gathering of booty and destroying the Countrey The Lord Douglas on the one hand and the Lord Stuart of Scotland on the other the one going towards Hartelpool and Caveland and the other towards Richmond The inhabitants of Richmond-shire having no Captains to defend them gave a great summe of money as at other times they had done to have their Countrey saved from fire and spoil These adventurers stayed 15. dayes in England and returned without battell It is said that the Knights of the North came to the Duke of Lancaster then lying at Pomphret and offered to go into the field with him against the Scots but he refused whether by reason of the discord between him and K. Edward or for some other occasion I know not At this time it is that the King gives to Sir James Douglas a bounding Charter of Douglasdale dated apud Bervicum super Tuedam anno Regni nostri decimo quinto which is either the yeare 1320. or 1322. the first of April It bears Jacobo de Douglas filio haeredi Gulielmi Douglas militis which decides the question of his age and his brother Hughes who outlived Sir James 12. or 13. years and calls himself his heire as shall be showne It hath also this clause Volumus insuper c. wee will also and grant for us and our heires that the said James and his heires shall have the said lands free ab omnibus prisiis petitionibus quibuscunque ita quod nullus ministrorum nostrorum in aliquo se intromittat infra dictas divisas nisi tantum de articulis specialiter ad coronam nostram pertinentibus To return King Edward conceived such discontent and was so grieved at this so wasting of his Kingdome that he gave order to levie an army of 100000. to enter Scotland at Lammas whereof K. Robert being advertised entred England neare to Carlile and burnt some towns which belonged to King Edwards own inheritance spoyled the Monastery of Holme where his fathers corps were interred Hither the Earle of Murray and Sir James Douglas came to him with another army whereupon marching further Southward they came to Preston in Andernesse and burnt all that towne also except the Colledge of the Minorites This was fourescore miles within England from the Borders of Scotland Then they returned with their prisoners and booty to Carlile where they stayed some fourteen dayes wasting and destroying all about with fire and sword and so they returned into Scotland on Saint James day having remained within England three weeks and three dayes without any opposition or resistance They were not long at home when K. Edward entred into Scotland with his army and passed to Edinburgh but for want of victualls which were conveyed out of the way of purpose by King Roberts command and direction he was forced to make a retreat and goe home the way he came having discharged his choller with what he could meet with in his return But hee was quickly followed by the two Colleagues Sir James and Randulph who entred England burnt North Allerton with other townes and villages as farre as Yorke and overtaking the King at the Abbey of Biland gave him battell and defeated him There was taken John Britton Earle of Richmond who had also the Earledome of Lancaster he being ransomed for a great summe of money passed over into France where he remained and never came back again into England The English Chronicle to excuse this defeat layes the blame hereof upon Andrew Barkeley Earle of Carlile whom they say Sir James Douglas corrupted with money upon which pretext Barkeley was executed suffering good Gentleman to cover other mens faults It doth me good to heare Master John Major answer the English Writers in his round and substantiall manner It is but a dream saith he and spoken without all likelihood for neither were the Scots ever so flush and well stored with moneyes as to corrupt the English neither was that the custome of good Sir James Douglas a valiant
Competitor he had gotten also the like renunciation of the King of England and all Evidents Writs and Monuments concerning his pretences delivered up unto him discharged and cancelled and declared to be null and of no value by consent of the English Parliament and to be the surer of King Edwards friendship he had married his sonne David to Jane his sister He had cut off the rebellions that were springing up against him by executing such as were guiltie established Randulph Tutor and Protector to his sonne and Governour of the Countrey hee had removed all occasion of emulation that might have falne out therein and setled all with good advice good precepts good councell in his Testament both for peace among themselves and warre against the enemy But what is the wit of man and how weak a thing are his devices or what bonds will bind whom duety cannot binde This same Balliol whose father had renounced his right nothing regarding what his father had done renewed his claim to the Crown This same King of England who had himself solemnly renounced who had bound up friendship with the most sure and strongest bonds that can bee amongst men regarding neither his resignation made nor his affinity and alliance nor any dutie towards God or faith and promise to man used all means to strip his brother-in-law by consequent his sister out of the Kingdome of Scotland as if nothing were unlawfull that could fill up the bottomlesse gulf of his ambition First he caused an English Monke under colour of giving Physick for the gravell to poyson the Governor Thomas Randulph Earle of Murray and afterward aided Edward Balliol with 6000. English upon condition that Balliol should hold the Crowne of him Edward Balliol entering Scotland with these forces and being assisted by the male-contents in Scotland prevailed so that having wonne a battell at Duplin 1332. the 22. of September the third yeare after the death of King Robert and about one yeare after the death of Randulph in which many were slain to the number of 3000. together with Duncane or Donald Earle of Marre the Governour hee was Crowned at Scone and these of the Bruces side constrained to send their King David Bruce with his wife into France having no safe place at home to keep him in After his Coronation having taken in divers places that stood out against him he went at last to Annand receiving such as would acknowledge him and taking their oath of Allegeance and Fidelitie Whereupon Andrew Murray Earle of Bothwell chosen Governour after Marres death sent Archbald Lord of Galloway to see what hee could do against Balliol in these quarters he taking with him his nephew William Douglas Lord of Liddesdale and John Randulph the Governour Randulphs sonne together with Simeon Fraser having in company with them a thousand horse went first to Mophet and having there understood of Balliols carelesse discipline and securitie departing from thence in the night he came so suddenly to Annand where Balliol lay that he escaped very narrowly being halfe naked not having leasure to put on his cloathes and riding upon a barme horse unsadled and unbridled till he came to Carlile Others write that howbeit he came very quietly to have surprised the enemy at unawares in the night time yet they had notice of his coming and issued forth of the Towne with a great army where they fought long and stoutly till at last Balliol was overthrowne and fled There were slain many of his friends and amongst these Henry Balliol who behaved himselfe very manfully John Mowbray Walter Cummin Richard Kirbie Robert or Alexander Bruce Earle of Carrict and sonne to Edward King of Ireland was taken prisoner and obtained pardon by the intercession of his Cousin John Randulph Hollinshed writeth that somewhat before this time the friends of David Bruce understanding that Balliol did sojourne within the Towne of Perth had besieged it but that they were constrained to raise the siege because of the men of Galloway who having bin sometimes the Balliols dependers invaded the besiegers lands under the conduct of Eustace Maxwell whereupon hee saith Archbald Lord of Galloway with the Earle of March and Murray invaded Galloway with fire and sword and brought away great booties but slew not many men because they got them out of the way for feare of that terrible invasion This narration may bee true in the last part thereof concerning their invasion but the cause of this invasion is not probable that the men of Galloway should invade mens lands that lay so farre from them as they behoved to be that did besiege Saint Johnston for in all liklihood it was besieged by these that were nearest to it being in kinne and friends to those that were slain in Duplin and both Hollinshed himself and others write that it was recovered in Balliols absence about the same time while he sojourned in Annand by those that lay neare to it without mentioning any other siege before that at which it was taken This battell at Annand so changed the case that hee who even now was Crowned King in September who had farre prevailed to whom all men even King Davids nearest friends and kinsmen had yeelded despairing of his estate was by this act of Archbald Lord of Galloway turned quite out of his Kingdome and Countrey and compelled to fly into England to save his life the 25. of December the same yeare about three moneths after his Coronation and was compelled to keep his Christmas at Carlile in the house of the Friers Minors A notable example of the inconstancy of worldly affairs and constancy of an honest heart in the Douglas not abandoning his Princes cause when others had forsaken it and also a proof of his good service and usefull for which as he deserved perpetuall praise and favour of his rightfull Prince so did he incurre great hatred of his enemie the usurping Balliol who the next day after the 26 of December going into Westmoreland and there being honourably received by the Lord Clifford gave unto him the whole lands of Douglasdale which the said Lord Cliffords grandfather had before in the dayes of King Edward the first So proudly did he presume to give that which was not in his power And so little had he learned the lesson of the uncertaintie of humane affairs grounded on whatsoever power appearance or even successe and so difficult a lesson it is to learne where there remains means so great as hee trusted to the power of the King and Kingdome of England with his owne particular friendship and faction within the Countrie of Scotland which shall indeed have power to trouble the State a while but not to establish either the Kingdome to himselfe or any part of Douglasdale to the Lord Clifford The next yeare 1333. K. Edward of England having shaken off all colour of duty to his brother-in-law K. David made open warre to be proclaimed betweene the two Countreyes which
keepe it had demolished that it might not be a receit to the English And within a short time this overthrow had wellnigh overthrowne the Kingdome and the cause for the greatest part of the Nobilitie that were not dead before being slain in this conflict the rest flying to save themselves to strengths defaâ—…ts Balliol assisted by Robert Talbot a Noble man of England whom the King had left with him with a few English bands being aided by his Favourers in Scotland made himself once more King and was confirmed by Parliament within half a yeare after he had been driven out All yeelded obedience to him save onely foure Castles to wit Loch-leven Dumbarton Kildrummie Urwhart and Lowdon peele seated on a little lake so that no man in Scotland durst call David Bruce their King except young children in their playes so far were matters altered by this check Where it is to be marked that as by the wise and wary government of the same Archbald his Countrey and lawfull King were defended and Balliol chased out of his usurped Kingdome So by the same mans oversight in government both the usurping Edwards English and Scots are repossessed again therein and his Countrey plunged into misery and the rightfull King and his partners brought to great extremitie Of so great efficacie is good or evill government therefore it is so much the more circumspectly to bee looked to and to bee exercised according to the rules of wisedome and not after the opinions of men fame and reports anger or whatsoever other cause doth make men stray from the right and strait course of reason This was the lamentable condition of our Countrey But let us have patience a while and wee shall shortly have better newes Both these usurpers shall ere long bee driven to let go their hold and at last be utterly disappointed of all their hopes and projects God conserving the liberty of this Countrey and the Crowne thereof to the rightfull heire and the Bruces bloud in whose posterity it shall yet prosper In which work no little part shall bee the valiant and faithfull efforts of the Douglasses Amongst whom it were requisite to speake of the next Lord Douglas But the order of time draws me another way it being long before his turne come in even tenne or twelve or perhaps twentie yeares as shall be seen in the owne place for hee hath been young it should seeme and abroad out of the Countrey but in his absence some other of the Douglasses must not be idle Archibaldus Duglasius ad Halidonem coesus 1333. Non potuit perferre nefas foedamque Tyranni Persidiam Et quisnam sustinuisse queat Ergo furens animi atque accenso pectore inardet Praelia ingratas increpat usque moras Poscimus aut aequo dixit certamine Martem Aut certum est fatis cedere velle tuis Ah nimis ah properant Non illis ignea virtus Defuerat nocuit praecipetasse nimis Nec te victorem jactes temeraria virtus Sic nocuit Vinci vis animosa nequit In English thus He was not patient enough to see The Tyrants faithlesse fact and who could be Hence his enflamed breast with anger sweld Enrag'd at such impediments as held His hand from just revenge Come let us trie Our chance and winne the field or bravely die If fate will have it so he said and all With too much haste obey'd their Generall No courage wanted but the hard event Prov'd the act rash and lose the punishment Of ill rul'd valour Thou didst nothing gain Who to his passion yeelds commands in vain Of William Douglas Lord of Liddesdale called the stowre of Chevalrie BEfore we proceed to the rest of the Lords of Douglas the order of the History requires that wee speake something of William not Lord of Douglas but Lord of Liddesdale and a worthy member of the house and name of Douglas The first mention of him and his actions is at the battle of Annand where hee was with Archbald Lord of Galloway The last of his actions of importance are in the beginning of the first Earle William before the battle of Durham the space of thirteen yeares or thereby which time hee imployed for his lawfull King and Countrey against the usurpers so diligently as shall bee deduced in the progresse of this Story Writers call him naturall sonne to Sir James slain in Spain which is truth But they erre when they say that John Lord Dalkeith was brother to William Lord of Liddesdale hee being Liddesdales uncle and Sir James brother so master John Major hath Davidis for Gulielmi and Hollinshed and Boetius William for Archbald who was made Captain of the castle of Edinburgh by this same William But it is so clear and manifest whom they mean of that there is no question to be made of it However it be he hath so honoured and nobilitated himself by his vertue that no posteritie needs to enquire of his birth We finde that he was married to a daughter of Sir John Grahame Lord of Abercorne called Margaret Grahame by whom he got the lands of Liddesdale he had but one onely daughter Marie who was married to Sir James of Lowden who after the Lord Liddesdales his death and Margaret Grahames got the lands of Liddesdale His first appearing to wit at the battell of Annand hath been spoken of after that hee was for his wisedome and manhood accounted worthy to have the custody and government of the West Marches as the charge of the East Marches was committed to Patrick Dumbarre Being Wairden there hee had his residence at Annand where at a certain skirmish with the English his men were scattered himself was hurt and taken prisoner about that same time that Regent Murray was taken at Roxbrough to wit in the yeare 1332. before the battell of Halidoun hill which was the occasion that he was not there with his uncle Archbald Lord of Galloway He continued a prisoner untill 1335. and then he and Murray were both set at libertie having payed a great summe of gold for their ransome It is strange that these two great Politicians the two Edwards I mean intending a conquest of Scotland should have suffered such men to bee set at liberty at any rate without making them sure to their side considering that the detaining of them would greatly have facilitate their designes and their liberty being enemies hinder and annoy them as we sâ—…all heare it did not a little It was apparently the pride of their hearts in that good successe which made them carelesse and secure not fearing any danger from these or any else So doth successe and pride growing thereupon commonly blind men or so doth God blinde the wisedome of unjust men when hee hath a work to do against them But before wee come to the rest of the deeds of this valorous Lord we must take a view of the estate of things at that time that the circumstances which are
was conveyed to the Castle of Dumbarton where hee was received by Malcolm Fleeming Captain thereof Now both the Edwards being absent and he having a particular spleen against Cummin who possessed his private inheritance the said Robert with the help of Colin or Duncan Campbell in Argyle from whom he obtained an aid of foure hundreth men had taken the Castle of Dunholm in Coile and destroyed the English Garrison there whereupon the men of Boote which was his private inheritance had taken armes slain Allane Lyle there Captain and Sheriffe who was placed there by Balliol and Cummin and were come home very joyfull to their old master the Stuarts Upon this Thomas Bruce Earle of Carrict with his friends and neighbours of Coile and Cunninghame and William Karrudise of Annandale who had ever refused the English yoake coming forth out of the place where they had lurked resorted to him also John Randulph Earle of Murray was returned from France and did incourage them with hopes of forreign help of Jefferey or Godfrey Rosse Sheriffe of Aire had drawne Coile Carrict and Cunningham to be of the partie Ranfrow was also returned to the Stuarts By their example the dependers of Andrew Murray had drawne all Cliddesdale to them partly by faire means partly by force These under the command and leading of Robert Stuart and John Randulph had passed into the North parts chaised David Cummin Governour for the English to Lochaber and compelled him to yeeld and swear obedience to David Bruce Notwithstanding that the enemy had committed to him so great a charge as to bee Lieutenant for him in those parts About this time or a little before William Lord of Liddesdale returns from his captivity having been three yeares in prison And hee is no sooner returned but that presently he begins to serve his King and Countrey faithfully and diligently against both their enemies Scots and Englized usurpers recompencing his long imprisonment with his enemies losses especially in Lowthian for the more easie performance hereof and that hee might annoy them that were in the Castle of Edinburgh which was then held by the English and them that went toward it hee lay in wait in Pentland-hills To him John Randulph after that he had left David Cummin Earle of Athole Lieutenant for him in the North parts Randulph and Robert Stuart were chosen Governours by the Kings party did adjoyn himself as to his old and fast friend from thence they both went to Perth to a Convention of the States the 2. of Aprill 1335. But there was nothing done at that meeting because of the enmity betwixt the Lord Liddesdale and David Cummin Earle of Athole The occasion was the Lord of Liddesdale alledged that hee was detained longer in prison then other wayes he would have been by the means of the the Earle of Athole who no doubt did thinke it meet for Balliol and the English faction and therefore advised them to keep him And certainly he was wiser in that point then they that set him at libertie for ransome Now under the colour and pretext of this ill will between him and Liddesdale Athole was so strongly accompanied with his servants and dependers that the rest being jealous of his disposition and fearing his present power did conclude no matter of importance Robert Stuart enclined toward him but all the rest favoured the Lord Liddesdale Robert was young and knew not the disposition of Athole which the rest knew better and what ods was between them in fidelitie which was not long in discovering For King Edward of England came with a great army both by Sea and Land and brought Balliol with him So soone as he came to Perth Athole being solicited to defection from Bruce he was not very hard to wooe whereas Liddesdale did still his uttermost endevours for him One of the Governours to wit Robert Stuart being sick and the other John Randulph thinking it too heavie a burden for him alone to fight divided his forces that so he might the more annoy the King Now word was brought to him that there was a great army of the Guelders coming through England to joyne with Edward and help him against the Scots Wherefore Randulph passeth over into Lowthian to try if he could conveniently intercept them and cut them off ere they should joyn with the King There came hither to assist Randulph the Governour Patrick Earle of Marche William Lord Liddesdale and Alexander Ramsay of Dalhousie and others These being assembled together lay in wait for them near Edinburgh in the Borrow moore and so soon as they came in sight one of the other without any delay of either side they joyned battell and after a great conflict the Guelders were put to rout and chased to a little hill where was a ruinous Castle There they were besieged all that night and the next day they rendered themselves lives safe Others write that they fled to the Castle hill of Edinburgh up Saint Maries wind or lane defending themselves valiantly through the high street till they came to that place where they slew their horses and made as it were a rampart of their carcasses and so saved themselves There they stayed all that night and having neither meat nor drink nor convenient lodging opprest with hunger and cold and thirst yeelded themselves on the morrow This narration seems not to bee so probable as the former for if it had been at the Castle of Edinburgh it might have made them more support at least releeved the Duke and have saved him Besides that the town of Edinburgh should suffer strangers to passe through the midst of them and neither aid them if they were friends nor assail them if they were enemies nor shut their gates if they were neutrall for fear of some danger to come to their towne thereby but suffer both parties to have free accesse into their chief street and to stand as lookers on it hath no great likelihood They ascribe also the winning of the field to the Lord of Liddesdale who was not as Hollinshed sayes present at their first joyning battell but came to it from Pentland-hills in so convenient time that if he had not come the Guelders who fought exceeding well had got the day Others make no mention of Randulph but of the Lord Liddesdale and Alexander Ramsay with him Those that write of this battell tell of a huge and wonderfull stroake given by Sir David Annand in his fury hee being hurt stroke his enemy on the shoulder with a Pole-axe and clave him and his horse down to the hard pavement in which the force of the stroake left a great mark long after And no lesse memorable is the valour of a woman in the Guelders army who at the beginning of the battell stept forth before her company and encountred in a single combat or duell a Scotish Squire named Robert Shaw whom she slew and afterwards beat downe her enemies on each side till at last after a
amongst them of a stout stomack named Robert Phanderghest whose lot was â—…allen to be on that side but his heart was with the other party and hee carried no great good will to the English This being perceived he was the worse entreated by them so that one day his head was broken by the Marshall Thomas Kneveton whereat taking indignation hee sought all means to bee avenged thereof and so brought it to passe that he shortly after slew him and to avoid the danger of punishment fled to the Lord Liddesdale whom having informed of the negligence that was growne amongst the English he perswaded him to take advantage of their sloath he nothing slack in a businesse of that nature went secretly in the night to the Towne and slew foure hundreth of them in their sleep and drunkennesse before they could make any resistance About this time Murray the Regent dieth after he had brought back all the Northerne parts of Scotland to his Princes obedience excepting Perth a great losse for his Countrey and hee greatly regrated But no losse is without some gain Robert Stuart had now recovered his health who was the other Governour and as some write hee assumed the Lord Liddesdale for his collegue whether that were so or not and what ever his place and name was hee was a notable adjunct to Robert Stuart and under his authority performed much good service and profitable to King and Countrey with great hazard of his life by receiving of many wounds while he did assail and vanquish greater numbers with far fewer So that by his prowesse and singular valour hee reduced Tivedale Niddesdale Annandale and Cliddesdale except the Hermitage to the Kings obedience having expulsed from thence all the English These lands and strengths were lost again after the battell of Durham and recovered again the second time by VVilliam the first Earle of Douglas which wee have inserted here lest men inconsiderately should confound and mistake the one VVilliam for the other By these doings his name came to bee spred throughout the whole Island insomuch that Henry Lancaster Earle of Darbie hearing thereof and being himself a valiant man and desirous of glory provoked him to fight with him hand to hand on horseback but at their first encounter the Lord of Liddesdale his hand was so sore wounded with his owne speare which brake hard at his hand that hee was not able to prosecute the combate whereupon it was delayed Major maketh mention of his justing and joyneth Alexander Ramsay with him at Berwick hee telleth also of one Patrick Grahame who being provoked and challenged by an English man into the field told him he was content but wished him to dine well for hee would send him to suppe in Paradise which hee also did hereupon hee condemns these justs and duels in time of peace so that it should seeme there have been some peace or truce But wee heare not of any I doe rather thinke there hath been some assurance at that time That same yeare the King of England sent a very valiant Knight named Sir Thomas Barcklay into Scotland with a great power of men to assist their faction Robert Stuart and the Lord Liddesdale goe against him and gave him battell at Blackburne where the Lord of Liddesdale fought so eagerly that all his men being slain he and Robert Stuart having onely three left with them continued still fighting and defended themselves till night which being come on by favour thereof they escaped and saved themselves by flight It was not long ere he recompensed this losse by the defeating of John Stirline and his company This Stirline with five hundreth men assailed the Lord Liddesdale at unawares at a place called Cragens having but fourtie in his company as he was journeying without any feare or suspicion of an enemy This did put him into a great feare at first but he recollecting himselfe out of that sudden affrightment fought so valiantly that hee defeated Stirline slew fiftie of his men and tooke fouretie prisoners Afterward the English that lay at Creighton made divers onsets and incursions upon him in one of which he was runne through the body with a speare and was thereby disabled to doe any service for a season So soone as he was recovered being accompanied with twenty men onely he set upon sixty English at a place called The blacke Shaw and having wisely taken the advantage of the ground which was fitter for foot then horsemen he slew and took them every one In the same year 1338. the 24. of December or as others the 2. of November he set upon the convoy of the English that were carrying vivers to the Castle of Hermitage as they were in Melrosse or neare to it and defeated them but not without great slaughter of his owne men and so having got the victuals he went and besieged the Castle of Hermitage tooke it and did victuall it with the same victuall which he had taken at Melrosse He vanquished also Lawrence Vauch alias Rolland Vauch a very valiant man with a great company of Englishmen And in the yeare following 1339 he fought five times in one day with Lawrence or William Abernethie a Leader under Balliol and having beene put to the worse foure times saith Hollinshed Boetius five times at the sixth time vanquished him and slew all his men and took himselfe prisoner and thereafter presented him to Robert Stuart who sent him to the Castle of Dumbartan For these and such other exploits atchieved by him he was highly esteemed of all men and got the name which is commonly used of him The flowre of Chivalrie He was after this sent Ambassadour into France to informe King David of the estate of the Realme and to conferre with him about weighty matters being either chosen for his worth or only sent by Robert Stuart as his Collegue and so fittest for that employment While he was there he obtained pardon of the K. of France and peace for one Hugh Hambell a famous Pirate During his absence in France Robert Stuart had laid siege to St. Johnstoun in the yeare 1339. and had divided his Army into foure squadrons under foure chiefe Captaines each Captaine commanding a part of which he himselfe was one the Earle of March another William Earle of Rosse the third and Magnus Mowbray Lord of Cliddesdale the fourth It was divers times assaulted but they were repulsed with losse it being valiantly defended by the English that were within They had lien at it ten weekes without doing any good and were now almost quite out of hope to take it so that they began to thinke of leaving off when in the very meane time the Lord Liddesdale arrives on Tay having brought with him out of France Hambell the Pyrate with five ships well furnished with men munition and weapons These men the Lord Liddesdale had hired in France of purpose for this businesse amongst them were two Knights of the
wisely and earnestly disswaded him and did exhort him first to take order with the discorders at home and before all things to settle them For the Earle of Rosse had slain the Lord of the Isles whereby a great party of the Kings army was diminished the Lord of the Isles men lying back for want of a head and so the Lord Rosse and his men for feare of punishment So did also many others that lay neare them retire and go home fearing least they should suffer in their absence by their neighbourhood to those disagreeing Lords and be some way endamaged wherefore they thought good to provide in time the best they could against all perrills that might happen For this cause hee councelled the King first to settle peace amongst his owne subjects before he enterprised a forraign war that peace being settled and his army united he might the more strongly and with better successe invade England But the King contemning his good and wholsome counsell his French friendship prevailing more with him then either his owne good or the good of his Countrey hee raised an army wherewith hee entred England and was encountred by the English at Durham where the Scots were defeated King David Bruce taken prisoner and with him beside others VVilliam Earle of Douglas and the Lord of Liddesdale who were shortly after ransomed or dismissed so much the more easily for that they had the King and so cared the lesse for others This sell out in the yeare 1346. October the 17. as hath been said While the Lord Liddesdale is a prisoner amongst his enemies he forgetteth not his friends at home Sir David Barcklay had slain one John Douglas brother to Sir VVilliam and father to Sir James of Dalkeith say our Writers beside Horsewood but they should say rather brother to Sir William for there Sir William is the same Lord of Liddesdale of whom wee now speake sonne naturall to good Sir James neither was John Douglas slain in Horsewood but in Kinrosher by Loch-leven This Barcklay also had taken Sir John Bullock at the Kings command and put him in prison in Lindores where hee died of hunger almost in the same sort that Sir Alexander Ramsay died The Writers lay the blame on the Nobilitie that envied so worthy a man and accused him salsely to the King of unsaithfulnesse but they tell not in what point They themselves call him a worthy Chaplain of great wisedome singular prudencie and eloquence beyond any in his time who had been Chamberlain to Edward Balliol Treasurer to the rest of the Englishmen in Scotland and lastly Chamberlain to King David and amongst the chief of his Counsellers reputed as another Chussay Neverthelesse thus was he delated and taken away having done divers good offices in the Common-wealth and being very necessary unto it The Lord of Liddesdale had drawne him from the English faction to King Davids party and he had used him in good services whereof hee was not forgetfull ever remaining one of his speciall friends This giveth men matter of suspition that his death was for ill will to the Lord of Liddesdale by the King incensed against him never digesting in heart the death of Sir Alexander Ramsay whereby the King is blamed as counseller or follower thereof and that Sir David Barcklay enemy to him did execute it willingly or did procure the Kings command thereto The taking of the Castle of Edinburgh in the yeare 1341. by the Lord of Liddesdale was plotted by Sir John Bullock say the Writers who in quicknesse of wit and sharpnesse of invention past all men in his dayes In revenge of this Liddesdale causeth slay Sir David Barcklay by the hands of Sir John Saint Michaell say they but they should have said Carmichaell in Aberdene A just fact but not justly done the matter was good the forme ill being besides and against all order but who could wait for order in so disordered a Countrey when should hee by order of law have obtained justice his Prince being in captivitie his duetie to his friends defendeth the fact the estate of the Countrey excuseth the forme God looketh not so upon things hee had before as wee heard slain Sir Alexander Ramsay he must not want his owne share but who durst doe it The avenger of bloud finds the means Such is the estate of man what can they lean to on earth ere he do not pay that debt of bloud the Earle of Douglas shall exact it his Chief his Cousin and to adde that also his owne sonne in Baptisme as the Lord Liddesdale was to the Earle of Douglas for the black book of Scone calleth him his spirituall father and thus it came to passe The Lord of Liddesdale being at his pastime hunting in Attrick Forrest is beset by William Earle of Douglas and such as hee had ordained for that purpose and there assailed wounded and slain beside Galsewood in the yeare 1353. upon a jealousie that the Earle had conceived of him with his Lady as the report goeth for so sayes the old song The Countesse of Douglas out of her Boure she came And londly there that she did call It is for the Lord of Liddesdale That I let all these teares downe fall The song also declareth how shee did write her love letters to Liddisdale to disswade him from that hunting It tells likewise the manner of the taking of his men and his owne killing at Galsewood and how hee was carried the first night to Lindin Kirk a mile from Selkirk and was buried within the Abbacie of Melrosse The cause pretended or the cause of this slaughter is by our Writers alledged to be the killing of this Alexander Ramsay and Sir David Barklay and some other grudges and so the Earle said himself as they say and so it was indeed if we looke unto God but who doth beleeve him that it was on his part no Writers no report no opinion of men doth beleeve it not untill this day They lay the cause on his ambition on his envie of Liddesdales honour and jealousie of his greatnesse Reason swaies to the same side and brings great if not necessary arguments for what had hee to doe with Alexander Ramsay that he should for his sake dippe his hands in his owne bloud farre lesse for Sir David Barcklay on whom he himself should have taken avengement if the Lord Liddesdale had not done it this John Douglas whom Barcklay slew being so neare to himselfe but something must bee said to colour things But this will not colour this blemish though in a faire body indeed as we shall see hereafter Doth ambition spring from a great minde Doth envie of vertue jealousie of hatred Let noble hearts eschew them it is the basest thought that can fall into a mans mind Right minds love vertue even in strangers even in enemies generous minds strive to do better not to hinder such as do well It is a strange maxime and ill grounded a wicked
wisedome and perverse policy to keep backe ones friend in whom vertue appeares It is of follies the greatest folly to hinder their growth for fear they should overgrow our greatnesse the which when we doe it comes to passe that wee are outgrowne by strangers and often by our enemies yea undermined oftentimes while our friends thus kept under are unable to underprop us as they both should and would do a just reward of so unjusâ—… wisedome But for themselves to put hand in them for their worth I can finde no name to it I must wish this Nobleman had beene free from so foul a blot and I would fain vindicate him and some small appearance there is that it was not his fact But the current of witnesses lay it upon him and who can contend against all the world Wherefore let us regrate it and not allow it eschew it and not excuse it or follow it as we are too ready to â—…ollow evill examples To returne thus he lived and thus hee died for whose Elogium short but worthie let it be said as it was then blazed in the mouthes of men and â—…ited by the manuscript He was terrible and fearefull in armes meek milde and gentle in peace the sâ—…ourge of England and sure buckler and wall of Scotland whom neither hard successe could make slack nor prosperous sloâ—…full Hee is stiled by the Writers a second to none and by consent of that age and voyce of the people the slowre of Chivalrie he was often wounded thrice a prisoner and ever ready to fight again what manhood what wisedome behoved it to be with fifty men to overcome five hundreth with twenty to take and slay sixtie What invincible minde was it that being defeated five times in one day hee had the courage to sight and overcome the sixth time Let Hanniball wonder at Marâ—…llus that neither overcoming nor overcome would suffer him to rest yet was he not thus restlesse that we reade of a worthy branch of such a stock a true member of such a house well retaining that naturall sappe sucked from his Predecessours of valour and of love to his Countrey And thus farre concerning the name of Douglas in this branch thereof in the time of the minority or absence of the chief Now let us return to the Principall stock the Earle of Douglas himself Gulielmus Douglassius Liddalianus 1333. caesus Omnia quando habeas quae Mars dedit omnibus unus Ut Mars Marte ferox fulminet alta tuo Hoc putes ut patiare parem tibi Defâ—…it unum hoc Quin age posce hostem caetera solus eris Johns Heroes In English thus Whiles thou alone all valour didst enjoy Mars doth bestow on those he would imploy One onely vertue wanting doth appeare To make thee excellent thou couldst not beare An â—…all bate this pride and thou sâ—…alt have This honour never souldier was more brave Of William the fifth of that Name the tenth Lord and first Earle of Douglas UNto Hugh the ninth Lord of Douglas did succeed his nephew William sonne to Archbald Lord of Galloway and Governour of Scotland who was slain at Hallidon hill Of this William the other great branch of Douglasses doth spring to wit the house of Angus which overtoppeth the rest and at last succeedeth unto the place of the stock Hee it is also that raiseth the house to the dignitie of an Earledome and doth greatly increase the state thereof That he was sonne to Archbald and not to Sir James as some doe mistake it it is cleare by divers confirmations in which Sir James is expresly termed his uncle and Archbald his father And so doth the Charter witnesse upon which the confirmation proceeds The Charter is given by Hugh Lord Douglas brother and heire to the late Sir James Douglas to William sonne and heire to Archbald brother to good Sir James Douglas It is dated at Aberdene the 28. of May. 1342. The Kings Charter likewise cleareth it bearing David dei gratiae Sciatis nos concessisse Gulielmo de Douglas saith the one Confirmasse dilecto fideli nostro Gulielmo de Deuglas militi saith the other Omnes terras reditus possessiones per totum regnum nostrorum de quibus quondam Jacobus dominus de Douglas avunculus suus Archibaldus de Douglas Pater suus milites obierunt vestiti Touching his marriage we finde that hee had three wives The first was Margaret daughter to the Earle of Dumbarre and March by whom he had gotten two sonnes James slain at Otterburn and Archbald called the grimme Lord of Galloway and afterward Earle of Douglas and one daughter married to the Lord of Montgomerie His second wife was Margaret Marre daughter to Donald or Duncan Earle of Marre and afterwards heire and inheritrix of that Earledome for this Duncan had but one sonne named Thomas and this Margaret Thomas twise married by his first marriage he had one onely son named Thomas also This second Thomas was married to Marjoric sister to this William Earle of Douglas but died without issue his father Thomas married a second wife Margaret Stuart who was inheritrix of the Earledome of Angus but he had no children by her so that there being none left now of Duncans race but this Margaret Marre married to the Earle of Douglas we finde him stiled Earle of Marre in his wives right in the yeare 1378. whereof divers Monuments and Evidents yet extant do beare witnesse By this Margaret Marre he had one onely daughter Isabell Douglas who did succeed to the Earledome of Marre She was twice married First to Malcome Lord Drummond by whom shee had no children Secondly to Alexander Stuart sonne to the Earle of Buchan brother to King Robert the third but had no children by him neither yet she did resigne the Earledome in his favour as a Charter given thereupon by King Robert the third to him and his heires which falling unto her and her heires Thirdly the Earle of Douglas after the decease of Margaret Marre tooke to his third wife Margaret Stuart daughter to Thomas Stuart Earle of Angus and his heire and inheretrix of the lands Earldome of Angus This Thomas was son to John Stuart brother to Walter Stuart the great Stuart of Scotland who married Marjorie Bruce daughter to King Robert Bruce Now this Margaret had a brother who died without issue and a sister called Elizabeth married to Alexander Hamilton of Cadyow Margaret Stuart herselfe was first married to Thomas Marre Earle of the same and sonne to Duncan or Donald but had no children by him Then shee was married to this William Earle of Douglas by whom she had a sonne named George This George succeeded to her in the Earledome of Angus and by gift of his sister Isabel Douglas inheritrix of Marre he got the lands that she had gotten from her father which disposition Isabel made to her brother George and not to James or Archbald for good considerations to be
points of humane and divine Philosophie Of which sort how few be there and how meanly are they accounted of Let us either think better of them or finde the lesse fault with him Certainly if he cannot be fully excused yet can he not be over hardly censured neither condemned yea no more condemned for the moving then praised for his speedy leaving off and yeelding truly acquiescing and sincerely obeying in all times thereafter Of James the second of that name the eleventh Lord and second Earle of Douglas slaine at Otterburne UNto William the first Earle his son James did succeed a man in all kinde of vertue worthy of so great a father and honourable place who was no whit inferiour to him either in courage or fortunatenesse unlesse we account him lesse fortunate for that he lived but few yeares wherefore wee shall heare his owne judgement at his death He had two wives Euphane eldest daughter to the King as we have said by his wife the Earle of Rosses daughter yet the genealogie of the Kings in the Acts of Parliament sayes that she was daughter to Elizabeth Moore and not the Earle of Rosses daughter He had a son by her who lived not halfe a yeare he had also two base sons William of whom is descended the house of Drumlanrig as evidents do witnes given by Jacobus Douglas Comes de Douglas silto nostro and Archbald of whom is come the house Cavers and Sheriffes of Tivedale who if they had beene lawfull had been sonnes to the Kings daughter and had succeeded to the Earledome before his brother Archbald the Grimme who did succeed to him But though they did not succeed yet have they shewed themselves very worthy and amongst the chief great men of the land Of this William also are descended the houses of Coshogle Pinyerie Daveine and others in Niddisdale for Archbald Douglas the first of Coshogle was second sonne to this William of Drumlanrigge and was married to one Pringle of the house of Galasheiles who bore to him twelve sonnes and after his death shee was married to one Carnel Wallace and bore twelve more to him also Touching Earle James his actions which were done in his fathers daies one thing we have spoken of them in his fathers life as most proper there is one thing more besides what hath been said recorded of him by some that during his fathers life he was sent into France for renewing the ancient League with that Kingdome in which Ambassage were joyned with him Walter Wardlaw Cardinall and Bishop of Glasgow and his Uncle Archbald Lord of Galloway This is said to have been in the yeare 1381. which is the eleventh yeare of the reigne of Robert Stuart The occasion of it was a message that came out of France from Charles the sixth who desired to have it so After his returne in September hee recovered the towne of Berwick from the English and entring England with a competent power burnt and spoyled all the Countrey about as farre as Newcastle About the time of his fathers decease in the yeare 1384. there was a Truce concluded between France and England to last a yeare in which Scotland was also comprehended This treatie was at Boloigne or at Lillegham as others write and for intimation hereof some French men were directed to come into Scotland but while they prepare themselves too negligently the Earles of Northumberland and Nottingham with such as lay nearest to the Scottish Marches laying hold of this opportunitie to annoy Scotland so that the Scots should have no time to revenge it before the truce were proclaimed entered Scotland with an Army of 20000. or as others say 10000. horse and 6000. Archers and Bowmen and spoyled the Countrey farre and wide especially the lands pertaining to the Douglasses and Lindsayes The Scots who trusting to the brute of the truce dreamed of no such thing finding themselves thus used were greatly grieved with their owne sloth and no lesse incensed at the fraud and falsehood of England and resolved to avenge the same In the mean time the report of the English incursion coming to the eares of the French who had the charge to intimate the assurance admonished them of their slownesse wherefore to make amends though somewhat too late they hasten over to London in the very time that the English Army was in Scotland There they were very chearefully received and magnificently entertained with feasting and banquetting and under this colour cunningly detained untill it was knowne that the English Army was come home and dismissed then being suffered to depart they came into Scotland and shew their Commission The greatest part of the Nobility but chiefly the Earle of Douglas and such as with him had received great losse by that expedition cried out against the craft of the English that this their fraud and manifest ludification was no way to be suffered The King went about to pacifie them and shewed plainly that hee meant to receive and keep the truce which they perceiving drew out the matter at length by reasoning and arguing to and fro untill such time as they had gathered together quietly 15000. horsemen then Douglas Dumbarre and Lindsay withdrew themselves from Court without noise at a day appointed and joyning their companies at the place of rendevous enter England with displayed banners waste and spoile Northumberland to Newcastle Then they doe the like to the Earle of Nottinghams lands and the Mowbrayes and so returne home with a huge prey of men and cattell Straight after their returne the truce was proclaimed meeting fraud not with fraud but with open force by a just and honest reâ—…ompence and retalliation Neither were the English discontented for all this to accept the truce acknowledging that the Scots had reason to doe what they did or confessing their owne weaknesse and want of ability to avenge it at this time or both by their sitting still and acceptation for neither could right though weake have had patience in so great an injury neither would force if it had thought it selfe sufficient have been bridled with reason onely in so manifest an affront and so great dammage How ever it be they stirred not and so the truce was kept till it expired of it selfe When it was runne out John de vienne a Burgundian a very valiant man Admirall of France and Earle of Valentinois arrived in Scotland and brought with him 2000. men amongst whom were 100. men at Armes He brought also 400. Curiasses and 400. halfe long swords to be distributed amongst the Scots and as some write 50000. Crownes Before their coming James Earle of Douglas entred into England with a new Armie and upon their arrival was called back to Court where they attended his coming Then having consulted of their businesse and the Army being ready they accompanied him into England where they tooke in the Castles of Wark Foord and Cornewall and spoyled and burnt the Country between Berwick and New
castle But when they intended to goe on further the continuall rain that fell in great abundance being in Autumne did so spoile the wayes and raise the waters and wet the Souldiers with their armour that they were forced to retire home again into Scotland In the mean time King Richard greatly moved that the Scots must bring in strangers to waste his Countrey entereth Scotland with an Army of 60000. foot and 8000. horse and used all sort of Hostilitie in the Merse and Lowthian not sparing the religious houses and persons such as Newbotle Melrosse and Dribrough with the Monkes thereof The French Admirall better remembring and more carefull of his Masters directions then considering what was fit to bee done dealt earnestly with the Earle of Douglas to give him battell But the Earle knowing better and regarding more the good of his Countrey and weighing with judgement the English power and forces would no wayes listen to him he told him it was not for want of affection to doe the King of France service that he refused to fight but in respect of the unequall number and appointment of the Armies at that time And that he might the better see the English forces he tooke him up to a hill from whence they might have a reasonable view of them as they passed by in order which when the Admirall had seen and considered thereof hee easily yeelded to the Earles opinion Hollinshed setteth downe the oddes saying that the Scots and French were not above 8000. speares and 30000. of all other sorts and the most part of those not well armed where he reckoneth of English 6000. horse and 60000. Archers which are 2000. horses fewer then our Histories do reckon In this inequalitie therefore being no lesse a wise Conductour then a valiant Warriour he resolved not to hazard a battell but determined to take another course which he did for he entered England on that quarter which was furthest distant from the English Army and wasted Cumberland and the adjacent Countrey neare to it The King of England being advertised hereof purposed to have followed him and forced him to fight but being better advised and put in mind no question of what had befallen his Grandfather Edward the third at Stanhope Parke against good Sir James he altered his purpose and marched the readiest way home And so both Armies having spoiled and wasted each others Countreyes they returned without encountring or fight of other In the return the Earle Douglas perswaded them to besiege Roxbrough Castle making full account that the King of England would not raise a new Army before the next Spring and so they sat downe before it but it did not continue eight dayes ere they raised the siege The cause was a reasonlesse demand of the Frenchmen who would needs have the Castle to bee given to them and to belong to the King of France when it were wonne from the enemy This demand did so offend the Scots that they could by no means heare of it and so the enterprise was deserted upon this occasion but chiefly by the Frenchmens insolent and licentious behaviour and carriage in the warres who rob and steal and use all manner of force and violence there arose many times great strise and many quarrells between the Country people and them for the Country people watched them when they were alone or but few together and sometimes robbed them of their horses sometimes of their valises and luggage sometimes they hurt and at other times slew of them The French Commanders complained to the Kings Councell and the common people answered that they had received more losse and hurt by the French who professed themselves to be friends then they had done by the English who were sworne enemies And therefore they said it were reason that the French should no wayes be suffered to goe home untill they had satisfied for the wrongs they had done The Earle Douglas in this hard case seeing they were strangers that came to aide Scotland was willing partly to bear with their faults as proceeding from an evill custome and form used at home in France and therefore interposed himself to have mitigated the people but could hardly pacifie them yet at last with great instancy and entreatie being greatly favoured and generally well beloved and popular hee obtained that the common Souldiers and the Army should be suffered to returne into France and that their Captains and Commanders should be retained still untill satisfaction were made for the losse they had sustained And so the King of Frances desire was satisfied who had then sent for them and withall order taken with the dammage done by them This was the aide and this was the successe of the help received from France now the second time It was very small before and it is now to very little purpose more hurtfull and troublesome to the Countrey then of importance against the enemy After their embarking the Scots remained still in England the space of two moneths and then the English having withdrawne and conveighed all the victuall out of the way they returned into Scotland And hereby they did show clearly how little they leaned to forrain aid without which there greater enterprises were ever performed neither was there ever either by these or by others before or since though we looke over all Histories any great exploit atchieved All the help they ever got was onely in the besieging of some Townes at some happening times and some such trifles scarce worth the naming in respect of the whole power of the body and state of the Countrey which I remark again and commend to the Reader to be truely considered for vindicating the valour and worth of the inhabitants from that obloquie and unequall judgement of such as diminish and impair it who cannot but know that it was never forraine forces as is wrongfully surmised but the vertue and valour of their Predecessours that hath preserved the honour and liberty of their Countrey all manner of wayes and that any one man amongst diverse of the name of Douglas hath done more in that cause then the force of France if it were put all together did ever to this houre The yeare following the Earle of Douglas with Robert Stuart Earle of Fise and Archbald Douglas Lord of Galloway his Uncle entered into England with an Army of three thousand men passing the water of Solway so secretly that they were at Cocket-mouth on such a sudden that the people had no leasure to convey their goods out of the way Wherefore having for the space of three dayes gathered together a rich bootie they returned home through Cumberland Westmerland and Northumberland into Scotland again without any encounter Not long after Archbald Lord of Galloway in company of the same Earle of Fise made a road into England in revenge whereof the King of England sent an Army into Scotland which did great harm in the Merse and occasioned that notable battell of Otterburn
the field but after the field in his owne Tent and that the Earles of Crawford Murray and March went into his Tent and found him lying hurt with three great wounds almost dead at which sight each looked upon other with a silent astonishment and then burst forth into teares and weeping which he beholding said unto them with a weake and faint voyce which could scarcely be heard I beseech you good friends leave your lamenting and be glad of the present victorie which God of his goodnesse hath granted to us We exposed our bodies to the enemies sword to obtain that which wee have obtained Turne therefore your teares unto thanks mindefull rather of the benefit then sorrowfull for that which is happened otherwayes then ye wished If yee regard my paines and my life which for you I lose pray for my soul and follow Vertue and Armes as ye doe which you may imploy for the liberty of your Countrey keeping concord amongst your selves with a kinde remembrance of me Soone after these words were uttered hee died in the armes of his friends There are that say that he was not slain by the enemy but by one of his owne men a Groome of his Chamber whom he had struck the day before with a truncheon in the ordering of the battell because hee saw him make somewhat slowly to and they name this man John Bickerton of Luffenesse who left a part of his armour behinde unfastned and when hee was in the greatest conflict this servant of his came behinde his back and slew him thereat but this narration is not so probable He was buried at Melrosse besides his father with a Military pompe of the whole Army and all the honour that could bee devised for him besides by the Abbot and Monks of that Convent after the most solemne manner of those times Jacobus Duglassius qui obiit ad Otterburnum Julii 31. 1388. Moriens Quaeritis ô quid agam an animam jam ago fata meorum Hac sequor Innumero huc vulnere facta via est Nesciat hoc hostis sequitor quam quisque secat spem Atque aliquis nostri funeris ultor ades Finiit Et subito redivivo funere surgens Mars novus intonuit victor ultor obit Johnst Herees In English thus My friends you aske me how I do My soul is now prepar'd to go Where many wounds have made her way Conceal it till you winne the day Pursue your hopes this said he dy'd Then the whole rank's a Douglas cry'd And charg'd a fresh that thou might'st have Revenge and honour in the grave Before we proceed to speake of the next Earle of Douglas the order of the History requireth that first wee speake of Archbald Douglas Lord of Galloway brother to William the first Earle of Douglas and of the said Archbalds naturall sonne VVilliam Lord of Nithisdale Of this Archbald we have mentioned what was remarkable in his brother Earle VVilliams life for that was the time of his action The first was after the battell of Penure to bee revenged of the losse whereof the English invaded Scotland with 50000 men as they say that make them the fewest or 40000. as others conducted by the Lord Talbot a very valiant man with this huge number when they had spoyled the Countrey farre and wide as they retired towards England they were assailed at a strait passage by the Lord of Galloway who had not above 5000. in his company with these he discomfited his hoast and recovered the whole bootie There were slain of the enemies in the conflict 400. and 200. taken prisoners and many were drowned in the river Solway as they fled unadvisedly Some write that he set upon them in the night being incamped in a strait valley not farre from England where the first that they met withall being slain the rest were affrighted and disordered and so overthrowne The next thing that we heare of him is that he was with his brother the Earle at the conference with John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster concerning a truce and that hee accompanied the said Duke to Holyrood-house The truce was made for three yeares And after these were expired the Lord of Galloway being very much grieved that there should be a Garrison of English in the Castle of Lochmabane which did daily spoil and rob the villages and townes of Galloway and Annandale raised a great power by the help of his brother the Earle Douglas and the Earle of March and besieged the Castle for the space of eleven dayes There came some English companies to have raised the siege and relieved the Castle but he repulsed them Thereafter having assaulted it very fiercely the Captain thereof Sir William Ediston yeelded it up unto him lives and goods safe and he having gotten it into his hands razed it to the ground It is written also of him that hee went into France with his Nephew James Earle of Douglas when he was sent to renew the ancient league with that Kingdome The last of his actions that we can finde is that hee was with his Nephew James Earle of Douglas and the Earle of March at the taking of Wark Foord and Cornhill where he wasted and spoyled the Countrey betwixt Berwick and Newcastle with the Frenchmen These Frenchmen not contented herewith but desirous to doe some other exploit joyning with Archbald Lord of Galloway passed Solway sands and did wonderfull great hurt in Cumberland He is accounted by Writers to have been a very sufficient and valorous Gentleman and that he died before the battell of Otterburn in the yeare 1387. He founded the Hospitall of Holiwood and to him succeded his Nephew Archbald called the Grimme in the Lordship of Galloway who afterwards was both Earle of Douglas and Lord of Galloway And here it is to be observed that there were three Archbald Douglasses almost contemporary which are to be distinguished that we mistake not one for another The first is this Archbald brother to William the first Earle who was Lord of Galloway then when his brother lived and who was father to the Lord Niddisdale The second Archbald was son naturall to good Sir James slain in Spain who was made Captain of the Castle of Edinburgh when it was taken by his brother the Lord of Liddesdale who is wrongfully named VVilliam in our Chronicles in stead of Archbald He was at the battell of Poytiers and is reported to have married in France and remained there till his death The third is Archbald the Grimme of whom we shall speake hereafter Our Writers through inadvertance doe divers times confound these three taking one of them for another As when they say Archbald Lord of Galloway sonne to sir James slain in â—…pain was taken at Poytiers it is a manifest errour for if he was Lord of Galloway hee was not sonne to Sir James if he were sonne to Sir James then was hee not Lord of Galloway for Galloway did never belong to Sir James but to
his brother Archbald slain at Halydoun hill who obtained it by marrying the heire of Galloway as hath been said and gave it to his second sonne this Archbald Thus much I thought good to advertise the Reader in this place for the better distinguishing of them Of William Lord of Niddisdale sonne naturall to this foresaid Archbald Lord of Galloway commonly called The black DOUGLAS THis William Lord of Niddisdale sonne naturall to Archbald Lord of Galloway is if any else worthy who should be spoken of by himselfe being highly commended by Writers who say that he was the prime and principall of the youth of Scotland that he was a man accomplished with all abilities of body and minde straight and tall of stature not overcharged with flesh but big of bone a mighty personage valiant courteous amiable merrie faithfull and pleasant in company and converse of such extraordinary strength that whomsoever he strooke with Sword or Mace he fell to the ground were he never so well armed he was also wise and sober At one time having but 800. in his company he fought against 3000. English of which he slew 200. and tooke 500. prisoners This is he that is commonly called The blaâ—…ke Douglas because he was of a blacke and swart complexion His first vassallage of note was at the inroad made by Robert Earle of â—…ife and James Earl Douglas when they burnt Cumberland Westmoreland and Northumber land In this expedition he is said to have gained great reputation for beside many other exploits not expressed he with other two only made great havocke of the enemies at the burning of the Suburbs of Carlile who offered to hinder him from passing the bridge by slaying some and turning over others into the river Some say that he slew with his owne hands three of the most valiant of the English of which one was a chiefe Commander afterwards when the same Towne was besieged the enemies having made a sally whilest he repulsed them and followed too eagerly he was engaged too farre in the midst of his enemies and taken prisoner As he was led along toward the Towne by foure men having beene before disarmed and his weapons taken from him he strooke two of them to the ground with his fists and the other two betaking themselves to flight he returned safe to his company Hereupon his name was terrible to the English especially the common sort who did ordinarily astright and skare their children when they would not be quiet by saying The blacke Douglas comes the blacke Douglas will get thee These his vertues moved Robert the second to savour him so farre as to bestow his daughter on him though he knew him to be a bastard The Ladies name was Giles or Egidia and she was a mirrour of rare and singular beautie so that whithersoever she went she drew the eyes of all men towards her with admiration The chiefe noble youths of the land did sute her in marriage but the King preferred our William of Niddisdale for his worth before them all Bocce writeth that the King of France having heard of the fame of her beautie sent a painter into Scotland privately who having drawne her portraiture truly and shewed it to the King he was so enamoured thereof that incontinent he dispatched Embassadours to desire her in marriage but all too late for she was married before their coming to Niddisdale The King gave him and his heires to be begotten by him with his daughter the Lordship of Niddisdale lying nearest unto Galloway with the Office of Warden of that Border and Sheriffeship of Dumfrees with the Office of Justice and Chamberlaine with a pension of three hundred pound sterling by yeare out of the great Customes of certaine Burrowes designed to that effect He had by this Lady a daughter who was married to Henry Sinclaire Earle of Orkney who bare to him a sonne called William afterward Earle of Orkney This daughter of his married to Orkney was named Giles after her mother as appeareth by a note that is extant of the descent of the Sinclairs Her husband is called Henry Sinclaire and his titles are Knight of the Cockle of the Garter and Prince of Orkney This note calleth William Douglas Lord of Niddisdale Prince of Danskine Duke of Spruce Sir William Sinclaire sonne to Henry and Giles is called Knight of the Golden Fleece and of the Cockle Prince of Orkney Duke of Holdenburgh Earle of Cathnes Lord Sinclaire Lord of Niddisdale with the valleyes of Neth Sheriffe of Dumfrees Great Admirall of Scotland Warden of the Marches Great Justice Generall Baron of Erkfoord Caverton Cowsland Rosseline Pentland Harbarshire Disart Newbrough in Buchan Titles to wearie a Spaniard which I have set downe to recreate the Reader either by seeing his greatnesse or to laugh at the vanitie of the Writer and yet he hath forgotten one of his titles which is Chancellour of Scotland as Buchanan calls him and á confirmation given him by King James the second in the yeare 1456. April 29. wherein he calls him his Chancellour and Cousin This confirmation is of the Earledome of Cathnes united into one Baronie and his lands of Orkney in compensation of his claime and title to the Lordship of Niddisdale Offices and Pensions whatsoever that were given to William Douglas his Grandfather by his Mother by contract of marriage with Giles Stuart daughter to K. Robert by his wife Elizabeth Moore as is at length therein contained About the time of the field at Otterburne because some Irishmen that adhered to England had roaved upon the coasts of Galloway and carried away store of booty and spoile the Lord of Niddisdale to be revenged thereof gathered together a competent number of men by the aid of his brother in-law Robert Earle of Fife and by licence from the King providing himselfe of Ships and vessels passed the seas into Ireland and besieged Carlinfoord a rich Towne in those parts The Townesmen fearing their Towne should be taken by assault obtained a truce for certaine dayes promising to give him a summe of money to have their Towne saved But in the meane time they assembled some 500. men through the help of a neighbour Towne called Dundalke and joyning with them they divided themselves into two squadrons or companies the one of which invaded Robert Stuart of Disdier who conducted the Earle of Fifes men and was gone abroad to bring in some prey the other assailed the Lord of Niddisdale who lay still before the Towne Notwithstanding of this unexpected sally they were received with such courage and valour that at last they were put to flight and immediately Niddisdale gave an hard assault to the Towne and carried it having taken and rifled it sufficiently he set it on fire and burnt it to ashes Others write that at his first landing the Citizens hearing it was the Lord Niddisdale whose name was so fearfully spread over all those quarters not only rendred the Town to him
of September I am not ignorant that our Writers give this Henry the commendation of great modestie in this journey as being mindfull of the courtesie showne to his father the Duke of Lancaster in Scotland and that they say that he used the prisoners not cruelly but courteously and that when he passed by the Castles and Forts of the Countrey he did onely require of the Captaines and Keepers of them that his Ensignes might be set on the top of the wall as a token of their submission and that they were in his will but seeing their owne Authors deny him this honour and say that he burnt the Towns Villages and Castles even a great part of Edinburgh and Leith we have small reason to contend with them for it and so we accept of it and follow the Scottish Manuscript Upon Henries departure because the Earle of March troubled the Countrey with frequent rather then with great incursions the Earle Douglas who had the government of Lowthian and the Castle of Dumbar went with an Army into Northumberland and wasted the Countrey with great havock At his returne he gave order that the Barons and Gentlemen should choose some of their number to be Captaines and allot unto them a competent number to follow them who might by turnes wait and be in readinesse either to resist the enemie or to make an in road upon him in his owne Countrey as they should find occasion The first turne fell to Thomas Haliburton Lord of Dirleton who having entred England and gotten a great bootie neere unto Bambrugh returned home safe But Patrick Hepburne of Hailes the younger had not the like successe for he going upon the like adventure had indeed taken a rich bootie but having stayed a day longer then he should and had beene advised by his friends in the enemies bounds they gathered themselves together and following him overtooke him at West Nisbet in the Merse There after a sharp encounter the Scots had gotten the better of the English and well nigh the victorie till George Dumbarre the Earle of Marches eldest sonne coming in with an hundred fresh horse regained the victorie to the English and slew the flowre of the youth of Lowthian together with their Captaine Patrick Hepburne The fight happened the 22. of June 1401. the place whereof is yet called The Slaughter Hill This Patricke Hepburne was entirely beloved of the Earle Douglas and as deare to him as his owne selfe for he it was that fought so valiantly at Otterburne and therefore he was filled with griefe and indignation for his death being so brave a Captain and so deare a friend to his house and to himselfe His honour also and the credit of his Countrey stirred him up also to seeke a revenge of the Authors thereof Whereupon having obtained leave of the Governour he gathered together about some 10000. men amongst whom were many of the chiefe Nobility of the land even the Governours eldest sonne Murdock who succeeded to his father in the Government George Earle of Angus his owne Uncle Thomas Earle of Murray and John Dumbarre brother to the Earle of March one that had married the Kings sister With this company he entered England as farre as Newcastle upon Tine and having gotten a great bootie was retiring homeward In his returning neare unto Milfield Henry Hotspurre and George Earle of March lay in his way with a farre greater power then he had Wherefore the Earle Douglas tooke a ground of advantage which was a little hill besides Homildon a Village in Northumberland Percie would have marched straight towards him to have assailed him but the Earle of March being very skilfull in warre and more calme and advised stayed him and gave him counsell first to send a flight of arrowes amongst them and to give them a volee of their fielding pieces which was done accordingly and did greatly annoy the Scots and slew many of them Douglas perceiving that he could not brooke that place with safety thought it better to hazzard the battell in plaine field then to stand still and see his men slaine about him by the enemies shot while they stood safe and came not within stroake of their swords and long weapons And so though farre inferiour in number downe the hill he goes and gave a fierce assault upon the enemie But the Vauntguard being brangled and giving backe being much troubled and sore wounded by the Archers though they were sharply rebooked by Adam Lord Gordon and Sir John Swinton and brought on againe yet were they not able to sustaine and abide the shot of the enemie but were defeated every man The rest that were behind being exhorted by their Captaines to revenge the death of their fellowes slaine before their eyes did acquit themselves bravely but being overwhelmed with the greater number were also overthrowne at last There were many slaine amongst whom were the forenamed Adam Lord Gordon who had beene at variance with the Earle Douglas but in this expedition hee had been reconciled to him and Knighted by him and Sir John Swinston two that gained greater reputation of valour and courage that day and fought so valorously that if the rest had followed their example that field had not been so lost There were also divers others of note such as John Livinston of Calender Alexander Ramsay of Dalhousie with a number of common souldiers Many were taken of quality Murdock the Governours son George Earle of Angus Thomas Earle of Murray Robert Ereskine of Alloway James Douglas eldest son to the Lord Dalkeith and his two brothers John and William George Lesly of Rothes Patrick Dumbar of Beâ—…ll In the black Booke of Scone is set downe the death of the foresaid George Earle of Angus how hee died in England of the plague being a prisoner with many others and Alexander Hume of Dâ—…glas also as the same Booke doth witnesse The Earle Douglas himselfe was taken also having lost one eye in the fight This battell was fought on the Holy Rood-day in Harvest or as others the 5. of May 1401. or 1402. rather as appeareth by the former History Whilest the Earle Douglas was prisoner in England the Duke of Rothsay became so riotous and insolently unruly that his father not being able to governe him by his owne authority did commit him to his brother the Governours tuition to be corrected and taâ—…ed by him Hee made use of this occasion for compassing his owne ambitious ends or to be rid of the feare hee had of him shut him up in Falkland and starved him to death The blacke Booke of Scone saith that the Earle Douglas was with the Governour when hee brought the Duke from Saint Andrewes to Falkland But it should rather seem that he hath been a prisoner in England when the Duke was thus used for if hee had been at home in all likelihood he would have reclamed the Duke being his brother in law and have brought him out of his wild courses or by his
used to designe such as have some hidde and secret cause to complaine and say but little Holliwshed writeth that in respect of his Noble parentage and valour he was tenderly cherished by King Henry and frankly and freely demitted without ransome and such indeed is the custome of generous minds to honour vertue even in the enemy It is generally agreed upon by all that he was highly honoured and esteemed so that the King or some of his Nobles caused draw his picture which is still to be seen in the privie Gallery at White Hall But touching his delivery some say that when he had stayed in England certain moneths he was with difficulty set at liberty after he had payed a great summe of money Others write that he was detained eight or nine yeares at least but that seems to be too much for this battell called Shrewesbury field was in the yeare 1403. in the fourth yeare of King Henry on Saint Magdalins day and Douglas was set free at the death or not long after of K. Robert the third of Scotland in the yeare 1406. When the Earle hard word of his death he made shift to agree for his ransome and so returned with all speed into Scotland It is said that George Earle of March did him very good Offices in England and was a chief mean and instrument of his delivery being reconciled to him during his imprisonment wherefore the Earle Douglas at his return procured liberty for the Earle of March to come home into Scotland and to be received a free Liege again but upon condition that he should suffer the Castles of Lochmaban and Dumbarre to remaine with the Earle Douglas and his heires notwithstanding of any agreement made between them to the contrary in England And so in the yeare 1411 he was restored by the Governour after hee had remained fifteen yeares in England or thereby having done great hurt to his Countrey and much good service to the Kings of England but for all the service hee did hee could neither move the King to restore him and repossesse him again in his owne neither obtain competent means and allowance for his estate and quality A notable example for Subjects to learne hereby not to forsake their naturall King and native Countrey in hope to be supported or ayded by forrain Princes farre lesse thus to hurt and endammage their owne Countrey for the pleasure and advantage of strangers The black book of Scone ascribeth the restitution of the Earle of March to Walter Halyburton sonne in law to the Governour Gener Gubernatoris by marrying his daughter Isabell a widdow and Countesse of Rosse for which he got from March a fourty pound land in Birgeam and that the Earle Douglas got back Lochmaban and the Lordship of Annandale however it bee a yeare or two after the Earle Douglas was returned the Earle March was restored whereunto Hollinshed also seemeth to agree for in another place after the death of King Robert which hee setteth in the yeare 1408. forgetting what hee had said before that the King dimitted Douglas frankly and freely hee writeth thus Archbald Earle of Douglas as yet remaining captive in England after hee had knowledge of King Roberts death to wit five yeare after this at least by his owne account made shift to agree for his ransome and so being set at liberty returned with all speed now at length into Stotland Wherein he contradicts himself and casteth downe all that liberality and magnanimity of his King in dismissing the Douglas freely and with so much the more blemish as in saying it was done he acknowledged it should have been done as it had indeed been most honourable and Princely and might perhaps have gained the heart of that worthy Nobleman But we find but few actions in that kind of full beneficence practised towards the Scots and it seems that his great worth hath extorted their admiration and some Offices of courtesie common humanity such as were the preservation of his life and curing of his wounds but the old grudge of Nationall quarrell remaining still in vigour did choake the fruit of true Princely dealing and kept it that it came not to that full maturitie of beneficence which the party deserved and was suteable fot such a King Wherefore let him content himself with this honour that his valour was acknowledged abundantly and himself by the confession of King Henries owne Heraulds accounted one of the chief Chivaliers and Champions in Albion and let him thanke his own prowesse more then their kindnesse for this testimony Wee will also adde a witnesse of these in our times one of their owne Poets Samuell Daniell who speaking of King Henries son who releeved his father in the battell of Shrewesbury from the Earle Douglas he writeth thus Lib. 3. Stanza 113. Hadst thou not here lent present speedie aid To thy endangered father neerely tired From sierce encountring Douglas overlaid That day had there his troubled life expired Heroicall couragious Blunt arrayed In habit like as was the King attired And deem'd for him excus'd the fault of his For he had what his Lord did hardly misse Taking Blunt for one of those that were apparelled like the King whereas others account him to have been the Kings Standard-bearer But in the warres between York and Lancaster it is more amply set downe in this sort Lib. 4. Stanza 49. Yet here had he not speedy succour lent To his endangered Father neare opprest That day had seen the full accomplishment Of all his travels and his finall rest For Mars-like Douglas all his forces bent T' encounter and to graple with the best As if disdaining any other thing To doe that day but to subdue a King Stanza 50. And there with siery courage he assailes Three all as Kings adorn'd in Royall wise And each successive after other quails Stil wondring whence so many Kings should rise And doubting least his hands or eye sight fails With these confounded on the fourth he flies And him unhorses too whom had he sped He then all Kings in him had vanquished Stanza 51. For Henry had divided as it were The person of himself into foure parts To be lesse knowne and yet known every where The more to animate his peoples hearts Who cheared by his presence would not spare To execute their best and worthiest parts By which two speciall things effected are His safetie and his Subjects better care And in the 54. Stanza speaking of Hotspurre But he as Douglas with his fury led Rushing into the thickest woods of speares And brooks of swords still laying at the head Then a little after in the 56. upon the killing of Hotspurre Which thus mispent thy Army presently As if it could not stand when thou wert down Disperst in rout betakes them all to slee And Douglas faint with wounds and overthrowne Was taken Who yet wanne the enemy Which tooke him by his noble vertue showne In that dayes mighty worke and was preserved
marriage but by the gift of Archbald Earle of Douglas which must have beene the same Duke of Turrain as the date of the evident doth clearly show being of the yeare 1413. His sonne Archbald also entitling himself Earle of Wigton and Lord of Longuevill and Eskdale giveth to the same Sir Alexander Hume a bond of one thousand Nobles dated at Bothwell the 9. of February 1424. whom it designeth Sir Alexander Hume of that Ilke which I mention the rather to show what great freindship hath been between them Here again I cannot passe by the sloath and unattentivenesse of Writers sloath Scottish and English who reckon amongst the slain here a sonne of the Earle Douglas whom some call James and make him his second sonne nay some doe even make him his eldest sonne and heire and call him Earle of Wigton But those are all mistakings for the Earle of Wigton whose name was Archbald was lest sick at home and possessed the Earledome after his fathers death Neither was it yet James his second sonne who was Lord of Abercorn and outlived his older brother and his children that vvere put to death in the Castle of Edinburgh to whom also he succeeded in the Earledom as the same Writers themselves almost all of them confesse Wherefore the Reader had need even to reade the best Writers vvith judgement and attention seeing such escapes are incident ever to the most accurate and carefull Historians Touching this battell this is the relation of it by Duserres in his inventarie whom I have chosen to follow not because I thinke it the fullest or faithfullest narration for certainly the Frensh Writers speake slenderly enough of the actions of strangers as may bee instanced in the battell of Baugue and other exploits done by the Scots in France which they passe in silence but because his testimony cannot be rejected by the French and may well bee admitted by the English as being indifferent for his person and no wayes partiall in his penne at least in setting forth this battell but if we shall rely upon the writings or reports of our owne Countrey men The losse of that field was caused for the envie and treachery of the Earle of Narban We heard how Douglas and he contested for the vantguard each striving who should be first Douglas being ready sooner then he or being quicker in his march led on before him and charged the enemy first whereupon he abandoned them and would not second them as he should have done And so it came to passe that they being destitute of his help and not being able to make head against such a multitude were encompassed about by the English who saw their backs left bare and so overthrown fighting valiantly that they might die nobly Some blame the Lombards who were in the Army assisting the French that were for the Daulphin but tell not why nor wherefore or wherein Others say that there were 400. of them all horsemen who being commanded to breake the rankes of the English either in the flank or in the reare did what they were appointed to doe and having broken through the English Army vvent to their carriage to pill and spoil vvithout prosecuting their charge anyfurther and so having got their prey departed off the field whereupon 2000. English Archers that were set to keep the carriage and had now no more to doe entered into the battell and being fresh and unwearied made such an impression that they did cast the ballance and gave the overthrow whereas before they had fought for the space of three houres so doubtfully that no eye could guesse which way the victory would goe Major also telleth us that there was some dissention between the Duke of Turraine and Buchan for precedency but that is not likely for although Buchan had the honour to bee Constable and was the chiefe Commander so long as hee had no other Colleague but Wigton his brother in lavv yet the Earle Douglas being an old experimented Commander and it being ever his due to leade the the vantguard at home and being even there for his vvell knovvne vvorth and sufficiency made Duke and Marshall upon his first arrivall It carrieth no appearance that the other vvould strive vvith him especially seeing hee vvas his sonne in lavv for he had married his daughter and also the yonger souldier And that the English did acknovvledge the Duke for Chiftane it is evident for Bedford sent the Trumpet to him and hee returned ansvver It vvas he that resolved they should not fight and tooke it ill at Narbons hands that he vvould not follovv his conclusion and obey his direction So as I cannot be persvvaded that their could or vvould bee any difference betvveen them for that matter And if there had beene any they vvould have composed it and agreed betvvixt themselves before that time to have resisted the common enemy However they both died in the field And the Earle of Narbon wanted not his reward of his either treachery or headinesse and folly for hee was taken and hanged as guilty of the death of the Duke of Burgundie A notable example of the end of such as carry themselves after such a manner Of those that escaped at this defeate Charles the Daulphin afterwards King Charles the seventh erected a company to continue a guard to himselfe and his successours for ever of the Scottish Nation For he was not contented to reward their Nobles and Leaders with honours and dignities but thought himselfe also obliged to recompence even the inferiour sort and to respect the whole Nation whose valour and fidelity hee had found to deserve regarding As also he saw their service would be steadable to him and therefore in wisedome did thus obliege the whole Countrey and ingage them to assist him in his warre with England And so they did as now so often hereafter both within the Isle and in France neither could they ever bee diverted by any losse or dammage whatsoever They did still cleave fast unto the French untill they were fully freed from the English sending over army after army and Captain after Captain without wearying or relenting or the least shrinking and even after this battell wee reade of divers that spent their lives in the Frenches quarrell against the English and that within three yeares notwithstanding this great losse who were men of quality such as William Stuart and his brother and two Douglasses who were predecessours of the houses of Drumlanrigge and Lochleven There was also amongst those that escaped at this battell of Vernoill one John Carmichell of the house of Carmichell in Douglasdale who was Chaplain to the Duke of Turrain a valiant and learned man who remained in France and was for his worth and good parts made Bishop of Orleance hee it was that during the siege thereof did notably assist Jane D'arc called the maiden of Orleance The French History calleth him John de Saint Michael for Carmichell evesque d' Orleance escossois de
nation Hee is mentioned in the particular Story of that Maiden and in the Annales Ecclesiae Aurelianensis auctore Carolo Sanseye Aureliano Wherefore in the principall Church in Orleance called Saint Croix there is Masse said for the soules of the Scots dayly that were slain there But to return The Duke of Turraine being thus slain was buried in the Church of Tours called Saint Gratians the 20. of August in the yeare 1424. whose coat of armes was to bee seen long agoe upon the gates of Tours Hee was a man no where branded for any vice and of unquestioned valour for so much as belonged to his own person equall to any that were before him Neither can I see any evident fault in his conduct and leading It is true Major taxeth him as unskilfull and unfit for matters of warre though hee gives him a large commendation of courage and personall valour But he seemeth to have grounded his censure more upon the successe then upon his actions to which we will answer with the Poet Careat successibus quisquis ab eventu c. Or if that will not serve we wil choke him with the French Proverb Le clerc aux armes he is not a fit judge of such things But we have to do with a more judicious indeed who glanceth at no lesse for speaking of his father Archbald the Grimme he saith that Chivalry stood in him as though hee would have said it fell also with him which seemeth to prejudge this his sonne Tine-man if not in his valour which no man can call in question yet in his conduct and leading which is the chiefe propertie and qualitie of a Generall and Commander Of which judgement questionlesse the ground is the same his hard successe in his interprises And there is no reason that hee should be thought so of for it if there be no other cause of evill successe But if there may bee some other reason and if many well guided Armies and interprises have mis-carried which none will deeme there is no necessity nor just cause why he should be double burthened both with ill luck and the blame of it unlesse it be shewed where and how he erred which neither hee nor any other Historian doth Wee must therefore absolve him as free from this imputation seeing they do not make it to appeare that hee was guilty of any errour or oversight either at Homildon Shrewsberry or Vernoill On the contrary his warinesse and circumspection may sufficiently appeare to the attentive and judicious Reader Let not then his praise be lessened or his glory eclipsed by his crosse fortune nor himselfe esteemed any whit inferiour to his Predecessours Nay hee deserveth to have so much more praise as that his worth doth shine through the thick cloud of the frownings of fortune whereas their glory is increased and lustred with the beams of a prosperous issue in their exploits Archibaldus Duglassius Dux Turronensis Johannes Stuartus Buchaniae comes ad Vernolium coesi Gallia vos titulis vos gallica regna trophaeis Auxistis meritis utraque regna cluunt Tertia si invideant quid mirum ingentia damna Queis data Saxonidum dum cecidere duces Desine lingua procax verbis incessere Testis Gallus adest servat tot monumenta ducum Et vos aeternum memorabit Gallia cives Grata suos titulos quae dedit tumulos Johan Johnston Heroes Archbald Douglas Duke of Turraine and John Stuart Earle of Buchan his son in law Constable of France killed at Vernoill France gave you Titles you it Trophies gave Both Kingdomes mutuall obligation have If the third envi'd it their losse receiv'd Might well excuse them being oft bereav'd Of their most ancient Leaders no bold tongue By base detraction can have power to wrong Your merit and the French will witnes beare To whom your memory shall still be deare Their gracefull Monuments the same expresse As do the places you did there possesse Archbaldus Dux Turonensis c. Bis victus captusque amisso milite caesus Denique cum sociis Vernoliae occubui Dura meis raro affulsit victoria signis Nostra tamen nusquam sunt data terga fugae Semper at ingentes haec dextra liquit acervos Hostibus semper maxima damna dedit Hinc fortis magnisque ducis veracibus urnant Me titulis nec non hostis ipse colit In me virtutem videas verumque laborem Fortunam proprio quis regat arbitrio Discite ab eventu qui censes facta virosque Exemplo non sic esse notanda meo Archbald Tine man Duke of Turraine Twice with my Armies rout I lost the field Now with my friends I am at Vernoil kill'd My labours hardly met with victory Yet did I never stay behinde nor flie But kill'd my foes on heaps my valiant arme Did ever bring revenge and equall harme Hence was I honoured as most fit to be A Leader courted ev'n by th' enemy In me you may the hight of worth behold But ah who in his power can Fortune hold O! you who from th' event your censures take Disprove your selves and me the instance make Of Archbald the fourth of that Name the foureteenth Lord and fifth Earle of Douglas he was the first Earle of Wigton Lord of Bothwell Galloway and Annandale the second Duke of Turraine Lord of Longe-ville and Marshall of France UNto Archbald Tine-man succeeded his eldest son Archbald he had to wife Mauld Lindsay daughter to David Earle of Crawford hee was married at Dundee with great solemnitie and pompe This alliance hath been the occasion of Crawfords going with him into France as wee told before and the ground of that friendship that was betwixt Earle William slain at Stirlin and that Earle Crawford whereof wee shall heare more of hereafter It appeareth also that there hath beene continuall friendship betwixt these houses from the first Earle Douglas time who procured a pardon for Crawford who had slain John Lyon His children were William David and a daughter named Beatrix The time that he possessed the Earledome of Douglas from his fathers death in the yeare 1424. untill the year 1439. is fifteen yeares all the time of King James the first and about two yeares in the minority of King James the second So that the estate of the Countrey may easily bee knowne if wee call to minde what hath beene said of the death of King Robert the third and of Robert the Governour to whom his sonne Murdock did succeed in the government before the King came home out of England This Murdock when hee had governed or rather misgoverned some three yeares or foure being provoked by an insolent fact of his eldest sonne Walter who to despight his father had wrung off the necke of a Hawke which hee loved determined in revenge hereof to send and fetch home the King out of England and to possesse him of his Kingdome No other motive we reade of to induce him to this whether it bee
estates had placed at the rudder of the Common-wealth that he would labour to transmit his so great Patrimony acquired by the vertue of his Ancestours and with spending of their bloud to his Posterity even so as he had received it that hee would be carefull to keepe the name of Douglas which was no lesse illustrious and renowned for their faithfulnesse then their deeds of armes not onely from the foule blot of treason but even from all stain of suspition or aspersion thereof that hee himselfe would abstain and cause his men to abstaine from wronging the poore people that hee would put from about him theeves and robbers finally that in time to come he would set himselfe to maintaine justice that if hee had offended any thing in times past it might be imputed not to his naturall disposition but to ill counsell and that infirmity of his youth penitency would be admitted and accepted as innocency Venemous Viper that could hide so deadly poyson under so faire showes unworthy tongue unlesse to be cut out for example to all ages Let not the Poets bee thought fabulous who have transformed men into beasts loe a beast composed of many beasts a Lion a Tiger for cruelty of heart a Waspe a Spider a Viper for spight malicious poysonablenesse a Foxe and Camelion for falsehood and doublenesse a Cockatrice and Crokodile and whatsoever nature hath brought forth that is deceitfull and hurtfull a sweet singing Ciren enchanting the outward sences to the destruction of the listner so much the more odious that it was in the shape of a man and the more detestable that it durst so pollute the image of God so abuse the glory of man the speech of the tongue therefore given him beyond the beast that he might imploy it well to informe aright to speake truth and to do good to others The honest heart of the hearer that knew what he spake was right and intended to follow so good counsell taketh all in good part beleeveth the speech for the truthes sake the man for his speeches sake And who could have done otherwayes who would not have thought that he who knew so well what was right would have had some regard to doe right shall we account it childishnesse that he accounted so of them and suffered him to be so deceived nay hee could not keep himselfe undeceived Good men and wise men have often been deceived both in sacred and prophane Histories We must not impute it to childishnesse in Abner that Joab stabbed him under trust but esteeme it vile treachery in Joab of whom David sayes Hce dieth not as a foole dieth howbeit his hands were not bound but as a good man falleth before a wicked man that is by treason which no man can eschew It is said that his friends seeing so extraordinary entertainment so faire language above measure so humble behaviour and withall so many messages at every step almost betwixt the Governour and the Chancellour tooke some suspition of ill meaning and that there arose first a still murmure through the whole company thereafter some began to admonish him that if he would persist to goe on he would send back his brother David being mindefull of a precept of his fathers That they should not come both together into one place where themselves were not masters lest they should endanger their whole family at once The unwary youth unwary indeed but what warinesse could he have poore innocent and very well inclined even angry with his friends stayed those murmures by a plain commandment and assured his friends thus That he knew well it was a perpetuall pest of great houses that they had ever about them some men that were impatient of peace who made gain of the perils travels and miseries of their Lords and Patriarkes and because in peace they were restrained by the bridle of the law they were ever stirring up strife and sedition that in troubled times they might have greater scope and liberty to their wickednesse As for himself hee reposed more upon the known wisedome and prudencie of the Governor and Chancellour then to give eare to their suspicious surmises This speech thus uttered testifying both an acknowledging of the evill past and a resolution to amend was it not sufficient to have purged whatsoever errour had been or might have been thought to have escaped him before And certainly it would if these men had regarded Justice or the good of the Common-wealth and had desired to reclaim him from his errours and winne him to his Countrey But his so full confidence thus reposing on their credit was it not enough to have tied them to have kept their credit If there had been any spark of humanity or nature of man left in them and if they had not beene worse then savage beasts Trust deserveth that we should prove worthy of that trust and credit procures keeping of credit where all humane nature is not extinct and even simplicity deserveth favour and pitie Neither can a man that is not altogether given over and hath not sold himselfe to wickednes choose but favour it and have compassion of it yea though he had been otherwise disposed in the beginning it would even move any mans heart that were indeed a man and not changed into a beast to favour and commiserate and would have tamed and calmed any former discontentment and have wrung from them any evill intention which they might perhaps have conceived before However this noble youth goeth on in the innocency of his heart and that the more quickely to cut off all occasion of such speeches and with his brother and with a few other principall friends goeth directly to the Castle being led as it were and drawne by a fatall destiny and both enter and so come in the power of those their deadly enemies and fained friends At the very instant comes the Governour as was before appointed betwixt them to play his part of the Tragedy that both might bee alike embarked in the action and beare the envie of so ugly a fact that the weight thereof might not lie on one alone yet to play out their treacherous parts they welcome him most courteously set him to dinner with the King at the same table feast him royally intertain him chearfully and that for a long time At last about the end of dinner they compasse him about with armed men and cause present a bulls head before him on the boord the bulls head was in those dayes a token of death say our Histories but how it hath come in use so to bee taken and signifie neither doe they nor any else tell us neither is it to be found that I remember any where in any History save in this one place neither can wee conjecture what affinity it can have therewith unlesse to exprobrate grossenesse according to the French and our owne reproaching dull and grosse wits by calling him Calves-head teste de Veau but not Bulls head So that by
but there is no mention of him in the monuments at Douglas where the rest are set downe by name As for his foure daughtets 1 Margaret the eldest was married to the Lord Dalkeith 2 Beairix the second to John Stuart Duke of Albanie Constable of Scotland and Captain of fifty men at armes in France The third was named Jennat and was married to the Lord Flemine of Cumbernauld Elizabeth who was the fourth died unmarried This Grosse James his eldest sonne William partly to hold up the greatnesse of his house partly by the Ladies owne desire who directly refused to marry any other of the name of Douglas married Beatrix Douglas his Cousin She was called the faire maiden of Galloway and so by this match the estate of Douglas was preserved intire and those lands which shee would have been heire to and divided from it were kept in their owne hands This match was made farre against the opinion of the rest of the name of Douglas who thought it better that she should have been married to some of the house of Angus or Dalkeith alledging that the house of Douglas was too great already and that their greatnesse would be the ruine of the house which maxime although it proveth often true that too great Dominions under Princes as also Princes themselves having so large extent of territories and other republicks and Common-wealths when they come to that hugenesse that they cannot easily be governed do fall and are overthrown by their owne weight and the conspiracies and combinations of neighbouring Princes or States who feare and are jealous of their excessive greatnesse or by their Subjects within either through the Princes jealousie who suspects them or others envie who stirre jealousie in the Prince and draw him to suspect them And therefore all both Lordships and Empires are to be restrained and kept within a mediocritie and that as well Princes and Common-wealths as subjects which all men will confesse but what this mediocritie is they declare not neither will they confesse or doe they ever thinke that they are come to that fulnesse that there is any danger of exceeding so farre as to procure their overthrow or breed any perill It is said of Augustus Cesar that he intended some moderation of the Empire and had resolved to have propagate it no further yet it was doubted upon what ground it was that hee thus resolved whether out of prudencie or of envie toward his successours that none might goe beyond him or adde any more to it then he had And it is indeed a hard matter to perswade men and perhaps no lesse difficult to prove for all agree that these inferiour things even all of them are in a perpetuall fluxe and motion and that they cannot stand long at a stay without going either forward or backward increasing or decreasing If therefore they goe not forward they must goe backe if they doe not increase they must decrease which if it be true it were better to seek to increase so long as men may then to take them to a standing from which they must decrease if they doe not increase But whether out of that discourse of reason his friends of the name of Douglas would thus have perswaded him not to become too great for feare of falling or for any particular of their owne or whether he for this other reason or rather for the common disposition of men to presse ever forward I know not but hee chose to bee great and take his hazzard And because the two parties were within the degrees prohibited by the Romane Church Brothers children he sent to Rome for a dispensation which being long in coming and he fearing least the King and the rest of the name of Douglas would cast all the impediments they could in the way to hinder the match which was also reported and not without ground caused hasten the marriage before the dispensation came and that in Lent too a time forbidden also and which is more on the friday before Pasch called commonly Good-friday This was thought ominous and the unhappy event confirmed this opinion They were married in the Church of Douglas Some write that this marriage was procured and made by the young man himselfe after the decease of his father However this was a speciall cause of dissention and division amongst those of the name of Douglas For the actions of this grosse James wee have no particulars recorded in Histories either in his brothers time or his nephewes time or now when he cometh to be Earle himselfe There is no mention at all made of him whether he did any thing for to revenge the murther of his nephewes by Creighton and Levingston belike as he hath been corpulent so hath his corpulensie caused a dulnesse of spirit as commonly it doth Some write that he was Warden of all the Marches and his Monument at Douglas agreeth with them and sayes that hee was a great justiciary Others write that he was no ill man that hee entertained no disordered wicked men but yet he did not represse them sharply enough and therefore was suspected by the King and disliked by many hee died in Abercorne within two yeares or not three sayes the manuscript after the marriage of his sonne which hath not been long in the making Wee may ghesse it most probably to have beene not fully three yeares and so that he died in the yeare 1443. Hee was buried in Douglas where on his Tombe he is called Magnus Princeps and amongst other Titles Lord of Liddisdale and Jedward Forrest his wife is styled Domina Aveniae Lady of Avendale His Epitaph there is yet to be seen thus Hic jacet magnus potens Princeps Dominus Jacobus de Douglas Comes de Douglas Dominus Annandiae Gallovidiae Liddaliae Jedburg-Forrestiae Dominus de Balveniâ magnus Wardanus Regni Scotiae versus Angliam c. Qui obiit vicesimo quarto die mensis Martii Anno Domini millesimo quadringentesimo quadragesimo tertio 1443. His Wives is thus Hic jacet Domina Beatrix de Sinclaire filia Domini Henrici Comitis Orcadum Domini de Sinclaire Comitissa de Douglas Aveniae Domina Gallovidiae His Childrens thus Hae sunt proles inter predictos Dominum Dominam generatae 1 Dominus Gulielmus primò genitus haeres praedicti Domini Jacobi qui successit ad totam haereditatem predictam 2 Jacobus secundò genitus Magister de Douglas 3 Archibaldus tertiò genitus Comes Murray 4 Hugo quarto genitus comes Ormundiae 5 Johannes quinto genitus Dominus Balveniae 6 Henricus sexto genitus Margarita uxor Domini de Dalkeith Beatrix uxor Domini de Aubignia Joneta uxor Domini de Biggar Cumbernauld Elizabetha de Douglas quarta filia erat In English thus Here lies a great and powerfull Prince Lord James Douglas Earle of Douglas Lord of Annandale and Galloway Liddesdale and Jedbrough-Forrest and Lord of Balveny great Warden of the Kingdome
There were slaine in this battell 3000. English and amongst those their great Magnus and the Scots deadly enemie who had presumed so of victory A notable example to teach men not to be over confident in things of such uncertaine event as are the warres and as our proverb is Not to sell the beares skin before he be slaine There were slaine besides him eleven Knights of good account and note Of the Scots were lost but 600. There were taken prisoners a great number amongst whom were Sir John Pennington and Sir Robert Harington Knights and the Lord Percie sonne to the Earle of Northumberland whilest he helped his father to his horse who thereby escaped taking There was also so great store of spoile gotten as no man remembred so much to have beene gotten at any battell before For the English trusting to their number and the strength of their Armie together with the opinion of their enemies weaknesse through dissention and variance as they supposed had brought with them their best furniture and richest stuffe in full assurance of victorie Wallace of Craiggie being sore wounded in the fight was carried home and died within three moneths after The Earle of Ormond having gotten this honourable victorie conveyed the chiefest of the prisoners to Lochmabane and then repaired to Court where he was joyfully met and received of all with all sort of honour that could be envie it selfe not daring to open her mouth against him The King did highly commend him for this exploit and exhorted him and the Earle Douglas his brother That as their foregoers had often as they also had done defended the Estate of Scotland with their labours and vertue in most perillous times and had given large proofe of their valour and courage That so they would at home accustome themselves to modestie That they themselves would abstain and that they would containe their friends from injuries toward the weaker sort Their power and puissance which they had acquired by so many their great deserts towards their Kings his Predecessours and the Countrey that they would employ it rather in suppressing of robbers and disorderly men then to make new of giving way to it by connivence That this only was lacking to their full praise which if they would adde they should finde by experience there was nothing more deare unto him then the advancement of the House and Name of Douglas To this the Earle Douglas replied he being the elder brother and finding that this speech was chiefly directed to him with great submission and promised to doe as his Majestie had exhorted them and so they were dismissed and returned home to their owne houses with great honour and applause both of Prince and people to whom they had by this victorie purchased great quietnesse For neither were the English Borderers able to invade them any more nor the King of England to send downe a new Army which faine he would have done by reason of the civill warre which ensued shortly after at home So that he chose rather to have peace with Scotland in regard of the case he was then in then warre Wherefore he sent Ambassadours and obtained a Truce for three yeares the Scots thinking it no lesse expedient for them in a case not unlike to his through intestine dissention though not open insurrection against the King For notwithstanding all this service done to the King and Countrey the malice of such as were the enemies of the Douglasses was no whit abated nay their worth the more it was showne and the more brightly that it did shine it did so much the more stirre envie in their ill-willers whose secret practises still continued and whose credit in Court seemed still to increase against them Creighton who before had beene sent Ambassadour to Charles the seventh of France for procuring a wife to the King had concluded a match for him with Mary daughter to Arnold Duke of Gelders who by her mother the Duke of Burgundies sister was come of the Bloud Royall of France was now returned into Scotland with her in this yeare 1448. This service and her favour increased his credit greatly with the King which the Earle Douglas perceiving was nothing pleased with it but being discontented obtaining leave of the King he withdrew himselfe from Court seeing his errour of having beene contented that Creighton should be imployed in that honourable message thinking himselfe well rid of him by this his absence which practice of Court succeedeth sometimes happily as it did against the Boyds in King James the thirds time in the very like case yet it did not so now but turned to the greater advantage and advancement of his enemie Creighton was well contented with his retiring esteeming it his gaine to be so rid of him from the Kings eare and presence Whilest they concorded thus in their discord both willing one thing in so contrary mindes to wit the Earle Douglas absence there fell out an accident that occasioned his longer absence not from the Court onely but out of the Countrey also Richard Colville of Ochiltree was an enemy and bare deadly feud to John Auchenlech of Auchenlech a friend and depender of the Earle Douglas whom the Earle having sent for to come to him to Douglas Castle for such businesse as he had to do with him the said Richard having notice of the said Auchenlechs journey notwithstanding he knew he went toward the Earle whether stirred up by the Earles enemies at Court so to put an affront upon him or leaning to their credit for impunitie or out of impatience or presumption or contempt of the Earle in respect of his withdrawing from Court not regarding him or fearing his displeasure or anger he lay in wait for him by the way and set upon him with a number of armed men where after some small conflict Auchinlech was slaine and divers of his friends and servants with him The Earle Douglas having notice hereof the fact touching him so neerely in the person of his friend and follower in his service comming toward him and sent for by him he was so incensed therewith that whether distrusting the ordinary course of justice as wherein he might be eluded by his enemies then guiders of Court or impatient of delay or not accounting it so honourable for him nor so awefull in example to others concluding immediately to revenge it and vowing solemnly he should be avenged before he either eat or dranke he tooke horse immediately and with the readiest of his friends rode to the Castle of Ochiltree forced it and slew the said Richard Colvill and all the males within the Castle that were come to the age of men This opened the mouths of men diversly according to their diverse humours some condemning his cruelty some commending his courage some saying that he had gone too farre and done too much others that he could doe no lesse that he had just cause and that he had been ill used his friend slain his honour
interessed that such kinde of justice best became him his enemies at Court tooke hold of it aggravating it to the King an insolent fact against law and custome and however Colvill had deserved it which they could not deny yet it was a perillous example prejudiciall to all order and to the King to whom the punishing of such things belonged So that the King became highly offended therewith Hereupon the Earle Douglas partly to give place to his Princes anger partly upon some remorse as all bloud hath ever some touch and sting of Conscience with it the next yeare beeing the yeare of Jubilee hee purchased a license from the King to goe to Rome pretending he would doe pennance for the said slaughter but as his enemies did interpret it to shew his greatnesse to forraigne Princes and Nations Before hee tooke his journey having a care of his house and being out of hope to have children of his owne as having been seaven or eight yeare married without children he procured his second brother James to be received by the King and confirmed in the Earledome after himselfe There went with him in company a great number of Noblemen and Gentlemen such as the Lord Hamiltoun Gray Salton Seaton Oliphant and Forbesse also Calder Urwhart Cambell Fraiser Lawders of Crumartie Philorth and Basse Knights with many other Gentlemen of great account Hee went first to Flanders and from thence by land to Paris where he was honourably received by the King of France whom some call Lewis the eleaventh but it must needs be Charles the seaventh who lived till the yeare 1460. some tenne yeares after this Jubilee which behoved to bee in the yeare 1450. The remembrance of the good service done by his Uncle at Bauge and his Grandfather at divers times and at last for spending his life for him at Vernoile was not yet worne out of Charles his memory in regard whereof and for the place he carried and the publick League between the Countreyes he omitted no kind of honour undone to him that was fit for his qualitie and ranke from thence he tooke his journey towards Rome which was filled with the expectation of his coming He had taken from Paris with him his youngest brother George a young man who was there at Schooles and of whom there was great expectation but he died by the way to his great griefe he is said by the manuscript to have been nominated Bishop of Dunkell and that he was to be inaugurated at Rome Buchannan also saith it perhaps following the manuscript but they both forget that his eldest brother Henry is said by the same manuscript in the life of their father to have beene Bishop of Dunkell and this George died before he was fifteene yeares of age I take it also to be an oversight in this same Buchannan that hee saith that this George was destinated to be Earle by the Kings permission after his brother who had no children For it is against reason that hee being youngest of many brethren worthy men should have been preferred before them while he was but yet a childe at school While the Earle was thus in his pilgrimage his enemies slept not at home but taking the opportunitie of his absence did both blame him at the Kings hand by all invention they could devise and stirred up such of the common people as had received any wrong of any man to complaine to the King alledging they had received it by the Earle Douglas friends or servants and by such wayes moved the King to cause seeke Siminton then Bailiffe to the Earle in Douglas dale and to cite and summon him to answer to such crimes as were laid to the Earles charge for the actions perhaps of his dependers and clients or at least for such things as his Lord had neither commanded neither happely heard of Siminton looking for no equitie at their hands who moved such a citation choosed not to come into judgement suffering things to passe rather for non-compeirance than to compeire not knowing the state of things nor how to answer having neither knowledge of them by himselfe nor direction nor information from his Lord. Upon this occasion his enemies laid hold interpreted this his non-compeirance in the most odious sort and called it contumacie and what grievous name they could devise So they moved the King to send his servants and apprehend him and would gladly have proceeded with all extremity against him exclaiming against his presumptuous contempt of the King and telling the King that his royall authoritie was become a mockerie and despised by every base fellow That by his lenitie he did but foster the malapertnesse of the wicked sort That by impunitie new doores were opened to new misdoers with such other speeches in the most vehement maner they could to have dipped the King in bloud and cut off all hope as farre as in them lay of reconcilement betwixt them But he not being so farre alienated as yet from Douglas howbeit the complaints of so many had stirred up some dislike and taken impression in his minde was not moved with their speeches in that high nature but persisted in his opinion to recompence the Complainers in their losses of goods by goods but not to meddle with any mans bloud wherefore he caused Siminton to be set at libertie and commanded him onely to satisfie the Complainers But hee who could neither answer without information nor satisfie without direction humbly besought his Majestie that since he had not information and could not answer being but a servant and unacquainted with businesse seeing also he was not Collector of his masters rents but onely commander of his servants it would please him to delay the matter till his Lord returned whom he expected within few moneths who he doubted not both could and would answer to whatsoever complaint and satisfie sufficiently at his Princes pleasure whatsoever dammage he should have beene found to doe to any man This seemed most reasonable that the Earle himselfe should be heard first and not condemned unheard and in his absence and there could bee no great prejudice in a short delay Wherefore the King condescended to it and yet not withstanding being importuned by the multitude of new complaints he sent William Sinclair Earle of Orkney a near Cousin to the Earle Douglas being Chancellor for the time to intromet with his goods and rents in Galloway and Douglas to satisfie Complainers therewith but it was to no purpose for hee was eluded and almost mocked by the tenants He alledged and reported to the King that was done by the instigation of the Earle of Ormond that he was so frustrate for the Earle Douglas had committed to him the mannaging of his estate in his absence and he greatly disdained that Orkney being so neare of bloud and alliance to them should have undertaken that charge The King irritated herewith as a contempt of his authoritie caused Heraulds to be directed or Pursevants to summon all
on the displeasure of this fact or jealousie conceived of this and other actions of the Douglasses it is hard to discerne but so it was that his enemies making use for their owne ends of the Kings credulous suspition prevailed so farre that they perswaded the King to resolve to make him away and seeing it could not bee done by open force in any sort it could bee done whereof when they had advised of all the meanes they could this they found to bee the most expedient way that hee should bee sent for to Court by faire promises and being come the King should enter into termes of quarrelling And thereupon they that were appointed for the purpose should dispatch him So they caused a certain Courtier of their faction but such an one as was free from all suspition of bearing enmity to the Earle to addresse himselfe to a Gentleman who was Douglasses friend and to shew him how Creighton was retired to his owne house and that in his absence it were fit the Earle should take that good occasion to come and see the King with whom hee might bee assured to finde favour if hee would crave it humbly and this hee told as a great secret not to bee revealed but to his Lord and dealt earnestly with him to follow this advice The Gentleman beleeving went and dealt very earnestly with his Lord but hee suspecting Creightons craft and having the murther of his Cousins before his eyes flatly refused to goe thither where he had so many enemies so potent and of so great credit and some of which had not long agoe lien in wait for his life unlesse hee saw assurance of his life and liberty Hereupon he was directly sent for to come to Court with promise of all freedome and with assurance under the broad Seal and to remove all feare doubt that he could conceive the Noblemen that were present at Court were moved to send a warrant to him subscribed with all their hands and sealed with all their seals with the greatest oathes and protestations interposed therein that could be and not onely so but every man wrote his owne particular letter apart assuring him of the Kings good will and further promising him that if it should so fall out that the King would be so disposed as to breake his faith and promise and to interprise any thing against his person life lands or liberty they should send him home safe neverthelesse What could hee seeke more at their hands Or what could hee devise more And who would have doubted after such assurances Yet that hee might not onely repose upon his enemies credit all his safety hee accompanieth himselfe for his honour and suretie with as many as might secure him and keepe him free from being in danger of any private mans forces So relying for the Kings part upon his safe Conduct and the Nobilities credit interposed therewith hee cometh to Stirling where the King was well attended and followed by his friends and servants but in a peaceable manner being come into the Kings presence after some sort of admonition to lead a more peaceable and orderly life hee seemed to pardon him what ever was past and kindely invited him to supper in the Castle After they had supped cheerfully and merrily together the King taketh him aside and leadeth him into an inner roome where there was none present besides them two and Patrick Gray of whom wee spake before how of his friend and Cousin hee was become his enemy for the execution of the Tutour of Bombee There the King beginning his speech from the valour and loyall fidelity of his Predecessours came shortly to his owne indulgencie towards the whole Familie and towards himselfe in particular Then sharpely upbraiding him how oft hee had pardoned him and what insolencies hee had committed Douglas answered submissively and craved pardon for what hee had offended against himself in any sort saying his intention was not against him but against his enemies That as for others that would complaine hee was ready to satisfie them according to justice and at the Kings owne pleasure There rests yet one thing saith the King the League betwixt you and the Earle of Crawford and Rosse I will have you presently to quite it At that word the Earle was somewhat astonished at the first yet gathering his spirits again hee answered that for him hee knew nothing wherein that League could bee offensive to his Majesty seeing that all duetie to him was especially reserved The King replyed I will have you presently to breake the same Douglas answered that if hee would have him to doe so hee would bee pleased to give him leave to advertise the said Noblemen and then hee would doe it otherwise hee would bee accounted a faith breaker if having entered into friendship with them hee should forsake them not giving a reason why And therefore besought him to have patience The King replied in an angry manner speaking aloud If you will not breake it I will And with those words hee stabbed him in the breast with a dagger At the same instant Patrick Gray struck him on the head with a Pole-axe The rest that were attending at the doore hearing the noise entered and fell also upon him and to shew their affection to the King gave him every man his blow after hee was dead Thus died he by the hand of the King but by the practices of his enemies they being the choise movers and the king yeelding to their motions as if it had been his quarrell for so they made it seeme to him whereas indeed it was but their owne particular or if his it was but thus farre his that he tooke it on him as his espoused theirs as his owne and imbarked himselfe therein A common practice of Courtiers who have Princes eares what ever is contrary to their will is all against the King is all presumption is all high treason whereas indeed they are oft times themselves his greatest enemies what ever shew of service and affection they make and they whom they call his enemies farre more heartily affected to him They make the King alwayes wed their quarrells beare their errours and the whole hatred and envie of their enemies and oft times drawes him into great absurdities besides and contrary his owne naturall disposition to his great disgrace or diminishing his grace in the eyes of his Subjects not without great perill of his life and estate Happy the Prince that can rightly take up and rightly discerne the quarrells which are indeed his owne from those which others would have him thinke to bee his owne and so understandeth the disposition of his Subjects that hee account not all that is against his Courtiers is against him or all that is done by his Courtiers is done for him These Courtiers had gained this point of the King and by that mean had brought him to doe that hard fact against this man as his owne enemy as one aspiring to his Crowne
Douglas and howbeit he came somewhat short of that huge greatnesse and puissance of the former yet was he nothing inferiour in place of authority in credit and account in action and employment as we said in the beginning Nothing was done but by him and under his shadow Bishop Kennedie had the greatest vogue he upheld the Bishop by his power and by him men did come to finde favour and did seek to have credit We will set down two examples for all the rest but those remarkeable and sufficient to show of what great account and authority he hath been The one is of our own Nation the other of a Forrainer The first is in the same year 1457. the 13. of May. We heard of James Lord Hamilton a faithfull franke and forward friend for the Earle Douglas so long as he was a friend to himself by any action He leaving himself Hamilton also lest him I mean seeing the Earle had lost that so fair occasion if not to cast the Dice for the Crown as the Lord Hamilton said to him yet to cast the Dice for the victory and to give or take conditions of peace which he had at Abercorne being moe in number than the King the Lord Hamilton was come in to the King upon this that same night He was received by the King but not greatly credited for he was committed to Rosselin a Castle then of the Earle of Orkneyes and afterwards say our writers freinds interceding for him he was released out of prison and received into most inward friendship Thus farre they go but what friends these were or how the friendship was made they do not tell The Earle of Angus evidents tell us and show that it hath been he that did him this friendly office For whether before to move him to intercede for him or after in token of thankfulnesse though it be most likely it was after because it is done at Tantallon which must be after his releasement out of Rosselin he giveth to this Earle George a memorable remembrance He I say being a noble man and a notable active man besides gives him his bond of service or Manreid and that in ample forme and submisse terms excepting none but the King and Queen And that I may not seeme to speak without a warrant in so great a matter scarce to be beleeved of some and that I do rather amplifie things than set down the naked truth I will set down the very words of the band as it is extant in the hands of the Earle of Angus which now is copied word by word that every man may judge of it as he thinks good Be it knowne to all men by thir present Letters me James Lord Hamilton c. to be comen and by these presents to become Man of speciall service and retinue for all the dayes of my life-time to an high and mighty Lord George Earle of Angus Lord Douglas and Warden of the East and middle marches of Scotland foregainst England Before and against all them that live or die may mine allegeance to our soveraigne Lord the King and my band of service to our soveraigne Lady the Queen Mary now present allanerly out-tane Promising all and sundry dutifull points in bands of retinue contained to observe and keep to my Lord foresaid as eâ—…eirs for all the said time In witnesse of the which thing I have gard set my seale At Tantallon the 13. day of the moneth of May the year of our Lord 1457 c. It hath been no small matter nor small authoritie of him to whom it is given that hath moved such a man to give such a Band. His credit hath been great and Hamilton hath either received great benefit at his hand or expected to receive some I take it that he hath procured his libertie and obtained to him that favour in Court that our Writers speak of to be of the Kings inward friends I suppose also that kinred hath been of some moment to move him to it The reason of my conjecture is because we have heard before that Elizabeth sister to Margaret Countesse of Marre and Angus and Grandmother to this Earle George was married to Sir Alexander Hamilton of Cadyow as some call him by which mean this James Lord Hamilton might be third from her and the Earle of Angus and he Cousins twice removed or fourths in kin as we speak But this I referre to them that have the monuments of that House However what more honour could have been done to the great House of Douglas in the greatest grandour thereof than what is here done to the House of Angus Neither is it any dishonour to him that doth it It is but folly to think so Houses have their beginning and grouth Mine to day thine to morrow This same Lord Hamilton by these beginnings within a few years 17. or 18. at most shall lay such grounds of greatnesse as shall lift his House above any subjects to the very top of all so as to have the Crown entailed to his Posteritie and to enjoy it for a while as Regent and Governour Let us remember the changes of the world and the vicissitudes of Fortune and let every man bear with patience and hear with calmnesse either what he is now or what he was before And this for the first domestick witnesse of honour and authoritie credit and greatnesse of the House of Angus in this mans person The other amongst Forrainers was greater which is this The King of England Henry the sixth being overthrowne and put out of his Kingdome and Countrey of England by the Duke of York Edward the fourth he and his son and his Queen being come into Scotland for refuge he indents with George Earle of Angus for his assistance to help to restore him to his Kingdome and bindes himself to give unto George Earle of Angus and his heires Lands lying betwixt Trent and Humber worth 2000. Marks sterling of yearly rent 2. That he should erect it in a Dutchie and infeâ—…t the said Earle therein in as free Knight-service as any Land in England and that the Earle and his heires should be Dukes thereof 3. That in time of peace between Scotland and England it should be lawfull for the said Earle to repaire to England to his Dutchie or to Court or where he pleased with an hundred horse in train 4. And that if there happened to be warre betwixt the Countreyes it should be lawfull for him to send 24 armed men who should be under the King of England his protection to gather and up-lift for his use the rents and revenues of the said Dutchie 5. That it should be lawfull for him during the warres between the two Countreyes to serve the King of Scotland which should no wayes prejudice him in the enjoying of his Lands neither should it be a cause of forfeiture or unlaw 6. That he should not be bound to answer in person to the Parliaments of England or any
do climbe up to the highest places by degrees but they make the carcasses of the Kings sonnes steps for them to mount upon and water their growing honours with the Bloud Royall it self One of his brothers they have most cruelly murdered the other they have constrained for fear to forsake his Countrey and become a Captain in the enemies Camp And now being rid of them they lye in wait for the rest For being conscious of their own basenesse they cannot endure any that is excellent or eminent Whoso hath riches to satisfie their avarice or power to assist their bold attempts him they reckon for their enemy And do we prepare our selves to withstand the common enemy And encampe against England As if any were more deadly and more to be feared then he whose greedinesse our goods cannot suffice and whose thirst of slaughter our bloud is not able to quench Now that you may know how much this inward plague is worse than that outward foe put the case that England which God forbid should overcome what could we look for at their hands what would they make the end of their hatred or reward of their victory The death of the King do you think or of your selves verily I beleeve neither Our contentions have not been for lives but for honour and empire And a noble heart as it is vehement and violent against those that oppose so is it easily mitigated by prayer and entreaty and even with the consideration of the instabilitie of humane affairs it is moved to pity and compassion But let us suppose the worst that they being mindefull of our old debates and puffed up with present victory would take the Kings life which of these two doth deal more easily with us He that by depriving us of life doth also take away all sense of evil or he that reserveth that to daily tortures and torments which next after our God should be most dear to us who besotting the minde with Witch-craft do animate the King to the destruction of his nearest kindred who detaine him like a captive and will not suffer him at any time to show his face to his loyall Subjects that they may enjoy the comfort of his countenance and he behold their service for his honour and safety They are not so much to be reputed enemies who with displayed banner professe hostility as they who within the wals lye in Ambush for your overthrowe who drawing away his Majesties affection from his friends betray him to his enemies and making you destitute of a leader would expose you to the mercie of your enemies Into whose hands if you do fall though perhaps you escape death yet shall you not eschew shame and ignominie and which is worse than a thousand deaths servitude and bondage If you get the day and be victorious you shall not for all that acquire that which is the end and fruit of victory honour and renown to your King rest and quietnesse to your selves and to your posteritie a flourishing and prosperous estate of your Countrey but on the contrary a greater liberty to your adversaries for the present and greater security for the time to come ruine and destruction to your selves and to your King a worse slavery So that by vanquishing you shall not be so much freed from troubles abroad as you shall increase your miseries at home Wherefore my opinion is to speak it in a word that first we shake off this yoke of servitude at home before we enter into fight with the forraine enemie Otherwise all of us shall be slaves to the will and pleasure of a few we shall strengthen our enemies and become Traitours to the common-wealth What you shall resolve to do I pray God to prosper When the Earle had ended his speech there arose a confused murmure throughout the whole Assembly for they had not the patience to give their votes in order but all cryed out together testifying their approbation and assent to his speech and opinion Amongst others there present the Lord Gray was one whom some would have to be he that slew the Earle of Douglas at Stirlin commonly called Cowe-Gray But if it were he he behoved to be of great age now and of greater at the battell of Bannock-burne where he is also said to have been wherefore I take it rather that this hath been his son However the Lord Gray heard all and seeing their forwardnesse craved audience and told them the Apologue of the Mice who consulting in a publick meeting how to be sure from the Cats surprising of them found out a very good way which was to hang a bell about her neck that would ring as she stepped and so give them warning of her approach that they might save themselves by flight But when it came to be questioned who would undertake to tie the bell about the Cats neck there was never a mouse durst cheep or undertake it The Earle of Angus understood his meaning and what application was to be made of it wherefore he answered shortly I will Bell the Cat and what your Lordships conclude to be done shall not lack execution For this answer he was alwayes after this named Archbald Bell the Cat. And so they concluded that these wicked Counsellours and their Complices the Courtiers of the same qualitie and stamp should be brought to judgement and punished according to their deserts In the execution whereof their main care was that no inconvenient should come to the King which because it might fall out in a tumult they ordained that the Army should lye quiet and onely the Noblemen with their houshold servants should go to Court and apprehend them as peaceably and calmly as possible they could After the meeting was broken up as they were going along they encountred by the way with Robert Cochran whom the King informed of their meeting had sent to know what the matter was For it seemed to be some businesse of moment and great importance that had moved such men to conveen at such an houre so early in the morning He had about his neck a gold chain of great weight which the Earle of Angus took hold of and straining it a little This chain said he doth not become a man of your rank but I shall ere long give you one that will become you to weare farre better and so pulling the chain from his neck he delivered him to one of his men to be kept sure After that he went on to the Kings lodging where the Guard and others that were present astonished with the suddennesse of his coming or reverencing the dignitie and majestie of his person gave place and shrank away so that the rest were easily apprehended without resistance or tumult Onely John Ramsay fled to the King and clasped his arms about his middle and at the Kings request was pardoned in respect of his youth which excused his errours and seemed to promise for him that he would do no more so
mouth of Forth and not onely infested the Merchants and such as did trade by Sea but also many times came a Shore and pillaged the Countrey These were prognosticks of a storm arising and of a tempest as great as had been from the West from the North and from the Sea But these droping Clouds which threatned an after-clap were quickly dispersed by the prudent handling of the other party Andrew Wood was intreated and brought not onely to be no enemy but also to set upon the English Ships which he did with his own two onely and brought in the five English to Leith Lennox was defeated by the Lord Drummond whose daughter George master of Angus had married and the Northern men hearing of it sat quiet and stirred not And for conclusion a Parliament was held at Edinburgh the 6. of November where all that was done at Bannock-burne was decerned to be good service and that those that were slain there were slain through their own default and that those that had taken Arms against them were free from all crime This had been done before in the Parliament when the King was crowned but there were so few present then that they thought it necessary to renew it here where both parties were present And so it was not onely enacted but subscribed by all that had vote in Parliament Thus did Angus with the rest of his associats governe those matters which seemed to be very hard to settle both wisely and moderately For they used not their victory and power either cruelly or covetously They forgave sincerely those that came in and yeelded and punished gently the more obstinate fining them in their goods or taking from them some portion or parcell of their Lands and Possessions but there was no man ruined or wholly undone by them And so they both pacified things and did not much displease the parties who bare it patiently when they called to remembrance for what small faults and upon what slight pretences men were turned out of their whole Estates in the late Kings time By these meanes they procured a true and sincere peace among the Subjects strengthened with a generall love and submission of both parties to the King And to confirme all the two principalls of the other party Lennox and Forbes came in and were received into favour Many attribute the commendation of all this to the King himself whose inclination it cannot be denied was good but to speak the truth as it is he was but young and not a Guider but guided even by the confession of the adverse partie Neither could he of himself have carried things so wisely for all his good disposition neither was he able to have done it though he had been skilfull if there had not been great moderation in those that were about him Wherefore seeing both common report and our Histories also make our Douglasses Humes and Hepburnes the chief authors and actors in these matters I see no reason why we should defraude them of their due commendation of being men that were dutifull to their Countrey and withall very respective to their King having laboured all they could to reclaim him and after he had shut himself up in the Castle restoring him to his full authority and even when he was seeking their lives they did tolerate him a good while being very loath to come to extremity And last being forced to it by necessitie for the preservation of their own lives they had regard to the race of their Princes yea to himself and his life in the greatest heat of the battell ever willing and desirous to save him And then after the victorie we see how moderate they were against their detractours slanderers and profest enemies that had taken Arms against them how meek in bearing with them how carefull too with calmnesse to reconcile them how gentle in using of them how wise and prudent in the whole progresse of pacification And above all the moderation of their desires is to be remarked for they did neither increase their estates nor enrich themselves on whit by spoiling or violent seizing of any mans Lands or Goods The Earle of Angus was made Chancellour But that was after the death of the Lord Evendale and so it was not taken from any other man neither was there any wrong in it And on whom could it have been so well bestowed who was so fit for it and who so worthy of it Besides it seemes that he got it not in the Kings minority when he had all power in his own hand under the shadow of the Kings name and so might have extorted it from the King in those troublous times for he is never termed Chancellour untill the year 1493. which was 5. years after Bannock-burne and then all the troubles were quieted and pacified and the King came to be 20. years of age able to guide his affairs by himself The Lord Hume is also made great Chamberlaine of Scotland yet that was also in the Kings power to give and belonged to no man What other casuality or benefite they acquired by the Kings liberality we finde not unlesse it were the Guardianship of the inheritrix of Glenbarvie which Angus got whom he married to his son William But suppose they did get any such thing yet was it without injury to any man and un-reproveably Wherefore we may say justly that no Princes minority was ever so moderately and innocently so justly wisely and prudently guided amongst so great troubles and grounds of dissention This made them that they feared no man having offended no man but were even secure in the Kings presence notwithstanding that he had enjoyned himself a pennance for being accessarie to his fathers death which was the wearing of a chain of iron about his middle in stead of a girdle to which he added every year a new link or ring Not the lesse of all this they were never afraid of the King nor jealous of him but interpreted this well and took it in good part not onely because they trusted to the Kings gentle disposition or because they confided in their own Forces as being of the stronger faction but also because they reposed on the conscience of their fact the necessity of doing what they had done and innocencie every other way towards every man From this time the Earle of Angus continued Chancellour so named in all Writs and Indentures untill the year 1496. the 14. of January at which time he contracts his daughters to the Lord Harris and the Lord Lile He indents with Hugh Douglas Deane of Buchan and sonne to the late Earle of Ormond in two severall Indentures whereof the condition of the one is to pursue for the lands of Evendale in the year 1493. the other in the year 1496. the 14. of January is to this purpose That the said Hugh shall pursue for Glenwhome Gladstanes and any other Lands pertaining to the Earles of Douglas Lord of Evendale or his
hate most honour brings Of George Master of Angus and sonne to Archbald the first HIs eldest son as hath been said was George slain at Flowdon designed commonly by the appellation of Master of Angus He was married to Elizabeth Drummond daughter to the Lord Drummond of whom we told how he defeated the Earle of Lennox His children by her were three sonnes First Archbald afterward Earle of Angus Secondly Sir George of Pittendrich Thirdly William Priour of Colding hame His daughters were First the Lady Yester Secondly the Lady Basse. Thirdly Jeane Lady Glames Fourthly Alison married first to Robert Blackader of Blackader and afterward to Sir David Hume of Wedderburne Fifthly the Lady Drumlanerige as I take it Also they mention a sixth married to a Baron in the North whom they name not neither do I know who he should be His age at his death to reckon from the 15. year of his fathers age in the 1469. to the year of his own death at Flowdon 1513. was not above 44. His actions because he never came to be Earle are not recorded Some dealing there was betwixt him as Governour of Liddisdale and the Lord Dacres in England with whose Deputies he agrees to meet at Dumfreis for doing of Justice in the year 1489. the year after the King was killed at Bannock-burne So at Cannabie he met with the Lord Dacres himself where they accorded not well For they intended both to send to the Councels of both Nations to have their determination of their differences He agrees the same year with Sir Robert Lundie of Bagonie Treasurer for a generall remission to Ewsdalde Eskdale and Niddisdale which I think should rather be Liddisdale for a 1000. pounds being at this time not above 20. years of age not out of Curatorie by the Laws though that was in his fathers hands Yet we see also Courts held in his name by his Bailiffs as a retoure of Adam Ker to some Lands in Selkrig in the said year which makes me to think he hath been then married Also he it is as we told above that excambes the Lands of Liddisdale for Bothwell with Patrick Earle Bothwell resigning the Lands of Liddisdale and the King disponing them upon the resignation in the year 1492. upon what reason either the Earle Bothwelshould have affected these or he preferred the other and not thought himself as fit to rule that unruly Countrey as any other I have not heard But it was done in his fathers life time who was no fool when he was in his greatest vogue the first three years of King James the fourth He allies afterward with this same Earl Bothwel marrying his sonne Archbald to his daughter but that must be long after except that he hath been married young as some say he was In the year 1510. he indents for the marriage of his fourth daughter Alison to Robert Blackaders sonne and apparent heir to Andrew Blackader of that Ilk. Her portion 300. marks the terms 1. at the compleating 40. pounds and 20. pounds at the feast of Martimasse next after and so 20. pounds termly till it were payed That same year he is infeft in Abernethie And this is all we have of him which we have set down chiefly for his children and the Historie that followeth of them Of Archbald the seventh Earle of Angus and the second Archbald TO Archbald the first succeeded Archbald the second his Grand-childe by his sonne George Master of Angus He was thrice married first to Margaret Hepburne daughter to Patrick Hepburne the first Lord Bothwell being as yet very young for at his second marriage he was not old but a youth or stripling Adolescens She died in childe-birth within the year as they say immediatly after the Field of Flowdon 2. His second wife was Queen Margaret relict of King James the 4. and daughter to King Henry 7. of England She bare to him a daughter Lady Margaret Douglas who was married to Matthew Stuart Earle of Lennox and bare to him Henry Lord Darnly that married Queen Mary of Scotland and father to King James the sixt of Scotland and first of great Brittain now happily reigning Lady Margaret had also another sonne named Charles who was father to the Lady Arabella 3. His third wife was Margaret Maxwell daughter to the Lord Maxwell She bare to him a sonne and a daughter who died both of them before they were 8. years old He had also a base daughter by a daughter of Traquairs Jeane Douglas married to the Lord Ruthven Some say that he begot this daughter in the Queens time while she lying in of Lady Margaret Douglas in England after her delivery went to London and stayed there with her brother King Henry the 8. and with her sister the late Queen of France and then Duchesse of Suffolk Others say that it was before He had also a base sonne as I take it commonly called George the Postulant to a by-name because I know not upon what claim or title he did postulate and claim the Abbacie of Aberbroth or Abernethock and not onely did postulate it but apprehended it also and used it as his own Having brought the house of Angus still increasing and growing in greatnesse and honour unto this man Archbald the second shall we suffer it now to decay or to take halt in his person No but we shall see it increase so much the more as he approacheth nearer unto that descent which is able to give honour unto basenesse it self far more to adde and multiply honour upon that which is already honourable Men do not onely take honour from their progenitors their posterity makes them honourable when they have much honour and that variable according to the degrees of their honour more or lesse Which seeing it is undeniable in what place of honour shall we rank this Archbald father to the Lady Margaret Douglas and by her great Grandfather to our Soveraigne King James of great Brittain This one thing is enough to lift him up to the highest top of honour All other things are but accessary yet are they additions of great importance Men are honourable by their marriage Who then so honourable as he Having married a Queen a Kings daughter a Kings sister a Kings mother Others also of the Subjects of this Countrey have married Queens I grant But none of them did marry Queen Margaret a Lady so vertuous None did marry a Queen so Royally descended and every way Regall in her father her mother her brother her sister her husband her sonne being all of them Kings or Queens None did marry a Queen without some blemish and diminition of her reputation but he None with the approbation of all men even of the Queens own chief Kinred with the allowance desire and exhortation of her Kinsfolks of King Henry the 8. But you will say perhaps that this hath been chance or fortune or ignorance in her blindnesse of an impotent woman who placed her affection
with him This was a magnanimous minde and a Princely say our writers not envious of the praise of the English though indeed it were not without a good policie For by that meane he had leasure to prosecute his French intentions without fear of being disturbed or diverted by the Scottish incursions But we will not extenuate it he had indeed the better hand of it and at this time peace was more needfull for Scotland And therefore this reason brought by Angus for the continuation of the Queens authoritie was so much the greater But it could not move the other party whereof the Lord Hume Chamberlain was Chief They shew their willingnesse to honour the Queen That appeared say they in this that contrary to the ancient custome of this Kingdome they had suffered and obeyed her authority whiles she her self kept her right by keeping her widow-hood Now that she had quit it by marrying why should they not choose another to succeed into the place which she had left which the old laws would also have taken from her which do not permit that a woman should govern in the most peaceable times far lesse now when such evils do threaten as can scarce be resisted by the wisest and most sufficient men This they pretended and touched the point that did annoy them The marrying of the Earle of Angus had made him too great already the continuing of her authority would make him farre greater This they can not endure especially the Chamberlain who was jealous of his greatnesse which he thought would impair and lessen his own already beginning to decline by the retiring and with-drawing of Liddisdale and Anandale from following him and casting them again under the wings of the Douglasses to whom they had wont to belong This point being once obtained that the Queen should governe no more the next was who then should be the man Here also was no lesse strife and contention The Chamberlains credit carried it away his own power his alliance the Earle of Arane being his brother in law the Earle of Lennox Aranes sisters son joyned to the Prelates a Faction ever French and then more than ever by the King of Englands shaking off the yoke of Rome especially the Archbishop of Glasgow a proud Prelate and ever factious By these men all Noblemen at home are despised and balked and the Office cast upon John called afterward Duke of Albanie Cousin-germane to the late King being then in France brought up in France and onely with the French tongue where his father was banished and forfeited and he himself not restored yet is he by them who had not so much power as to restore him in the minoritie of a King as had been proved in King James the second his time against the Earle of March restored in his minoritie ordained to be Governour of the King and whole Countrey Bent was the Chamberlain that way And so bent he was that he professed openly at the Convention that though they would all refuse yet he alone would bring him home and make him Governour A great word if he were not able to do it a great power if he were able It is interpreted ambition in him and that despairing to have that honour conferred on himself and envying it to any other he took this course I cannot be of that minde He that had power to do so much for another had power to have done somewhat for himself At least so far as to have gotten some part of the government with others as it was customable when they could not agree upon any one man they divided it It is reported also for ceâ—… â—…at the Earle of Angus finding that he was so earnest in that course went to him and naming him familiarly by his name Alexander said he what do you mean by this that man is a stranger to us and understandeth not our language no more than we do his He will work his own ends and who knoweth after what manner Whether or not to the Kings prejudice who is onely between him and the Crown Certainly he will never regard either of us whom he will rather seek to depresse than to advance Go to therefore let us agree amongst our selves Take you the government of the borders and of all that lieth on that side of the river of Forth and let me have the command on the other side A fair offer and a wise consideration which the Chamberlain shall acknowledge hereafter too late and shall himself say the like to him that now doth thus admonish him For the present he refused obstinately and as it may be thought fatally persisting in his former resolution Whereof when I consider what might have been the cause I think it hath been not any distrust to obtain some place in the guiding of affairs but a doubting how to keep it if by chance any thwarting or insociablenesse of Empire should fall out between them at any time thereafter in which case Angus could not but be the stronger by the power of England his allies they having no partie so great to counterpoize them For this cause he hath thought it fit to bring in the French to equall the ballance as principall himself onely as accessarie not doubting of a chief place both by his desert in bringing him home and the necessitie of his service which could never be lacking On this rather than the other ground as I take it he hath laid down his course But as well as he laid his grounds hereupon he built both his ruine before three years were come about and speedie repentance soon after the arrivall of his Governour Howbeit upon this occasion the Duke of Albanie so called afterward is sent for arrives is made Earle of March Duke of Albanie which his father had been before but was forfeited and Governour untill the Kings ripe years The Lord Hume comes to him some say with a huge number 10000. horse to Dumbartan whereupon the Governour said he was too great to be a subject Others report that he came very privatly with his houshold onely some 24. horse in Kendall Green which was his Livery and that the Duke slighted him with this sentence minuit praesentia famam being a man of low stature and carrying no appearance of much stuff to be in him by his out-side However he was then welcomed and what faire and good countenance he got then it lasted not long John Hepburne Prior of S. Andrews was his enemie on this occasion Andrew Stuart Archbishop of S. Andrews was slain at Flowdon Three divers pretended to the place by divers meanes Gawin Douglas Bishop of Dunkel uncle to the Earle of Angus by the Queens admission Hepburne by the election of the Chapter Andrew Foreman by the Popes gift This Foreman was Abbat of Dumfermling and Aberbrothe Legat from the Pope and had gotten this to maintain his grandour or as a reward of his service The question was hard to decide All pretended
been he I should have made him drink his bellie full whether he would or not As they were thus talking a servant of the house going to the door espies the Arch-deacon coming with a great company of men and came running to John and told him of it who leaping to the door just as they were ready to enter made good the door and drave them back so that with much ado he and those that were with him found means to shut it This attempt so incensed him that having understood of the Arch-deacons coming to Edinburgh at this time he lay in wait for him by the way and slew him This slaughter was imputed to the Earle of Angus by his enemies at least some aspersion thereof was rubbed upon him because as they alledged Angus had sent for the Arch-deacon and he was come upon his sending for and as some said upon an appointment of agreeance to be made betwixt John Hume and him But John ever in all discourse or conference of that businesse denied that ever there was any appointment or overture of agreement or that he ever knew of Angus his sending for him That which made it the rather beleeved to be done by Angus consent or privity was because when in the tumult raised upon the slaughter divers went out to have apprehended John Sir George Douglas the Earls brother went out also to have taken him at the Earls command who was highly offended that he should have committed this insolencie in his government whom when the others saw they suspected that he being Johns wives uncle and seeing many Douglasses and Humes in his company who were friends and allied with John was come out not to apprehend but to defend and assist him Wherefore they returned from pursuing of him Sir George also returned shortly after without finding him neither was there any search made for him after that Angus besides that he was uncle to Johns wife having almost continuall use of serviceable and active men being loath to offend his brother Sir David and his other friends in the Merse And now were things in working and a faction making against Angus Arch-bishop Beton who had joyned with him rather out of fear than good-will had quickly fallen off from them And Angus to be revenged of him had brought the King to his lodging in Edinburgh and intrometted and seized on his houshold stuffe for his own use Argyle and Lennox had separated from him The Queen and Arran were his professed enemies These had their friends about the King Lennox was ever with him and most entire of any His domestick servants were corrupted by the Queen who therefore all sought by all means to alienate the Kings minde from the Douglasses detracting and calumniating their actions some justly many of them unjustly aggravating their errours mis-interpreting things doubtfull concealing the good which they did and traducing all Thus did the King though to retain his favour they had used him with all indulgence and had loosed the rains to all delights and pleasures even more than was fit weary of their government Yet were they so incircumspect or carelesse that they neglected to remove his suspected servants and to place their own assured friends about him either not doubting them that were wirh him or being too confident in their own strength and power so that by little and little he became altogether alienate at last he opened his minde to such as he trusted and began to conferre with them of the way and means how to be set free from that bondage as he was taught to call it Above all he did most especially conferre with the Earle of Lennox While they are in plotting of these devices Angus either not knowing or not caring what they were doing was much troubled in settling and ordering the borders and the out-laws there He had made many rodes thither but effected nothing or litle Now he takes resolution for the better furtherance to go into Tividale and the more to terrifie the malefactours and to encourage others against them to take the King with him Being come to Jedbrough he moves the King to command the chief of the Clannes to bring in such men as were given up by name in writing to him It was obeyed and by that mean many were execute and put to death many pardoned in hope of amendment and that of the principall malefactours While all are glad hereof and their mindes loosed to some peace of contentment the occasion seemed fair and as it had been fallen from Heaven to them who were enemies to the Douglasses of taking the King out of their hands and custodie The mean is devised thus that Balcleugh who dwelt within a little of Jedbrough should invite the King to his house and retain him there being not unwilling till more were come and conveened But that plot failed by chance or by discovery the King being brought back to Melrosse Notwithstanding hereof Balcleugh resolving to prosecute what he intended would assay to do by force what he had failed in by craft He assembled about 1000. horse of his friends and other borderers accustomed to theft He cast himself to be in the Kings way as he was to passe into Lowthian at the Bridge of Melrosse upon Tweed The Earle of Angus sends to him and asks his meaning wils him to retire He answered he was come to show himself and his friends to the King his Master as other border-men did Then a Herauld was sent to him commanding him to with-draw himself out of the way in the Kings name but his answer was that he knew the Kings minde as well as he and would not go away till he saw him The Earle of Angus had not so many in number about him as Balcleugh yet those he had being his choyce Gentlemen together with the Chiefs of the names of Hume and Ker George Lord Hume and Andrew Ker of Cesford all valiant and active men he resolved to hazzard battell And because they were all come out on horse-back he gave order that they should alight and fight on foot The Lord Hume answered he would do so if the King would command him to do it We hear not what answer was made or that the King commanded but he alighted and took part very honestly with the rest Balcleugh also alighted but he had no sooner joyned battell than a great number of his men better accustomed to steal then to fight fled away and left him He himself and his friends stood to it manfully and continued the fight which was for a space very fierce and hard as being in the presence of the King who was a beholder and was to be the reward of the victor At last Walter Scot of Balcleugh being hurt his whole company turned their backs there being fourscore of them slain and having first slain Andrew Ker of Cesford Balcleugh escaped himself out of the Field Hereupon began deadly feude betwixt the Kers and Scots or
after it had gone through the Regent killed the Horse of George Douglas of Park-head a naturall brother of the Earle Mortons This fell out the 21. of January 1569. The Regent finding himself hurt alighted from his horse went to his lodging and died ere midnight Bothwell-hawke who had done the deed having mounted upon a horse which hee had standing ready for him of purpose escaped untaken He was much lamented of all but especially of Morton who had best reason to be sensible of this losse seeing by his death the common cause did want a main pillar and supporter thereof and the Kings side which he followed was deprived of a sufficient and able leader He himself also had lost a dear friend with whom he had so long entertained honest and faithfull friendship and who had borne so great a part of that heavie burden and weight of State affairs with him For now the whole burden of guiding the Kingdome and managing the State lay upon him almost alone and that even in the time of the two succeeding Regents for the space of some three years or thereby They indeed bare the name and the authoritie but he was the man by whose advice and counsell by whose travels and paines both of body and minde yea and upon whose charges also often times most things were performed till at last he himself was chosen Regent and did then all things alone without a helper This was well known to all and was plainly spoken in the time of Lennox his Regencie A staff under a Hood so they termed Lennox Morton rules all Yet was it not so altogether neither was Lennox so devoide of judgement but behaved himself very well very judiciously courageously and courtiously even in Mortons absence in the taking of Pasley and Dumbartan and in his courteous usage of the Lady Fleming who was within the Castle of Dumbartan Onely because matters seemed to rely most upon Mortons good advice action and means the ruder interpreters made that hard construction of it as if Morton because he did much had therefore done all as commonly men are wont to judge and speak And it is very true that is said of Lennox in that Epitaph of him samam virtute refellit Yet it cannot be denied but that even while Murray was Regent Morton did very much and though â—…e were not equall with him in place and dignitie for there was but one Regent yet he was such a second as might well be esteemed a yoke-fellow both in consulting and performing being a partaker with him in all perrils and burdens So that of all that is set down here of Murray Morton was ever an equall sharer and may justly challenge the one half as his due And therefore it is that we have been so particular and insisted so long in Murrayes actions because of Mortons perpetuall concurrence with him in all things and his interest in every businesse Wherefore we hope it will not be thought impertinent to our Historie thus to have handled them although Morton were not the sole actor since he was a prime and maine one For whoso will rightly consider shall finde that saying to be true of these two which Permenio said of Alexander and himself Nihil Alexander absque Permenione multa Permenio absque Alexandro being applied to Morton For Morton did many things without Murray but Murray nothing without Morton And thus it went even when Murray was alive when all acknowledged his authority Now he being dead many swarved many made defection and as if they had forgotten what they had promised became open enemies The Kings party was weakened the adverse party strengthened both by forrain and home-bred power Fear might have terrified him ease sollicited honour and profit allured him to have left it and joyned with the other side But he shrinks not for any perill hatred or envie for no pains or travell to be sustained no case or security could allure him no hope of favour of riches of honour could move him to abandon it Which doth evidently justifie and clear him of all the imputations which the wit of man can devise or imagine against him Whether it be that he conspired with Murray to make him King he was now dead and that hope with him Or if it be any particular end and aime of his own what appearance is there that he could have any private end which he followed forth with certain danger and uncertain event or profit For clearing of which let us weigh the parties and the forces and meanes at home and abroad on both sides First there were of the Queens side Duke Hamilton Argyle Athole Huntley almost all pettie Princes in their severall Countries and Shires Also the Earles of Crawford Rothuse Eglinton Cassils the Lord Harris with all the Maxwels Loghenvarre Johnston the Lord Seton Boyde Gray Oglevie Levingston Flemin Oliphant the Sheriff of Air and Linlithgow Balcleugh Farnihast and Tillibardine The Lord Hume did also countenance them though few of his friends or name were with him safe one meane man Ferdinando of Broom-house Metellan the Secretarie a great Polititian and Grange an active Gentleman who was Captain of the Castle and Provest of the Town of Edinburgh they had the chief Castles and places of strength in their hands Edinburgh Dumbartan Logh-Maban France did assist them Spain did favour them and so did his Holinesse of Rome together with all the Roman Catholiques every where Their faction in England was great all the North-folcians Papists and male-contents had their eye upon Queen Mary Neither was she though in prison altogether unusefull to her side for besides her countenance and colour of her authoritie which prevailed with some she had her rents in France and her Jewels wherewith she did both support the common cause and reward her private servants and followers especially they served her to furnish Agents and Ambassadours to plead her cause and importune her friends at the Court of France and England who were helped by the banished Lords Dacres and Westmoreland to stirre up forraine Princes all they could Thus was that partie now grown great so that it might seeme both safe and most advantagious to follow it The other was almost abandoned there were but three Earles that took part with Morton at first Lennox Marre Glencairne Neither were these comparable to any one of the foremost foure In Fyfe there was the Lord Lindsay and Glames in Angus no such great men and no wayes equall to Crawford and Rothuse The Lord Semple was but a simple one in respect of Cassils Maxwell Loghenvarre and others Methvaine in Stratherne a very mean Lord Ochletree amongst the meanest that bare the title of a Lord and yet Kirkart was meaner than he both in men and means Neither was Ruthven so great but that Tillibardine and Oliphant were able to overmatch him They had no Castles but Stirlin and Tantallon which belonged to Morton The commons indeed were very forwardly set that way
Street which lies open in a straight line from the Castle exposed to their mercy without danger of their lives the Regent caused make three Traverses or Dikes and ramparts of earth turfe and dung over-thwart and crossing the Street so thick as that they were Cannon-proofe and could not be pierced and so high that they took away the view of the Street from them of the Castle One of these was raised hard by the Land-Market above the Tolbooth and the other two with proportionable distance one from another nearer the Castle so that the Citizens and others walked safely to and fro about their businesse and the Lords also sate in Parliament without any hurt notwithstanding that the very day of their sitting the 26. of January or as others the 16. for their welcome and first salutation they had bestowed on them 87. great shot onely there was one poor dog killed before the Regents door Neither was there any great hurt done before though they had been still sending their vollies the 1. of January at what time the truce expired not above 6. persons hurt that kept the trenches and as many within the City but none slain One night the Captain issued forth and skirmished with the Regents Souldiers in the trenches till he found means to set some houses of the City on fire which the winde being high did spread through the City and when any did offer to quench it he caused the Ordnance to play so thick upon them that none daring to come near it there were some 100. houses consumed therewith being burnt down to the ground but not any man either slain or hurt This fact made him who was hated before to be abhorred and thought abominable by all men Wherefore the Regent determining no more to dally with him not having sufficient store of Artillerie of his own and fearing lest the Castle being well victualled might hold out too long he sent to the Queen of England to borrow of her who sent him 30. pieces in all viz. 9. Cannons 6. Demicanons 6. Sacres and 9. Culverins with all manner of needfull provision together with 700. or as Master Thin saith 1500. men under the conduct of Sir William Drury Generall With these and 500. hired Souldiers of Scots besides the Gentlemen Voluntiers and the Citizens of Edinburgh after he had summoned the Castle and they not obeying he sate down before it the 20. of April 1573. They raised five Mounts or Terrasses whereon to plant their batterie in that place where now Heriots work is built These being called by the severali names of the chief Commanders First the Kings Secondly Mount Drury Thirdly Mount Leyes from Sir George Leyes Fourthly Mount Carie from Sir George Carie Fifthly and Mount Sutton from Thomas Sutton Master of the Ordnance were finished the 17. of May with great toyle and labour and not without some losse of men by shot from the Castle They began their batterie the 17. of May and continued it till the 26. The Castle is situate on a steep and inaccessible Rock having a large utter Court beneath that Cragge whereon the Castle standeth About this Court there is a strong Wall and on that side which lieth towards the Town of Edinburgh a Bulwark or Blockhouse ending in a sharp point being made in form of a triangle The use of it is to defend the entrance and gates of the Castle The wals of this Blockhouse are subject to the sight and shot of the Castle and so may be defended by those that are within but the corner sharp point thereof is not so and if it be taken by the Enemy those that are within the Castle cannot annoy them There were within the castle at the inner end of the said Blockhouse two turrets of ancient workmanship but more high than strong of which the one was called Davids Tower which stood nearer the Gate the other without it nearer to the South was called Wallace Tower but I know not the reason of their names Against these two Towers and the side of the Blockhouse nearest to the Castle they directed their first batterie Thereafter they battered round about on every side of the Castle and having dismounted some of the Ordnance within and broken other some by shooting in at the mouth thereof their Cannon did little hurt being made unserviceable Besides Davids Tower being battered was beaten down and fell in such sort that the ruines thereof did damme up the gate and entrance betwixt the Castle and the utter Court and Block-house The Blockhouse was also battered in that part that was over against the gate and Wallace Tower which stood above the gate within the Castle was beaten down There was a breach large enough made not farre from the gate of the Bulwarke and the ditch also was filled up with stones and rubbish so that they might well enough have entred there but because it lay so open in the very mouth of the enemies shot it was not thought safe to give the assault at that place Wherefore having provided Ladders they went to the point of the Blockhouse there to climbe up out of danger of the Enemies shot The foremost in this service were Captain Hume and Captain Crawford Humes Ladder being too short and there being one of his men also shot upon the Ladder behinde him he was forced to come down again and so Crawford got first up and Hume followed him upon his Ladder and so did the rest of the Souldiers without any hurt done So they went forward and planted a Corps de guarde before the Gate of the Blockhouse called Humes Porter-lodge I know not why or how it got that name They had no let or impediment save that they had some small shot from the Castle for the great Ordnance could not annoy them being so high above them And those that had kept the Blockhouse had forsaken it and were taken in to the Castle being towed up over the Wall in the night For it being sore battered and the passage from thence to the Castle being so dammed up that there could come no relief nor succour to them from within they would not stay in it any longer but abandoned it While they were in sâ—…aling the Blockhouse there was another Company sent to make shew of giving an assault at another place but they having gone further on than they had warrant or direction they were repulsed and about thirty of them slain And so they did as it were make an exchange and recompense their losse of the Blockhouse with the death of these thirty But this taking of the Blockhouse was a matter of no great consequence for neither could they any wise annoy or harme them that were within from thence neither was the Castle Wall any where scalable but as hard and difficult to get up into it as ever Onely they had taken from them the onely Well which was left them and out of which had been furnished to each man a
sister Germain to Archbald Earle of Angus and the Lord Bothwell also had married her sister Margaret Relict of Walter Scot of Balcleugh The Lord Hamilton had been in great enmitie with him for besides the publick cause of Regent Murrays death he with his brother Claud of Pasley had killed Johnston of Wester-hall a follower and depender of the house of Angus At that time the Countesse of Cassills Lyon by name of the house of Glames and a near Cousin to the Regent was a widow Whether the love to that Lady brought on the reconcilement or their reconciliation occasioned the affection to the Lady it is hard to say but so it was that Hamilton suited her in marriage and obtained his suit and by this all quarrels and more especially that slaughter of Westerhall was taken away And for the better satisfaction herein both the brothers the Lord Hamilton and Claud of Pasley made publick obeysance to Archbald Earle of Angus in the Palace of Haly-rood-house by coming the whole breadth of the Inner-Court thereof bare-footed and bare-headed and falling down on their knees holding each a naked sword by the point delivered it to him to take hold thereof by the Pommell This was in the yeare 1575. the seventh of March being Monday After this Hamilton was married to the Lady Yet may it bee doubted whether he acquired more friendship in private by them than he furnished matter of obloquie in publick to the countrey because both these brothers were accounted authours or accessarie to the killing the Earle of Lennox then Regent and the Kings Grand-father as also they had been of that of Regent Murray These slaughters all the Nobilitie especially of the Kings side had solemnly sworne to avenge and now by this hee seemed to neglect that quarrell and his oath and that he had more care to be satisfied in his own particular for the slaughter of one mean man his depender It grieved particularly William Douglas of Logh-leven who desisted not from the pursuit of those that had slain his brother Murray after a privat manner seeing he could not get publick justice executed twice he set upon the Lord Hamilton as he was coming from Arbrothe and chased him so that he was constrained to return to Arbrothe again Another time as he was coming through Fyfe he made him flee to Darcie which he beset lay about it till the Regent sent to him and commanded him to desist However by the alliance of these Noblemen he seemed more strengthened more secured The Earle of Angus his Nephew was married to the Lord Ereskins sister daughter to the late Regent Earle of Marre a Lady of rare beauty and vertue and worthily made choice of by Morton who was author of the match both because of the Ladies deserving as also for that it not a little seemed to strengthen him seeing her mother and uncles during the minoritie of her brother had the custody education of the young Kings person which was the only way to attempt any thing against his Regencie Whether these things begat in him security and security bred carelesnesse to entertain mens love from whence did arise a loathing of him in all estates coldnesse in particular friendship or what ever the occasion was certain it is that he keeped his place more by the estimation of all than by the affection of many on the occasions following We shewed before how in matters of Church-government he ever inclined as the most politick course to the estate of Bishops The name was yet retained by custome the Rents were lifted also by them as we have said more for other mens use profit than their own They had also place vote in Parliament after the old manner and he would gladly have had them to have kept their power and jurisdiction over their brethren M. John Douglas being dead he filled the place by putting in M. Patrick Adamson his domestick Chaplain who then followed that course thoughbefore he had preached against it Many were displeased herewith all the Ministers especially they of greatest authority all men of all estates that were best affected to Religion He endeavoured also to have put the charge and cure of more Churches into one Preachers hands that there being the fewer to provide of stipends the Kings revenues who paid them out of the thirds of the Church lands might be increased by the surplusage which remained to him Hee did so eagerly presse this point that some thought it necessary to write against this course namely Master John Davidson Minister at Salt-Preston then a Student at S. Andrews Him he caused to be summoned to under-lye the Law and to be indicted criminally and being entreated for him he shewed himself so animated against him that he durst not under-go his triall but fled to England with the consent of those that were bail for him of whom he exacted the summe to the full and they willingly did choose rather to pay it than to expose their friend to the hazard of his wrath The Printer of the Book Robert Lake privike was convicted by an assise or jurie and committed to the Castle of Edinburgh It was also hardly taken that he sought to diminish the authoritie of the Generall Assemblies of the Church by refusing to be present being desired at an Assembly holden in Edinburgh the 6. of March 1573. which was very frequently and solemnly kept almost by the whole body of the Countrey the Nobility Gentrie Commissioners from Burrowes as the custome had alwayes been and as he himself before had been present at them Yea he began to question their priviledge and libertie thereof by asking the Commissioners which were sent from them to crave his assistance thereat who had given them power to assemble the Kings Lieges without his leave who was in authority With this unlooked for demand they were dashed at first but re-collecting and gathering their wits again they answered He that gave power to preach and hear preaching gave power also to conveene in Assemblies Neither doth it depend on man say they He said that was treason They answered That if so be then all the Apostles were Traitours and the primitive Church in time of persecution He said That they conveened onely to preach the word They answered That they conveened to advance facilitate and set forward the preaching of the word and that was to preach also But however if to conveene without the consent of the Magistrate were unlawfull preaching was also unlawfull unlesse they should preach to the Wals. A little velitation thus passed he in end refused to goe which did so grieve them all that a publick Fast was appointed to pray for diverting and averting of such things as he seemed by this to intend against the accustomed Assemblies He propounded to be reasoned whether the supreame Magistrate should not be head of the Church as well as of the common-wealth and there were Divines appointed to dispute it for the
Church Master James Lowson Minister at Edinburgh the Laird of Dun Superintendent of Angus and Master John Spoteswood Superintendent of Lowthian and James or Master David Lindsay For the Regent there was the Justice-Clerk Master David Borthwick Sir James Balfoure and William Douglas of Whittingame These met at Edinburgh in the Abbey and conferred for the space of 12. or 13. dayes but hee finding no appearance of obtaining that point dissolved the meeting till a new appointment The Commons and chiefly the Town of Edinburgh were offended with him because he had diminished the value of a certain brasse or copper coyne called Hard-heads and abased them from three half pence to a penny and also the plack piece another brasse coyne from foure pence to two which was done notwithstanding by the consent of a very frequent Convention where the whole Nobility no Earle Lord or great man in Scotland being absent except the Lord Hamilton not then reconciled was present the 25. of February 1573. He licensed also the transporting of Corne out of the Countrey against which he himself had made an Act but now he dispensed with the Act for money He committed all the Butchers of Edinburgh for forestalling the Market and afterward dis-missed them having paid a Fine He held Justice Eyres and raised a taxation under colour to cut down the Woods of Hair-law on the Borders which was a place of retreat and refuge to out-laws theeves and rebels These things were interpreted to be done rather as a pretext to get Money than for any other good use or end He was in his own person loosely given his own Wife being frantick and his houshold servants were not much better as it commonly comes to passe by imitation They were also not altogether void of envie for their great wealth nor of hatred in regard of the way that men thought they got it which was by receiving and taking bribes from such as had suites to him for obtaining accesse to him or his favour by their means and some such indirect wayes Riches are ordinarly accompanied with hautinesse and disdaining of others either really or in mens opinion which doth again beget disdain in those that think them disdainfull This was the generall opinion men conceived of his servants from the highest to the lowest even of his door-keepers and grooms One thing did marvellously offend men George Authenleck of Bawmannow having I cannot tell what small quarrell against one Captain Nisbet being come out of Dalkeeth where the Regent kept commonly his residence and going up the Street he met this Nisbet where drawing his Rapier he thrust him through and leaving him as dead he held on his way to the Tolbooth where the Lords of the Session sate as though he had done no wrong with great indignation of the beholders and at night he returned to Dalkeeth where he waited upon the Regent as before This made the people to murmure both against him as the actour and against the Regent as conniving thereat who perhaps did not hear of it at least for a certain space This Authenlecks credit with the Regent was so great that all suites for the most part were obtained by him and therefore men of the best qualitie countenanced and followed him which was both observed and disdained One day this man being in the Tolbooth within the Inner-Barre Oliver Sinclar sometime Minion and Favourite to King James the fifth who was now at Court standing at the Middle Barre intreated earnestly to speak with him which having obtained with difficultie when the other asked him what he had to say to him Oliver answered I am Oliver Sinclar and without saying any more left him as if he should have said Be not too proud of your courtship I was once as you are you may fall to be as I am This was matter of much talk a long time The Nobilitie grudged to see the Regent and his servants to ingrosse all matters of profit and commoditie to themselves alone If any Writ were to passe it passed through at the highest rate few casualities were given cheap fewer gratis The marriages of Wards the gifts of escheit re-abling or naturalization were bestowed all upon his Domesticks They were neglected in these things and in other things also of a higher nature their advice was not often sought nor themselves much imployed as if he had not stood in need of them The Earle of Argyle was mightily incensed against him upon this occasion He had a Jewell which had sometime belonged to Queen Mary which was an ensigne of precious stones set in forme of the letter H for Henry which his Lady had either gotten from the Queen who was her sister to keep or some other way in a token perhaps the Regent re-demanded it as belonging to the King and when he got it not by request he sent an Officer of arms to him and charged for it whereupon it was delivered to him but with great alienation of his heart and affection ever after His most near and particular friends wanted not their own exceptions and grievances against him In the East and middle March he planted strangers amongst them as Arch. Auchenleck brother to George and Arch. Carmichael brother to John Carmichael of Carmichael in the Merse These he married to two Wards the last to one Hume Inheretrix of Edrem and the former to one Sleigh of Cumblege notwithstanding that she had gone away with Patrick Cockburne brother Germain to the Laird of Langton who had kept her certain dayes yet he caused an Officer of arms to charge him to deliver her and so she was exhibited and married to Auchenleck Both these march with the Lands of Bonckle belonging to the Earle of Angus and therefore this planting of these men there was not well taken but was interpreted as if hee had meant to strengthen himself there by them and to acquire dependers there for himself not leaning or trusting sufficiently to those of the Earle of Angus or his friends in that Countrey The purchasing of the Lands of Spot to his naturall son James wrought him both hatred and hurt in the end for it quite alienated Alexander Hume of Manderston This Alexander had to wife a sister of George Hume of Spot and by her divers children of which one was George afterward Earle of Dumbar George of Spot having but one daughter had taken to him and in a manner adopted this George sonne to Alexander with resolution to bestow his daughter on him in marriage and with her his whole estate It fell out afterward that John Cockburne of Ormeston married a daughter of Alexander of Manderston This John having some difference with Spot about some Lands the very day before his marriage rode with his Company and did eat up the Cornes that grew on the controverted Lands which Spot had sowne The next day Spot being at the Wedding of his sister daughter complained of the wrong done to him but received small satisfaction
the most part in his company He was then in travell or had brought forth rather though not polished and refined it as now it is that his so beautifull and universally accepted birth his Arcadia Hee delighted much to impart it to Angus and Angus took as much pleasure to be partaker thereof There were with him at this time in England of the name of Douglas James Lord Torthorrell and Sir George his brother two sonnes of Mortons James of Spot and Archbald of Pittendrigh Also James of Maines and Sir George of Langnidderie There were besides these of note onely John Carmichael and his sonnes together with Hugh Carmichael the rest were but his ordinary servants and dependers He resided openly at Court being no Rebell and not convicted or guiltie of any crime committed against his Prince or Countrey No such thing was laid to his charge by his enemies otherwayes the receiving and entertaining of him had been a breach of the peace betwixt the Kingdomes All that could be alledged was that he had withdrawn himself from the furie of his enemies And yet as if he had been a Rebell and forfeited they intrometted with his rents and estate for their own use He spent his time there in learning to ride great horses and handling of his Armes and Weapons together with using such courtly and manlie exercises as became his age and place But above all he was carefull to observe the Government of the Countrey and Policie of that State and Kingdome making his own use thereof for his bettering both in Christianity and civill prudencie He looked with an heedfull eye upon mens wisedome and through that upon Gods working by their wisedome he noted the actions of those who were the guiders of that State Court and Countrey saw their aimes and designes and comparing them with his own affaires and things fallen out at home he called to minde what had befallen his Uncle Morton who like them had no lesse flourished but was soon cut down and withered who had been so powerfull and honoured but a little before yet in a moment as it were was overthrown and trod under foot His thoughts also reflecting upon himself and his own condition how hee was forced to forsake his own Countrey and depend upon the estimation of strangers that though for the present he were somewhat respected yet it was uncertain how long hee should be so no longer than they should think it profitable for their own estate and conduceable to their ends From hence raising his minde to the contemplation of all humane affairs and of all mortals men of all degrees even of Princes themselves he learned that which few will and care to learne of any ranke and fewer doe practise that are in high places whose places crave action and action over-treads contemplation hee learned I say truly to contemne all worldly things such as riches honour dignities and the like and truly to long and seeke after heavenly treasure which perisheth not and bringeth with it no anxietie or solicitude of minde having the soule fully set and fixed on God alone Many speake of it and that very well and not without some sense and feeling thereof but it lasts not save for a fit and sudden flash We are all of us too earthly and favour too much of earth from whence we were taken and of which we were made and thither also we bend and tend ever down-ward what through our naturall propension that way what by example of the multitude which like a violent stream of an over-bearing floud carries us along if we be not firmly built upon the rock of heavenly resolution and unlesse we keep fast our hold by perpetuall and never-intermitted meditation For him I dare avouch it that howsoever he refrained from outward showes for feare of falling into ostentation or whatever other wayes he was employed about in regard of his place and calling yet his minde was ever even in the midst of businesse wholly bent to God-ward and would have beene glad to have beene freed from all thoughts and affaires which had any mixture of earthly things And this disposition wrought in him by his being exiled he esteemed no small benefit and advantage of his sufferings so that in private where he expressed himselfe freely without all maske of ceremonie or nicenesse he hath many times been heard to thanke God very heartily and seriously with grave words and settled countenance saying That hee would not have exchanged the crosse of his first banishment for all the Crownes and Princes estates in the world farre lesse for an Earledome or Lordship such as Angus or Douglas So did God work with him by adversitie While he was thus working upon himself in England and framing his heart after a new mould and fashion which few knew or dreamed of God was preparing the way for his return to his place and honorsin Scotland The love which his Countrey-men bore to him was great and likewise generall and almost universall as it did commonly follow that popular name of Douglas to which it was in a manner hereditarie even in regard of his owne courteous milde and towardly disposition and of the great hopes and expectation of excellent fruit from so noble and worthy a plant This being accompanied with his suffering and innocencie together with his harmlesse youth age did move pitie and stirre the affections of most men toward him As for particular friends hee wanted them not as few Noblemen in this Countrey doe all the Nobilitie being linked and bound one to another by Kindred or alliance his house having beene so eminent of a long time and there being few of the Nobles but were either descended of it or tied to it by some consanguinity affinity or other relation And therefore one would thinke it strange that he should have beene so long banished yet when we looke upon his uncle Mortons case who had the same friends or more it is farre more strange that hee should have come to such an end But as in this when the appointed time came nothing could hinder his fall and overthrow so in Angus his case untill the time appointed by God did come nothing could worke his restitution What the estate of businesse was at his departure we have told already in Mortons life ere that yeare came fully to an end or not long after he had beene a yeare in England there fell out a change at Court which was thus Esme Lord Obignie now Duke of Lennox and James Stuart Earle of Arran had with their great riches and honours acquired much hatred from all sorts of men The Ministerie were offended at them for making master Robert Montgomerie Archbishop of Glasgow an Office then odious and unlawfull as being against the Lawes of the Countrey and ordinance of the Church and were jealous of the one as a suspected Papist and perswaded that the other to wit Arran was a downe-right Atheist The Nobilitie stormed and grudged at
their extraordinary and sudden preferment For James was made Lord Hammiltoun Abercorne Bothwel-haugh and Earle of Arran with a power almost absolute given or usurped under the name of Captaine of the Guard and the pretext of pursuing the Douglasses to apprehend imprison and put on the racke whomsoever he pleased Obignie was made Lord of Dalkeith Tantallon Darlin Torbouton and Duke of Lennox Keeper of the Castle of Dumbartan and great Chamberlaine of Scotland Thus did they overtop and overshadow the rest of the Peeres as tall Cedars doe small Shrubs to their great discontentment and disdaine The Gentlemen were so used by them that they esteemed themselves brought into a thraldome and slaverie none of them being sure of their estates which were wrung from them by colour of law the cloake of their oppression and all fearing the rage and unlimited violence especially of James Stuart who was composed of nothing else and whose actions were sutable to his disposition The Burrowes were alienated by being cut short in their priviledges liberties and immunities which were quarrelled retrenched cancelled and taken away according to their humours of avarice and desire of gaine and according to the pleasure and suggestions of their informers and parasites With this their exorbitant increase of power and insolencie as the hatred of others did increase toward them so did variance arise betwixt themselves The first occasion hereof was the carrying of the Crown at Parliament this was proper and is the hereditarie right and priviledge of the house of Angus and he being now banished and the Duke of Lennox having his estate either for that regard or because of his more honourable descent or by the advantage of the Kings favour which he had in greater measure then Arran we cannot affirme but so it was that he was preferred to bear it Arran stormed at this protested that his bearing of it at this time should not be prejudicial to his claim who being descended of the house of D. Mordack which was nearest to the King ought in reason to have carried it yet he renounced all title to the kingdom notwithstanding of this extraction of his pedegree and challenging of this honour This renunciation was derided by some and disdained by others as a great malapartnesse and high presumption in him who being but lately raised from so meane a fortune and estate durst utter such speeches as bewrayed such vast and high thoughts as to aime at no lesse then the Kingdome if ever the Kings owne race failing the right thereto should come in question and happen to be controverted And indeed his designes are thought to have flowne to no lower pitch which perhaps had beene no very hard or impossible taske for him if he could as well have kept out the Hammiltouns who could onely pretend right to it and the Douglasses whose power and authority was the greatest in the Countrey as hee found meanes to cast them out of Court and Countrey For then he had had no Competitor but the Duke of Lennox and him being a stranger and subsisting meerely by the present Kings favour he nothing doubted to supplant by his craft and violence joyned with such a colourable claim Another occasion of discord fell out by Sir John Seaton son to the Lord Seaton and Master of the Kings horses As the King was about to goe to his horse to ride a hunting Arran having something to speake to him in private all men were commanded to remove which all did saving Sir John who being by his place to wait upon the King and set him on his horse stayed still and did not remove with the rest Arran seeing him to stay behind the rest either threatned to throw his batton at him or did throw it indeed for hee carried a staffe or batton as Captaine of the Guard Sir John would have requited this affront but was hindred by the Guard who carried him downe staires and so parted them for that time The next day Sir John his brother Sir William and the Lord Seaton himselfe were all commanded to keepe their lodgings which the Duke who favoured them tooke so ill that he refused to come abroad that day At last they were so divided that the Duke carried the King with him to Dalkeith and Arran abode in the Palace of Halyrood-hoose There were with the Duke the Lord Seaton Maxwell then Earle of Morton with some others Argyle Ruthven then Thesaurer and lately made Earle of Gowrie the Secretarie the Controller and other Officers of State stayed with Arran and tooke upon them to make the body of the Kings Councell and to sit as such But all their Decrees and Conclusions were dashed by the King in person which they wanted These broiles lasted from the end of October till mid-Februarie about which time the King returning to Halyroodhouse from whence Arran had removed before and from thence going backe againe to Dalkeith he sent for him and reconciled him to the Duke after which they became greater friends then ever they had beene before so that Arran would doe nothing for any man but what hee knew stood with the Dukes good liking But this union betwixt themselves divided them the more from others and others from both of them for now hee that had any businesse with either behoved to sue to both and hee that disliked or bore ill-will to either was forced to fawne on him also or to hate both and seeke the overthrow of them both alike At the Justice Aires in Perth 1582. in July in some contest betwixt the Duke and the Earle of Gowrie the Duke spake some reproachfull words to him in French which Gowrie not understanding then afterward when he had learned what the meaning of it was he upbraided the Duke for ungratefulnesse telling him that was all the thanke he got for having twice saved him from being killed Thus was he alienated or thus did he bewray his alienation of minde which lay hidden till now it burst forth Another time the Chamberlaine Aires being indicted to be kept the 28. of August by the Duke then Chamberlaine which was a Court very odious to the Burrowes as being rather a legall robbery then a Court of Justice and upon which it is thought he was set of purpose that he might incurre more hatred which commonly falls out when a former generall dislike doth meet with private grudges This Court I say being indicted while the Duke was busied in preparing for it and he with Arran having left the King were at Edinburgh and Dalkeith about such things as was necessary thereto the foure and twentieth of August the King came from his hunting in Athole to Ruthven where Gowrie assisted by some of the Nobilitie removed the Guard that were under the command of Arrane with no great adoe and laid hold also of the Earle himselfe as he entred into the house of Ruthven and conveighed him into a close roome where he was kept and not suffered to come
for it All this notwithstanding he desires to joyne with the Lords and offers to tie himself to their partie with the stictest bonds that could be devised Their case was the same with his all to be utterly undone unlesse some remedie were found their enemies were the same with his the guiders of Court neither should they onely bee overthrown but with them and through them the estate of Religion and of the whole Countrey This as it was spetious so was it most true and certain and which could not be denied But what society could be sure with the Earle of Gowrie so often changing If his changing proceeded from fraud and deceit who could joyne with him Or if it were from feare what sure hold could they have of one so fearfull Even Angus himself whose nature was farre from distrusting could not but distrust and suspect him Onely his present case seemed to plead for his sincerity at this time which was such that he knew not where to shelter or secure himself but by joyning with them For he was charged to depart out of the Kingdome which was a token of no good will nay of true enmity with Court or certainly a deeper dissimulation than any man could conceive And as necessitie did force him to take part with them so were they also no lesse urged by necessitie to admit and receive him in respect of his great power friendship in those quarters The Earl of Athol and the Lord Oglebee two Noblemen of great power and command were his sonnes-in-law Inshe-chaiffrey and Drummond his dear friends and he himself was Sheriffe of Perth and Provest of the Town Wherefore Angus his confinement being enlarged to the North-water and he residing in the Castle of Brechin his brother the Earle of Marres house he sent one Master David Hume whom he trusted to conferre with him that hee might trie and sound his minde as narrowly as he could and report to him what hee found The Gentleman found him in words in countenance and in gesture greatly perplexed solicitous for his estate besides the affairs of the Countrey and greatly afraid of the violence of the Courtiers So that looking very pitifully upon his Gallerie where we were walking at that time which hee had but newly built and decored with Pictures he brake out into these words having first fetched a deep sigh Cousin sayes he Is there no remedie Et impius haec tam culta novalia milcs habebit Barbarus has segetes Whereupon he was perswaded of his upright meaning and at his returne perswaded the Earle of Angus thereof also So partly upon this assurance partly enforced by necessity there being no possibility to be strong in those parts without his concurrence hee resolved to assume him into their fellowship and societie Then did those scruples and doubts arise in Angus his minde which are incident to honest natures and loyall dispositions Hee considered that banding against Courtiers would be called and seem to be combining against Authority and the King for hee would take their part for the present so was he to force his will whom his heart carried him to honour But what should hee doe There was no other way that he could devise to secure their estates their houses themselves their Countrey and all honest men from oppression and ruine to preserve Religion which ought to be dear to all men and was dear to him nay even to save the King himself whose safetâ—…e did consist in the preservation of the Church and Kingdome and to deliver him and pluck him out of the claws of these Harpies whose oppression and wickednesse did reflect upon him and redound to his dishonour For whatsoever they did was done in his name and said to be the Kings will and pleasure Their banishing of Noble-men and oppressing of all sorts and ranks of men without difference or respect so that there was no honest man but stood in continuall fear of losing his life and estate all this was laid upon the King Their avarice was insatiable their malice cruell and their suspition unsatisfiable They stood not upon reason law or right any pretence which they never wanted served them for a warrant to seize mens persons or estates Their ordinary course was to summond a man super inquirendis and if he did compeir to commit him to a free or close prison if hee were afraid and did not compeir hee was found guiltie of rebellion denounced and his goods seized They would be sure not to want witnesses to prove any thing against any man by torturing his servants or himself to wring something out of him which might bee matter against him through impatiencie and the violence of the Rack At least hee should bee sure to bee vexed by re-examinations and with-drawn from his necessary affairs that so hee might bee constrained to buy his libertie and leave to stay at home with some portion of his land or a piece of money These doings of theirs though many knew that the King did not allow of them yet being coloured with his authoritie were apt to alienate and might in time produce that effect the mindes of the Subjects from their Prince as also the heart of the Prince from his Subjects by their filling his ears with jealousies and by making vertue a cause of suspition and him that was vertuous in any eminent measure suspected and hated and on the contrary vice and the vicious to have vogue and credit and to over-rule all How could this bee obviated unlesse these men were removed And how could they be removed without controlling of the King And to contrary him though it were for his good and sasetie how ill would it be taken by him Invitum qui servat idem facit occidenti To save a man against his will is commonly rewarded with slender thanks Patriam parentes cogere etiamsi possis utile sit tamen importunum est To save a Prince against his will and to force him for his good how dangerous a point is it For they account it as their life to reigne and no reigning without absolutenesse unlesse they reigne at libertie without any controllment were it never so little But there was no remedie whoso undertakes any great enterprise must resolve to passe through some danger And it is good for Kings sometimes that their hands bee held had Alexanders hands been held when he killed Clitus hee had not offered to kill himselfe nor should Calistines have needed to take such pains with him to make him digest his griefe for it If speeches could have prevailed with the Courtiers the Ministers had tried that way but with bad successe for they were accounted seditious and traiterous for their liberty and freedome therein Wherefore there was nothing remaining but to remove them at what ever rate and if his Majestie should take it ill for the present future obsequiousnesse would make it appeare that what they did was in love and humilitie and no wayes
evill affected to him But whether the Colonell had no Commission to take him or that hee did not thinke of it and thought hee had sped well enough already by taking Gowry is uncertain but however it were hee went away with the prey hee had gotten without attempting any thing against Angus And yet for all that Angus was not altogether secure knowing well his danger and the small power hee had to defend himselfe for in the day time hee went abroad a hunting that they might not know where to finde him and in the night hee caused his servants to keepe watch that hee might not bee surprized unawares Within three dayes after the Earle of Marre sent to him to let him know that the Master of Glames and hee had performed their part of the worke had taken the Castle of Stirling and were ready to wait upon his coming which they entreated him to hasten There was no choice they were his true friends and hee was no lesse theirs and they were resolved to runne the same hazard in that course from which there was no retiring for any of them Angus desired the Lord Oglebee and Master Oglebee of Powrie with others of that name to goe with him They were allied to the Earle of Gowry and were well affected to the businesse as also they were his owne vassals but being terrified with Gowries taking and thinking that their joyning with the Lords would incense the Courtiers to take some hard course with him and not knowing what his minde was herein they refused to goe Hee notwithstanding goeth with his owne family from Brechin to Stirlin and avoyding Perth he crossed the river of Tay at that place where it meets with Almont by boat and comes to Inshechaffray where he lodged with the Lord thereof but could not perswade him to take part with them for the same reason when he came to Stirling he was kindly welcomed by Marre and the rest that were there and presently dispatched away letters and messengers to Douglas and other places for his friends and dependers to come thither to him with as great speed and diligence as they could He wrote also to Robert Douglas eldest sonne to William Douglas of Logh-leven to the same purpose but the letter falling into the hands of his mother her name was Leslie she tooke upon her to answer it after this manner It is not enough saith she for you to undertake so foolish a worke whereby you cannot but ruine your selves but you would also draw my sonne and house to the same destruction I have hindered him and laid my curse and malediction upon him if hee take part with you like as I doe upon you if you make him disobey me This letter moved him very much and he caused an answer to be returned to her according as it merited which was thus I can very well beleeve that it is your doing to keep backe your sonne from so honourable an enterprise knowing his owne disposition to bee alwayes honourable and noble and such as of himselfe hee would not neglect his duety either to his friends or countrey The Noblemen that are conveened here have entered upon such a course as becomes them for discharging their duetie both to God and man what the event will prove is knowne onely to God and in his hands alone if wee perish herein wee cannot perish more honourably Yet wee hope that God in whom we confide and whose cause wee have taken in hand will worke out our safety and accomplish that which wee intend for the good of his owne Church when you and your house for which you are so solicitous with the neglect of the house of God and of all friendly duety shall finde the smart of such carelesse indifferency and perish as we feare and are sory for it through such carnall and worldly wisedome and warinesse And so indeed the event proved more answerable to this prediction then he wished for the Lords escaped into England for that time and were safe in their persons and within a yeere and a halfe they brought their designes to passe which were now frustrate by Gods blessing upon them but her sonne Robert and her son in law Laurence Master of Olyphant being commanded to depart the Countrey as they were failing for France perished at sea and neither they nor the ship nor any that belonged thereto were ever seene againe yet how it came to passe is uncertain The most common report is that being set upon by the Hollanders and having defended themselves valiantly they slew a principall man of the enemies in revenge whereof they sanke the ship and all that were in her Others say that after they had yeelded themselves they were hanged upon the mast A pitifull case but a notable example The youthes were noble active and of great hope and expectation and so great pitty of their losse But it may shew us how little suretie there is in too great affecting of it as on the contrary how perills are avoyded by hazarding and undergoing of perill And their case is so much the more to bee pittied and lamented as that they themselves were very unwilling to have followed such perverse wisedome had they not beene forced to it by their mothers importunitie The Lords proceeded as they could with their intended course They caused set forth a Declaration shewing their minde and purpose together with the causes thereof the abuses in Church and Common-wealth They remonstrated what tyranny was exercised by James Stuart under colour and pretext of the Kings will and pleasure how the Nobilitie and men of all rankes were vexed by him what mis-reports were made of them to their Prince what violence used against them what evils were presently felt and what more were to be feared and looked for hereafter to ensue hereupon The distraction of the hearts of the people from their Prince and of the Prince from his people the blasting of the greatest hopes of vertue that ever was in a young Prince and of his pietie in the solid use of true Religion by working feare of the contrarie tyrannizing in government and superficiall profession of Religion yea of reducing Poperie or which is worse of irreligion and Atheisme They told how deare their Religion their Countrey their Prince was to them what their owne estate and condition forced them to what the care of all these required of them out of dutie in regard of their place being Nobles and Peeres of the Land and Privie Counsellours by birth how every man according to his place was bound to lend a helping hand but chiefly those of the Nobilitie yet not excluding either Barons Burgesses or men of whatever degree ranke or qualitie when the common Ship of the State was in hazard and in danger of being overwhelmed and perishing and when there was such a fire kindled as would devoure all if it were not quenched in time How they for their owne part after long patience seeing all
defeated the rest would make a halt and not be so forward that the first successe is of great moment and might bring matters to a parley or such as craved audience of the King to get it that it was no hard matter to doe he being accompanied by such as cared not for his personall safety and had no tye to defend him with the hazard of their owne lives especially but would be glad to have a faire excuse and occasion to abandon such an one in such a quarrell especially if he were invaded in the night the darknesse would excuse and take away their shame of flying It was argued of the other side that night conflicts were subject to hazard errour and mistaking as well on their owne side as the enemies and that it could not be performed without bloud and that perhaps of the most innocent whereas he himselfe whom they chiefly aimed at might escape neither would the defeat of these few bring successe to the cause the enemies forces remaining whole and entire in Edinburgh which would guard and defend them besides by so doing they should be involved in a crime and made obnoxious to the lawes which as yet they were free of that it were better to suffer the guiltie to goe unpunished for a while then to spill the bloud of the guiltlesse and seeing they could not thereby accomplish what they had intended their best was to retire and withdraw themselves with as great innocencie and modestie as they could having done hurt to no man This advice prevailed with them and so they concluded to march in the night season toward Fawkirke but so soone as they were gone out of the towne of Stirling to take the way that leadeth to Lanericke the which they did accordingly leaving the Castle of Stirling in the custodie of David Hume of Argatie Being in Lanerick as they were refreshing themselves and baiting their horses word was brought them that a Troup of horsemen did approach whereupon fearing that it was Colonell Stuart pursuing them they took horse and sent Archbald Douglas called the Constable because he had beene Constable of the Castle of Edinburgh in the Earle of Mortons time as hath beene shewed before to discover what they were Hee finding that it was Johnstoun who had beene sent for to Edinburgh to assist against the Lords and was dismist upon their retreat from Stirling went familiarly to him fearing no harme so much the rather because Johnstoun and Angus were brothers by their mother But Johnstoun either fearing that notice might be given to the Courtiers and he challenged thereof if he should let him goe or to get thankes and shew his forwardnesse to their service layes hold on him and carries him immediately backe to Edinburgh declaring what way he came into his hands and what way the Lords had taken delivering also Archbald their prisoner to be used at their pleasure not looking for such cruelty from them as he found For they partly to seale the justice of their cause by bloud partly to make the greater alienation betwixt the brothers Johnstoun and Angus that being out of hope of reconciliation he might be necessitated to cleave to their side they thanke him in words for this his good office and hang Archbald The Earle of Angus and the rest that were with him being resolved to goe into England tooke their way through Tweddale toward Branxton from thence passing through east Tiviotdale they entred England on that hand Calso where the Earle Bothwell remained waâ—… not farre out of their way wherefore as they passed by it it being now night hee came forth to them secretly and had conference with them Thereafter as if hee had come to pursue them there was a counterfeit chase made and a counterfeited fleeing for the space of a mile till they were on English ground The next day they came to Berwicke where they were received and remained a certaine space After their departure the King went to Stirling with his forces where the Castle was rendred by the Keepers who forced the Captain to yeeld it absolutely without condition of so much as their lives safe So hee and three more were executed by the Courtiers suggestion Here also the Earle of Gowrie was brought from Kenniel and arraigned of high Treason whereof being condemned by a Jurie hee was beheaded Neither did the forbearance of his friends to joyne with the Lords at Stirlin then in England procure him any favour whereas if they had joyned with them and so strengthened their party they might have terrified the Enemy and obtained better conditions for him Hee was executed the eight and twentieth day of April 1584. The points whereof he was convicted were the fact at Ruthven and the late enterprise at Stirlin His speech was short hee answered to the first That he had a remission for it and to the second That there was no intention there against the King onely they had purposed to remove those wicked men who abused him and whose thirst of bloud hee wished that his death might quench But they cared little for his speeches and as little for his alliance his Countesse being a Stuart of the house of Methven toward whom and her children they shewed no respect at all but used them with all incompassionate rigour and crueltie For she coming to intreat for her self and her children in the time of the Parliament and having fallen down upon her knees before the King shee was troden under foot and left lying in a sound From Stirlin they returned to Edinburgh and there kept a Parliament the two and twentieth day of May in which the Earle of Angus and Marre the late Earle of Gowrie and the Master of Glames with divers Barons and others their associats were forfeited the fact of Ruthven condemned the order of Church-government by Presbyteries Synodes and Generall Assemblies which had been received and publickly allowed in Scotland all men swearing and subscribing thereto and the oath translated into divers languages with great approbation of forraine reformed Churches and no small commendation of the King and Countrey forbidden and prohibited and termed unlawfull conventions And in place thereof the office of Bishops condemned by this Church as unlawfull as an invention of mans braine having no warrant of the word of God was reared up again and erected Also Master Robert Montgomerie who had been excommunicated for accepting such an office was now released and restored to his place There was strait inhibiting all men from speaking against these Acts against the Kings proceedings Counsellours or Courtiers under highest paines What shall the Ministers do here Shall they oppose That were to cast themselves into certain danger and to expose themselves to the crueltie of cruell men armed now with a colour of law Should they keep silence hear with patience that order blaspemed which they had approven received sworn to and the contrary which they had detested abominated condemned set
of GOD commands not any obedience at all to such a Bishop neither doth it ordain acknowledge or once name such a Bishop Thus either truly deceived or deceiving themselves that they might redeeme their ease by yeelding and cover their yeelding with an equivocation they found that it was all in vaine for they were not admitted nor permitted to expound it in that sort whatsoever their meaning was but were forced to accept of the exposition which the Court and the Bishops did put upon it who understood that phrase according to the word of God not as a limitation but affirmatively wherein it was acknowledged that the word of God did command obedience to them and therefore they promised obedience according to that command Notwithstanding of all this divers stood out and would no wayes be moved neither by threatnings nor by promises to give the least shew of approbation directly or indirectly by equivocation or any other forme whatsoever but spake plainly against them and prayed publickly for the banished brethren Of these Master Nicholas Dagleish was one who thereupon was accused as too bold to pray for the Kings Rebels He answered that they were no Rebels but true Subjects who had fled from tyranny and such as sought their lives by commanding them to doe against their conscience Hee was empannelled put to his triall by an assise and was cleansed in despite and maugre the Court so farre there remained conscience in men But the Courtiers will not let him escape thus dry-shod they labour to finde a hole in his Coat another way they search and finde that a Letter had come from Master Walter Balcanquell to his wife which because shee could not well read the hand shee had given him to read to her and he had read it Hereupon he is again put to an assise and they not daring to cleanse him yet would they not finde him guilty but desired him to come into the Kings will Hee was contented to submit himself to the Kings pleasure for so much as concerned the reading of the Letter and so was sent to the Tolbooth where hee remained three weeks and was from thence sent to Saint Andrews And thus went Church-matters In the civill government there was none now but the Earle of Arran he lacked the name of King but hee ruled as absolutely and commanded more imperiously than any King under the shadow of the Kings authority and the pretext that all that he did was for the Kings good and safety Hee had gotten before the keeping of the Castle of Stirlin he behooved also to have the Castle of Edinburgh in his power Alexander Ereskin Uncle to the Earle of Marre was Captain of it hee must needs favour his Nephew and his Faction wherefore it was taken from him and given to Arran who was also made Provest of the Towne Hee was Chancellour of Scotland and having put out Pitcairne Abbot of Dumfermling hee made Master John Metellane Secretary Hee did whatsoever hee pleased if there were no Law for it it was all one hee caused make a Law to serve his ends It was observed that his Lady said to one who alledged there was no law for doing of what shee desired to have done It is no matter said shee wee shall cause make an Act of Parliament for it If any man refused to do or grant any thing hee craved they were sure to bee tossed and vexed for it even the chief of the Nobility Athole Cassils and the Lord Hume were committed Athole because hee would not divorce from his wife and entaile his estate to him the Earle or Master of Cassils because hee would not give him a great summe of Money under the name of a Loane the Lord Hume because he would not give him his portion of Dirleton Also the Lord Maxwell then Earle of Morton was quarrelled because hee would not excambe his Baronie of Pooke and Maxwell his old inheritance for a parcell of the Lord Hamiltons Lands which were now his by forfeiture Many Lands had hee taken from many but was never satisfied ever seeking to adde possession to possession which was not impertinently remonstrated to him by John Barton Goldsmith a wittie and free-spoken man Hee had directed this Barton to make him a Seale and to carve on it his Coat of Armes duely quartered according to his Lands and Honours This he did pretty well to his contentment but he left one quarter thereof blank and void Hereof when the Earle asked the reason he answered That there maybe room for the Lands your Lordship shall purchase hereafter Hee took for his Motto Sic fuit est erit meaning that it was an ordinary thing in all ages for meane men to rise to great fortunes and that therefore it ought not either to bee wondred at or to be envied And it is true if the meane had been vertue and not wickednesse which ever was is and will be both envied and hated as it deserveth His ambition was such amongst other examples thereof that Queen Elizabeth must needs bee God-mother to his daughter whose Ambassadour was present at the Christening His crueltie though conspicuous many wayes did appear singularly in the causing execute Master Cunninghame of Drummewhasle and Master Douglas of Maines his sonne-in-law This Cunninghame was an ancient Gentleman and of an old house who himself in person had beene a follower of the Earle of Lennox the Kings Grandfather and had done him good service when he took in the Castle of Dumbartan and Douglas of Maines was esteemed to bee one of the properest men in the Kingdome and was a youth of good expectation yet both of them were hanged at the Market Crosse of Edinburgh The pretext was a forged conspiracie to have taken the King on a certain day at hunting and to have carried him into England Their accuser was Robert Hamilton of Inshemachon who was as hee said himself upon the plot or at least as hee said had been desired to bee of it by Master Edmiston of Duntreath Edmiston being apprehended related How they had plotted to bring in the exiled Lords on horses forsooth which had their eares their maynes and their tails cut themselves being disguised c. A tale which was so unhandsome toyish and ridiculous that no man did beleeve it but esteemed it a foolish fable yet did they make use of it to practise their crueltie upon such as they feared and to make themselves a terrour to all men To returne to the Earle of Angus he and his associats were removed from Berwick to New-castle in May. So it seemed good to the State of England seeing no appearance of their hastie restoring to their own Countrey to secure the Court of Scotland by taking that thorn out of their foot which was too near and too pricking at Berwick Besides these banished Lords were not greatly liked of by the Lord Hunsden then Governour of Berwick for hee entertained correspondencie with the contrary Faction either
person the 24. of October These and many others and indeed the whole Countrey agreeing in this conclusion that Arran was to bee removed from the helme of governement which hee steerd so ill the Master of Gray was sent Ambassadour into England and had broken the businesse with the Lords concerning their returne and his removeall Now Sir Lewis Ballandine is sent up Ambassador with Commission to accuse them of a conspiracy detected by Duntrethes deposition Hereupon they are sent for from Norwich to make answer to it The Master of Glames being of greatest age and learning they made choice of him to plead their cause before a certain number of the Councellours of England deputed by the Queene to heare and judge of it Their owne innocencie the abilitie of the pleader and the favour of the Judges meeting together made them to be easily absolved notwithstanding that the Ambassadour did his best in framing and pressing his accusation to the full to discharge his Commission every way It is a pretty sport to consider the proceedings of the world and what masques and vizards men doe put on sometimes to cloake their designes With what respect and reverence did they carry themselves towards my Lord Ambassadour and with what strangenesse and aversation did he looke upon them One day as the Earle of Angus was walking into the fields for his recreation he encountered the Ambassadour coming from Tuttle-fields in a narrow lane ere he came near he espied him and knowing it was he hee called to his servants to give way to my Lord Ambassadour and he himselfe standing aloofe with cap in hand made a low reverence to his Lordship as he passed by The Ambassadour again acted his part finely remembring his place the person hee represented and the errand for which he was sent to be his accuser with a countenance which did beare anger and grief in it to see the Kings rebells hee turned away his face and would not so much as looke on that side of the street notwithstanding that hee both loved and honoured him in his heart and was even then laying the ground-work of his restitution Hee being gone home the plot went forward in Scotland England was no better affected toward Arran then his owne Countrey was they did altogether dislike of him and suspected his wayes they conceived that he did prosecute the Guisian plots begunne by Obignie and which had beene interrupted by his disgrace and discourting And yet they acted their part also bore faire countenance and correspondence with him and he with them but all was but dissimulation and like a stage play The Lord Hunsdon Governour of Berwick and Warden of the Marches on that hand paid him home in his owne coine and entertained a shew of friendship with him but no more Divers meetings they had upon the borders and many fair promises were made by Arran to keep back England from favouring or aiding the Lords That the King should bee at the Queens devotion that he should follow her advice in all things that hee should not marry without her consent and that hee should make a league with her offensive and defensive The Master of Gray Ambassadour had promised so much but when the English urged the performance of it it was a jeast to see their fine shifting The Master of Gray put it upon Arran Arran upon the Master of Gray and the King professed that neither of them had warrant or direction from him to say any such thing and therefore he was not tied to make it good they were too sharp and quick sighted not to see through greater clouds In the mean time it fell out at a meeting of the Wardens of the middle-marches that Sir Francis Russell sonne to the Earle of Bedford was killed whether by chance or of set purpose is uncertain This did alienate them from the Courtiers and joyned them to the Lords whom they knew to be honest true and trusty and therefore they wished well to them and helped forward their interprise endirectly all they could While matters were thus in working the Lords remained still at London and were lodged at a place appointed to them called long-ditch near Saint James Parke whither the banished Ministers resorted and kept continuall exercise of preaching praying and fasting on occasion in a private manner without ostentation or notice thereof in publicke being done within their lodging onely There was a motion made to the Counsell of England that there might be a particular Church allowed and allotted unto the Scots as the French Italians and Dutch have their Churches apart but it was not granted they being unwilling apparantly that being of one language our discomformitie with their ceremonies should appeare to the common people This grieved us greatly and especially Master James Lowson who partly for that partly because of a letter written to him from the towne of Edinburgh in which they did unkindly reproach his flying into England as a desertion and did renounce him for their Pastour calling him a Wolfe who had fled without just cause and had joyned himselfe with rebells and such other calumnies as Bishop Adamson had endited and caused the Provest and towne Counsell signe he sickned and died being much lamented both of English Scots and all that knew and were acquainted with him Notwithstanding that they could not obtain a peculiar Church yet the Lievetenant of the Tower being acquainted with some of our Ministers he desired them to preach in his Church within the Tower which is a priviledged place and without the jurisdiction of the Bishops and many of the people came thither to heare them Amongst other exercises Master Andrew Melvine read Lectures in Latine upon the old Testament beginning at Genesis which were much frequented and the Earle of Angus was a diligent Auditour and a painfull repeater of them for his owne use and contentment But now the negotiation of their returne being farre advanced and come even to the maturitie and full ripenesse Angus Marre the Master of Glames with a few on waiters take post from London and came with all expedition to the Borders They had composed their differences with the Lord Maxwell and the Lord Hamilton and so all were to joyne in the common businesse with one heart and hand as one man Before Angus came from London he wrote to his friends in Scotland after this sort You have now knowne by M. John Colvill as I think that wee stay here only till wee receive nâ—…w advertisement from the Provest of Lincluden in name of the rest of our friends that should joyne with us in that Countrey after the receit whereof we mean not to stay but immediatly to come down wherefore be ye not unready seeing others will be forward enough as we beleeve At our first coming we mean to be quiet two or three dayes in which space I mean to speak with some principals and by their advice to go more plainly to our purpose
This State will not seeme openly to know our designes but wee are to receive some help of Moneyes for so it is promised Sir William Russell shall also joyne with us as a male-content having been of late ill used by that State in killing Sir Francis but not as having any command so to do If matters go on we minde to enter on both hands Hamilton and Maxwell shall enter on the West-borders Angus â—…nd Marre at the East with such as will joyne with them there Thus did it please him to speak of himself in the third person howbeit it was written all with his own hand But Sir William Russell did not joyn with them Angus Marre and the Master of Glames came to Calsoe and remained there with the Earle Bothwel two or three nights Thither came the Lord Hume Sir George Hume of Wedderburne and others of their friends and with common consent from thence they went to Jedbrugh where they made their coming known and professed their intentions Upon the report hereof Colonell Stuart was sent against them with such forces as he could get and came to Peebles but he found that he had not to doe with irresolute and lingering folks as the Earle of Gowrie nor with such deserted and abandoned men as had fled from Stirlin and therefore he retired in due time to tell tidings of the certainty of their coming They took their journey toward Hamilton and there joyned the Lord Hamilton and the Lord Maxwell and so altogether marched to Fawkirk They caused publish Declarations every where containing their intentions and justifying their proceedings which are set down word by word in the History of Scotland written by Holinshed an English-man who pleaseth may read it there The summe is not unlike to that which was made before at Stirlin when they fled to England onely such things were added thereto as had fallen out since then in the time of their abode there As namely First The proceeding by cruelty under the shadow of the Kings name whose Predecessours did commonly labour to winne the hearts of his Subjects by clemencie Secondly The executing imprisoning banishing by wrested Lawes the worthiest most ancient and the most faithfull to GOD and the King both Noblemen and Barons Thirdly Acts and Proclamations published inhibiting Presbyteries other exercises priviledges and immunities allowed by Parliament or practised and permitted by laudable custome of the Church without which purity of Doctrine the right form of Ecclesiastical discipline cannot continue Fourthly compelling forcing the most learned and most religious men and such as were of most entire life conversation of most sincere conscience to forsake their Countrey or inhibiting them to preach and defrauding them of their Stipend by violence Fifthly the entertaining of Jesuites and executers of the Decrees of the cruell Councell of Trent Sixthly obdurate Papists having place in Session and honest men removed an evident proof and presage of intention to root out the true Religion Seventhly the thrusting of Magistrates upon Burrows contrary to their priviledges which were neither free of the Townes nor fit to discharge the place in their persons Eighthly the secret practices of James Stuart and the Colonell to turne the love and amitie which hath been now of a long time entertained with England very happily into open hostility having had intelligence with such persons as sought the Queen of Englands destruction a point confessed by divers her Rebels executed in England and which appeared by the slaughtering of the Lord Russell a man noble in birth honourable by vertue zealous in Religion of great expectation and a speciall friend and lover of Scottish men notwithstanding that they had made shew of the contrary for certaine moneths and had pretended to enter into an offensive and defensive League with her The conclusion was Wee command and charge in our Soveraigne Lords name as his born Counsellours who are bound in dutie to be carefull of his welfare honour and reputation for which we have our Lands and Inheritances all and sundry his subjects to further and assist this our godly enterprise to concurre with us and so to give testimony of their affection to the true Religion his Majesties welfare and publick peace and quietnesse of this Realme It contained also certification That such as should attempt any thing to their contrary yea that did not take plaine and open part with them should bee reputed as partakers of all vice and iniquitie as assisters of the said treasonable Conspiratours James and William Stuarts and enemies to Religion to his Majestie and Authoritie and to the publicke quietnesse of the two Realmes and should bee used as such in body and goods Commanding all Justices and Magistrates as well the Lords of the Session as others Sheriffes and whatsoever inferiour Judges to administer justice for the furtherance hereof as they would answer upon their allegeance and highest perils with the like certification to them also if they failed herein They staid at Fawlkirke that night being the second day of November and kept strong watch being within five miles of the enemy It was observed with great disdain that the Lord Maxwel who had the charge of the hired souldiers that were put on the watch and so the choyce of the watch-word gave it Saint Andrew as smelling of his superstitious disposition and which was a blemish and contradiction in a manner to their declaration wherein they professed to stand for the true Religion But it was rather privately grudged at than publickly reproved On the morrow there came a message from the Castle of Stirlin as from the King to the Earle Bothwell whereby he was desired to forsake that Company and either come to the King or returne to his own house which he pleased This was a trick to divide them and which did so work upon him that if the Earle of Angus had not partly by reason perswaded him and partly by his authoritie being a man greatly respected detained him and fixed his wavering minde he had forsaken them altogether not without great danger to have weakned the hands and hearts of the rest by such an untimely example On such moments many times do even the greatest businesse depend But God had determined to blesse that Work at that time in their hands That rub being removed they march forward and about the going down of the Sunne they shewed themselves at S. Ninians Kirk which is scarce a full mile from Stirlin and were seen from the Castle wall of friends and foes They lodged there-about as they could till near the dawning of the day and then upon a secret signe given to the Companies that had dispersed themselves into the neighbour Villages for better lodging and victuall without sound of Drumme or Trumpet they came to their Camp and Colours The way of assaulting the Town was laid down thus First one of the Commanders with a few Companies was directed to go and make shew as
But what can I help it I am but one of the society neither can I perswade my associats to do otherwayes nor am I able to compell them nor were it fit I should it not being the Law of a society to doe so but to do all with commune consent and to obtaine what may bee obtained by a fair way but to go no further Otherwayes it would quickly dissolve into divers factions amongst our selves and make some of us joyne with others to the overthrow of us all which if ever it come to passe it shall never be through any occasion from me Men think I know that my place is a principall one yet it is but the place of one neither is it so principall but that there is as principall as it equall to it or perhaps beyond it in respect of proxinitie to the Kingdome if it should fall out so which GOD forbid it should For no King you know can ever bee so neare to mee and therefore there is none whom I should or will affect so much And this is it that carries it away from me and gives them no little advantage The Lord Hamilton being next the Crowne is guided by the Master of Glames and the Master delights to bee deep in his counsels and pleaseth himself in this form of managing affaires which you see is now used I have many times told him and others also my opinion but cannot bring them to it If I should take a course to crosse and force them How dangerous were it Yea what concurrence or assistance should I have Or of whose friendship could I assure my self Maxwell you know what his respects are and what Religion he is of I can never forget the Watch-word he gave at Fawkirk whereby he did plainly professe his disposition to superstition Saint Andrew was it And who knowes what intention he hath to retain the title of the Earle of Morton As for your Chief the Lord Hume dare we think better of him My brother-in-law the Earle Bothwell how uncertain is hee What ado had I to retaine him at Fawkirk And what trouble have I still to keep him in good order There is onely one of whose stedfastnesse and friendship I dare assure my self as much as of my self who is loving faithfull and constant and that is the Earle of Marre yet hee hath been so tossed with troubles already that he is loath to intangle himself a new if it can be avoided any way And why should not I be as loath to put him to any hazard or to occasion any trouble to him contrary to his disposition GOD forbid but that I should bee as carefull of him as hee is of himself And concerning their proceedings as I do not approve them altogether so dare I not condemne them altogether Wee have to doe with our Prince what should we not doe to gain him by all faire and Gentle meanes Wee ought not to crosse or thrall his will but to draw it easily to a better temper and not so much oppose him as by complying with his inclination a little to winde him from that ill way and course hee hath beene set upon He desires to bee at liberty and to bee knowne to bee so and it approves and justifies our proceedings to have it so and testifies to him and to the world our love and obedience and what our mindes have been from the beginning toward him Hee promiseth not to withdraw himself from us to joyne with others our trusting of his promise will deserve that hee should continue with us and will gaine his affection which is a surer bond than a guard placed about him which would entertaine mutuall suspition and move him to seek meanes of freeing himself from us and hardly could any guard bee so kept but that one set to escape might finde a way for it not to speak of the charges that were required to entertaine it Neither need wee to feare much though hee had a minde to forsake us for wee know who would or could bee our partie and what forces they have That there are some suffered to remaine about him who are no good friends to us nay who have been evill instruments against us proceeds from the same ground for it is done that himself and others may see his liberty and what confidence wee have in him That the state of the Ministery is not brought to that point which we wish wee cannot get it done suddenly except wee will plainly and directly enforce his will and how many would agree or concurre to that But wee hope to work it with his owne consent in time for the Ministery insist in their right and he commits them and wee intercede and mitigate his anger so farre that it proceeds onely to a short and easie confinement or imprisoning In the mean time they have leasure to informe him and hee of himself will be wearied with such continuall opposition and will give way to settle such a course as they desire and so it will be better and more durable than if it should now bee extorted from him by any show of compulsion These bee the grounds upon which such as think themselves very wise amongst us build their work which though it be not so framed as to give every man present satisfaction who knowes not what their way is or if they knew allowes not of it yet when they shall finde the effects thereof they will think better of them Neither are they afraid to want the assistance of such as are honestly affected in case wee should bee assaulted by any for they cannot betake themselves to any other having none else from whom they can look for any good in the least measure nay who is there besides that hath not a very bad meaning And wee though wee doe not all the good they would yet are wee doing somewhat and keep off much evill and therefore they will rather take part with us than suffer all to go to wrack You may happly think that you have much to say against this but as I said before though I approve not all yet I do not condemne all so I say now though I report all yet I doe not approve of all and doe confesse that wee should doe much more and it were better if wee could agree to it and bee all of one minde Yet this is the wisedome of our deepest and profoundest Politicians whom I am resolved not to crosse nor presse any more but to take my hazard amongst the rest and I doe hope GOD will provide for me as well as for them and that my part shall bee as well known every way to honest men And therefore we will have no more objections nor reasoning at this time Well my Lord said the other it shall bee so then wee shall reason no more of this Subject Indeed your Lordships part is best interpreted save that they think that your authority should be of greater moment as you may see by this Letter
For the Scots irritated herewith boyled with desire of revenge being at that time very flourishing with strong youth and never better furnished with Commanders But King Robert a man by nature given to quietnesse â—…arre stricken in yeares seaventy three yeares old was become slacker and seemed not to make so great account of the publique injuries His eldest sonne John was dull of nature and having received a hurt by a stroake of a horse which pertained to James Douglas Lord of Dalkeith was thereby lame of a legge and halted and so unfit for the travell of warre Therefore they have their recourse to the Kings next sonne the Earle of Fife and do easily agree with him resolving to avenge the hurt and dammage they had lately received So every man promising his best endeavour appointment is made to conveen in August or as some say in July but so covertly as it should not come to the knowledge of either of the two Kings lest the King of Scotland should hinder them or the King of England prevent them yet when they had used all the expedition and secresie they could The English had notice of it and were informed of both the day and place of their meeting Wherefore that they might entrap them and take them at unawares they advertised one another and the Noblemen commanded the Commons to be in a readinesse against the next advertisement without appointing any certain day for feare that the Scots should heare of it These things thus ordered when they heard that the Scots were conveened in Tivedale not farre from the March to the number of 30000. or as Froysard saith 40000. men not daring to joyne battell with such a multitude they concluded not to stir or appeare before the coming of the enemy but that every man should ramain in his owne bounds till they saw on what coast and quarter the tempest would light and then to take the best course they could according as occasion should offer and if they could doe no more to invade Scotland on another hand farre from the enemy as the Scots had done to them the yeare before and so to recompense losse with losse In the mean time they sent a spie to the Scots camp who might bring them more certain report of all things desirous to know not onely their intention but even their particular speeches and actions Hee who was sent being nothing different from the rest in language apparell or armour did easily passe for a Scot and by that mean having been in the company undiscovered and having observed sufficiently all that was needfull to be knowne as he returned to his horse to be gone which he had bound to a tree he found that he was taken away whereupon taking him to his feet with his cloake boots and spurres and his other riding equipage he was perceived suspected taken and examined what he was whence he came and whither hee went and being found to vary in his answers hee was brought before the Generall of the Army where being threatned with the rack he confessed all and revealed the English mens intentions and purposes Upon this the Scots altered their purpose and whereas they were before minded to have gone all together in one Hoast they now divided themselves in two so that the greatest part of the Army should passe in at Carlile led by the Kings two sonnes the Earles of Fife and Stratherne together with Archbald Douglas Lord of Galloway Uncle to the Earle The other part of the Army was committed to the Earle of Douglas and with him George and John Dumbars Earles of March and Murray his Uncles William or James Lindsay Earle of Crawford the Earle of Arolle Constable the Lord Montgomry and Patrick Hepburn of Hales with his sonne the number of his company is not agreed upon Some say that he had the halfe of the Army 15000. others but 2000. foote and 300. horse with as many foote men waiting on the horse men who were lightly armed and able to fight and almost equalling the horse men in speedy expedition Some say they were foure thousand chosen horsemen in all which is most apparent by the great diligence and haste he made with his company he entred England on the East hand and crossing the river of Tine with great celerity hee was past Durham before ever the enemy was advertised or knew of his coming till he himselfe made it knowne by fire and smoake in burning the Countrey The Earle of Northumberland hearing of him himselfe being a man of great yeares sent his two sonnes Henrie and Ralph hardy and valiant young men to Newcastle commanding the rest of the Countrey also to resort thither that they might intercept the Earle of Douglas in his returne but hee having spoyled the Countrey about Durham and gotten a great bootie passeth Tine again about three miles above Newcastle and being desirous of glory and encouraged by this successe esteeming it but small honour for him to spoil the villages and not to dare to looke upon the townes marched towards Newcastle and did make offer to have assaulted it and as some write did assault it having first filled the ditches with hay and faggots hoping thereby to have drawne out the enemy to the open fields having stayed there two dayes there passed some light skirmishes amongst them every day And at last Henrie Percie eldest sonne to the Earle of Northumberland called Hotspurre being desirous to trie his valour either provoking the Earle Douglas or provoked by him the combate was offered and accepted betwixt them They mounted on two faire steeds and ran together with sharp ground spears at outrance in which encounter the Earle Douglas bore Percie out of his saddle But the English that were by did rescue him so that hee could not come at himself but he snatched away his spear with his guiddon or witter and holding it aloft and shaking it he cried out aloud that hee would carry that into Scotland as his spoil Hollinshed saith out of Froysard that they did not runne on horseback but that in an assault at the Barriers without the gate Douglas by chance being matched hand to hand with Percie by force pluckt his Pennon from him and holding it up on high said he would carry it for his sake into Scotland There was then at Newcastle a great number of people for besides the indwellers there were all the choice men from York to the borders as the Writers relate Wherefore Earle Douglas in respect of his small number caused keep strait watch and on the morrow removing his Camp he marched toward Scotland a slow pace being loden with bootie Then sending it away before hee assaulted tooke and demolished a certain Castle and Towne that was in their way called Pouclane whereof Sir Aymer of Alpholl was Lord whom he tooke within the Castle and made him a prisoner Then marching forward they came to a place called Otterburn about twelve miles from Newcastle where they pitched downe
their tents that the Souldiers might take some rest and refresh themselves after their great travell as not having rested that day nor the night before nor much any where since their entrie into England There they consulted about the rest of their journey and the most part advised to march toward Carlile that they might joyne with the other Army that so they might observe the order given them which was not to fight at all till both Hoasts were joyned together But the Earle Douglas thought best to stay there some three or four daies that they might refell the Percies bragging who had affirmed that they should not carry his speare into Scotland and that the Souldiers might not be idle the while they might be taking in the Castles and Gentlemens houses about that lay neare To this opinion the others did yeeld for his sake howsoever it seemed not to be the most expedient so they fortified and strengthned their Camp as well as they could on that side where it was weake being fensed with Marishes on the other side they went and besieged a certain Castle called Combure Percie would fain have followed them presently upon their retreat but he was hindered by the better advised for fear of an ambush for they thought it was not likely that the Scots being so fevv in number vvould have assaulted so strong a Towne unlesse they had knovvne of some greater povver to succour and aid them Having therefore searched diligently that day and the next and understanding that the other great Army wat not to bee feared as being far from the Earle Douglas Percie marched towards him with 10000. strong not staying for the Bishop of Durham who was said to be at Newcastle that same night esteeming his present forces sufficient to overthrow his enemies who were fewer in number by the one halfe at least The avantcurriers of the English Hoast were come in sight whilest the Scots were some at supper and others gone to rest being wearied with assaulting the Castle Hereupon the alarum was given and the English approaching assail them fiercely and were received valiantly by a part of the footemen and the lackies and the groomes who having the advantage of the Fortification which had been made sustained the charge till the rest were armed and ready At their first encamping when they viewed the fields they had espied a little hill which they meant to make use of if the enemy should follow and assaile them as they did certainly expect and now it stood the horsemen in very good stead for whiles the English assaulted the entrie of the Camp the horse men fetching a compasse about this hill charged them in flank at the farre side in which charge many were slain and the whole Army was filled with tumult and fears But by the coming of fresh supplies the English abounding in number the battell was restored and their ranks ordered as before yet this profit it brought to the Scots that the fight being slaked at the entrie of the Camp they had space to go forth and to put their men in array In the mean time night drew on which was troublesome and unwelcome to both but being short as in the Northern parts it useth to be in July and the season faire the Moon light did serve them in stead of Day light and the fight was continued very hard as amongst noble men on both sides who did esteem more of glory then life Percie strove to repair the foil he had gotten at Newcastle and the Earle Douglas did as much labour to keep the honour he had wonne So in unequall number but both equally eager in mind they continued fighting a great part of the night At last a Cloud covering the face of the Moone not being able to discerne friend from foe they tooke some respite for a while but so soone as the Cloud was gone the English gave so hard a charge that the Scots were put back in such sort that the Douglas Standard was in great perill to have been lost This did so irritate him that hee himselfe in the one wing and the two Hepburnes father and sonne in the other pressing through the rankes of their owne men and advancing to the place where the greatest perill appeared renewed a hard conflict and by giving and receiving many wounds they restored their men into the place from whence they had been beaten and continued the fight untill the next day at noone The Earle Douglas not being satisfied nor contenting himselfe with that that he had renewed the battell but himselfe with two companions Robert Hart and Simon Glendining rushed into the midst of the enemies and equalling the courage of his minde with the strength of his body whatsoever way he set himself he made great havock of the enemies It was a wonder to see the great vassallage that he wrought Major in describing them can make no end nor satisfie himselfe his comparisons are high like a Lion of Lybia his description of his body is that it was faire and well compacted his strength huge which hee yet amplifieth with greater hugenesse saying that he fought with a Mace of iron which two ordinary men were not able to lift which notwithstanding hee did weild easily making a great lane round about him wheresoever hee went his courage and confidence appeareth in his so valiant insisting as though he would have slaine the whole English Army himselfe alone and seeking to finde Henry Percie amongst the midst of them hee was entered farre within the rankes of the enemies Hollinshed confesseth that with a great Mace in his hand he laid such sad strokes about him that none came within his reach but he went downe to the ground And Boetius saith plainly hee fought with a mase heavier then any man is able to beare in those dayes and that rushing into the midst of his enemies hee made such a slaughter that it was chiefly attributed to his vertue that the Scots wan the field But whiles he is thus fighting in the midst of them before his friends could come at him though they pressed forward to have seconded and assisted him with all the force and speed that might be they found him lying on the ground with three deadly wounds There was lying dead by him Robert Hart and the Priest called Richard Lundie who was after made Arch Dean of Aberdene that had ever stood fast by his side defended his fainting body with a halbert from injury he being in this estate his kinsâ—… James Lindsay and John and Walter Sinclairs came to him and asked him how he did I do well saith he dying as my Predecessours have done before not in a bed of languishing sicknesse but in the field These things I require of you as my last Petitions First that yee keep my death close both from our owne folke and from the enemy then that ye suffer not my Standard to be lost or cast downe and last that ye avenge
but also received him with great triumph as if he had been their King or Prince and that hereupon he used them courteously But when his men were in great security scattered and separated as fearing no hurt or danger and some at their Ships some sent with Robert Stuart of Disdier to spoile the Countrey about which stood out against him and to furnish his ships and the towne so that there remained not with the Lord Niddisdale above 200. men when they set upon him as before we have said and being beaten the Towne was sackt and burnt Then they tooke 60. ships which they found in divers Havens and Creeks and laded 15. of them with such spoile as they had gotten and burnt the rest Then returning homeward they spoiled the Isle of Man which lay in their way He landed at Loch-rien which divides a part of Galloway from Carrict and hearing there of the roade into England he hasted him hither with all diligence But truce being made for certaine yeares with England that he might not languish in idlenesse he passed into Spruce from whence he heard that an Army was to be sent against the Infidels There hee gave such proofe of his vertue and valour that hee was chosen Admirall of the whole Fleet which was very faire and great esteemed to consist of 250. saile and was there created Duke of Spruce and Prince of Danskin But there arose dissention hetwixt him and the Lord Clifford an Englishman upon an old emulation and present envie of his new preferment at which Clifford grudged Wherefore being challenged to the field by Clifford he accepted it gladly but the other weighing with himselfe what a hazzard he was like to runne by fighting with such a man of such incomparable valour found meanes before the day of the combat came to make him away by hired Assasines and Brigands who murthered him in the night on the bridge of Danskin The Manuscript seemeth to say that combat was not taken on there and then but long before while they were both at home and that Niddisdale before the day passing to Paris to provide armour fit for him or on whatsoever occasion else Clifford gave it out that he had fled the combat but when he saw that he was returned before the day appointed fearing to match with his well knowne strength and valour would have shifted the fight with many frivolous excuses Now there being assembled and met together at that time brave Knights from all the parts of Christendome Clifford partly for envie of the honour conferred upon his adversary and partly remembring their old debates but chiefly because of this disgrace and infamie of being put to this necessitie of refusing to fight with him hee caused mercenarie cut-throats to lie in wait for him who as he happened to walke through the streets and view the walls of the Towne set upon him and murdered him not without great difficultie by which losse that enterprise against the Infidels was disturbed and dashed We told before how he is stiled Prince of Danskin and Duke of Spruce in the Monuments of the Sinclairs of whom one had married his daughter sure it is by the report of many eye-witnesses that there was a gate in Dansick on which the Coat of the Douglasses was carved and graven in stone which decaying and being of late re-edified this monument of him is perished The common opinion is that Dansick having beene taken by Infidels was regained by Scottishmen and therefore it is that the Scots have such priviledges there and there is a part of the Town which they call little Scotland which is inhabited almost with Scottishmen All which must be referred most apparently to the Lord Niddisdale and to this time and doth testifie in some measure he hath surpassed the quality and condition of a private man or of a stranger in those parts seeing he acquired the title of Prince and Duke whereof we can affirme no more then hath beene said This fell out about the yeare 1389. or 1390. about the death of King Robert the second Of Archbald the second called The Grimme the third Earle and twelfth Lord of Douglas and Bothwell UNto James slaine at Otterburn succeeded his brother Archbald whom Hollinshed wrongfully calleth his Cousin Hee was married to the daughter of Andrew Murray sisters sonne to K. David Bruce and Governour of Scotland by her he got the Lordship of Bothwell and many other lands and she bare to him two sonnes first William who died a yeare before his father without children and Archbald who succeeded to his father also a daughter named Marjorie married to David Prince of Scotland Concerning this Archbald the Grim we finde not many particular acts of his recorded besides those which he did in his fathers time and in his brothers of which we have already spoken although certainly hee cannot but have done divers worthy of memorie seeing he hath the name and reputation of a most worthy Captaine being so sterne and austere in carriage and countenance that hee was termed The Grimme Douglas and by our Writers Archbald the Grimme Now that we may the better understand the reasons of the Douglasses proceedings and actions let us as our manner is take a generall view of the estate of the Countrey at this time His succession to the Earledome by the death of his brother was as we have said not long before the death of King Robert the second who died in the Castle of Dundonald in the yeare 1390. April 19. Before his death there was a Truce taken betweene England and France for the space of seven yeares wherein Scotland was also comprehended By reason of this Truce partly and partly for that his sonne John who was afterward called Robert the third was lame both of body and minde and so no wayes fit for warre there is no mention of any exploit done by this man onely it is said of him that when King Robert the third in the year 1396. and the seventh of his reign created divers Dukes and would have made this Archbald one he refused it as a noveltie and an empty title not worthy of the accepting seeing it was neither bestowed for merit nor service done nor had any reall advantage in it save an airy show of appearing honour to please the humour of ambitious minds of which he was none The next yeare following Richard the second of England was deposed and the Duke of Lancaster was made King in his roome who was Henry the fourth In the beginning of Henries reigne the seeds of warre were sowen upon this occasion George Dumbarre Earle of March had betrothed his daughter Elizabeth to David the Kings eldest sonne and had payed a great part of their portion before hand But the Earle Douglas alledging that the Kings private contracting of his sonne without the consent of the State was not according to the custome of the Kingdome nor right and orderly done caused the
the Earle Douglas dependers they onely were complained of Whether the cause was in his enemies and that this proceeded from them or was done by their instigations our Histories tell not neither can we affirme it yet it is strange that there being so many more and more enormous faults for the Isle-mens were more hainous none should bee taken notice of but his mens Theirs are exaggerated multiplied and made odious and the envie thereof derived upon the Earle as Authour of all hereupon Sir Alexander Levingston carrying malice in his heart but dissembling it for a time with a false deceitfull minde perswaded the rest that the Earle Douglas was rather a man to be dealt with by fair means then to be irritated by suspicions As one who had such power that if he should oppose himself he might frustrate all their conclusions decrees Wherefore he procured a letter to be written to him in an honorable manner in all their names intreating him that being mindful of his place mindful of his Progenitours whose good deeds and deservings most ample and notable towards his Countrey of Scotland were still extant he would come to the Convention of the States which could not be conveniently kept without him his friends If he had taken offence at any thing they would satisfie him so far as was possible If there were any oversight committed by him or any of his friends they would remit it and would forgive many things to his most noble house which had done so many good offices and so much good service to his Countrey They would impute many things to the times and consider his youth and the great hope and expectation they had of him That hee should come therefore and take what part of the affairs of the common-wealth he best pleased and as his Ancestours had often delivered the Realme from dangers of warres by their armes and victories so that he would be pleased now by his presence to raise it and establish it almost sunk overthrown with intestine discords This letter as it was honest in words and very right carrying that right course that should have been used towards him and the duety that all these reasons contained craved to have beene done to him if it had been in sincerity so being in falsehood and with a treacherous intention used onely to entrap him makes their ditty the clearer for he out of the honesty of his owne heart interpreting their meaning to be according to their words and being of no ill disposition but of a sweet and tractable nature desirous of glory by good means that so hee might have followed the footsteps of his Predecessours in all good offices to his Countrey not having so great malice in his minde and therefore not thinking any could have so great in theirs against him as to seeke his life for there had been no such occasion their contentions with his father had not come to that hight and degree but had been contained within the bounds of words onely and therefore not imagining that so great villany could have been harboured in their hearts he willingly embraces the occasion of making peace in the Country that he might contribute thereto his best endeavours taketh his journey for Edinburgh His friends are reported to have furthered him in this resolution in hope of their owne particular imployments and preferment which say they blinded their eyes that they saw not the danger But truely I cannot fee how they could have seen any perill unlesse wee will say that they might have knowne that the Governour and Chancellour were treacherous men and had given some proofe of as great disloyalty before which is not mentioned any where that we know of for though they were knowne to be subject and inclinable to falshood as his father had objected to them before yet it was so well covered that it was not accounted falshood but wisedome for there are degrees and there bee many who will dispence with themselves to step something aside from the strict rule of uprightnesse which is accounted simplicity that will bee ashamed of so high a degree of manifest treason as this was So that howbeit they knew their falshood in some measure yet could they not have looked for such proditorious dealing besides it might have seemed to any man in discourse of reason that if they cared not to blot their names with the foulnesse of the fact yet they could not have great hope to gain or profit much by it for what could it avail them to cut him off seeing another was to succeed in his place as ill perhaps as he so that by putting of him to death all that they could gain would bee but an irreconcileable deadly feude with that house which was too high a degree of enmity for any thing had yet been amongst them being nothing but grudges and such things as might have been easily taken away So that sith the discourse of man for ought we can judge could never have reached so farre as to have suspected what followed but rather to have looked for the contrary I see not how the Earle nor his friends can be blamed for credulity or how it can be censured in him as a defect of his youth and proceeding from want of experience for what otherwise could he have done if his experience had been never so great or himselfe never so old neither is there sufficient ground to tax his friends as if their hopes had blinded them so that they could not see any perill which no discourse of reason could see or apprehend It is true men ought to be circumspect but it is a fault also and proceeds of an ill nature to be suspitious as he might well have seemed to bee if hee had refused to come The event showes there was cause to suspect the worst but I deny that reason could foresee that event or any considering of the circumstances could have made one to have looked for it neither can any man save himselfe from such treason neither can it bee reputed as simplicitie to the sufferer but as a monstrous enormity to the doer To returne to our purpose their disloyall practice stayed not in this smooth letter they double fraud upon fraud for so soone as Creighton knew he was on his journey he came many miles to meet him and inviting him to his Castle of Creighton which was neare the way he was to go he feasted him hee cherisheth him hee entertaineth him friendly cheerfully and magnificently and that not for one day but two dayes kindly with all the tokens and demonstrations of a friendly minde that could be given And to remove all suspition of unfriendlinesse and the more circumvein him he admonished him familiarly that hee would remember the royall dignity of his Prince and his owne duty towards him That he would acknowledge him for his Lord and Soveraigne whom the condition of his birth the lawes of the Countrey and the consent of the
Sacraments as said is shall be ipso facto deprived and all his Ecclesiasticall promotions and livings shall be voide and vacant as if he were naturally dead 3. The third Act That none should be reputed as loyall and faithfull Subjects to our Soveraigne Lord but be punishable as Rebels that gave not confession and profession of the reformed Religion That such as had once professed it and afterward made defection should returne before the first of June next and renew their former confession first Promise to continue in it secondly To maintain the Kings authority thirdly The Preachers fourthly And Professours of the true Religion against whomsoever and whatsoever enemies especially against all of whatsoever Nation or degree that had bound themselves to maintain the decrees of the Councel of Trent and were falsely called The holy League 4. The fourth Act That whosoever were excommunicated and remained so 40. dayes letters of horning should be directed to charge him to satisfie the decree of the Church pronounced against him and to be reconciled to the Church and submit to the Discipline thereof under pain of Rebellion and if he did remain obstinate that hee should bee put to the horne and then letters of caption should be granted to apprehend him c. 5. The fifth Act was That Ecclesiasticall persons such as above remaining year and day at the horne should lose their Life-rents These Laws he procured to be made in Parliament and being made he saw them duely executed by which mean it came to passe that in his time there was no man in Scotland that professed advowedly any other Religion than the reformed or maintained any point of Religion contrary to the doctrine of this Church Men do now wonder at it how it could be yet so it was and this was the mean that procured it As for the Borders hee tamed and daunted them by In-rodes and Justice-Eyres executing some for terrour to others taking pledges and hostages of the rest and punishing them that transgressed according to their faults most part by pecuniarie mulcts and fynes The High-landers were kept in by binding the chief of the Clans over to the peace and partly by fear partly by gentlenesse he drew them to the obedience of the Laws But the chief mean for all was a solid and perfect peace established amongst the Nobilitie the onely certain and sure way of keeping the Borderers in order as by the contrary a stir amongst the States as themselves speak doth never faile to incite them to their theeving and robbing This he knowing well partly by his wisedome compassed and effected it partly it fell out of its own accord by mens inclination thereto being wearied with so long troubles and the turbulent heads that stirred up and entertained dissention being now taken away by death It is matter of laughter and sport to consider mens judgements concerning this his government I heard then and have read since in some memorials of those times his government mightily taxed and reproached and himself censured as covetous greedie as one that hanged some poor snakes for a shew of justice but suffered the richer theeves to escape for their money And yet the same men do not stick to say and write Betwixt the 3. of March 1575. and the 4. of March 1577. the space of two years there was nothing of importance to write of All this time the Regent governed the Realme both well and wisely for during these two years the common people had rest and quietnesse Not considering that his government in the former years had procured and caused the rest and quietnesse of these years Yea these same things which they call hanging of the poor for shew of Justice and letting the rich go for money they might call it if they would speak in proper termes and give it the right name a just moderation and tempering of justice with lenitie punishing some lest impunity might breed contempt of the Law punishing the fewest and in the gentlest sort lest too much rigour might drive them to despaire and so force them to desperate courses and to stirre up new commotions If this course did withall meet right with any natural inclination in him towards money yet that inclination did rather concurre with this judgement than cause it He knew the nature of his countrey-men how they cannot easily endure to have their lives touched or their bloud medled withal and how hard it is to over-master them by the strong hand and a violent way but farre more easie to be overcome and gained by fair meanes and therefore out of his wisedome hee made choyce of this as the best way for his purpose of settling Peace The event and issue did justifie his choyce for from hence did arise a full Peace and perfect quietnesse together with all obedience and good order in Church and State at home and account and great esteem of Strangers abroad His meanes indeed were also increased yet that came not so much by publick fynes or forfeitures as by his good husbandry and thrifty managing of the revenues of the Crown and his own private estate For no man knew better how to improve both the one and the other and to make the best of them and no man was more carefull and diligent in it than he He guided both himself and imployed his own pains and industrie therein as in all affairs whatsoever His servants were ever particularly directed by himself and they did but execute what he commanded The chief men he used were John Carmichael of Carmichael and George Auchinleck of Balmannoe He imployed the former in all matters that were to be done upon the Borders having made him even a warden theother had a care to gather in his rents and was as it were Stuart or Chamberlaine to him His private delight was in planting and building which hee did very magnificently especially at Dalkeith for which Drumlenrig admonished him that it was too sumptuous and stately for a Subject and too near to Edinburgh He built also an house in Tividale called the Droghholes for his private retreat He grew so in esteem of wisedome and riches with all men that it was no wonder though hee were a little touched with the opinion of it himself being now past all emulation and so accounted of by all men he could not but esteem also well of himself They who did envie him had little hope to hurt him by action being above their reach but by their tongues they sought to make him envied of all saying He had all the riches all the friendship and all the wisedome of Scotland Him alone This was Hyperbolicall and spoken to stir envie yet thus far it was true that he had more of all these than any other one man and so much as all his enemies were not able to match or impaire He had added to his friendship great parties the Lord Maxwell and Hamilton Maxwell married his Niece a daughter of his brother David and
there were manythat could did distinguish and separate the Kings cause from the Courtiers and did shew that as they hated them so they loved him Especially the Ministery who at a Generall Assembly held at Edinburgh in November appointed a generall Fast to be kept throughout the whole Kingdome and gave out the reasons thereof to be first The abounding of wickednesse secondly The danger of the Church thirdly The danger of the King fourthly The danger of the Common-wealth which all were meant did directly point at the rulers of court chiefly through their wickednesse Atheisme want of Religion Godlessenesse Popishnesse or Libertinisme avarice aspiring Who being sole said they or chief about the King under the shadow of his authority first do trouble the Ministery secondly seek to pervert his Majestie and draw him if it were possible for them to the same contempt of Religion that so in time he might become a persecuter and enemie to the Church and overthrow it altogether thirdly do tread under foot the Common-wealth of this Countrey by banishing the best of the Nobility who do love God and the Church best and are best affected toward the Kings welfare that they in the meane time may possesse and brook their Lands and Inheritance And fourthly who suffered murther oppression witch-craft whooredome and many other sinnes to passe unpunished and uncurbed This Fast continued the space of a Week including both the Sundayes The Courtiers notwithstanding of this contemning and slighting all admonitions kept on their own wayes and course of committing banishing discrediting and weakening of all such as they thought did favour the Nobility and were not forward enough to further them and advance their faction They ingrossed all places of power and authority to themselves dis-armed dis-abled and diminished all others and even derided them Of which dealing I will recompt one example amongst many I have made mention above how some discord and variance fell out betwixt Pitcairne Abbot of Dumfermling and the Earl of Gowrie Hereupon Gowrie to match Pitcairne had reconciled himself to the Courtiers and was thought to side with them and especially to be very intimate with Colonell Stuart Pitcairne laboured to out-shoot the Earle in his own Bow and for that end sues to the Colonel for his friendship which because he knew that it was vendible he sent him the price thereof according to his estimate in gold The Colonell liked the mettall but not the condition and therefore he kept both his friendship and the gold to himself and having shewed it to the King and Gowrie deriding him said that the Abbot had sent him that to draw the King to favour him and thus was he flouted and wiped clean of his Moneyes William Douglas of Logh-leven was confined in the Merse for no other fault but because he was a Douglas and an upright honest man as any was in the Kingdome Sir George Hume of Wedderburne because he was in Kinne and a friend of the Earle of Angus was sent prisoner to the Castle of Downe beyond Forth Sir James Hume of Coldinknows was committed to the Castle of Edinburgh Master Cunninghame of Drummewhasle was like wise imprisoned and Master John Colvill brother to Cleish had been served in the same kinde if he fearing their rage had not prevented it by fleeing Many others were used after the like sort it being a sufficient crime to favour any of the discourted Noblemen Last of all a Proclamation was made wherein the Fact at Ruthven was condemned as foule abominable and treasonable and all the actors therein or favourers of them were commanded to depart from Edinburgh and not to come hear the place where the King was or should happen to be under the pain of death The Earle of Gowrie had taken a remission for it but it served not his turne nor did him any good at all for he was particularly charged to go off the Countrey and not to remain in Scotland England or Ireland with a non obstante notwithstanding any remission obtained before And to secure themselves yet further they prohibited all men to carry Pistols except the Kings Domesticks and his Guard They brought home also into Scotland Lodowick Duke of Lennox son to Obignie being then but a child to strengthen their party and to tie the Kings affection so much the more to them He was restored to his fathers estate as a part thereof to the Lordship of Dalkeith This being Angus his inheritance they thought it would engage the Duke in a perpetual enmitie with him as it is ordinary for a man to hate him whom he wrongs On these the like grounds they established to themselves in their own conceit a perpetuall safe estate which they had so fastned and linked with the Kings that neither could be brangled without the shaking and over turning of the other But these courses produced a quite contrary effect even then wrought such disposition in men as did at last over-throw all their plots and themselves withall So frail and so unsure a foundation is iniquity For Angus as he was altogether innocent of any thing that could be alledged against him even in their own judgements so was he universally beloved of all by an hereditary popularity from his Auncestours and more for his own known vertues and therefore being thus wronged in his person and in his inheritance he was pitied of all Marre in like manner being descended of an honourable ancient faithfull and loyall race of Progenitours as also for his own good parts and conditions was beloved in like sort and pitied notwithstanding that he had been an actour at Ruthven The Earle of Gowrie by the contrary was greatly hated by the Courtiers and little set by or regarded by the other partie He had assisted with his father at the slaughtering of Rizio and was the chief man and principall authour and actour in the fact of Ruthven Yet had he changed his minde and side at S. Andrews repented him of what he had done at Ruthven condemned it and taken a remission for it Now being casten off by the Court and commanded to depart off the Countrey he repents him of his repentance and condemnes his condemning and would if he could salve all again by his recanting and retracting of this last act But as the committing of the fact had made him to be hated by the Courtiers so his condemning of it had brought him to be suspected of the Noblemen He had condemned himself and did deserve to be condemned either for that he had done at Ruthven or for his condemning of what he did then and taking a remission for it He had given a colour to the adverse party to condemne it by his confession and example and had furnished them with that argument whereby to presse the condemning of it upon the Ministerie or others For that was their maine argument and the string they most harped on Gowries confession of a fault and remission
his own modestly tolerating that the Lands House and Lordship of Dalkeeth should still be retained by the young Duke of Lennox upon the Kings promise to be restored thereto so soon as any occasion should fall out of providing some other Lands to the Duke which was not done till the Lord Methven dying without heires male the Lands falling to the King he gave them to Lennox and restored Dalkeeth to Angus Out of the like modesty will to gratifie his Prince in whatsoever he could to the very uttermost of his power at the Parliament held in Edinburgh 1587. about two years after he dispensed with his priviledge of bearing the Crown at the Kings request and suffered the Duke to carry it with protestation and promise that it should not be prejudiciall to him nor his house in time coming and so with all meeknesse submitted himself to take the second place and carry the Scepter In this last point it was thought wisedome to yeeld so to disappoint those who were thought to have put the King upon it of purpose to have made a breach betwixt the King and him by his refusall The former was not effected without the bribing of those Courtiers who did then possesse the Kings eare Secretary Metellane got his Lands of Die-Water to work it which when he would have holden of the King by renunciation Angus refused to renounce and would onely give them holding of himself not without some indignation on both sides It was hardlier constructed that he suffered a decreet given in favours of Farnihaste to his prejudice to be reserved and stand good in his restitution And thus did he behave himself in his private affairs As for the publick affairs of the Kingdom hee suffered them to bee managed by the Master of Glames to whom the rest of their society were most inclined for the opinion they had of his wisedome greater experience and age as also for that now he was a prime officer of State Treasurer and allied with the Lord Hamilton rather than hee would enter into any contest which might breed any division amongst themselves being set altogether on peace and calmnesse howbeit he did not approve of all their proceedings and differed much in judgement from them concerning the administration and handling of matters So in the policie of the Church though out of a sincere minde and true zeal hee favoured and affected the right form as much as any and was much grieved that such order was not taken in it as should have been was expected yet he did tolerate that course which the rest thought good to suffer to go on For this they gave out That the King inclined to the government of Bishops and therefore it was not convenient to crosse his inclination abruptly and directly lest he should seem to be constrained or thralled in his actions a point which they avoided carefully and not used with that respect and liberty which is due to a Prince yet they said they should labour to work him to it with time taking their opportunity as it should be offered unto them And so indeed it was brought to passe for Bishops were first restrained of their using their pretended jurisdiction and by fact de facto even then brought under obedience to Synodes and Presbyteries and in the year 1592. the former discipline was re-established by Act of Parliament and all authority directly taken from Bishops But neither in the former Parliament holden at Linlithgow in December 1585. neither in the next holden at Edinburgh the 29. of July 1587. was there any mention made thereof This gave occasion of much discontentment to the best affected and bitter contention betwixt the Court and the Ministery they reprooving this toleration of that unlawfull office and the King committing them for their freedome of reproof So no man of any judgement and good disposition was satisfied with their proceedings Notwithstanding there was none of any degree but had a good opinion and thought well of the Earle of Angus and excused his part of it laying the blame thereof upon the rest who they thought were more carefull of their own particular than mindefull or solicitous for the state of GODS Church And when I call to minde the disposition of men in those times I cannot expresse it otherwayes than thus That they accused all but excused him and yet they so excused him that they did also accuse him not for his want of good-will but for want of action They were perswaded of the sincerity of his heart but they thought him defective in action according to their opinion and would have had him to have taken more upon him than he did Concerning which purpose I have thought it best not so much to deliver my own judgement or use my own words in excusing or accusing what might be thought worthy to be excused or accused in him for what is mine may be more obnoxious to mens censure as to set down every point according to the judgement and in the words of others who were present eye-witnesses and special actours in those times what they thought worthy to be reprehended and what they required to have amended which wil comprehend whatever negligence or omission any man can lay to his charge for as touching any fault of Commission and doing what he ought not to have done there was no man complained of him To which effect diverse letters might bee produced which were written to himselfe by diverse persons of all sorts Civill and Ecclesiasticall Scottish and English of the Ministery which had beene banished with him and of the brethren of the Church of England but I have made choice of one for all which containeth the summe of all both Church and State businesse both private and publicke and that in the Authours owne words most faithfully neither adding nor impairing any thing To which wee shall subjoyne his owne answer in his owne words so farre as our memory can serve at least his owne estimation and judgement of every point his ends grounds and reasons of his actions which hee delivered in his most inward and private conference where it pleased him to open himselfe as hee was accustomed freely and even to the laying naked of his very heart and soule The letter was after the wonted formalities thus HAving occasion of this bearer I thought good to remember some things especially that you would as you know I intended to have done purchase in name of the Countrey some to bee sent to keepe Justice Courts in our Countrey and Teviotdale otherwayes all will breake Also let the sitting of the Session bee hasted that such things as flow from their restitution may bee decided otherwayes some men may bee greatly prejudiced and disappointed As for Master John it is hard for my Lord to helpe you both I am still of that opinion wherefore if no place fall about the King let it not displease his Lordship that one of you seeke some other course