lost with the Gouverment which then was totally frustrated of the chiefe end for which I had broken with all my former frends by procuring leave contrary to their Councels for my returne into England which was to have gotten my selfe to the head of a Regiment of 2500. Men of my owne Nation in the King of Frances service whereby I Could have subsisted with honour and Gouverned my selfe in other things according to events During my sickness which was violent I fownd my selfe suffiently contented to dye for being ruined with all the world small hopes remayning to recouver my self I Could better have submitted to a quiet death then to have suffered those bitter anxieties of a turbulent and afflicted life which I fore saw I was likely to undergoe as hath befallen me from that very tyme to this day but the periode either of our lives or trowbles comes not as we often desire Haveing recouvered my health I endeavoured to calme my minde which was not without disordre and to bear patiently those calamities which I then felt and to fortify my selfe to suffer those which I foresawe I was likely to undergoe by a decree greater and more souveraigne then solomans which would require a support sublimer then what reason or Philosophy Could afford feeling in my selfe Just cause for what I apprehended when I deeply reflected on the violent passions inordinate affections and to great infirmities of my life past I knew plethorique bodies repleat with vitious humours if there were any hope of cure had need of strong and searching phisick Which preparitories have kept me from being entirely overwhelmed with what I have since undergone I returned no more into England till the death of Cromwell which came to pass neer twoe years after S r. William Lockart whoe was then Cromwels Ambassadour in France and Gouvernour of Dunkirck to whome I had been knowne before he fell into that interest gave me a pass with a letter of recommandation to one of his frends whoe was at that tyme in great credit The factions and divisions in the army the vinversall discontents in all the three-Nations which Could not longer bear the confusions of those tymes being destitute of all Principles of Gouverment either in church or state the weakness of him whoe succeeded and of those whoe followed him that amidst the greatest Anarchy in the world figured to themselves a chimerical Democratie which one of them Called a republique as durable as the sun and moone wherein he vanted himselfe to have more greatness then he wished for which in eight months tyme afterwards terminated in a strict Imprisonment in the Tower of London where he dyed and his republique as usually Anarchies doe ended in Monarchy many of the greatest and wisest men of the three Nations taking occasion of those desorders which underhand some of them increased all they Could opened the way to his Ma ties re-establishment The next day after his arivall at whitehall I was comitted close Prisonner to the Tour of London into the custody of a person whoe had been one of the late Kings Judges whoe was not only pardoned but continued for some tyme as Lieutenant of that place this may deservedly be considered as a wonderfull dispensation to see me whoe had very often hazarded my life for the service of the crowne and especially for the preservation of that King become a prisoner under the care of one whoe had a principal hand in his death because he was cunning enowgh to help to destroy his fellowes but a few days before the late Kings restauration and when he plainly perceaved there was no humane possibility to hinder it I remained under a severe restraint about aleaven months when by order I was browght by S r. John Robinson then Commanding the Tower the former haveing been remouved to whitehall to be examined which I was upon divers Artickles by the Earle of Clarendon at that tyme Lord Chancellour and by the twoe Secretaries of State S r. Edward Nicolas and S r. William Maurits What was true I acknowledged pleading an inevitable necessity for what I had done aleadging that those things Could not amount to the crime mentioned in the warrant for my committment which was upon suspition of misprision of treason my Lord Chancellour told me I was browght thither only to answer cattegorically to what was demanded of me That pleading of my cause was for another place if it should be thowght fit to bring me thither notwithstanding that rebuke upon my further examination as the matter required and Could permit I defended my selfe as reasnably as I Could in soe much that his Lordship told me Colonel Bamfield I can perceave that you have not been alltogether Idle in the Tower seeing you are arrived at soe much knowledg in the law at least as you belive but I must tell you that your wisest and surest refuge will be to have your recourse to the Kings clemency and not to your Justification I answered him I had great need of his Ma ties Grace that I threw my selfe at his feet and Implored it with all humility but was fully persuaded that his LoPP. desired not that I should acknowledge my selfe more guilty then I was he replyed no God forbid but it behouves you to be very Carefull that some things you deny come not to be prouved which the King has been informed of and belives I added no more but if they Could be prouved I desired no Grace This examination lasted longer there then is necessary it should doe here In the conclusion I was commanded to withdrawe into an ante chamber where some of the nobility and divers Gentilemen were standing by the fier and I went alone to a window over against them about halfe an hower after my Lord chancellour and the Secretaries Came out and being ready to pass by me his LoPP. drew a little towards me and I with a profownde reverence neerer to him he sayd aloude in the hearing of all present Colonel Bamfield I am your freind M r. Secretaries and I are sencible of your sufferings and will doe all we can to obtayne you the Kings Grace and to procure your liberty And turning to S r. John Robinson sayd M r. Lieutenant you may let him have the full liberty of the Tower and all his frends whoe desire it the freedome to visit him as we returned back in the barge to the tower amongest other discource for then he was become very civile whoe before had treated me exceeding rudely S t. John Robinson told me that he had conceaved my business to have been much otherwise then he fownd it that my Lord Chancellour had been as moderate in his reflexions on my answers after I was gone out as he had been in the examination and at the end of the debate spake theise following words The somme of all is that Colonel Bamfield has served the Crowne from his youth and when we left him he left us About three
Generall in the West for the Parlament but after the Battaile of Stratton reduced to the Gouvernment of that Citty 4. The first day wee came before it the Enemy despising our small Number sillied out with a very considerable party but was vigorously repulsed beaten and some of their out worcks and the south subburbs possessed which by reason of our want of Amunition and our few forces wee quitted of our own accord very many of their men where killed and taken prisoners The siege continued about twoe months the Parlement endeavoured twice to succour it once by land from plimouth and Dartmouth which where surprised in their march beaten and totally Dissipated Secondly by sea with the Parlaments fleet commanded by the Earl of Warwich having two thowsand souldiers aboarde which he designed to land at Apsom under the favour of his Cannon but was prevented by our sinking the night before divers vessels with stones in the Channel He endeavoured to land at other places on the strand in his long Botes but was always repulsed with loss one of his ships was fired by us another so raked through by our Cannon that they were Constrayned to fire it themselves not able to bring it of 5. About this time Bristol was taken by the Kings forces Prince Maurits arrived before Exeter with about 3000 Cornish foote and some horse having viewed all the quarters and Approches resolved on an Attaque by the south gate which was Committed to Colonel Chudly and mee with 2000 men the manner left to our selves at the place where wee intended to fall on the enemy had twoe out guards advanced from the southgate the distance of musquet shot of about 3 or 400 men with a line of communication from the port to the out works which wee could perceive was but slightly mand wee resolved with fire locks and Pikemen with pistols by their sydes that light matches should not discover our designe to march silently an hower before break of day to assault the line jointly by way of surprise he on the left hand neat the outguarde I on the right neer the port hopeing thereby if success full to cut of the retreat of the Enemy which wee did by this meanes all in the out work were either killed or taken Whereupon wee Lodged our selves under the wall reasnably wel couvered soe neer the port that they durst not attempt à sally in this condition and consternation they beat a parley desired a treaty sent out hostages Sir Richard Cave and I were employed to treat and had the place rendered even on our owne tearmes 6. Having refreshed the Army twelve or fourteen days the Prince marched to Dartmouth though late in the year to begin a siege before the several Quarters were fully fixed his Highness the Earl of Marborow General of the Artillery c. and Major General Basset fell all three at one time dangerously sick which caused disorder and delay the greatest part of the Officers were inclined to raise the siege and retire the Army into Winter-quarters Sir Richard Cave Colonel Chudley and my selfe opposed it and wrote to My Lord Berkeley who was Gouvernour as well or the Province as of Exeter to come to the Army at whose arrival resolution was taken to attacque the Town in two places Colonel Chudley and my selfe were ordered as at exeter to assault one post in divers places he entered the first beat the Enemy out of some Workes but being unfortunately killed his Troupes were repulsed those I commanded entered likewise drove them from all their outworks which was their chief strenght in that quarter and commanded the Towne which immediately treated and rendered whereof Colonel Seymour was made Gouvernour 7. Towards the end of October the King sent order to my Lord Berckely to dispatch mee with my own Regiment and what other troupes he could spare with all expedition to joyne with my Lord Hoptons Army for the relief of Basing then besieged by Sir William Waller I was immediately sent away with a Brigade of Foot consisting of his Lordships Sir William Courtenays not he of Devonshire but another of the same name Sir John Acklands Colonel Strangeways and my own Regiment with three troupes of Horse I joyned my Lord Hoptons Army Basing was relieved Waller retired incamped advantagiously under Farnham Castel General Hopton followed him presented him Battaile the one would not dislodge nor the other attacque him as he lay the day following a Councel of war was held about the beginning of December where it was resolved that the Amy should separate into four Brigades and retire to Winter-quarters one with my Lord Hopten to Winchester another under Sir Charles Vavasour to Alsford a third commanded by Colonel Boles to Alton the fourth with mee to Petersfield the Horse were divided accordingly a party with every Brigade of Foote whereof I had with mee Sir Edward Stowels Regiment of Cavallery Sir Edward Fords Sir Edward Bishops four Troupes of my Lord Bellasis his Regiment commanded by his Major Bovel with the three Troupes which came with mee out of Devonshire One present at the Councel declared his opinion that it was dangerous to divide the Army into so many open quarters whilest Sir William Wallers remained in one entire Bodie since he could in one night as his custome was to march force any of the neerest to him before the others could be advertised joine and succour the quarter aetacqued this comming from a verry youngman was neglected as of no moment though the consequence ten days after made it appeare as one of Cassandra's predictions which though always true were never believed till accomplished or pastremedy 8. Four of five days after my Lord Berkeley arrived at my quarter from Oxford bringing with him Sir William Butler his Regiment of Horse with the Kings commands to march incontinently towards Arundel to take it if possible I marched all tuesday with the Horse and as many Musquetiers as I could mount being favoured by a great mist without any discovery about four of the clock wednesday morning wee surprised and forced the Towne the greatest part of the Enemie retired into the Castel which was rendered the Saturday following when my foote came up that the Souldiers should goe whither they would leaving all Armes and Amunition both of war and mouth having in three or four days given the necessary orders touching the defence of the Town and Castel I left Sir Edward Ford there with 400. Foote marching all night with the rest at the instances of Sir William Butler whom his Majestie had made Sherif of Kent hoping to have taken Bramber Castel but were prevented by Colonel Morley and Sir Michael Livesie who had possessed themselves of the place and passage over the River with about 2000. Men out of Kent whilest I was seeking another forde where I might pass the River with more conveniencie then in the face of the Enemy my Lord Hopton by an Express sent mee advertisement that the General Waller
as unsafe both for King Parliament and people Sect. 60. They were therefor of opinion that his Matie without further delay should have pleased to press them to a particular and Catigoricall explanation of their full demands which if he fownd such as he could agree to and that the armies partie in both houses would syncerely concur there Could be no insuperable difficulty in the business nor any opposition saveing what the Scotch Ministers could have stirred up whoe would never have approuved of a liberty of Conscience nor of any thing less then a Presbiterean Gouverment jurê Divinô which the armies adherents in both houses were declaredly against and I dare boldly say for I understood at that tyme the temper and costitution of that Parliament as it really was ten of those whoe went by the name of Presbitereans were not of the Schots opinion but either for a moderate episcopacy as the King had volontarily offered it at the treaty at uxbridge when he was under no force as the wisest expedient to have remouved all jalousies about Religeon or els were erastians and for haveing the politique Gouverment of the church dependant on the civile as it had been from the midle of Henry the eights raigne to that very tyme the six years of Queen Mary only excepted And undoubtedly there was great and clear reason foreseeing that where the Ecclesiasticale policy of the church in the one or the other extreme is received or shall be as Jurê Divinô the Hyrarchy has and will gouverne more absolutely then the civile and supreme Magistrate which has been manifest for many ages and is as demonstrable for the future as any probleme of euclide from which clear and experienced ground it may be thowght that no wise souveraigne Autority will volontarily part with the best halfe and surest fowndation of its power Sect. 61. But insencibly I forget my selfe this not being my business nor was then any part of my humble representation to his Ma tie thowgh above a year before he had towght me that lesson when he was at new-castle in soe much that by what I have here sayd upon this subject I become but his echoe Sect. 62. Wherefor I shall returne without goeing further astraye to the matter which led me to this short digression to conclude as I did then to the King that the opposition of the Scotch Ministers thowgh it might have made a little noise could not have occasioned any interuption to the success of what has been sayd Sect. 63. But in case his Ma tie Could not bring the army to such a conclusion as this councel imported and that he fownd himselfe convinced that their promises and protestations were but delusory they whoe gave this advice promised to endeavour the passing of an order in both houses to command the army to retire further from London and to permit the King to come to some of his houses neer the citty to treat personally for a well Grownded peace Sect. 64. His Ma tie replied this has some weight being what I heartily desire but I much doubt the armies obedience either to leave me at soe much liberty or to retire to such a distance However I will press them as far as is possible and prudent for me in the condition I am to a fixed and positive Conclusion with me and by you shall acquaint them with the success if I finde it usefull to me Theise men whoe propownd this to you see to late that they have improvidently cut out more worke then they can make up without my help but I cannot resolve to doe it all at my owne expence Sect. 65. His Ma tie however put this in practice with all the ernestness he Could but met with continual demurs and delays that things were not yet sufficiently ripe that the army was not soe unanimous as was hoped it would become that there were desordres in it which Cromwell underhand raised to have a colour for protarction and for other greater ends which appeared on the the theatre shortly after that their frends in the Parliament Could not be wrowght to a full concurrence with them Sect. 66. Theise pretexts were soe grosse and obvious that the Kings hopes deminished dayly Where upon those persons allready mentioned procured an order in the twoe houses that his Ma tie should reside at Richmond house that he should be attended by the same persons whoe were about him at Holmby thirdly that Colonel Rossiters regiment should guarde him All which Cromwell refused and laughed at declaring that the King should come no neerer to London then the Parliament permitted the armies quarter to be Where upon I alâ—aged to those persons that all their votes would signify nothing unless means could be fownd out where by their orders might be seconded by such force as in some degree was able to counterballance that of the army To which end none Could be thowght on saveing the Militia of London which at that tyme of trayned bands and auxillianes amounted to at least fiveteen or sixteen thowsand foote and to have been browght together in six howers tyme they were for much the greatest part Commanded by Presbiterean officers which in divers battayles had done as good service and fowght as well as those of the army Sect. 67. Whereupon the Earles of Manchester Holland Lauderdalle whoe thowgh not of the Parliament but one of the Scots Commissioners had great credit in the city my Lord willowghby of Parham my Lord Hollis S r. Phillip Stapleton S r. William Waller Major General Mastey Major General Browne all which and divers more whoe had great influence on the citty judged it now the crittical season to engage it to petition the Parliament for the continuance of their Militia under the establishment it was which Cromwell and his adherents laboured to have changed but secondly to order that the King should be left at his House at Richmond in order to a personall treaty thirdly that the citty should be autorised to rayse forces for the Parliaments and its owne defence and have power to chuse their General Officers Fourthly that aleaven members of the Parliament whoe had been a little before throwgh an impeachement of the army sequestred from their cession with their owne consent should returne to their places in Parliament this designe was Caried on in the beginning with as great secrecy as such a transaction Could be by the persons above mentioned where in I slept not Sect. 68. I acquainted the King with it whoe approuved the whole conduct withall commanding me soe to Gouverne my selfe in my part there of that he might not be necessitated to appear there in first for his personall safety as being in the power of the army secondly that he might have been free in Conscience and honour to agree with the army in case that this designe should drive them to the necessity of makeing good their severall protestations to him which without being forced to it
COLONEL JOSEPH BAMFEILD'S APOLOGIE Written by himselfe and printed at his desire Facit indignatio versus ANNO 1685. PREFACE ALbeit the unbounded liberty of the press may sufficiently warrant my necessary undertaking and that a modest and needful Apologie free from all passion or unlawful Aymes may hee by an ordinary charity excused if not fully justifyed yet I had not run the hazard of the publique sensure being conscious of my owne incapacity had I not been in need thereunto by some reasonable pressages that the end of my misfortunes which can finde no other period and that of my life neerly approches 1. Neither had this alone prevailed with mee unless constrain'd thereunto by the injust and to any ingenious nature most insupportable injuries and Calomnies of some who are totally ignorant of the truth of my affaires nor have ever had the least provocation on my part to couver the cruelty of their secret practises and obscure proceedings against mee to the endangering of my life even since I came in this Province of Freesland which next the protection of God I thinke has been chiefly preserved by my neglecting it I not being ignorant of my danger nor of the causes thereof which I saw no certaine meanes of preventing but by flight disguise and concealment which I have ever through the whole cours of my great troubles been resolved against chusing rather to dye once if I could not fairly defend my selfe then live in fear of dying always Especially having a long time considered death if not in a dishonourable way as the only end of my calamities which I could reasonably hope for and my most sure azile 2. No less have their sinister and malitious practices contributed to the traversing of my fortune which I am persuaded had not otherwise been thus long desolate and obscure by encreasing the jalousies and indignation of some who I have never willingly offended nor otherwise then through the insupportable necessity of my affaires heeretofore and the indispensable compulsions of honour which would not permit me to doe what I might and most others would have done nor to have left undone what in policy and the general practice of mankind I ought to have avoided as essentially needful to my interests and to the raising me out of this sepulcher wherein I have for some years lain buried alive which peradventure I should not have come short of had I not been secretly calomniated and circumvented by underground darck and unavow'd or rather never to bee avowed mines and traines which in some kind have not a little contributed to the rendring my wounds incureable as well in England as elswhere 3. This being really my case is also the sole cause why I am enforced to expose my discreation to the capritious sensure of critiques rather then to abandone my honour by a womanish modesty timiditie and silence leaving these persons triumphant in their victorie which they have atchived by indirect and most unjust means I am not ignorant what wrongs have been done mee by whom and how but know I shall never be openly accused and by consequence not have any occasion of vindicating my selfe but by this means to which onely I can have recourse and although I am far from all hope of recovering what I have lost yet I shall endeavour to let some see demonstratively how far their credulity has been abused and my innocency wrong'd which I can no otherwise performe then by declaring truly and sincerely what I have done or not done leaving it to the judgment and sentence of all unprejudiced and unpassionate persons to what degree I have been either unfortunate or criminel 4. What my transactions have been in some great conjonctures I shall be as sincere and candid in as if my eternal happiness or misery depended on the truth or falsehood of what I here expose to the common view which I onely make publique for the vindication of my honour though I clearly foresee my interest may suffer by it which weighs soe little with mee that if this adventure meets but with a charitable reception from good men and unpreoccupied I beleeve as far as I know my self I shall not be much troubled if my death should prove immediately after the Epilogue to this tragedy JOS. BAMFIELD AT 17. years of age I began to serve the late King of happy memory Charles the-First being ancient under my Lord Ashley General Major of the Army in the first expedition against the Scots an Accord was made as other agreements in those times of very short continuance for the spring following the war was the second time declared in that expedition I was first Leutenant in the Regiment of Colonel Henry Wentworth brother to the Earl of Cleveland shortly after a Compagnie falling vacant in the same Regiment by the favour of the King I obtain'd it In the space of a year the peace was again made and the Armies disbanded The war betwixt the King and the Parliament followed shortly after I continued in his Majesties interest and service I commanded the Regiment of the late Duke of Somersent at that time Marquess of Hartford Generall for the King in the Westerne Provinces 2. In the first incounter which Arrived betwixt his Majesties and the Parlaments forces I was hurt and taken Prisoner brought so to London by the late Lord Hollis at that tyme Colonel under the Parlament Not long after being at liberty the King honnoured mee with a Commission for a Regiment not being at that tyme full twenty years old having levied it I returned to Oxford where his Majesty held his court Few days after his Hyghness Prince Robbert gave me a Commission which he had procured of the King to be Governour of Malmesbury whereof I knew not any thing before he was pleased to deliver it mee About the month of April following his Majesty sent mee order being pressed for troupes to march with three Regiments of foote and as many Compagnies of horse to Joyne his Army for the relief of Reading besieged by the Earle of Essex and was rendered by Colonel Fielding at the same tyme the King arrived there which might greatly have endangered his Army had the Enemy seen and made use of their advantage 3. In the month of June following his Majestie sent Prince Maurits and the Duke of Somerset with an Army into the west whereof my Regiment was part to Joyne with My Lord Hopton and Lord Berkeley who had beaten the Parlements forces Commanded by the Earle of Stamford not long before in the Province of Cornwell the Conjunction was made the towns of Weymouth whereof the late Earl of Shaffsbury was left Gouvernour Taunton and Bridwater being taken and garrisons placed in them the body of the Army Marched towards Generall Waller haveing first despatched my Lord Berkelay with four Regiments of foote and some few troupes of horse to blocque up Exeter to prevent the Earl of Stamfords raising of forces in Devonshire Who was
as was foreseen and foretold marching all the night from Farnham to Alton had forced that quarter about breake of day killed Colonel Boles who commanded the Brigade and all the soldjers either out of or taken prisonners and totaly dissipated the Earl of Crawfords Brigade of horse which misfortune had soe weakned his Army that he could not hinder the enemies progress which he was persuaded would be for the recovery of Arundel before it could be provided of all things necessary for its defence which he recommended to mee with great earnestness desiring mee to keep what forces I thought needful for the place and to send back Sir William Butler with the rest to join his Army assuring mee that if I were besieged he would relieve mee in eight days exspecting suddainely forces from Oxford 9. I retain'd neer 800 Foote with the four Companies of my Lord Bellasis Regiment of Horse and my own Troupe sending back all I could under the Command of Sir William Butler in less then four and twenty howers after General Wallers Army appeared before the Town which I resolved to defend as long as I could and in case of necessitie to retire to the Castel it was assaulted in three places and no fortifications but the ruines of an old wal and without it at some distance a more ancient Line and Ditch but without Flanque where I judged they might be most useful I placed Major Bovel with his horse and perceiving not far from mee that a considerable bodie of the enemies Foot had passed the Line with eight or ten blew Collours which were of Sir Arthur Haselrigs Regiment commanded by Colonel Birch who I think still lives and began to range themselves in order I desired Major Bovel to charge them with me for if we brake them not the Castle might be lost as well as the town we charg'd routed and drove them back over the Line Colonel Birch was as I remember wounded in the bellie and one Captaine Bedel casting himself amongst the dead bodies as if kill'd was discover'd and taken prisoner my horse was shot with a musket-bullet in the hip and fell with mee I had aparently been killed unless rescued by some Officers of my Lord Bellasis Regiment Another post where Major Fletcher commanded was forced he dangerously wounded and taken prisoner with great difficulty wee retired into the Castel where the Enemie thought to have entered with us but was repulsed 10. In theise conflicts many were kill'd on both sides I found means to advertise the King of the state of the place both as to its strenght Amunition and Victual of the twoe last wee were very ill provided by reason of the suddainess of the siege as soon it was taken I receiv'd assurance from his Majestie that within ten or twelve days I should be succoured if I could defend it so longe which was in some manner endeavoured but succeeded not I held it out five and twenty days to great extremitie it was rendered by the Councel of War upon quarter for life I never signed the Capitulation and might have been deny'd the benefit of the Articles and quarter had General Waller been cruel Of above 900 Officers and Souldiers Horse and Foote which I retain'd before the siege few more then 200 marehed out the rest either killed or dead of the bloody flux and spotted feavour with the first whereof I was my selfe attacqued as soon as recovered I was sent prisoner upon my parolle to London without guards were rendering my selfe I was committed to the Tower remaining there about six months until I had libertie from the Earl of Essex to procure the freedom of Sir Ellis Layton at that time Colonel of horse under the Parliament and of one Whyte Capitain in the same Regiment in Exchange or to return again to the Tower within eight and twenty days 11. The King granted their libertie as soon as I arrived at Oxford where I stayd but two days and went post to Exeter by his Majesties commands having dispatcht my affaires for which I was sent I returned towards Oxford on the way I understood that the Earl of Essex and General Waller were before it the King brake through them with what forces he had and retired to Worchester Waller followed him Essex halted some time at Burford neer which in my way I fell into a small party of stragling Souldjers without any Officer I told them I had the Earl of Essex his pass for 28. days that not more then halfe the time was expired and was therefore free that satisfyed them not I was unwilling to be taken having papers of importance and cyfers in my cloths and sadle I was wounded in my left eye and in danger to have lost it by the blowe of a pistol which had been fyred in vaine I was made prisonner brought to Essex who caused me to be dressed by his Chirurgeon for 2 or 3 days and set me at libertie according to my pass I went to Oxford where I remained till cured and then returned to Exeter 12. Prince Maurits who had allways honoured mee with his favour in whose service I had not been unlucky employed mee in his Army the Earl of Essex marched Westward whereof his Highness being advertised rose from before Plymouth and strengthned with 2000 Cornish men resolved to march to Exester and there encampe under the shelter of the Town and River to keep himself from the necessitie of a Battaile being very inferior in number to the Enemy the same day the Prince marched from Okhampton the Earl in the evening arrived at Tiverton we at Kirton some Quarter-masters of both Armies encountered to make quarters in the same places which was the first advertissement wee had where he was and I believe he knew as little of us upon the allarme the Prince dispatched mee with a thousand Foote and some Horse in the night to possess Exbridg least the enemie should have been before hand I did it and cast up a brest worke His Highness followed with the Armie the Earl persued his march to Pliemouth and thence into Cornwel leaving the Prince which seem'd strange to most I conjectured at his reason and found shortly after that I had not divined amiss but the recite is long and here needless 13. The very same day his Highness received an Express from the King in Cypher whereby he was advertised that his Majesty had beaten Wallers Armie at Croplie Bridg and was on his march to joyne both Armies in the West if possible His Majestie not knowing certainly whither our Armie was come Eastward of Essex or not thus unknown to either things where in as good a posture as if concerted the Prince sent mee immediately to the King with an account of all 14. I met his Majestie in march towards chard being joined his Majestie followed Essex wee would have come to a bataille he not wee encamped neer together wee had dayly scermishes our designe was to streigthen them for victuals
they lay nor was it councellable he Should only that he would demande a treaty and debate by a power given to the commissioners to explaine and discuss Every artickle apart and in particular which was the likeliest means to produce a good Effect and that by such an answer and demande those persons whoe had as then the most credit and cheif direction would endeavour to despose the Parliament to consent by which means and throwgh reasnable expedients which might be fownd out the severest things might have been moderated and great difficulties remouved To which end I told him I had already written to the King whoe seemed to be very well satisfied therewith and disposed to give such an answer 35. He replyed that he was upon good grounds assured when his Maj. had hearâ—d what this messenger forementioned had to propownd be would not demande any treaty and that the army would set him on his throne and make him a great King I besowght Allmighty God that it might prove soe but that I feared thy would at last take away his life and crowne together puting him in a capacity of possessing another in Heaven more durable Sect. 36. The next day I went to waite on the Marquis of Hartford since Duke of Somerset whoe the forenamed Gentilman had told me was acquainted with all this transaction and concurred in it which I fownd true and that he was persuaded the army would restore his Maj. sudainly perceaving me obstinate in the contrary opinion he sayd theise words to me Colonel Bamfield I have allways wished you well and doe soe Still and therefor would advise you not to oppose your selfe further to obstruct this cource towards the Kings recouvery for some of the clergy begin to suspect that you have particular interests in your transactions with the Presbitereans which weigh more then that of his Maj. I made answer that I had no other worldly interest but what was involved in and subordinate to the Kings that I never expected any advantage neither from the one or from the other partie but that I was soe fully convinced of the desperate designs secret practices and principles of the army and their adherents where of I did not want light that the groundless jalousie of some men nor their deluding hopes should never make me prostitute my reason nor act against it or have any thing to doe with those whose end and underground workings were for the destruction of the Kings person and Monarchie Sect. 37. A few days after this his Maj. answer came but not alltogether such as theise his freinds whoe I have mentioned desired but unhappy enough for him to doe the armies business at that tyme for the most Zealous part of the Presbitereans left the wisest and most moderate whoe endeavoured to have made the Kings answer the fowndation of a treaty and being likewise irritated by the Schotish Ministers Gyllaspy and others joined with the armies adherents in Parliament to demande of the Scots the delivery of his Maj. person to commissioners whoe were sent to receive him and guardes commanded by Collonel Graves This was clearly foreseen by the late Duke of Lauderdalle then one of the Commissioners for Scotland the Earle of Holland my Lord Willowby of Parham my Lord Hollis S r. Phillip Stapleton and very many others in both houses whoe were ar that tyme entirely for the Kings restauration upon as moderate termes as their conduct and credit in Parliament Could possibly worke out and as the only expedient to remoue difficulties wished and endeavoured to bring the business to a personall treaty by which means they hoped to abate the severity of some demands which all reasnable and truly conscientions men amongst them knew his Maj. Could not graunt without violence to his conscience in the breach of his othe and divesting himselfe of all power to maintaine ye lawes protect his subjects or to preserve himselfe and his posterity from being deprived of that less then halfe his regall and just authority which his assenting to those propositions in the termes they were drawne up would have left him the remaining part of his power being but precario and at the arbitrement of every succeeding Parliament Sect. 38. The wisest amongest them Considered and acknowldged theise truths and seeing a part of the Nation desposed with the army and their adherents towards a popular Gouverment would willingly have had more power in the King then when they began the war they desired or designed Sect. 39. On the contrary the adverse partie was absolutely against a treaty which they feard might lead to moderation on both sides and produce an accord destructive to those great projects the cheifs of them had figured to themselves for a long tyme and resolved upon after the niew modeling of the army to prevent an agreement they must hinder a treaty to which end that party in both houses haveing at first vigorously opposed sending of any propositions to the King but that being carried against them in the affirmative by great adress and infusing jalousies concerning Religeon into the greatest nomber of the Presbitereans few of them being States men by experience and peradventure not all by reason they easily drew them to a vote that his Maj. Should be obliged to signe the propositions in the termes as they were sent him by both houses alowing no latitude to the Commissioners by whome they were sent to treat or debate one syllable knowing very well that the King neither would nor indeed Could consent to them as they were neither with Conscience honour or safety however least the extreme danger whereunto he lay exposed might have prevayled with him to consent they made use of the stratagem I have allready mentioned of infusing into the belief of many of the most considerable of the Kings freinds that the army would restore him upon certaine conditions specified whoe led his Maj. himselfe to some hopes of it Sect. 40. By theise means the King was by the Scots delivered to the commissioners sent by the Parliament to receive him by them browght to Holmby one of his owne houses where he was rigorously guarded and very hardly used in all considerations not permitted to Speak with any man but in presence of some of the Commissioners not one of his domestique servants suffered about him nor the liberty to write or receive a lettre from the Queen any of his Childeren or freinds knowing nothing what his enemies did or what he was to doe himselfe In this deplorable condition one nepar whome the Parliament had placed about him as his barber being gained whose employment every morning and evening neer his person gave him the oportunity of conveying letters unpercevably into his hands how strictly soever he was watched by this conveniency haveing written to him at large concerning many things and especialy of the desorders begun betwixt the Parliament and the army and of all els which I judged necessary for his Knowledg in that estat
to my wife the Earle of Laneric and my Lord Willowby wherefor excuse me to the Earle of Southampton that I have not answered his wich I shall doe by the first occasion I am advertised that it has been deliberated by some of the army to possesse themselves of the Duke of Yorke consider if you cannot finde means to convey him out of England cause the inclosed to be delivered to him for it concerns me neerly to have correspondence with him at this tyme let me knowe as soone as may be your opinion touching this business farewell Your assured frend CHARLES R. Sect. 93. Upon the receipt of this letter I caused the inclosed for his Royale Highness the Duke of Yorke to be delivered him by a sure hand whoe had that accesse to him which I could not have and unless my memory failes me as I am persuaded it does not he had been pleased not long before by Message to let me knowe that he had promised the King his father whilest he was in the hands of the army to make his escape out of England as soone as he Could attempt it on any reasnable appearance of success demanding if Could not serve him in it which I am confident I had undertaken in which resolution I was fully confirmed by theise his Ma ties commands and not knowing whither by this occasion he had mentioned the business to the Duke or not with his owne letter I sent his Royalle Highness mine which was transmitted againe to me and upon his resolution and answer I framed mine to his Father The Duke was pleased to commande me not to precipitate the business but to take necessary tyme and use all circomspection not to plunge him into a worse condition then he was Haveing duly considered what measures were fittest for me to take herein and given the King an account there of his Ma tie was pleased to write me the following letter Cairsbrooke the 22 Feb. SEct. 94. I have received yours of the 14 present and being weary with decyphering it I cannot answer to all its particulars nor is it needfull I will only tell you in Generall that I approve what you have allready done and what you propose for the saveing of the Duke of York I confirme the promesse he has made to Howard and the assurances you have given him in my name to be continued in the Charge of Master of his horse allthowgh the Parliament has made him soe The rest I leave to your conduct committing you to Gods Providence trawble not your selfe about my other affaires but thinke only of what you have now in your hands bring him if possible either to his Mother or sister farewell Your assured frend CHARLES R. Sect. 95. For some Important reasons which I acquainted his Ma tie with I delayed this business untill the end of Aprill following at which tyme it succeeded happily to the great contentment of the King and of the Royalle famely his Highness arrived first in Zealand and the next day in Holland Sect. 96. About six weekes after the Parliaments whole fleet quitted their unlawfull masters came to anker in Gorée Rode delivering themselves up to the Duke of York as their Admirall which they knew he was by the King his fathers patent and was really the occasion of their coming thither and submitting to him Sect. 97. The winde which was favourable to bring them into Holland prouved a storme to me which occasioned my wrack ever since haveing unhappily given some councell concerning that fleet it seemes with to much precipitation which was well meant very ill taken because most bitterly represented by a person of quality and to doe him but Justice of merit betwixt whome and me there was at that time some competition about particular matters who according to the ordinary practice in such cases to ruine my credit and increase his owne held it expedient to couver his private animosity under the specious vaile of Zeal to a more publique interest I shall againe declare what I have ever protested that I had no other end or designe then either freeing the King out of his Imprisonment in the Isle of wight or if it were fownd Impossible which I did not then belive nor doe now that is was to have landed 1500. or 2000. men at yarmouth to have countenanced a rising in northfolke suffolke and the other adjacent Provinces of the easterne assotiation the probabillity of the one or of the other I shall here expose to any reasnable consideration Sect. 98. First touching the Kings freedome I had been assured out of England of a landing place in the Island which I looked upon as the greatest difficulty Sect. 99. Secondly that we Could have landed with 2000 Men haveing raised at that very tyme in Holland about 1200 English Soldiers of the reduction which the States had then made of the troupes of our nation and might well have added to them upon such an occasion 1000 sea men chosen out of the Fleet besides that great assurances were given that the inhabitants would have risen with us if we could have furnished them with armes which was to have been done Sect. 100. Thirdly I could never conceave in case of a free descent on land any great or long opposition wee Could have met with by sea not the least the Parliament not haveing had one ship of war fitted out in ten weekes or three months after By land as little except what Colonel Hamond Could have made with not above 5 or 600 foote which was all he had nor Could have hoped for more Cromwell with the greater part of the army was marched against the Scots Fairefax engaged before Colchester and some considerable parties of the army diverted into walles by risings there for the King at the same tyme. Moreover if they Could have sent an army entire to portsmouth or any other part upon that coast to have been transported into the Island not a barque or bote Could have passed without either being sunke or taken Besides there were many of the bravest and best officers whoe had served his Ma tie whoe were Embarqued in the fleet as Prince Mauris S r. John Boyce Colonel Washington S r. Francis Mackworth and very Many more whoe wee fownd retired into Holland at our arivall and some followd nor is it to be Imagined that in soe glorious an enterprise but that the greatest contestation would have been whoe should have been readiest to have sacrifised themselves For my part I never could apprehend any other difficulty in this attempt then to have landed which we had great and likely assurances of and in all events our retreat was sure and the fleet at liberty for any other designe in case that could not have been effected Sect. 101. Which was to have landed at yarmouth where we were sure of a free reception and did persuade my selfe that a body of 2000 Soldiers would have had the reputation of double the nomber and have encouraged