Discourse with the Bishop of Winchester And for the Narrative the Doctor whom I have talked with in this business doth not shame to say that he borrowed it from that great Treasury of Academical Antiquities Mr. Brian Twine whose learned Works stanâ— good against all Opponents and that he found the passage justified by Sir Isaack Wake in his Rex Platonicus Two Persons of too great wit and judgement to relate a matter of this nature on no better gâ—ound then common 〈◊〉 talk and that too spoke in merriment by Sir Henry Savil. Assuredly Sir Henry Savil was too great a Zealot for that University and too much a friend to Mr. Wake who was Fellow of the same Colledge with him to have his Table-talk and discourses of merriment to be put upon Record as grounds and arguments for such men to build on in that weighty Controversie And therefore when our Author tells us what he was told by Mr. Hubbard Mr. Hubbard by Mr. Barlow Mr. Barlow by Mr. Bust and Mr. Bust by Sir Henry Savil it brings into my minde the like Pedegree of as true a Story even that of Mother Miso in Sir Philip Sidney telling the young Ladies an old Tale which a good old woman told her which an old wise man told her which a great learned Clerk told him and gave it him in writing and there she had it in her Prayer-book as here our Author hath found this on the end of his Creed Not much unlike to which is that which I finde in the Poet Quae Phoebo Pater omnipotens mihi Phoebus Apollo Praedixit vobis Furiarum ego maxima pandâ— That is to say What Iove told Phoebus Phoebus told to me And I the chief of Furies tell to thee But to proceed Fol. 190. This was that Nevil who for Extraction Estate Alliance Dependents Wisdom Valour Success and popularity was superior to any English Subject since the Conquest Our Author speaks this of that Richard Nevil who was first Earl of Warwick in right of Anne his Wife Sister and Heir of Henry Beauchamp the last of that Family and after Earl of Salisbury by descent from his Father a potent and popular man indeed but yet not in all or in any of those respects to be match'd with Henry of Bullenbrook son to Iohn of Gaunt whom our Author must needs grant to have lived since the time of the Conquest Which Henry after the death of his Father was Duke of Lancaster and Hereford Earl of Leicester Lincoln and Darby c. and Lord High Steward of England Possessed by the donation of King Henry the third of the County Palatin of Lancaster the forfeited Estates of Simon de Montfort Earl of Leicester Robert de Ferrars Earl of Darby and Iohn Lord of Monmouth by the compact made between Thomas Earl of Lancaster and Alice his Wife of the Honor of Pomfret the whole Estate of the Earl of Lincoln and a great part of the Estates of the Earl of Salisbury of the goodly Tertitories of Ogmore and Kidwelly in Wales in right of his descent from the Chaworths of the Honor and Castle of Hartford by the grant of King Edward the third and of the Honor of Tickhill in Yorkshire by the donation of King Richard the second and finally of a Moity of the vast Estate of Humphry de Bohun Earl of Hereford Essex and Northampton in right of his Wife So royal in his Extraction that he was Grandchilde unto one King Cousin german to another Father and Grandfather to two more So popular when a private person and that too in the life of his Father that he was able to raise and head an Army against Richard the Second with which he discomfited the Kings Forces under the command of the Duke of Ireland so fortunate in his successes that he not only had the better in the battail mentioned but came off with Honor and Renown in the War of Africk and finally obtained the Crown of England And this I trow renders him much Superior to our Authors Nevil whom he exceeded also in this particular that he dyed in his bed and left his Estates unto his Son But having got the Crown by the murther of his Predecessor it stay'd but two descents in his Line being unfortunately lost by King Henry the sixth of whom being taken and imprisoned by those of the Yorkish Faction our Author telleth us Fol. 190. That States-men do admire how blind the Policy of that Age was in keeping King Henry alive there being no such sure Prison as a Grave for a Captive King whose life though in restraint is a fair mark for the full Aim of mal-contents to practise his enlargement Our Author might have spâ—r'd this Doctrine so frequently in practise amongst the wordly Politicians of all times and ages that there is more need of a Bridle to hold them in then a Sput to quicken them Parce precor stimulis fortiùs utere loris had been a wholesom Caveat there had any friend of his been by to have advis'd him of it The muâ—thering of depos'd and Captive Princes though too often practised never found Advocates to plead for it and mâ—â—h less Preachers to preach for it until these latter times First made a Maxim of State in the School of Machiavel who lays it down for an Aphorism in point of policy viz. that great Persons must not at all be touched or if they be must be made sure from taking Revenge inculcated afterwards by the Lord Gray who being sent by King Iames to intercede for the life of his Mother did undeâ—-hand solicit her death and whispered nothing so much in Queen Elizabeths ears as Mortua non mordet if the Scots Queen were once dead she would never bite But never prest so home never so punctually apply'd to the case of Kings as here I finde it by our Author of whom it cannot be â—ffirm'd that he speaks in this case the senâ—e of others but positively and plainly doth declare his own No such Divinity pâ—each'd in the Schools of Ignatius though fitter for the Pen of a Mariana then of a Divine or Minister of the Church of England Which whether it passed from him before oâ— since the last sad accident of this nature it comes all to one this being like a two-hand-sword made to strike on both â—â—des and if it come too late for instruction will serve abundantly howsoever for the justification Another note we have within two leaves after as derogatory to the Honor of the late Archbishop as this is dangerous to the Estate of all Soveraign Princes if once they chance to happen into the hands of their Enemies But of this our Author will give me an occasion to speak more in another place and then he shall hear further from me Now to go on Fol. 197. The Duke requested of King Richard the Earldom of Hereford and Hereditary Constableship of England Not so it was not the Earldom that is
severally chalenged that Trial against the French King and by Charles of Arragon and Peter de Taâ—â—acone for the 〈◊〉 of Sicilie Either the Author or the Printer is much mistaken here The title to the Realm of Sicilie was once indeed intended to be tried by Combat not between Charles of Arragon and Peter of Tarracone as is here affirmed but between Peter King of Arragon and Charles Earl of Anâ—ou pretending severally to that Kingdom 10. Such another mistake we have Fol. 55. Where it is said that there were some preparations in King James his time intended betwen two Scotch mâ—n the Lord Ree and David Ramsey Whereas indeed those preparations were not made in King Iames but King 〈◊〉 his time Robert Lord Willoughby Earl of 〈◊〉 and Lord great Chamberlain of England being made Lord Constable pro tempore to deside that Controversie Fol. 83. Katherine de Medices Pope Clements Brothers Daughter and Mother of King Charles c. 11 Katheriâ—e de medices was indeed wife to Henry the second and mother to Charles the ninth Frâ—nch Kings but by no means a â—â—â—thers daughter to Pope Clement the seventh For first Pope Clement being the natural son of 〈…〉 who was killed young and unmarried had nâ— brother at all And secondly Katherine de Medeces was Daughter of 〈◊〉 Duke of Vrbin son of Peter de Medeâ—es and Grâ—ndson of Laurence de Medicâ—s the brother of 〈◊〉 before mentioned By which account the father of that Pope and the great Grandfather of that Queen were Brothers and so that Queeu not Broâ—hers Daughter to the Pope Of nearer kiâ— she was to Pope Leo the tenth though not his Brothers Daughter neither Pâ—pe Leo being Brother to Peter de Medices this great Ladies Grand-father Fol. 84. This yâ—â—r took away James Hamilton Earl of Arran and Duke of Castle-herauld at Poictures a Province in France The name of the Province is Poictou of which Poictires is the pâ—â—â—cipal City accounted the third City next to Paris and 〈◊〉 â—ll that Kingdom And such anothâ—r slight mistake we have fol. 96. where we finde mention of the absâ—nce of the Duke of Arran Whereas indeed the chief of the Hamiltons was but Earl of Arrar as he after calls him the Title of Duke being first confâ—â—'d by King Charls upon Iames Marquess of Hâ—milâ—on created Duke Hâ—milâ—on of Arran Anno 1643. The like mâ—â—nomers we have after fol. 139. Where we finde mention of the History of Q. Elizabeth writ by 〈◊〉 whereas 〈◊〉 writ no further then King Henry 8. the rest which follows being clapt to by the publisher of it and possibly may be no other then Camdeâ—s Annals of that Queen in the English Tongue The like I frequently observe in the name of Metallan Metellanus he is called by their Latine Writers whom afterward he rightly calleth by the name of 〈◊〉 fol. 149. Fol. 156. The Leagures with some iustice in Rebellion elect 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a degree nearer to the Crown then Navar. Not so but one degree at the least further off the Cardinal of 〈◊〉 called â—harls being the yongest Son of â—harls Duke of 〈◊〉 whereas Henry King of Navar was the onely Son and Heir of Anâ—hoâ—y the eldest Brother So that not oâ—ely the King of Navar but the Princes of the Hâ—use of 〈◊〉 deriv'd from Francis Duke of Anghein the second Brother had the precedency in Title before this 〈◊〉 But being of the Catholick party and of the Royal Hâ—use of Bourbon in which the Rights of the Crown remained and withal a man of great Age and small Abilities he was set up to serve the turn and screen'd the main Plot of the Lâ—aguers from the eyes of the people Fol. 161. Sir Thomas Randolph bred a Civilian was taken from Pembroke Colledge in Oxford Not otherwise to be made good in case he were of that House in Oxford which is now called Pembroke Colledge but by Anticipation Lavinaqueveâ—t Littora as in the like case the Poet has it that which is now called Pembroke Colledge was in those times call'd Broadgates Hâ—ll not changed into a Colledge till the latter end of the Reign of King Iames and then in Honor of William Earl of Pembroke Chancellor of that University and in hope of some endowment from him called Pembroke Colledge Fol. 189. The other Title was of the Iâ—â—ant of Spain In laying down whose several Titles the Author leaves out that which is most material that is to say the direct and lineal Succession of the Kings of Spain from the Lady Katherine Daughter of Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster marryed to Henry the third King of Castile and Mother to King Iohn the second from whom descend the Kings of Castile to this very day Fol. 191. Hawkins Drake Baskervile c. Fiâ—e sâ—ne Towns in the Isle Dominica in the West Indies They fired indeed some Towns in Hispanâ—olâ— and amongst others that of Dominica or St. Domâ—ngo But they attempted nothing on the Isle of Dominica which is one of the Châ—rybes and they had no reason that Island being governed by a King of its own at deadly enmity with the 〈◊〉 anâ— conseqâ—ently more likely to be aydâ—d then annâ—yed by those Sea Adventurers A like mistake we had before in the name of Câ—â—mâ—rdin fol. 157. That party who discovered unto Queen Elizabeth the Estate of the Customs not being named 〈◊〉 but Carwâ—rdin Fol. 229. Sr. Thomas Erskin created Earl of Kelly and by degrees Knight of the Garter Not so Knight of the Garter first by the name of Thomas Viscount Fenton as appeares by the Registers of the Order and then Earl of Kelly Thus afterwards we finde Sr. Iohn Danvers for Sr. Charles Dâ—nvers fol. 238. And Iohn Lord Norris for Sr. Iohn Norris fol. 243. And some mistakes of this nature we finde in the short story of the Earle of Essex in which it is said first that Fol. 233. He was eldest son to Waltar Devereux c. created by Queen Elizabeth Earl of Essex and Ewe Not so but Earl of Essex onely as appears by Camden in his Britannia fol 454. If either he or any of his Descendants have taken to themselves the Tittle of Earl's of Ewe they take it not by vertue of this last Creation but in right of their descent from William Boâ—rchier created Earl of Ewe in Normandy by King Henry the fift and father of Henry Bourchier created Earl of Essex by King Edward the fourth Secondly it is said of Robert Earl of Essex the son of this Walâ—er that in 89. he went Commander in chief in the expedition into Portugal Fol. 233. whereas indeed he went but as a Voluntier in that expedition and had no command And so much our Author hath acknowledged in another place saying that Ambitious of common fame he put himself to Sea and got aboard the Fleet conceiting that their respect to his biâ—th and quâ—liâ—y would receive him their chief but was mistaken in that honouâ— Fol. 155. Thirdly it is said of this
failing in their persons sentâ—their 〈…〉 I more admire at this gross pieâ—â— of ignorance then at all the rest Silesia Moravia and 〈…〉 incorporated with the Realm of 〈◊〉 being nâ—ver qualified with sending any Electors â—or thâ— choice of the Emperour The three Electors which he meaneth were the Count Palatine of the Râ—â—ne the Duke of Saxony and the Marquess of Brandenburg and they not coming in Person to the 〈◊〉 at Frackford appeared there by their Embassadors as at other times A like mistake but far more pardonâ—ble oâ—curreth Fol. 484. Where Daâ—mstal is said to be a Town of Bohemia whereas indeed it is a Town of the Land of Hâ—ssen the whole Territories of the Duke of Saxony being interposed betwixt this Town and the nearest parts of that Kingdom Fol. 489. The Lord Marchers after the Conquest were reâ—ident upon the Confines and borders of the Welch and other places not subdued men of valour of high blood of the Normans with the name and priviledges of the Earls of Chester That the Lord Marchers on the Borders of Wales were at first many in number as it after followeth is a truth undoubted But their power being contracted into fewer hands one of them Roger Mortimer by name was by King Edward the third made Earl of March The Earldome of Chester was of another foundation conferrd by William the Conqueror upon Hugh sirnamed Lupus Son to the Viscount of Auranches in Normandy with all the Rites and Privileges of a County Palatine to him and to his Heires for ever So that this honour being appropriated to the Heirs of that House was not Communicable unto any of the rest of the Marchers nor could those Marchers claim the stile and privileges of Earles of Chester Fol. 490. Sir Edward Montague had three sons Edward the eldest Knight of the Bath c. The Author here is much mistaken in the House of the Montagues For first that Edward Montague who was 〈…〉 c. was not Brother to Iames Bishop of Winchester aâ—d Henry Earl of Manchester but their Brothers Son that is to say the Son of another Eâ—ward their eldest Brother Secondly besides that Edward Iames and Henry there was another Brother whom the Author names not though he could not chuse but know the man viz. Sir Sidney Monâ—â—â—â— one oâ— the Masters of the Requests to the late King 〈◊〉 Theâ—â—fore to set this matter right I am to let both him and his Reaâ—ers know that Sr. Edward Montague chief Justice â—n the time of King Edward the sixth was father of another Edward who lived peaceably and nobly in his own Country To whom succeeded a third Edwâ—rd who 〈…〉 in the Wars and gained the reputation of a good Commaâ—der the elder Brother of Iames Henry and 〈◊〉 before mentioned and the father of a fourth Edâ—â—â—â— who was made Knight of the Bath at the Coronâ—tion 〈…〉 Anno 1â—03 and afterwards created Lord 〈◊〉 of Boughâ—on in the ninâ—teenth year of that King Anno 1621. which honourable Title is now enjoyed by his Son anotheâ— Edward Anno. 1658. And thirdly thâ—â—gh â— grant that Dr. Iames Montagâ—e Bishop of Winchâ—ster the second Brother of the four was of great power and favour in the time of King Iames and might have free accesse into the Bed-chamber of that King whensoever he pleased yeâ— that he was of the Bed chamber as the Author saith that iâ— to say admitted formerly thereunto and one of that number I do more then doubt Fol. 506. Then comes Iohn Howard c. created by Richard the 〈◊〉 Duke of Northfolk but not Earle Marshal In this and in the â—â—st that follows touching the succession of the Earls Mâ—rshâ—â—ls there aâ—e many mistaken Fâ—r first tâ—is Iohn Lord Howard was by Richard the third â—ot onely created Duke of North-folk but Earl Marâ—â—â—ll also as appears by Camdâ—n Fol 483. Secondly as well Thomas Earl of Surrey the son of this 〈◊〉 as anâ—thâ—r Thomas the son of that Thomas were both advanâ—â—d 〈◊〉 the â—ffice of Earl Marshal as is affirmed by such as have writ the Genealogies of this noble family Thirdly that Thomas Howard whom queen Mary restored unto the Office of Earl Marshâ—l was not the Grand-câ—ilde of Thomas Mâ—wbray â—ut the Grand-child of the Grand-child of the Daughter of that Thomas Mowbray as will appear to any who shall search that Pedigree But this perhaps may be an error of the Printer in giving us the name of Thomas Mowbray for Thomas Howard Fourthly though Robert Devâ—râ—ux Earle of Essex is by our Author placed next after this last Thomâ—s Hâ—ward in the Office of Marshal yet sure it is that Georg Talbot Earl of Shrewbury came in between them advanc'd unto that Dignity by Queen Elizabeth Anno 157â— Fol. 507. He 〈◊〉 the emineâ—t Struâ—ture of the Library of St. Iohns in Cambridge where he had been Master for many years This spoken of Dr. Williams then Bishop of Lincoln and Lord Keeper who certainly was never Master of that Colledge though by his power and and party in that Society he advanced Dr. Gwin who had been his Tutor unto that place as is affirmed in the Church History of Bâ—itain Lib. 11. fol. 225. It may be Mr. Williams was at that time of the same minde with â—harles Martâ—l of whom it is affirmed that he chose rather to make a King then to be a King Non â—word regnâ—re sed Râ—gibus 〈…〉 as the old verse hath it Or else perhaps we may say of him as Tâ—citus does of Mutianâ—s Cui facilâ—us erâ—t 〈…〉 that is to say that it was easier for him to procure the mastership for another then to obtain it for himsâ—lf But howsoever it was it seemes to have been carried by strong 〈◊〉 canvas of which Nation both the Pupil and the Scholer were as appeareth by these Hâ—xameters following in which the four Competitors are thus laid before us Fol. 〈◊〉 Th◠〈◊〉 of that Protestation 〈◊〉 meâ—◠〈…〉 Regni negotiis but left out Quibusdam 〈…〉 particular cases as the King 〈…〉 This spoken of a Protestation entred bâ—â—ome of the House of Commons Anno 1621. concerning 〈◊〉 of their pretended Rights and Privileges in which they 〈◊〉 mistaâ—en and I wonder the Author did not see it in 〈◊〉 the veâ—y grounds on which they built it For by the writ of summons the Commons were not called to consult of any thing either great of little difficult or not difficult whatsoâ—â—ver it was but onely 〈◊〉 consentiendum faciendum to consent to and perfoâ—m such things as by the great Councel of the Realmâ— consisting of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal should be then ordained as by the very â—writ it self doth at large appear By which it seems that the Commons assembled in Parliament were of themselves so far from being any 〈◊〉 oâ— that supreme Couâ—t that they were not to be counted for a part of the Kings great Councel So that the foundaâ—ion being 〈◊〉 the Superstructure could not stand which was built upon
of Tirone who had the conduct of that War was forced to submit unto him upon condition of his Pardon which not without great difficulty was obtain'd of the Queen After whose death the Lord Mountâ—oy returned into England brought the said Earl of Tyrone with him and presented him unto King Iames who by this means reaped the fruit of that Victory and setled Ireland upon a better foundation of Peace and Happiness then all the Kings which had Reign'd before him Thirdly There was never any such Lord Deputy of Ireland as Sir William Fitzers mentioned within few lines after Sir William Fitz-Williams was once Deputy there whom I think he means Nor â—ourthly was Sir George Cary whom he brings in by Head and shoulders to be the Governor of Ireland f. 187. ever advanced unto that Honor and our Author being as much mistaken in the name of the Man as of his Office Sir George Cary never had Command in Ireland Sir George Caâ—ew had made by the Queen Lord President of Muâ—ster which place he worthily discharg'd but not the Governor of that Kingdom Fol. 192. The Queen was delivered of her second Son the 13 of October 1633. and not upon the 14 of November 1634. he was 〈◊〉 ten days 〈…〉 James and created Duke of York by Letters Patents c. Our Author here corrects the former Historian for making the Kings second Son to be born on the 14 of 〈◊〉 and deâ—erves himself to be corrected for making him to be created Duke of York by Letters Patents on 〈…〉 day after his Birth For though he was by the King dâ—signed to be Duke of York and that it was commanded that he should be called so accordingly yet was he not created Duke of York by Letters Patents until ten years after and aâ—ove those Letters Patents bearing date at Iâ—nuaryâ—7 â—7 Anno 1643. The like mistake to that which he corrects in the former Historian he falls intâ— himâ—elf fol. 312. wheâ—e he makes Henry Duke of Glocester the Kings yongest Son to be born on the twentieth day 〈◊〉 Iuly Anâ—o 1640. whereas it appears by the Arch Bishops Breviâ—t that he was born on Wednesday the eighth day of that Moneth being the day of the solemn Faâ—t And by this rule we may correct a passâ—ge in the sâ—oâ—t view of this Kings life pag. â—3 wherâ— he is 〈…〉 born on the seventeenth of this Moneth though rightly 〈◊〉 46. on the eighth day of it he is said to be bâ—rn upâ—n the eighth And thus he fails fol. 232. in making Edwâ—rd 〈◊〉 the onely Son of George Duke of Clarence to be Duke of Warwick whom all our Heralds and 〈…〉 Earl of Warwick The like mistake I finde in the name of a Town near unto which a great Battle was fought between the 〈◊〉 and the Swedes The Town near which that Battle was fought being named Norlinghen a City of that part of Svevia which is called North-schwâ—hâ—n misâ—akingly by 〈◊〉 Author called the Battle of Norlington The loss of which Battle drew after it the loss of the Palatinate restored to the Electoral Family but the year before Fol. 209. And that Story of truth that John of Orleans of this Family like a second Judith saved France from the Oppression of Strangers Not now to quarrel the ungrammaticalness of this passage nor the mistake of Iohn of Orleans for Iohane I would fain know by what Authority our Author makes this Iohn orâ— Ioane to be descended of this Illustrious Family of the Dukes of Lorrein Most of the French who have written the Story of her life report her to be a poor mans daughter of Ocolieur a Town in that Dukedom instructed by the Earl of Dunois commonly called the Bastard of Orleans to pretend to some Divine Revelations the better to incourage that dejected Nation and to take upon her the Conduct of the French Armies against the English in which she sped fortunately at the first but in the end was taken Prisoner and burnt at Rouen Nor does the paralel between her and Iudish hold so well as our Author would have it that Lady adventuring into the Tent of Holophernes accompanied onely with her Maid this Damosel Errant never looking on the face of an Enemy but when she was backt by the best Commanders and united Forces of the French that Lady carrying back with her the head of her Enemy which occasioned the total overthrow of all his Aâ—my this Damosâ—l not being able to save her own Head from the power of the Conqueror that Lady dying honorably in the Bed of Peace and this ingloriously in a Ditch Fol. 219. A severe eye had been upon the Roman Catholicks and their numerous râ—sorts c. to the ancient Chappel at Denmark House An ancient Chappel questionless of not much above twenty years continuance when our Author writ this part of his History and then built for the devotions of a small Covent of Capuchins whom the Queen had got leave â—o sâ—ttle there for her personal comfort No Chappell anciently belonging to that House which our Authour cals by the name of Denmark but is more commonly called Somerset House It having been observed of Edward Duke of Somerset the first Founder of it that having pull'd down one Parish Church and three Bishops houses each of which had their several Oratories to make room for that Palace for himself he could not finde in his heart to build a Chappell to it for the Service of God And though some Room was afterward set apart in it for Family-duties and devotions by the name of a Closet yet so uncapable was that Closet of admitting any numerous resort of Catholiques out of other places that it was not able to contain the Queens Domesticks at her first coming hither But perhaps our Authour will hit it better in the affairs of Scotland and therefore passe we on to them where first we finde That He makes Sir Iohn Stewart Earl of Traquair to succeed the Earl of Marr in the Office of Lord Treasurer of Scotland fol. 193. Whereas it is most undoubtedly true and acknowledged by himself in another place that he succeeded in that Office to the Earl of Morton the Earl of Morton being made Captain of the guard in the place of the Earl of Holland and the Earl of Holland made Groom of the Stool upon the death of the Earl of Carlile His making of Sir Iohn Hay of Scotlandâ—o â—o be the Master of the Robes for that Kingdom fol. 237. in stead of Master of the Rolls Clerk-Register they call him there I look on as a mistake of the Printer only though such mistakes condemn our Authour of no small negligence in not reviewing his own work Sheet by Sheet as it came from the Presse and making an Errata to it as all Authours carefull of their credit have been used to do Fol. 230. And because the Earl of Strathern a bold man and had the Kings ear and deservedly too being faithfull and true these
and be presumed to have two faces with the one looking towards London for which he was upon his march with the other on Malvarn Hills where the Cavaliers faced him And secondly We must think the Cavaliers to be very Cowards that durst not face him supposing still that he had two faces at a nearer distance then from Malvarn Hills distant from Cirencester thirty miles at the least and how far from Chilleton let them tell me who have searcht the Maps But though he makes the Cavaliers to keep out of danger yet he brings the Queen neer enough unto it whom we finde at Newleâ—y Fight fol. 648. placed by him with the King on the top of an Hill to behold the battle But herein his intelligence fail'd him the Queen being at that time safe in Oxford and the King venturing his most sacred person with the rest of his Army Mercurius Aulicus one of his best Authours for a great part of the War could have told him so had he consulted him in this as in other places Fol. 639. The Irish Forces coming under the command of Sir Michael Ernly an experienced Souldier and landing in Wales c. The Forces which our Authour speaks of were not Irish but English sent over in the beginning of the War to defend the South-parts of Ireland against the Rebels But being forced for the Reasons mentioned in our Authour to come to a cessation with them four thousand of them put themselves into a body under the command of Sir Michael Ernly above-named and came over into England to serve the King against the Houses of Parliament by which they had been so unhandsomely handled Had they been kept together in a Body and serv'd under their old known Commanders there is no question to be made but that they might have much advanc'd his Majesties Service But Prince Rupert who was all in all in the Councell of War caused them to be divided from one another distributed them into severall Regiments of his Majesties Armies and placed them under new Commanders which gave the Souldiers great displeasure and their Offiâ—ers more rendring their Service less honourable to themselves and of small advantage to the King Of these Officers Col. Monk was one descended from a Daughter of Arthur Plantaginet Vicount Lisle the Naâ—urall Son of King Edward the fourth who afterwards falling off to the Houses of Parliament much advanced their affairs defeating a great Fleet of the Hollanders Anno 1653. and at this day Commander in chief over the English Forces in Scotland Fol. 661. In all the Western Countries the Parliament had not a Souldier but at Plymouth and Pool â— What think we then of Lime a Sea-Town in Dorsetshire and consequently in the West Had there not been some Souldiers in it of the Parliament party and good Souldiers too it could not have held out so long against Prince Mâ—urice who wasted there the greatest part of the Cornish Army which had serv'd so fortunately under the Command of Sir Raph Hopton and yet could not take it But Lime was a Sea-Town as before was said and Prince Maurice had only a Landâ—Army which rendred the Design not more impossible then imprudent the besieging of a Haven-Town without a Navy to prevent all relief by Sea being like the hedging in of Cucko or the drowning of a quick Eâ—le by the Wise men of Gotham Fol. 662. The Marquesse of Newcastle for the King went into Darbyshire where he listed fifteen hundred Voluntiers assisted by Sir John Gell his Interest thereabouts and Sir John Harpers Worse and worse still The Earl of Newcastle assisted by Sir Iohn Gell were brave News indeed That Sir Iohn Harper might do his best in it I shall easily grant But Sir Iohn Gell was all along a principall stickler for the Houses of Parliament and spent his whole stock of Interesse in that Countrey to advance their Service In the pursuit whereof he was observed to be one of their first Commanders which issued out Warrants to the Tenants of the Lords and Gentry who did adhere unto the King to bring in their rents and be responsall for them for the time to come to the Committee at Darby one of which Warrants Dated in March 1642. was brought to Oxford and is this that followeth To the Constable of Acmanton WHereas these unnaâ—ur all Wars at this present are sâ—mented and maintained by ` Papists and Malignants to the utter undoing of many honest men and the ruine of the whole Commonwealth for the better preventing of which misery and to do the best we can to put a speedy end to these distractions according to the trust reposed in us by the Ordinance of Parliament we think sit to command you that presently upon receipt hereof you give notice to all the Tenants within your Constablery named in a Schedule herewiâ—h sent you that henceforward they pay all their Renâ—s due to any of those persons or to any other that contribute or bear Arms against the Parliament to the Committee here at Darby or to such other person or persons as the said Committee shall nominate And we all promise that such of those Tenants who shew their forwardnesse to bring in their Rents to the Committee at Darby by our Lady day next or within four daies aftâ—rwards shall have a discharge against their Landlords of the whole rent and shall have a fourth part abaâ—ed them And those Tenants that are refractory and come not willingly to us shall not only be forced to pay their whole Rents but also shall be pâ—occeded against as malignant persons and such as endeavor the continuance of these troubles Given under our hands March 1642. The Names of the Persons contained in the Schedule above-mentioned amouâ—t to the number of 46. viz. the Earl of Shrewsbury the Earl of Devonshire the Earl of New-castle whom our Authour makes so much befriended by Sir John Gell the Earl of Chesterfield the Lord Maltravers Sir John Harper of Caulk and Sir John Harper of Swarstone Sir William Savill Sir John Fitz Herbert of Norbury Sir Edward Mosely c. All men of very great Estates and therefore like to send in the more grist to the Mill at Darby So farre did Sir John Gell act for the Houses of Parliament And he continued in those actings till the end of the War After which falling into some suspition to have changed his Affections he was committed to the Tower in no small danger of his life and came not off but with the loss of former Actings Fol. 712. This no question caused their General Essex early the next day to quit his glorious Command and in a small Boat to shift away by Water If that were it which caused him to shift away in a small Boat he must needs play the part of a Cowardly Soldier whilst every one of the Soldiers stood ready to act the part of a brave Commander And therefore it is probable that there was somewhat more in it then
on their 〈…〉 Our Author tells us in his Brerewood upon a diligent enquiry hath found it otherwise then our Author doth letting us know That the first Countrey in Christendom whence the Jews were expelled without hope of return was our Countrey of England whence they were banished Anno 1290. by King Edward the first and not long after out of France Anno 1307. by Phiâ—ippus Pulcher. Not out of France first out of England afterwards as our Author would have it Fol. 100. Thus men of yesterday have pride too much to remember what they were the day before An observation true enough but not well applyed The two Spenâ—â—rs whom he speaks this of were not men of yesterday or raised out of the dirt or dunghill to so great an height but of as old and known Nobility as the best in England insomuch that when a question grew in Parliament whether the Baronesse de Spencer or the Lord of Aburgaveny were to have precedency it was adjudg'd unto de Spencer thereby declar'd the antientest Barony of the Kingdom at that time then being These two Spencers Hugh the Father was created Earl of Winchester for term of life and Hugh the Son by marrying one of the Daughters and co-heirs of Gilbert dt Clâ—re became Earl of Gloster Men more to be commended for their Loyalty then accused for their pride but that the King was now declining and therefore it was held fit by the prevalent faction to take his two supporters from him as they after did Fol. 113. The Lord Chancellor was ever a Bishop If our Author by this word ever understands 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 most commonly or for the most part he is right enough but then it will not stand with the following words viz. as if it had been against equity to employ any other 〈◊〉 〈…〉 he take the word ever in its proper and more natural sense as if none but Bishops had ever been advanced unto that office he doth not only misinform the Reader but confute himself he having told us fol. 31. of this present book that Thomas Becket being then but Archdeacon of Canterbury was made Lord Chancellor and that as soon as he was made Archbishop he resign'd that office But the truth is that not only men in holy Orders but many of the Laity also had attained that dignity as will appear to any who will take the pains to 〈◊〉 the Catalogue of the Chancellors and 〈◊〉 of the Grâ—at Seal in the Glossary of Sir Henry 〈◊〉 in which appear not only some of inferior dignity as Deans Archdeacons House-hold Chaplains but many also not dignified with any Ecclesiasticall â—â—â—â—or Notification and therefore in all probability to be looked on as meer Laymen Counsellors and Servants to the Kings in whose times they lived or otherwise studied in the Lawes and of good affectionâ— and consequently capable of the place of such trust and power Fol. 116. This yearâ— viz. 1350. as Authors generally agree King Edward instituted are Order of the Garter Right enough as unto the time but much mistaken in some things which relate unto that antient and most noble Order our Author taking up his Commodities at the second hand neither consulting the Records noâ— dealing in this business with men of credit For first there are not 〈◊〉 Canons resident in the Church of Winâ—or but thirteen only with the Dean it being King Edwards purpoâ—e when he founded that Oâ—deâ— consisting of twenty 〈◊〉 Knights himself being one to 〈◊〉 as many greater and lesser Canons and as many old Souldiers commonly called poor Knightsâ— to be pensioned there Though in this last the number was 〈…〉 up to his first intention He tels us secondly that if he be not mistaken as indeed he is Sir Thomas Row was the last Chancellor of the Order whereas Sir Iames Palmer one of the Gentlemen Huishers of the Privy Chamber succeeded him in the place of Chancellor after his decease Anno 1644. He tels us thirdly that there belongs unto it one Register being alwayes the Dean of Winsor which is nothing so For though the Deans of late times have been Registers also yet ab initio non suit sic it was not so from the beginning The first Dean who was also Register being Iohn Boxul Anno 1557. Before which time beginning at the year 1414. there had been nine Registers which were not Deans but how many more before that time I am not able to say their names not being on Record And soâ—â—thly he tels us that the Garter is one of the extraordinary Habiliments of the Knights of this Order their ordinary being only the blew Ribbon about their necks with the picture of St. George appendant and the Sun in his glory on the left shoulder of their Cloak whereas indeed the Garter is of common wearing and of such necessary use that the Knights are not to be seen abroad without it upon pain of paying two Crowns to any Officer of the Order who shall first claim it unless they be to take a journey in which case it is sufficient to wear a blew Ribbon under their Boots to denote the Garter Lastly whereas our Author tels us that the Knights heâ—eof do wear on the left shoulder of their Cloaks a Sun in his glory and attributes this wearing as some say to King Charles I will first put him out of doubt that this addition was King Charles his then shew him his mistake in the matter it self And first in the first year of that King Ap. 26 1626. it was thus enacted at a publick Chapter of the Oâ—der viz. That all Knights and Companions of the Order shall wear upon the left part of their Cloaks Coats and riding Cassacks at all times when they shall not wear their Roabs and in all places of Assembly an Escocheon of the Armes of St. George id est a Crosse within a Garter not enriched with Pearls or Stones in token of the honour which they hold from the said most noble Order instituted and ordained for persons of the highest worth and honour Our Authour secondly may perceive by this Act of the Kings that St. Georges Crosse within the Garter is the main device injoyned to be worn by all the Knights of that noble Order to which the adding of the Sun in his glory served but for ornament and imbellishing and might be either used or not used but only for conformities sake as they would themselves So many errors in so few lines one shall hardly meet with The Fourth Book From the first Preaching of Wickliffe to the beginning of the Reign of King Henry the Eighth OUR Author begins this Book with the Story of Wickliffe and continueth it in relating the successes of him and his followers to which he seems so much addicted as to Christen their Opinions by the name of the Gospel For speaking of such incouragements and helps as were given to Wickliffe by the Duke of Lancaster with other advantages which
to say the Title of Earl of Hereford which the Duke requested but so much of the Lands of those Earls as had been formeâ—ly enjoy'd by the House of Lancaster Concerning which we are to know that Humphry de Bohun the last Earl of Hereford left behinde him two Daughters only of which the eldest called Eleanor was married to Thomas of Woodstock Duke of Gloster Mary the other married unto Henry of Bullenbrook Earl of Darby Betwixt these two the Estate was parted the one Moiety which drew after it the Title of Hereford falling to Henry Earl of Darby the other which drew after it the Office of Constable to the Duke of Glocester But the Duke of Glocester being dead and his estate coming in fire unto his Daughter who was not able to contend Henry the fifth forced her unto a sub-division laying one half of her just partage to the other Moiety But the issue of Henry of Bullenbrook being quite extiâ—ct in the Person of Edward Prince of Wales Son of Henry the sixth these three parts of the Lands of the Earls of Hereford having been formerly incorporated into the Duchy of Lancaster remained in possession of the Crown but were conceiv'd by this Duke to belong to him as being the direct Heir of Anne Daughter of Thomas Duke of Glocester and consequently the direct Heir also of the House of Hereford This was the sum of his demand Nor do I finde that he made any suit for the Office of Constable or that he needed so to do he being then Constable of England as his Son Edward the last Duke of Buckingham of that Family was after him Fol. 199. At last the coming in of the Lord Stanley with three thousand fresh men decided the controversie on the Earls side Our Author is out in this also It was not the Lord Stanley but his Brother Sir William Stanley who came in so seasonably and thereby turn'd the Scale and chang'd the fortune of the day For which service he was afterward made Lord Chamberlain of the new Kings Houshold and advanc'd to great Riches and Estates but finally beheaded by that very King for whom and to whom he had done the same But the King look'd upon this action with another eye And therefore when the merit of this service was interposed to mitigate the Kings displeasure and preserve the man the King remembred very shrewdly that as he came soon enough to win the Victory so he staid long enough to have lost it ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Fifth and Sixth Books OF The Church History OF BRITAIN Relating to the time of King Henry the Eighth WE are now come to the busie times of King Henry the Eighth in which the power of the Church was much diminisht though not reduced to such ill terms as our Author makes it We have him here laying his foundations to overthrow that little which is left of the Churches Rights His superstructures we shall see in the times ensuing more seasonable for the practice of that Authority which in this fifth Book he hammereth only in the speculation But first we will begin with such Animadversions as relate unto this time and story as they come in our way leaving such principles and positions as concern the Church to the close of all where we shall draw them all together that our discourse and observations thereupon may come before the Reader without interruption And the first thing I meet with is a fault of Omission Dr. Newlen who succeeded Dr. Iackson in the Presâ—dentship of Corpus Christi Colledge in Oxford Anno 1640. by a free election and in a statuteable way being left out of our Authors Catalogue of the Presidents of C. C. C. in Oxford fol. 166. and Dr. Stanton who câ—me in by the power of the Visitors above eight years after being placed therein Which I thought fit though otherwise of no great moment to take notice of that I might do the honest man that right which our Author doth not Fol. 168. King Henry endevoured an uniformity of Grammar all over his Dominions that so youths though changing their School-masters might keep their learning That this was endevoured by King Henry and at last enâ—oyned I shall easily grant But then our Authour should have told us if at least he knew it that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thereof pâ—oceeded fâ—om the Convocation in the yeaâ— 1530. in which complaint being made Quod multiplex varius in Scholis Grammaticalibus modus esset 〈◊〉 c. That the multiplicity of Grammars did much him to learning it was thought meet by the Prelates and Clergy then assembled Vt una eadem edatur formula Auctoritate 〈…〉 singula Schola Grammaâ—icals per 〈…〉 that is to say that one only 〈…〉 that within few years after it was enjoyned by the Kings Proclamation to be used in all the Schools thoughout the Kingdom But here we are to note withall that our Author anticipates this business placing it in the eleventh year of this Kingâ— Anno 1519. whereas the Convocation took not this into conâ—ideration till the eighth of March Anno 1530. and ceâ—tainly would not have medled in it then if the King had setled and enjoyned it so long before Fol. 168. otherâ—ardiner â—ardiner gathered the Flowers made the Collections though King Henry had the honour to wear the Posie I am not ignorant that the making of the Kings Book against Martin Luther is by some Popish writers ascribed to Dr. Iohn Fisher then Bishop of Rochester But this Cavâ—â— was not made till after this King had reâ—ected the Popes Supremacy and consequently the lesse credit to be given unto it It is well known that his Father King Henry the seventh designed him for the Arch-bishoprick of Canterbury and to that end caused him to be trained up in all parts of learning which might inable 〈◊〉 for that place But his elder Brother Prince Arthur dâ—ing and himself succeeding in the Crown though he had laid aside the thoughts of being a Priest he could not but retain that Learning which he had acquired and reckon it amongst the fairest Flowers which adorned his Diadem Too great a Clerk he was to be called Beauclerk junior as if he were as short in learning of King Henry the first whom commonly they called Beauclerk as he was in time though so our Author would fain have it Hist. Cam. p. 2 3. A little learning went a great way in those early dayes which in this King would have made no shewâ— in whose â—â—me both the Arts and Languages began to flourish And if our Author doth not suspect this Kings lack of learning he hath no reason to suspect his lack of 〈◊〉 the work being small the glory great and helps enough at hand if he wanted any But of this enough Fol. 196. Which when finished as White-hall Hampton-Court c. he either freely gave to the King or exchanged them on very reasonable considerations That Hampton Court was either freely given by
why his Children should desire a restitution in bloud not otherwise to be obtained but by Act of Parliament And so without troubling the learned in the Law for our information I hope our Author will be satisfied and save his Fee for other more necessary uses Fol. 72. In the Convocation now sitting the nine and thirty Articles were composed agreeing for the main with those set forth in the Reign of King Edward the sixth though in some particulars allowing more liberty to dissenting judgements This is the active Convocation which before I spake of not setling matters of Religion in the same estate in which they were left by King Edward but altering some Articles expunging others addingsome de novo and fitting the whole body of them unto edification Not leaving any liberty to dissenting Iudgments as our Author would have it but binding men unto the literal and Grammatical sense They had not othewise attained to the end they aimed at which was ad tollendam opinionum dissensionem consensum in vera Religione firmandum that is to say to take away diversity of Opinions and to establish an agreement in the true Religion Which end could never be effected if men were left unto the liberty of dissenting or might have leave to put their own sense upon the Articles But whereas our Author instances in the Article of Christs descent into Hell telling us that Christs preaching unto the Spirits there on which the Article seemed to be grounded in King Edwards Book was left out in this and thereupon inferreth that men are left unto a latitude concerning the cause time manner of his descent I must needs say that he is very much mistaken For first the Church of England hath alwayes constantly maintained a locall Descent though many which would be thought her Children the better to comply with Calvin and some other Divines of forain Nations have deviated in this point from the sense of the Church And secondly the reason why this Convocation left out that passage of Christ preaching to the Spirits in hell was not that men might be left unto a latitude concerning the cause time and manner of his Descent as our Author dreams but because that passage of St. Peter being capable of some other interpretations was not conceived to be a clear and sufficient evidence to prove the Article For which see Bishop Bilsons Survey p. 388 389. Fol. 74. In a word concerning this clause whether the Bishops were faulty in their addition or their opposites in their substraction I leave to more cunning Arithmeticians to decide The Clause here spoken of by our Author is the first Sentence in the twentieth Article entituled De Ecclesiae Authoritate where it is said that the Church hath power to decree Rites and Ceremonies and Authority in Controversies of the Faith Which being charged upon the Bishops as a late addition the better to support their power and maintain their Tyranny the late Archbishop of Canterbury in his Speech in the Star-Chamber Iune the 15 1637. made it appear that the said Clause was in a Printed Book of Articles published in the year 1563. being but very few moneths after they had passed in the Convocation which was on the 29. of Ianuary 1562. in the English account And more then so he shewed unto the Lords a Copy of the twentieth Article exemplified out of the Records and attested by the hands of a publick Notary in which that very Clause was found which had been charged upon the Bishops for an innovation And thus much I can say of mine own knowledge that having occasion to conâ—â—â—t the Records of Convocation I found this controverted Clause verbatim in these following words Habet Ecclesia Ritus statuendo jus in fidei Controversis Authoritatem Which makes me wonder at our Author that having access to those Records and making frequent use of them in this present History he should declare himself unable to decide the doubt whether the addition of this Clause was made by the Bishops or the substraction of it by the opposite party But none so blinde as he that will not see saies the good old proverb But our Author will not so give over He must first have a fling at the Archbishop of Canterbury upon this occasion In the year 1571. the Puritan Faction beginning then to grow very strong the Articles were again Printed both in Latin and English and this Clause left out publisht according to those copies in the Harmony of Confessions Printed at Geneva Anno 1612. and publisht by the same at Oxford though soon after rectified Anno 1636. Now the Archbishop taking notice of the first alteration Anno 1571. declares in his said Speech that it was no hard matter for that opposite Faction to have the Articles Printed and this clause left out considering who they were that then governed businesses and rid the Church almost at their pleasure What says our Author to this Marry saith he I am not so well skilled in Historical Horsemanship as to know whom his Grace designed for the Rider of the Church at that time fol. 74. Strange that a man who undertakes to write an History should professe himself ignorant of the names of those who governed the businesse of the times he writes of But this is only an affected ignorance profest of purpose to preserve the honour of some men whom he beholds as the chief Patrons of the Puritan Faction For aftâ—â—wards this turn being served he can finde out who they were that then governed businesses and rid the Church almost at their pleasure telling us fol. 138 that the Earl of Leicester interpos'd himself Patron-general to the non-subscribers and that he did it at the perswasion of Roger Lord North. Besides which two we finde Sir Francis Knollys to be one of those who gave countenance to the troubles at Frankforâ— at such time as the Faction was there hottest against the Liturgy and other Rites and â—eremonies of the Church of England Who being a meer kinsman of the Queens and a Privy Counsellor made use of all advantages to pursue that project which being 〈◊〉 on foot beyond sea had been driven on here and though Leicester was enough of himself to rid the Church at his pleasure it being fitted with such helps Sir Francis Walsingham and many more of that kind which the times then gave him they drove on the faster till he had almost plung'd all in remedilesse Ruine But our Author hath not done with these Articles yet for he tels us of this Clause that it was Ibid. Omitted in the English and Latin Artiâ—â—â—â—â— set forth 1571 when they were first ratified by Actâ—â— Our â—uthor doth so dream of the power of Parliaments in matters of Religion that he will not suffer any Canon or Act of Convocation to be in sorce or obligatiory to the subject till confirmed by Parliament But I would fain know of him where he finds any Act of Parliament
their private discontents into open practices endeavouring to settle their Religion by the destruction of the King and the change of Government And first beginning with the Papists because first in time Fol. 5. Watson with William Clark another of his own profession having fancied a Notional Treason imparted it to George Brooks To these he after adds the Lord Cobham a Protestant the Lord Gray of Whaddon a Puritan and Sir Walter Rawleigh an able Statesman and some other Knights In the recital of which names our Author hath committed a double fault the one of omission and the other of commission A fault of omission in leaving out Sir Griffith Markham as much concerned as any of the principal actors design'd to have been Secretary of Estate had the Plot succeeded and finally arraign'd and condemn'd at Winchester as the others were His fault of commission is his calling the Lord Gray by the name of the Lord Gray of Whaddon a fault not easily to be pardon'd in so great an Herald whereas indeed though Whaddon in Buckinghamshire was part of his Estate yet Wilton in Herefordshire was his Barony and antâ—ent Seat his Ancestors being call'd LL. Gray of Wilton to difference them from the Lord Gray of Reuthen the Lord Gray of Codnor c. Having thus satisfied our Author in this particular I would gladly satisfie my self in some others concerning this Treason in which I finde so many persons of such different humors and Religions that it is very hard to think how they could either mingle their interefles or unite their counsels But discontentments make men fuel fit for any fire and discontents had been on purpose put upon some of them the more to estrange them from the King and the King from them And though I am not Oedipus enough for so dark a Sphinx yet others who have had more light into the businesses of that time have made their discontents to grow upon this occasion Sir Robert Cecil then principal Secretary to the Estate fearing the great abilities of Rawleigh and being wearied with the troublesome impertinencies of Gray and Cobham all which had joyned with him in design against the Earl of Essex their common Enemy had done their errand to Kings Iames whose counsels he desired to ingross to himself alone before his coming into England And the Plot took so good effect that when the Lord Cobham went to meet the King as he came towards London the King checked him being then Warden of the Cinqne Ports for his absence from his charge in that dangerous time The Lord Gray was not look'd upon in the Court as he had been formerly there being no longer use of his rashness and praecipitations And the better to discountenance Rawleigh who had been Captain of the Guard to Queen Elizabeth the King bestowed that Office on Sir Thomas Erskin then Vicount Fenton and Captain of his Guard in Scotland All which being publickly observ'd it was no haâ—d matter for George Brook to work upon the weak spiâ—its of Gray and Cobâ—am of which the last was his brother and the first his brothers special friend and by such Artifices as he us'd in laying before them their disgraces and shewing them a way to right themselves to draw them into the confederacy with Clark and Watson And it is possible that they not being substantive enough to stand alone might acquaint Rawleigh with the Plot whose head was able to do more then all their hands But of his actings in it or consenting to it when the paâ—ties were brought unto their Tryal there appear'd no proof but that Cobham in his confession taken before the Lords had accus'd him of it and that not only as an accessary but a principal actor But Cobham not being brought into the open Court to justifie his accusation face to face as the custom as it was thought a good argument by many that Rawleigh was not so criminal in this matter as his Enemies made him And though found guilty by the Jury on no other evidence then a branch of Cobhams confession not so much as subscribed by his hand yet all men were not satisfied in the manner of this proceeding it being then commonly affirm'd that Cobham had retracted his accusation as since it hath been said and printed that in a letter written the night before his Tryal and then sent to the Lordâ—â— he cleared Rawlâ—igh from all manner of Treasons against the King or State for which consult the Observations upon some particular Persons and passages c. printed Anno 1656. But from the practices of the Papists which have led me thus far out of my way it is now time that I proceed to the Petition of the Puritans presented to the King much about that time Fol. 7. This called the Millenary Petition And it was called so because given out to be subscribed by 〈◊〉 thousand hands though it wanted a fourth part of thiâ— number More modest now then they had been in Pâ—â—ries time when in stead of one thousand they threatnâ—â— to bring a Petition which should be presented by the hands of a hundred thousand More modest also in the style and phrase of their Petition and in the subject Mâ—â—ter of it then they had been when Martin Mar Prâ—â—â—rul'd the Rost and would be satisfied with nothing 〈◊〉 the ruine of the English Hierarchy Which notwithstanding the King thought fit to demur upon it and 〈◊〉 commended the answering of their Petition to the Uâ—â—versity of Oxford and was done accordingly The Anâ—â—â— and Petition printed not long after gave the first stopâ—â— this importunity represt more fully by the Conferâ—â—â— at Hampton-Court of which it is told us by our Authâ—â— how some of the Millenary party complained that 〈◊〉 Fol. 21. This Conference was partially set forth only 〈◊〉 Dr. Barlow Dean of Chester their professed Adversaâ—â— to the great disadvantage of their Divines If so 〈◊〉 did it come to pass that none of their Divines thâ—â— present noâ— any other in their behalf did ever manifeâ—â— the world the partialities and falsehoods of it The 〈◊〉 was printed not long after the end of the Conference publickly passing from one hand to another and neâ— convicted of any such crime as it stands charged with 〈◊〉 any one particular pâ—â—â—age to this very day Only pleas'd some of the Zealoâ—s to scatter abroad some triâ—â—ing Papers not amounting to half a sheet amongst them which tended to the holding up of their sinking Party and being brought by Dr. Barlow were by him put in Print and publisht at the end of his Book Vt deterrim comparatione gloriam sibi compararet in the words of Tacitus He could not better manifest his own abilities then by having those weak and imperfect Scribbles for a foil unto them And here before I leave this conference I must make a start to fol. 91. for rectifying a mistake of our Authors which relates unto it Where speaking of Dr. King then Bishop of London and
Design 'T is 〈◊〉 the stomack of the Scots were sharp set still crying Give give but never satisfied King Iames as bounâ—â—ful and open handed towards them as they could desire But neitheâ— were they to impudent as to crave nor the King to impotent as to give a whole Bishopâ—ick 〈◊〉 onâ—e especially so rich a Bishoprick as this of Durham But the truth is that George Hume Earl of Dunbar Lord Treasurer of Scotland and highly favour'd by the King having procur'd a grant of all the batable grounds as they then called them upon the Borders of both Kingdoms began to cast his eye upon Norham-Castle and the Lands about it belonging to the See of Durham conceiving it a fit place to command the rest But being a well principled man and a great Minister of that Kings in restoring the Episcopal Government to the Church of Scotland he acquainted Bishop Bancroft with his desires who knowing what great use might be made of him for the good of this Church and being sure enough of the consent of Dr. Matthews then Bishop of Durham he thus ordered the business Whereas the Revenue of Norham-Castle and the lands adjoyning were valued at one hundred twenty pounds per annum in the Bishops Rental it was agreed that the Earl should procure of the King an abatement of sixscore pounds yearly out of the annual pension of a thousand pound which had been said upon that Bishoprick by Queen Elizabeth as before is said Secondly that he should obtain from the King for the said Dr. Matthews and his Successors a restitution of his House in the Strand called Durham-House with the Gardens Stables and Tenements thereto appertaining which had been alienated from that Bishoprick ever since the dissolving of it by King Edward the sixth Thirdly that in consideration hereof Bishop Matthews should make a grant of Norham-Castle and the Countrey adjoyning in Feefarm to the King by him immediately to be convey'd to the Earl of Dunbar And fourthly that his own 〈◊〉 being thus serv'd the said Earl should joyn with Bishop Bancroft and his friends for obtaining from the King an Act of Parliament whereby both he and his successors should be made uncapable of any the like Grants and Alienations for the time to come which as it was the 〈◊〉 Markeâ— that ever Toby Matthews was at so was it the best bargain which was ever driven for the Church of England so â—ar from swallowing up that Bishoprick that it was the only means to save that and preserve the rest And yet perhaps the credible information which our Author speaks of might not relate unto the Bisâ—oprick but the Deaâ—ry of Durham bestowed by that King being then not well studied in the Composition of the Church of England on Sir Adam Newton a Courtier prevalent enough as having been Tutor to Prince Henry the Kings eldest Son And possible it is that the Scots might have kept it in their hands from one generation to another if Dr. Hunt not otherwise to be remembred had not bought him out of it and put himself into the place Fol. 59. And as about this time some perchance overvaluâ—d the Geneva Notes out of that especial love they bare to the Authors and place whence it proceeded so on the other side some without cause did slight or rather without charity did slander the same â— I trow our Author will not take upon him to condemn all those who approve not of the Genevian Notes upon the Bible or to appear an Advocate for them though he tells us not many lines before that they were printed thirty times over with the general liking of the people I hope he will not do the first for King Iames his sake who in the Conference at Hampton-Court did first declare that of all the Translations of the Bible into the English Tongue that of Geneva was the worst and secondly that the Notes upon it were partial untrue seditious and savouring too much of dangerous and traiterous conceits For pâ—oof whereof his Majesty instanced in two places the one on Exod. 1. vers 19. where disobedience to Kings is allowed of the other in â— Chron. 8. 15 16. where Asa is taxed for deposing his Mothâ—r only and not killing her A Note wheâ—eof the Scottish Presbyterians made special use not only deposing Mary their lawful Queen from the Regal Thâ—one but prosecuting â—er openly and under hand till they had took away her life These instances our Author in his Summary of that Conference hath passed over in silence as loath to have such blemishes appear in the Genevians or their Annotations And I hope also that he will not advocate for the rest For let him tell me what he thinks of that on the second of St. Matthews Gospel v. 12. viz Promise ought not to be kept where Gods honour and preaching of his truth is hindered or else it ought not to be broken What a wide gap think we doth this open to the breach of all Promises Oaths Covenants Contracts and Agreements not only betwixt man and man but between Kings and their Subjects Whâ—t Rebel ever took up Arms without some pretences of that nature What Tumults and Rebellions have been rais'd in all parts of Christendom in England Scotland Ireland France the Netherlands Germany and indeed where not under colour that Gods honour and the preaching of the truth is hindered If this once pass for good sound Doctrine neither the King nor any of his good Subjects in what Realm â—oever can live in safety Gods Honour and the preaching 〈◊〉 his Truth are two such pretences as will make void all Laws elude all Oathes and thrust our all Covenants and Agreements be they what they will Neâ—â— I would have our Author tell me what he thinks of this Note on the ninth of the Revelation ver 3. where the 〈◊〉 which came out of the smoak are said to be 〈◊〉 teachers Hereticks and worldly subtil â—relates with 〈◊〉 Fâ—iers Cardinals Patriarchs Archbishops Bishops 〈◊〉 Batchelors and Masters Does not this note 〈◊〉 fasten the name of Locusts on all the Cleâ—â—y of 〈◊〉 Realm that is to say Archbishops Bishops and all 〈◊〉 as are graduated in the University by the name of Doctors Batchelors and Masters And doth it not as plainly yoak them with Fâ—iers Monkâ— and Cardinals pâ—incipal instruments in all times to advance the Popecom I know the words which follow after are alleadged by some to take off the envy of this Note viz. who forsake Christ to maintain false doctrines But the enumeration of so many particulars makes not the Note the lets invidious the said explication notwithstanding because the Note had been as perfect and significant had it gone thus in generals only that is to say by Locusts here are meant false Teachers Hereticks and other worldly subtil men that seduced the people perswading them to foâ—sake Christ to maintain false Doctrine But the Genevians who account Archbishops and Bishops to be limbs of the Pope
in this caâ—e came before by whose continual importunity and 〈◊〉 the breach of the Treaties followed after The King lov'd peace â—oo well to lay aside the Treaties and engage in War before he was desperate of success any other way then by that of the Sword and was assur'd both of the hands and hearts of his subjects to assist him in it And therefore ouâ— Author should have said that the King not only called together his great Councel but broke off the Treaty and not have given us here such an Hysteron Proteron as neither doth consist with reason not the truth of story ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Eleventh Book OF The Church History OF BRITAIN Containing the Reign of King Charles THis Book concludes our Authors History and my Animadverâ—â—ons And 〈◊〉 the end be 〈◊〉 unto the beginning it is like to 〈…〉 enough our Author stumbling at the Threshold 〈◊〉 â—moâ—gst superstitious people hath been 〈…〉 presage Having placed King Charles upon 〈…〉 he goes on to tell us that Fol. 117. On the fourtâ—enth 〈…〉 James his Funerals were 〈…〉 Collegiat Church at 〈…〉 but the fourth saith the 〈…〉 Reign of King Charls and 〈…〉 was on the 〈…〉 â—â—venth of May on which those solemn Obsequies were 〈…〉 Westminster Of which if he will not take my word seâ— him consult the Pamphleâ— called the 〈…〉 â—ol 6. and he shall be satisfied Our 〈…〉 muâ—â— keep time better or else we shall neveâ— know how the day goes with him Fol. 119. As for Dr. Preâ—â—on c. His party would 〈◊〉 us that he might have chose his own Mitre And 〈…〉 his party would perswade us That he had not only large parts of suâ—â—icient receipt to manage the broad 〈…〉 but that the Seal was proffered to him fol. 131. But we are not bound to believe all which is said by that party who look'd vpon the man with such a reverence as came near Idolaâ—â—y His Principles and engagements were too well known by those which governed Affairs to ventâ—â—e him â—nto any such great trust in Church or State and his activity so suspected that he would not have been long suffered to continue Preacher at Lincolns Inn. As for his intimacy with the Duke too violent to be long lasting it proceeded not from any good â—pinion which the Duke had of him but that he found how instrumental he might be to manage that prevailâ—â—g party to the Kings advantage But when it was 〈◊〉 that he had more of the Serpent in him then of the 〈◊〉 and that he was not tractable in steering the 〈◊〉 of his own Party by the Court Compass he was discountenanc'd and â—aid by as not worth the keeping He seemed the Court Mâ—reor for a while 〈◊〉 to a sâ—dden height of expectation and having 〈◊〉 and blaz'd a 〈◊〉 went out again and was as suddâ—â—nly â—oâ—gotten â—ol 119. Next day the King coming from Canterbury 〈…〉 with all solemnity she was 〈…〉 in London where a Chappel 〈…〉 her Devâ—tionâ— with a Covent 〈…〉 to the Articles of her 〈…〉 how â—ame he to be suffered to be present at 〈◊〉 in the capacity of Lord Keeper For that he did so is affirmed by our Author saying That the King took a Sâ—role of Parchment out of his bosom and gave it to the Lâ—rd 〈…〉 who read it to the Commons four sevâ—raâ— times East-West North and South fol. 123. Thirdly the Lord Keeper who read that Scrole was not the 〈◊〉 Keeper Williams but the Lord Keeper Coventry 〈◊〉 Seal being taken from the Bishop of Lincoln and 〈◊〉 to the custoâ—y of Sir Thomas Coventry in October before And therefore fourthly our Author is much ouâ— in placing both the Coronation and the following Parliament befoâ—e the change of the Lord Keeper and sending Sir Iohn Suckling to feâ—ch that Seal at the end of a Parliâ—ment in the Spring which he had brought away with him before Michaelmas Term. But as our Author was willing to keep the Bishop of Lincoln in the Deaâ—â—y of Westminster for no less then five or six years after it was confer'd on another so is he as desirous to continue him Lord Keeper for as many months after the Seal had been entrusted to another hand Fol. 122. The Earl of Arundel as Earl Marshal of 〈◊〉 and the Duke of Buckingham as Lord High Constâ—ble of England for that day went before his Majesty in that great Solemnity In this passage and the next that follows ouâ— Author shews himself as bad an Herald in marshalling a Royal shew as in stating the true time of the câ—eation of a Noble Peer Here in this place he plaâ—eth the Earl Marshal before the Constable whereas by the 〈◊〉 31 H. 8. c. 10. the Constable is to have 〈◊〉 before the Marshal Not want there Precedents to shew that the Lord High-Constable did many times direct his Mâ—ndats to the Earl Marshal as one of the Miniâ—â—ers of his Court willing and requiring him to perform such and such services as in the said Precepts were expâ—essed In the next place we are informed that Ibid. That the Kings Train being six yards long of Purple Velvet was held up by the Lord Compton and the Lord Viscount Dorcester That the Lord Compton was one of them which held up the Kings Train I shall easily grant he being then Master of the Robes and thereby châ—llenging a right to peâ—foâ—m this service But that the Lord Viscount Dorcester was the other of them I shall never grant there being no such Viscount at the time of the Coronation I cannot 〈◊〉 but that Sir Dâ—dley Carleton might be one of those which held up the Train though I am not sure of it But sure I am that Sir Dudley Carleton was not made Baron of Imber-Court till towards the latter end of the following Parliament of An. 1626 nor created Viscount Dorcester until some years after Fol. 122. The Lord Archbishop did present his Majesty to the Lords and Commons East West North South asking their mindes four several times if they did consent to the Coronation of King Charles their lawful â—overaign This is a piece of new State-doctrine never known before that the Coronation of the King and consequently his Succession to the Crown of England should depend on the consent of the Lords and Commons who were then assembled the Coronation not proceeding as he after â—elleth us till their consent was given four times by â—cclamations And this I call a piece of new State-doctrine never known before because I finde the contrary in the Coronation of our former Kings For in the form and manner of the Coronation of King Edward 6. described in the Catalogue of Honor â—et â—orth by Tho. Mills of Canterbury Anno 1610. we finde it thus The King being carried by certain Noble Courtiers in another Chair â—nto the four sides of the Stage was by the Archbishop of Canterbury declared unto the people standing round about both by Gods and mans Laws to be the right and lawâ—ul King of
c. Upon a sâ—ditious Sermon which he preached in that Church where contrary to his duty he had neglected to preach for seven years together before he was first questioned at Durham from whence he was called to the High Commission Court at Lond. and afterwardâ— at his own desire remitted to the same Court at York where being sentenced to recant and refusing so to do with great scorn he was at last upon his obstinacy degraded from his Ecclesiasticall Function and that Sentence was not long after judicially confirmed by Judge Damport at the publick Assises in Durham where he was by publick sentence also at the Common Law put out of his Prebend and his Benefices that he formerly held in that County Many years following he procured a large Maintenance for himself and his Family to the summ of 400 l. per ann more worth to him then his Chuâ—ch-profiâ—s ever were out of the peculiar Contributions at London and elsewhere gathered up for silenced Ministers But when the Parliament began in the year 1640 upon project and hope of getting more he preferred a Bill oâ— Complaint there against thirty severall persons at the least that is against the High Commissioners at London the same Commissioners and Prebends Residentiary at York the Dean and Chapter of Durham with diveâ—s others whereof I was but One though he was pleased to set my Name in the Front of them all From all these together he expected to recover and receive a greater summ of money for Money was his project pretending that he had lost by them no less then thirty thousand pounds though he was never known to be worth one After his Bill of Complaint was carried up by a Gentleman of the House of Commons to the House of Lords among the rest of those persons that were accused by him some for Superstition and some for Persecution I put in my full Answer upon Oath and declared the truth of the whole matter whereof Mr. Fuller taketh not any notice at all and therein dealeth most unfaithfully both with me and the Reader of his History for that Answer of mine is upon Record among the Rolls of Parliament and was justified before the Lords both by my self and by the very Witness that Mr. Smart and his Son-in-law produced there against me whereupon his own Lawyer Mr. Glover openly at the Bar of that honourable House forsook him and told him plainly that he was ashamed of his Complaint and could not in Conscience plead for him any longer Mr. Smart in the mean while crying out aloud and beseeching their Lordships to appoint him another Lawyer and to take care of his fourteen thousand pound damages besides other demands that he had to make which arose to a grâ—ater summ But after this which was the fifth day of pleading between uâ— the Case was heard no more concerning my particular and many of the Lords said openly that â—r Smarâ— had abused the House of Commons with a causâ—â—ess Complaint against me whereupon my Lord the Earl of Warwick was pleased to bring me an Order of â—he Lords House whereby I had liberty granted me to â—eturn unto my places of Charge in the University or â—lsewhere till they sent for me again which they never â—id The Answers that I gave in upon Oath and justified â—efore their Lordships were to this effect all contrary 〈◊〉 Mr. Fullers groundless reports 1. Tâ—at the Communion-Table in the Church of Durâ—am which in the Bill of Complaint and M. Fullers Hist. 〈◊〉 said to be the Marble Altar with Châ—rubins was not 〈◊〉 up by me but by the Dean and Chapter there 〈◊〉 of Mr. Smart himself was one many years beâ—â—re I bâ—came Prâ—â—endary of that Church or ever saw 〈◊〉 Country 2. That by the publick Accountâ— which are there â—â—gistred it did not appear to have cost above the tenth â—â—rt of what is pretended Appurtenanceâ— and all 3. That likewise the Copes used in that Church â—ere brought in thither long before my time and when â—r Smart thâ— Complainant was Prebâ—ndary there who â—â—so allowed his part as I was ready to prove by the 〈◊〉 Book of the money that they cost for they cost â—t little 4. That as I never approved the Picture of the Triâ—y or the Image of God the Father in the Figure of 〈◊〉 old Man or otherwise to be made or placed any â—â—ere at all So I was well assured that there were none â—â—ch nor to my knowledge or hear-say ever had been put upon any Cope that was used there among us One there was that had the Story of the Passion embroidered upon it but the Cope that I used to weare when at any time I attended the Communion-Service was of plain white Sattin only without any Embroidery upon it at all 5. That â—hat the Bill of Complaint called the Image of Christ with a blew Cap and a golden Beard Mr. Fullers History sayes it was red and that it was set upon one of the Copes was nothing else but the top of Bishop Haâ—fields Tomb set up in the Church under a siâ—e-Arch there two hundred years before I was born being a little Portraiture not appearing to be above ten Inches long and hardly discernable to the eye what Figure it is for it stands thirty Foot from the ground 6. That by the locall Statutes of that Church wherunâ—o Mr. Smart was sworn as well as my selfe the Treasurer was to give Order that the provision should every year be made of a sufficient number of Wax-lightâ— for the Service of the Quire during all the Winter time which Statute I observed when I was chosen into that Office and had order from the Dean and Chapter by Capâ—tular Act to do it yet upon the Communion Table they that used to light the Candles the Sacriâ—ts and the Virgers never set more then two fair Candleâ— with a few small Sizes neer to them which they put there of purpose that the people all about might have the better use of them for singing the Psalmes and reading the Lessons out of the Bibles But two hundred was a greater number then they used all the Church over either upon Candlemâ—s Night or any other and that there were no more sometimes many less lighted at that time then at the like Festivalls in Christmas-Holydaies when the people of the City came in greater company to the Church and therefore required a greater store of lights 7. That I never forbad nor any body else that I know the singing of the Meeter Psalms in the Church which I used to sing daily there my self with other company at Morning Prayer But upon Sundaies and Holy-daies in the Quire before the Sermon the Creed was sung and sung plainly for every one to understand as it is appointed in the Communion Book after the Sermon we sung a part of a Psalm or some other Antheme taken out of the Scripture and first signified to the people where they might find it 8. That so far
Earl of Essex that he went Deputy into Ireland Fol. 234. Whereas indeed he was not sent over into Ireland with the Title of Deputy but by the more honourable Title of Lord Leviâ—enant having power to create a Lord Deputy under him when his occasions or the the necessities of the state should require his absence Fol. 2â—1 The 26. of February 1â—00 was born the Kings third son and Christnâ—â— Charles at Dunferling The Kings third son and afterwards his Successor in the Crown of England was not born on the 26. of February but on the 19. of Noveâ—â—er as is averred by all others who have written of it and publickly attested by the annual ringing of Bells upon that day in the City of London during the whole time of his pâ—wer and prosperity The like mistake we finde in the tiâ—e and day of the Birth of Queen Elizabeth of whom it is â—â—id Fol. 261. 25. That she gave up the Ghost to Gâ—d oâ— that day of her Birth from whom she had it intimating thaâ— she died on the Eve of the same Lady-day on which she was born But the truth is that she was born on the Eve of the Nativity of the Virgin Mary being the seventh day of September and died on the Eve of the Annuntiation being the 24. of March And so much for the History of the Reign of Queen Mary and King Iames her Son as to the Realm of Scotland onely both of them Crowned as Iames the fift had also been in their tenderest infancy But whereas our Author tells us Fol. 8. that Q Mary 〈◊〉 the kingdom to her son who was born a King I can by no means yeild to that I finde indeed that our Saâ—iour Christ was born King of the Iews and so proclaimed to be by the Angel Gabriel at the very time of his Conception And I have read that Sapores one of the Kings of Persia was not onely born a King but crowned King too before his birth for his Father dying withouâ—â—â—ue as the story saith left his wife with child which child the Magi having signified by their Art to be a Male the Persian Princes caused the Crown and Royal Ornaments to be set upon his Mothers Belly acknowledging him there by for their King and Sovaraign But so it was not with King Iames who was born on the 19 of Iune Anno. 1566. and Crowned King on the 24. of Iuly being the 5. day after his Mothers resignation of the Crown and Government Anno. 1567. ADVERTISEMENTS ON THE REIGN DEATH OF KING IAMES Of GREAT BRITAIN FRANCE and IRELAND the first WE are now come unto the Reign of King Iames as King of England or rather as King of England and Scotland under the notion of Great Britain of whose reception as he passed through Godmanchestâ—r the Historian telleth us that Fol. 270. At Godmanchester in the Counâ—y of Notthamptonshire they presented him with 70 Teem of Horses c. beâ—â—g his Tenants and holding their Land by that Tenure But first Godâ—aâ—chester is not in Northampton but in Huntiâ—gtonshire And secondly Though it be a custom for those in Godmanchâ—ster to shew their Bravery to the Kings of England in that rustical Pomp yet I conceive it not to be the Tenure which they hold their Lands by For Camden who is very punctual in observing Tenures mentions not this as a Tenure but a Custom onely adding withal that they make their boast That they have in former time received the Kings of England as they passed in their progress this way with ninescore Ploughs brought forth in a rustical kinde of Pomp for a gallant shew If onely for a gallant shew or a rustical Pomp then not observed by them as their Tenure or if a Tenure not 〈◊〉 from ninescore to 70. all Tenures being â—ixt not variable at the will of the Tenants Fol. 273. This most honorable Order of the Garter was instituted by King Edward the third c. So far our Author right enough as unto the â—ounder and rigâ—â— enough as to the time of the institution which he placeth in the year 1350. But whereas he telleth us withal that this Order was founded by King Edward the third 〈◊〉 John of France and King James of Scotland being then Prisâ—ners in the Tower of London and King Henry of Castile the Bastard expulst and Don Pedro restored by the Prince of Wales called the Black Prince in that he is very much mistaken For first It was David King of the Scots not Iames who had been taken Prisoner by this Kings Forces there being no Iames King of the Scots in above fifty years after Secondly Iohn of France was not taken Prisoner till the year 1356. nor Henry of Castile expulsed by the Prince of Wales till ten years after Anno 1366. By consequence neither of those two great Actions could precede the Order But worse is he mistaken in the Patron Saint of whom he tells us that Fol. 273. Among sundry men of valor in ancient days was Geo. born at Coventry in England c. This with the rest that follows touching the Actions and Atchievements of Sir George of Coventry is borrowed from no better Author then the doughty History of the Seven Châ—mpions of Christendom of all that trade in Knighthood-errant the most empty Bable â—But had our Author look'd so high as the Records of the Order the titles of Honor writ by Selden the Catalogue of Honor publisht by Mills of Canterbury Camdens Britannia or any other less knowing Antiquary he might have found that this most noble Order was not dedicated to that fabulous Knight Sâ—â— George of Coventry but to the famous Saint and Soldier of Christ Jesus St. George of Cappadocia A Saint so universally received in all parts of Christendom so generally attested to by the Ecclesiastical Writers of all Ages from the time of his Martyrdom till this day that no one Saint in all the Calender those mentioned in the holy Scriptures excepted onely can be better evidenced Nor doth he finde in Matthew Parts that St. George fought in the air at Antioch in behalf of the English the English having at that time no such iâ—â—eress in him but that he was thought to have been seen figâ—ting in behalf of the Christians Fol. 275. Earldoms without any place are likewise of two kindes either in respect of Office as Earl-Morshal of England or by Birth and so are all the Kings Sons In the Authority and truth of this I am much unsatisfied as never having met with any such thing in the course of my reading and I behold it as a diminution to the Sons of Kings to be born but Earls whereby they are put in an equal rank with the eldest sons of Dukes in England who commonly have the Title of their Fathers Earldoms since it is plain they are born Princes which is the highest civil Dignity next to that of Kings It was indeed usual with the Kings of England to bestow upon
their yongest Sons some Earldom or other until the time of Edward the third after which time they were invested with the Title of Dukes as appears evidently to any who are studied in their Chronologies But that they or any of them were Earls by Birth is a new piece of learning for which if the Historian can give me any good proof I shall thank him for it Fol. 278. Henry the eight thus cousened into some kindness both by his own power and purse makes Charls Emperor and the French King his Prisoner 1519. Neither so nor so For first though King Henry did contribute both his power and purse to the taking of the French King Prisoner yet to the making of Charls Emperor he contributed neither the one nor the other And secondly though Charls were created Emperor Anno 1519 yet the French King was not taken Prisoner till six years after Anno 1525. Fol. 31â— Oswald united the Crowns of England and Scotland which were 〈◊〉 afterwards for many Ages 3â— That Oswald King of Northumberland here mentioned was a Puiâ—â—ant Prince as being the ninth Monarch of the English I shall easily grant but that he united the two Kingdoms of England and Scotland is not any where found Our Author therefore must be understood of his uniting the two Realms of Deâ—ra and Pernicia part of which last hath for long time been accounted part of Scotland which after his decease were again divided Fol. 317. Whose Results notwithstanding are not to be obtruded on the Sâ—culars to be obsâ—rved with the Authority of Laws until they be allowed by assent of the King and both Houses An error far more pardonable in our present Author to whom the concernments of the Church are not so necessary to be known or studied then in our Church Historian where before we had it and which hath had a full Conâ—utation in our Animadversions to which for brevity sake I shall now refer Fol. 320. Rory Duke of Solia from France Either the Printer or the Author are mistaken here The Ambassador who was sent from France was neither called Rory nor Duke of Solia but Marquess of Rhosney created afterward Duke of Sully and Lord High Treasurer of that Kingdom by King Henry 4. A Protestant and therefore purposely selected for that imployment Of whom it is reported in the conference at Hampton-Court that having observed the order and gravity of our Church Service in the Cathedral Chuâ—ch at Câ—nâ—erbury he was heard to say that if the like had been used in France there would have been many thousands of Protestants more then were at that present Fol. 329. Ceâ—il foâ— his good Service was created Earl of Salisbury That is to say for so it must be understood for his activity and diligence in discovering the Powder-Treason But he was Earl of Salisbury before that Discovery call'd so by the Historian himself in the course of thaâ— Naâ—rative and made so by King Iames in the Mâ—y foregoâ—ng at what time also his Brother Thomas Lord Burley was made Earl of EXCESTER The like mistake I finde in the advancement of Thomas Lord Buckhurst to the Earldom of Dorcet plac'd by the Author fol. 342. in the year 1605. whereas indeed he was created Earl of Dorcet in the first year of King Iames March 13. Anno 1603. Fol. 333. The Earl of Flanders c. being by Storm cast upon our Coast c. was fain to yield to all the Kings demands in delivering up the Countess of Warwick and other Fugitives resident in Flanders This story is well meant but not rightly told there being at that time no Earl of Flanders commonly so called to be cast upon the Coast of England nor any such Woman as a Countess of Warwick whom King Henry the seventh could be afraid of the truth is that the person here meant was Philip King of Castile Duke of Burgundy Earl of Flanders c. who in his return from Spain was driven by Tempest on the Coast of England and being Royally Feasted by King Henry the seventh was detained here till he had delivered into the Kings hands the Earl of Suffolk who had fled into the Nether-lands for protection and began to work new troubles against his Soveraign The story whereof we have at large in the History of King Henry the seventh writ by the Lord Viscount St. Alban from fol. 222. to 225. Fol. 334 The fate of that Family evermore false to the crown This spoken of the Piercies Earls of Northumberland too often false to the Crown though not always so For Henry the second Earl of this Family lost his life fighting for King Henry the sixth in the Battle of St. Albans as Henry his Son and Successor also did at the Battle of â—owton And so did Henry the fifth Earl in the time of King Henry the seventh for his Fidelity to that King in a tumultuous Insurrection of the Common People not to say any thing of his Son and Successor who dyed without any imputation of such disloyalty Fol. 362. Zutphen and Gelders did of right belong to the Dukâ— Arnold who being Prisoner with the last Duke of Burgundy who died before Nancy that Duke intruded upon his Possession c. 40. Not so it was not Arnold Duke of Gelders that was Imprisoned by Charls Duke of Burgundy but his Son Adolphus who having most ungratiously Imprison'd his aged Father was vanquished by Duke Charls and by him kept Prisoner and the old Duke restored again to his power and liberty In a grateful acknowledgement of which favor he made a Donation of his Estates to Duke Charls and his Heirs to commence after his decease though it took no effect till Conquered under that pretence by Charls the fifth uniting it unto the rest of his Belgick Provinces Anno 1538. Fol. 423. Sir William Seymour Grandchilde to the third Son and the Heir of the Earl of Hertford created by Henry the eighth whose sister he marryed c. And being thus near the Crown c. In this business of Sir William Seymer now Marquess of Hertford there are two mistakes For first the Earl of Hertford from whom he derived his discent married not any of the Sisters of King Henry the eighth he having but two Wives in all the first the Daughter of Filol of Woodland from whom comes Baronet Seymer of the West the second Anne Daughter of Sir Edward and Sister to Sir Michael Stanhop from whom discends the House of Hertford still in being It s true King Henry married a Sister of Sir Edward Seymer by him created Earl of Hertford but not é contra the Earl of Hertford married not with a sister of his Secondly The nearness of this House to the Crown of England came not from any such Marriage of this first Earl with that Kings Sister but from the Marriage of Edward the second Earl with a Neece of that Kings that is to say with 〈◊〉 Daughter of Henry Duke of Suffolk and of Fâ—aâ—ces his Wife
looked on as a man well principled and of no ill affections to the Church or State And having finished it with as much brevity as I could it was intended onely as an Appendix to the work precedent though now upon the coming out of the other piece it serves as a preamble to that as having the precedence of it both in time and method what moved me to the undertaking and examination of the following History I have declared at large in the Preface unto those Advertisements which are made upon it wherein I have carried my self with more respect unto his person and far less Acrimony in the Phrase and garb of my Expressions there he hath reason to expect His most unhandsome dealing with me in the Book it self seconded by a more ridiculous manifestation of his Spleen and Passion in his post hasâ—e Reply c. might well have sharpned one of a duller edge to cry quittance with him But I consider rather what is fit for me to do then for him to suffer and have not yet forgot the Lesson which I learn'd in one of the Morals of my Aesops Fables where I was taught to imitate those generous Horses Qui latrantes caviculos cum contemptâ— praetereunt which said I pass'd on with a quiet and pacifick minde to the rest that follows ADVERTISMENTS On a Book Entituled THE COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE LIFE and REIGN OF KING CHARLES From his CRADLE to his GRAVE Horat. De Arte Poet Nec sic incipies ut scripsit Scythicus olim Fortunam Priami câ—ntabo nobile Bellum Quid dignum tanto quaerit hic promissor hiatu A SHORT SURVEY OF Mr. SANDERSONS long HISTORY OF THE Life and REIGN of King CHARLES AS ALSO Of the Motives which induced the Author of these Advertisments to engage in this businesse THere are two things as necessary to the writing Histories as to the Composing of Orations or any other Philosophical Civil or Divine discourses that is to say clearnesse of Method and perspicuity of Language For if the Method be irregular and inartificial the Reader will soon find himself in a wood in which he can neither travel with pleasure nor stand still with profit Or if the Language be unpleasing or rendred lesse intelligible to the vulgar Reader either by new affected words not to be understood without the help of a Dictionary or by obscure expressions which require a Comment he stands deprived of that contentment which otherwise would beguile him to the end of the work before he thinks he is half way in it In which respect a perspicuous comlinesse of words and a regular 〈…〉 Nâ—r stand I singly by my self in this opinion of that Hâ—â—tory but finde it seconded by others of good 〈◊〉 and quaâ—ity A judicious and learned friend 〈◊〉 mine having read it over gave me this judgement of â— without my seeking and as such time as I am sure 〈◊〉 never dreamt of my engaging in this businesse I 〈◊〉 spent some houres saith he upon his other two Histories of Maâ—y Queen of Scoâ—s and King 〈◊〉 her â—on wherein though I finde not many 〈◊〉 untruthes yet much stealing from 〈…〉 and Camden and methinks he 〈◊〉 nothing like a Historian either 〈…〉 Compoâ—â—◠〈…〉 â—entences many time 〈◊〉 and his Digreâ—â—ons â—edious and impertiment But this being a private Adverâ—â—ment and but laâ—ely given could not come time enough to the â—ares of this Autâ—or had it been so meant that he might thereby have rectified any thing which was observed to be 〈…〉 or method And thereâ—ore I râ—fer him to a passage 〈…〉 Book entituled Obâ—â—â—vatioâ—â— upon some particular peâ—soâ—s and passages in the Compleaâ— History oâ— Maâ—y Queen of Scots c. which I am sure came to 〈◊〉 andâ— because he returned an Answer to it The Auâ—hor of which observations tells us That his whole Book is but a rapsody of notes and 〈◊〉 papers 〈◊〉 other men collected without either Order or Method being exceedingly defective both in time place â—and nominations and written in so unseemly and disjointed a stile that we may easily perceive he hath taken up other mens words without understanding their matter and unlesse it be where he raileth on persons of Honour which he doth plainly and often though â—omeâ—imes very falsly his Language is dark harsh and unintelligible According to this last censure the Author of this History stands not onely charged with want of â—are in the digesting of his matter and the well languagâ—ing of the same as was observed in the private Letter before mentioned but with railing on 〈◊〉 Persons of Honour without ground or truth So that being publickly forewarned it might have been presumed that in 〈…〉 he would have 〈◊〉 and amended whatsoever was observed to be defective in the other or condemned in it But some there are who haâ—e to be reformed in the Psalmists Language others who think it an acknowledgement of their wants and weaknesses if they persist not in the same way which before they walked in I am so charitable to the Author of the present History as not to rank him with the first though I have reason to beleeve that he is willing to be reckoned amongst the second We might have otherwise expected such a Reformation in those particulars as might very well have stood with ingenuity and without disparagement But on the contrary the Earl of Aâ—undel my Lord Finch and Sr. Francis Windeâ—anck persons of eminence and Honour are brought under the Lash two of them being unjustly condemned for profest Papists and the third for doing somewhat but he knows not what which had lost his head if he had not saved it by his heels His Method as perplexed and confused his Language as rugged and uneven as before it was It seemes it did concern him in the point of Decorum to make the History of this King alike both in form and matter unto those of his Ancestors and that his picture should not be laid with better colours then the others were facies not omnibus una Nec diversa â—amen as we know who saies I know some who affect Brevity do many times fall into Obscurity Brevis esse laboro Obscurus â—io as 〈◊〉 in his Book de Arte poe ica But in a peice of such proâ—ixity as this is the Author had room and scope enough to expresse himself clearly and intelligibly even to an ordinary Reader which renders him the more inexcusable amongst knowing men His History made much longer by Incorporating into it his late Majesties most excellent Meditations and Divine Discourses those Menâ—is aureae 〈…〉 comprised in the Book called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or The Portraiture of his sacred Majesâ—y in his Solâ—â—udes and Sufferings A Book which rather ought to have been preserved by its self like Apples of Gold in Pâ—â—â—ures of Silver c. to be ingraven on Pillars of Marble with a Pen of Diamond then to be buried in the Grave of an obscure Writer like a Pearl
Seas and a Westâ—country Gentleman whose name I call not now to minde of the Western parts Our Author may be good for land service but we have some cause to fear by this experiment that if he should put forth to Sea he would easily fall into Scylla by avoiding Charybdis Fol. 18. This Gentleman was second Son of Thomas Cecil Earl of Exeter c. Our Author speaks this of Sr. Edward Cecil created by King Charles in the first year of his Reign Lord Cecil of Putney and Viscount Wimbleton and by the King made Commander General of his first Fleet against the Spaniards concerning whom he falls into several Errours For first Sr Edward Cecil was not the second but the third son of Thomas Earl of Exeter the second Son being Sr. Richard Cecil of Walkerly in the County of Rutland the Father of that David Cecil who succeeded in the Earldom of Exeter after the death of Earl William eldest Son of Thomas aforesaid Secondly this Sr. Edward Cecil was not of a Colonel made General of the English forces in the unhappy war of the Palatinate He was indeed made General of the English forces in the war of Cleve Anno 1610. the power which his Uncle Sr. Robert Cecil Earl of Salisbury had with King Iames advancing him to that imployment But that he was not General of the English forces in the Palatinate war I am very confident Sr. Horace Vere one of a more noble extraction and a far better Souldier being chief Commander in that service of the English forces Thirdly admitting this for true yet could not the mis-effects of that war be charged on him or any other of the English Commanders the English forces being inconsiderable for their number in reference to those which were raised for that war by the German Princes all of them under the Command of the Marquesse of Oâ—alsback as their Generalissimo to whose either cowardize or infidelity the mis-effects of that war as our Author calls them were imputed commonly And fourthly it was not 27. years since his imployment there when he was called home to be Commander of this fleet there being not above five years from the beginning of the war in the Palatinate and his calling home and not above fifteen from his being made General of the English in the war of Cleveland Fol. 24. Dr. Williams outed of the Seal but kept his Bishoprick of Lincoln and the Deanry of Westminster which indeed he had for his life Our Author is as much out in this as in that before for though the Deanry of Westminster was given at first to Dr. Williams for terme of Life yet when he was made Bishop of Lincoln that Deanry fell again to the King and by the king was regranted to him to be holden in Commendam with that Bishoprick After which being made Arch-Bishop of York in the year 1641. he obtained it in Commendam for three years onely which term expired he was a Sutor to the King at Oxford for a longer term and on denial of that Suit retired into Wales and openly betook himself to the Parliament-party concerning which consult our Author in the latter part of his History Nor did he only keep the Bishoprick of Lincoln and the Deanry of Westminster but also a Residenciaries place in the Church of Lincoln the Prebend of Asgarve and Parsonage of Walgrove so that he was a whole Diocesse within himself as bing Parson Prebend Dignitary Dean and Bishop and all five in one Fol. 25. All setled and reposed the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury presented his Majesty to the Lords and Commons East West North and South asking them if they did consent to the Coronation of K. Charles their lawful Soveraign Our Author takes this whole Narrative of the pomp and order of the Kings Coronation out of the Church History of Britain endeavoured and but endeavoured by Mr. Fuller of Walthamâ— and takes it all upon his credit without so much as startling at that dangerous passage which is now before us That Author and this also following him conceive the peoples consent so necessary to the Coronation of the King that it was askt no less then four times by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury before he could proceed any further in that solemnity But if we look into the form used in the Coronation of King Edward the sixth we shall finde it thus viz. That being carried by 〈◊〉 noble Courâ—iers in another Chair unto the four sides of the Stage he was by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury declared unto the People standing round about both by Gods and Mans Laws to be the right and lawful King of England France and Ireland and proclaimed that day to be Crowned Coâ—secrated and Anoiâ—ted unto whom he demanded whether they would obey anâ— serve or not By whom it was again with a loudâ—ery answered God save the King and ever live his Majesty And in the Coronation of King Iames more briefly thus The King is shewed to the people and they are required to make acknowledgement of their Allegiance to his Majesty by the Arch-Bishop which they do by Acclamations Which being so it cannot possibly be supposed that instead of requiring the peoples obedience to the Kings Authority the Arch-Bishop shouâ—d crave their consent to his Coronation as if the Coronation were not strong and valid nor his succession good in Law without their consent But though our Author follow Mr. Fuller in one Error yet he â—orrects him in another though in so doing he require some correction also Master Fuller tells us that the Kings Traâ—â— was held up by the Lord Compton as belonging to the Robes and the Lord Vicount Dorchester lib. 11. fol. 122. Mr. Sanderson knowing that there was no such man then being as a Viscount Dorchester must play the Critick on the Text and instead of Viscount Dorchester gives us Viscount Doncaster whom he makes Master of the Wardrobe and both true alike fol. â— 5. The Master of the Wardrobe at that time was the Earl of Dâ—â—bâ—gh and the Lord Viscount Doncaster now Earl of Carstile was then too yong to perform any Service in this solemnity which had he done Mr. Fuller who hath some dependence on him would not have robb'd him of the honor of performing that service which none but persons of place and merit could pretend unto Fol. 25. The Sermon being done the Arch-Bishop invested in a rich Cope goeâ—h to the King kneeling upon Cushions at the Communion Table and asks his willingness to take the Oath usually taken by his Predecessors c. The form and maner of w h Oath as having afforded much matter of discourse in these latter times I will first subjoyn and afterwards observe what descants have been made upon it The form and maner of the Oath as followeth Sir says the Arch-Bishop will you grant and keep and by your Oath confirm to the People of England the Laws and Customs to them granted by the Kings of England your Lawful and
of the English Parliament till the time of King Iames. It s true that on the Petition of the Commons in the beginning of each Parliament the King was graciously pleas'd to indulge them a freedom of reasoning and debate upon all such points as came before them and not to call them to account though they delivered their opinions contrary to his sence and meaning But then it is as true withal that they used not to waste time in tedious Orations nor to declaim against the proceedings of the King and the present Government or if they did the Speaker held it for a part of his Office to cut them short and to reminde them of their duty besides such after-claps as they were sure to finde from an injured and incensed Soveraign But of this take along with you this short passage as I finde it in a letter written ab ignoto to King Charls in this very business of the Duke May it please your excellent Majesty to consider That this great opposition against the Duke of Buckingham is stirred up and maintained by such who either maliciously or ignorantly and concurrently seek the debasing of this free Mâ—narchy which because they finde not yet ripe to attempt against the king himself they endeavor it through the dukes sides These men though agreeing in one mischief yet are of divers sorts and humors Viz. 1. Medling and busie persons who took their first hint at the beginning of King Iames when the Vnion was treated of in Parliament That learned King gave too much way to those popular Speeches by the frequent proof he had of his great Abilities in that kinde Since the time of H. 6. these Parliamentary Discourses were never suffered as being the certain Symptoms of subsequent Rebellions Civil Wars aâ—d the dethroning of our Kings But these last twenty years most of the Parliament Men seek to improve the reputation of their Wisdoms by these Declamations and no honest Patriot dare oppose them lest he incur the imputation of a Fool or a Coward in his Countries cause But which is more the pride they took in their own supposed Eloquence obtain'd another priviledge for them that is to say The liberty for any man to speak what he list and as long as he list without fear of being interrupted whereof King Iames takes notice in his said Speech to both the Houses at White-Hall Nor did they onely take great delight in these tedious speeches but at first disperst Copies of them in writing and afterwards caused them to be printed that all the people might take notice of the zeal they had to the common liberty of the Nation and the edge they hed against the Court and the Kings Prerogative But to proceed Fol. 47. To ballance the Dukes enemies three persons his confederates were made Barons to compeer in the Lords house the Lord Mandevil the eldest son to the Earl of Manchester created by Patent Baron Kimbolton Grandison Son to the created Baron Imbercourt and Sr Dudly Carlton made Baron Tregate In which short passage there are as many mistakes as lines For first the Lord Mandevil was not created by Patent Lord Kimbolton that title together with the tite of Vicount Mandevil having been conferred upon his father by letter Patents in the 18. year of King Iames Anno 1620. whom afterwards King Charles in the first year of his Reign made Earl of Manchester The meaning of our Author is that Sr. Edward Montague commonly called Lord Mandevil was summoned to the Parliament by the Title of Lord Kimbolton as is the custom in such cases when the eldest sons of Earls are called to Parliament by the stile and Title of their Fathers Barony Secondly there never was any such Baron as the Baron Tregate Thirdly Sr. Dudly Carlton was not created Baron Tregat but Baron of Imbercourt that being the name of a Mannor of his in the County of Surry But fourthly Grandison son to the created Baron Imbercourt is either such a peece of negligence in not filling the blanks or of ignorance in not knowing that noble Person as is not often to be met with And therefore to inform both our Author and his Reader also I must let them know that William de Grandâ—son a noble Burgundian Lord allied to the Emperour of Constantinople the King of Hungary and the Duke of Bavaria was brought into England by Edmond Earl of Lancaster second son to King Henry the 3. by whose bounty he was endowed with fair possessions and by his power advanced unto the dignity of an English Baron The estate being much encreast by the Marriage of the Daughter and Heir of the Lord Tregoz fell by the Heir general to the Pateshuls of Bleâ—so in the County of Bedford and by a Daughter of that house to the house of the Beauchamps By Margaret the daughter and Heir of Sr. Iohn Beauchamp of Bletso the whole estate came by Marriage to Sr. Oliver St. Iohn from whose eldest son descended that Sr. Oliver St. Iohn whom Queen Elizabeth descended from the said Margaret by Iohn Duke of Somerset her second husband made Lord St. Iohn of Bletho in the first year of her Reign From Oliver St. Iohn the second son of the said Margaret estated by his mother in the Mannor of Lydiard Tregoz neer Highworth in the County of Wilts descended another Oliver St. Iohn the second son of Sr. Iohn St. Iohn of Lydiard Tregoz who having in defence of his Fathers Honour killed one Captain Best in St. Georges fields neer Southwark was fain to passe over into France where he remained untill his friends about the Queen had obtained his pardon To merit which and to avoid the danger which might happen to him by Bests acquaintances he betook himself to the wars of Ireland where he performed such signal service against the Rebels that passing from one command to another he came at last to be made Lord Deputy of Ireland at what time he was created viscount Grandison with reference to the first founder of the greatnesse of his House and family That dignity entailed on him and the heires males of his body and for want of Such Issue on the Heires males of Sr. Edward Villers begotten on the body of Mrs. Barbara St. Iohn the new Viscounts Neece according unto which remainder that Honnurable Title is enjoyed by that branch of the house of Villers But being the Title of Viscount Grandison was limited to the Realm of Ireland to make him capable of a place in this present Parliament he was created Lord Tregoz of Highworth to him and to the heires males of his body without any remainder Fol. 62. Carlton gone upon this Errand and missing the French King at Paris progressed a tedious journey after that Court to Nantes in Bohemia And here we have as great an Error in Geography as before in Heraldry there being no such Town as Nantes in Bohemia or if there were it had been too farre off and too unsafe a
place for a Summers progress It is Nantes in Bretaigne which he means though I am so charitable as to think this to be a mistake rather of the Printer than our Authors own With the like charity also I behold three other mistakes viz. the Emperor of Vienna fol. 137. and the Archdutchesse of Eugenia fol. 139. Balfoure Caselie for Bolsovey Castle fol 192. By which the unknowing Reader may conceive if not otherwise satisfied that Balfour Castle was the antient seat of the Balfours from whence Sr. William Balfour Lieutenant of the Tower that false and treacherous Servant to a bountifull Master derives his pedigree Eugenia which was a part of that Ladies Christian name to be the name of some Province and Vienna the usual place of the Emperors residence to be the name of an Empire But for his last I could alledg somewhat in his excuse it being no unusual thing for Principalities and Kingdomes to take Denomination from their principal Cities For besides the Kings of Mets Orleans and Soissons in France we finde that in the Constitutions of Howel Dha the Kings of England are called Kings of London the Kings of South-Wales Kings of Dyneuor and the King of North-Wales Kings of Aberfraw each of them from the ordinary place of their habitation For which defence if our Author will not thank me he must thank himselfe The mention of Nantes conducts me on to Count Shally's Treason against the French King who was beheaded in that City of which thus our Author Fol. 63. The Count upon Summons before the Privy Councel without more adoe was condemned and forthwith beheaded at Nantes the Duke Momerancy then under Restraint suffered some time after But by his leave the Duke of Monmorency neither suffered on the account of Shalley's Treason nor very soon after his beheading which was in the year 1626. as our Author placeth it For being afterwards enlarged and joyning with Mounsier the Kings Brother in some designe against the King or the Cardinal rather he was defeated and took prisoner by Martial Schomberg created afterwards Duke of Halwyn and being delivered over to the Ministers of Justice was condemned and beheaded at Tholouse Anno 1633. Ibid. Our Wine-Merchants ships were arrested at Blay-Castle upon the Geroud returning down the River from Burdeaux Town by order of the Parliament of Rouen That this Arrest was 〈◊〉 by Order of the Parliament of Rouen I shall hardly grant the jurisdiction of that Parliament being confined within the Dukedome of Normandy as that of Renes within the Dukedome of Bretaigne neither of which nor of any other of the inferior Parliaments are able to doe any thing Extra Sphaeram Activitatis suae beyond their several Bounds and Limits And therefore this Arrest must either be made by Order from the Parliament of Burdeaux the Town and Castle of Blay being within the jurisdiction of that Court or of the Parliament of Paris which being Paramount to the rest may and doth many times extend its power and execute its precepts over all the others Fol. 92. At his death the Court was suddenly filled with Bishops knowing by removes preferments would follow to many expected advancements by it Our Author speaks this of the death of Bishop Andrews and of the great resort of Bishops to the Court which ensued thereupon making them to tarry there on the expectation of Preferment and Removes as his death occasioned till they were sent home by the Court Bishops with the Kings Instructions But in this our Author is mistaken as in other things The Bishops were not sent home with the Kings Instructions till after Christmas Anno 1629. and Bishop Andrews dyed in the latter end of the year 1626. after whose death Dr. Neil then Bishop of Durham being translated to the Sea of Winchester Febr. 7. 1627. Dr. Houson Bishop of Oxon succeeded him in the Sea of Durham in the beginning of the year 1628. Doctor Corbet Dean of Christ-church being consecrated Bishop of Oxon the 17 day of October of the same year so that between the filling up of these Removes and the sending the Bishops home with the Kings Instructions there happened about 15 Moneths so that the great resort of Bishops about the Court Anno 1627. when they were sent back with the Kings Instructions was not occasioned by the expectation of such Preferments and Removes as they might hope for on the death of Bishop 〈◊〉 Fol. 105. In Michaelmas Term the Lady Purbeck daughter and heir to the Lady Hatton by her former Husband and Wife to the Viscount Purbeck Brother to the Duke passed the tryall for adultery c. Our Author is here out again in his Heraldry the Lady Purbeck not being Daughter to the Lady Hatton by her former Husband but by her second Husband Sr. Edward Coke then Attorny Generall and afterwards successively Chief Justice of either Bench. Yet I deny not but that she was an Heir and a rich marriage as it after followeth For being Daughter to Thomas Cecil Earl of Exeter she was married by the care and providence of her Grandfather the Lord Burleigh to Sr. William Newport who being the adopted sonne of the Lord Chancellor Hatton succeeded in his name as well as in his Lands In ordering of which marriage it was agreed on that the vast Debt which the Chancellor owed unto the Crown should be estalled to small Annual payments and that in lieu thereof Sr. William in defect of issue should settle on his wife and her Heires by any Husband whatsoever the Isle of Purbeck and some other of the out parts of his Estate By means whereof her Daughter Frances which she had by Sr. Edward Coke was heir to Corse Castle in the Isle of Purbeck and so much of the rest of the Lands of Hatton as the mother being a woman of great expence did not sell or aliene Fol. 106. The King for all his former Arrears of loan was put to it to borrow more of the Common Councel of London 120000. l. upon Mortgage on his own land of 21000. l. per an And here I think our Author is Mistaken also the Citizens not lending their money upon Mortgage but laying it out in the way of purchase Certain I am that many goodly Mannors lying at the foot of Ponfract-Castle and appertaining to the Crown in right of the Duchy of Lancaster were sold out-right unto the Citizens at this time and therefore I conclude the like also of all the rest But whether it were so or not I cannot chuse but note the sordid basenesse of that City in refusing to supply their King in his great Necessities without Sale or Mortgage especially when the mony was to have been expended in defence of the Rochellers whose cause they seemed so much to favour But for this and other refusals of this nature the Divine vengeance overtook them within few years after the long Parliament draining them of a Million of pounds and more without satisfaction for every
men set on John Scot Director of the Chancery a busie person to inform against his Descent In the story of this Earl not only as to his Original and descent but as to his being Earl of Menteith our Authour is not to be faulted but on the other side not to be justified in making him to be Earl of Strathern by the power of Buckingham that Duke being dead some years before though by his power made Lord President of the Council for the Realm of Scotland Therefore to set this matter right and to adde something to our Authour that may not be unworthy of the Readers knowledge I am to let him understand that after the death of David Earl of Strathern second Son to King Robert the third this Title lay dormant in the Crown and was denied to the Lord Dromond created afterwards Earl of Perth when a Suitor for it But this Gentleman Sir William Graham Earl of Menteith descended from an Heir General of that David a man of sound abilities and approved affections was by the King made Lord President of the Councill of Scotland as before is said In which place he so behaved himself and stood so stoutly in behalf of the King his Master upon all occasions that nothing could be done for advance of Hamiltons designs till he was removed from that place In order whereunto it was put into his head by some of that Faction that he should sue unto the King to be created Earl of Strathern as the first and most honourable Title which belonged to his House that his merits were so great as to assure him not to meet with a deniall and that the King could do no lesse then to give him some nominall reward for his reall services On these suggestions he repaired unto the Court of England where without any great difficulty he obtained his Suit and waited on the King the most part of his Summers progresse no man being so openly honoured and courted by the Scottish Nation as he seemed to be But no sooner was he gone for Scotland but the Hamiltonians terrified the King with the dangers which he had run into by that Creation whereby he had revived in that proud and ambitious person the Rights which his Ancestors pretended to the Crown of Scotland as being derived from David Earl of Strathern before mentioned the second Son of Robert the Second by his lawfull Wife that the King could not chuse but see how generally the Scots slockt about him after this Creation when he was at the Court and would do so much more when he was in Scotland And finally that the proud man had already so farre declared himself as to give it ouâ— that the King held the Crown of him Hereupon a Commission was speedily posted into Scotland in which those of Hamiltons Faction made the greatest Number to enquire into his life and actions and to consider of the inconveniences which might redound unto the King by his affecting this New Title On the Return whereof the poor Gentleman is removed from his Office from being one of the Privy Council and not only deprived of the Title of Earl of Strathern but of that also of Menteith which for a long time had remained in his Ancestors And though he was not long after made Earl of Airth yet this great fall did so discourage him from all publike businesses that he retired to his own house and left the way open to the Hamiltonians to play their own game as they listed Faithfull for all this to the King in all changes of Fortune neither adhering to the Covenanters nor giving the least countenance to them when he might not only have done it with safety but with many personal advantages which were tendered to him Fol. 238. The Marquesse now findes this place too hot for him and removes to Dalkieth without any adventuring upon the English Divine Service formerly continuâ—lly used there for twenty years in audience of the Council Nobility and Iudges Compare this passage with another and we shall finde that our Authour hath mis-reckoned no lesse then fifteen years in twenty For in the year 1633. he puts this down after the Kings return from Scotland agreeable to the truth of story in that particular What care saith he King Iames took heretofore to rectifie Religious worship in Scotland when he returned from his last visiting of them the like does King Charles so soon as he came home The â—oul undecent Discipline he seeks to reform into sacred worship and sends Articles of order to be observed only by the Dean of his private Chappell there as in England That Prayers be performed twice a day in the English manner A monethly Communion to be received on their knees He that officiates on Sunday and Holydaies to do his duty in his Surplice No publick reading of the English Liturgy in Scotland since the year 1562. but only during the short time of King Iames his being there Anno 1617. therefore not read continually twenty years together as our Authour states it But twenty years is nothing in our Authours Arithmetick For telling us that the sufferers viz. Dr. Bastwick Mr. Prinne and M. Burton obtained an order for satisfaction to be made them out of the Estates of those who imposed their punishments that none of those Judges being left but Sir Henry Vane the Elder it was ordered that satisfaction should be given by him to one of their Widows and thereupon it was observed for a blessed time when a single Counsellour of State after twenty years opinion should be sentenced by Parliament to give satisâ—action for a mis-judgement acted by a body of Counsell fol. 867. But the punishment inflicted on those sufferers was in the year 1637. and this order made about eight years after Anno 1645. being but twelve years short of our Authours twenty which is no great matter Fol. 282. As for Sir John Finch Chief Iustice of the Common Pleas who succeeded him in the place of the Lord Keeper he could not hold out so many moneths as he did years from being in hazard to have forfeited his head But first this Gentleman was somewhat more then Sir Iohn Finch he being created Lord Finch of Forditch in the beginning of the April before Secondly If he were in any hazard it was not for any thing he had done in the place of Lord Keeper but only for his zeal to the Kings service in the case of Ship money or to his actings under the Earl of Holland in Forrest businesses before he came unâ—o that place neither of which could have extended to the losse of his head though he thought not fit to trust that head to such mercilesse Judges With like prudence did Sir Francis Windebank principal Secretary of Estate withdraw into France of whom our Author telleth us That he remained there to his death a profest Roman Catholick fol. 338. But first Sir Francis Windebank remained not there until his death for he came
Secondly he bought not the Dutchy of Gelders neither but possest himself of it by a mixt Title of Arms and Contract The first Contract made between Charls the Warlike Duke of Burgundy and Arnold of Egmond Duke of Gelders who in regard of the great Succors which he received from him when deprived and Imprisoned by his own ungracious son passed over his whole Estate to him for a little mony But this alienation being made unprofitable by the death of Charls the intrusion of Adolph the son of Arnold and the succession of Charls the son of Adolph this Emperor reviv'd the claim and prest Duke Charls so hotly on all sides with continual Wars that he was forc'd to yield it to him upon condition that he might enjoy it till his death which was afterwards granted Thirdly if he had any right to the Dukedom of William it accrued not to him by discent as King of Spain but as a â—ief forfeited to the Empire for want of Heirs male in the House of Sforsa which not being acknowledged by the French who pretended from the Heir General of the Galeazzo's he won it by his Sword and so disposed thereof to his Son and Successor King Philip the second and his Heirs by another right then that of Conquest The proceeding of the short Parliament and the surviving Convocation have been so fully spoken of in the Observations on the former History that nothing need be added here But the long Parliament which began in November following will afford us some new matter for these Advertisements not before observ'd And first we finde That Fol. 336. There came out an Order of the Commons House that all Projectors and unlawful Monopolists that have or had â—â—tely any benefit from Monopolies or countenanced or issued out any Warrants in favor of them c. shall be disabled to sit in the House A new piece of Authority which the Commons never exercised before and which they had no right to now but that they knew they were at this time in such a condition as to venture upon any new Incroachment without control For ancientlyâ— and legally the Commons had no power to exclude any of their Members from their place in Parliament either under colour of false elections or any other pretence whatsoever For it appears on good Record in the 28 year of Queen Elizabeth that the Commons in Parliament undertaking the examination of the chusing and returning of Knights of the Shire for the Counâ—y of Norfolk were by the Queen sharply reprehended for it that being as she sent them word a thing improper for them to deal in as belonging onely to the Office and Charge of the Lord Chancellor from whom the Writs issue and aâ—e returned And if they may not exclude their Members under colour of undue Elections and false Returns much less Authority have they to exclude any of them for acting by vertue of the Kings Letters Patents or doing any thing in order to his Majesties Service For if this power were once allowed them they might proceed in the next place to shut out all the Lords of the Privy Councel his Counsel learned in the Laws his Domestick Servants together with all such as hold any Offices by his Grant and Favor because forsooth having dependance on the King they could not be true unto the Interest of the Commonwealth And by this means they might so weed out one another that at the last they would leave none to sit amongst them but such as should be all ingag'd to drive on such projects as were laid before them But whereas our Author tells us in the following words that it was Ordered also That Mr. Speaker should issue out new Warrants for electing other Members in their places he makes the Commons guilty of a greater incroachment then indeed they were All that they did or could pretend to in this case was to give order to the Speaker that intimation might be given to his Majesty of the places vacant and to make humble suit unto him to issue out new Writs for new Elections to those places But the next Incroachment on the Kings Authority was far greater then this and comes next in order Fol. 360. The Bill for the Trienial Parliament having pâ—ssed both Houses was confirmed with the Kings Royal Assent Febr. 16. And then also he past the Bill of Subsidies fol. 361. The Subsidies here mentioned were intended for the relief of the Northern Counties opprest at once with two great Armies who not onely liv'd upon Free Quarter but raised divers sums of money also for their present necessities the one of them an Army of English rais'd by the King to right himself upon the Scots the other being an Army of Scots who invaded the Kingdom under colour of obtaining from the King what they had no right to So that the King was not to have a peny of that Money and yet the Commons would not suffer him to pass the one till he had before hand passed the other which the King for the relief of his poor Subjects was content to do and thereby put the power of calling Parliaments into the hands of Sheriffs and Constables in case he either would not or should not do it at each three years end But the nexâ— incroachment on the Power and Prerogative Royal was worse then this there being a way left for the King to reserve that Power by the timely calling of a Parliament and the dissolving of it too if called within a shorter time then that Act had limited But for the next sore which was his passing of the Bill of Tonnage and Poundage there was no Plaister to be found the King being for'd remember that the Commons had an Army of Scots at their devotion to pass away all his Right unto it before he could obtain it but for three Moneths onely as was said before In which Bill it is to be observ'd that as they depriv'd the King of his Right to Tonnage and Poundage so they began then to strike at the Bishops Rights to their Vote in Parliament For whereas generally in all former Acts the Lords Spiritual and Temporal were distinctly named in this that distinction was left out and the Bill drawn up in the name of the Lordâ— and Commons which being disputed by the Bishops as well fore-seeing what the Commons intended by it was notwithstanding carried for the Commons by the Temporal Lords who thereby made a way for their own exclusion when the Commons were grown as much too strong for them as they were for the Bishops The secular Lords knew well that the Lords Spiritual were to have the precedence and therefore gave them leave to go first out of the House that they themselves might follow after as they ought to do Proceed we next to the business of the Earl of Strafford aâ— whose Tryal our Author tells us That Fol. 376. The Earl of Arundel was made Lord High Steward and the Earl of
Lindsey Lord High Constable â— Our Author borrows this Error as he does some others from the former History and makes it worse by an addition of his own For first The Earl of Lindsey was not made High Constable upon this occasion nor did he act there in that capacityâ—â— He had been made High Constable to decide the difference between the Lord Rey and David Ramsey which being an extraordinary case was likely to be tried by battle But in this case there was no need of any such Officer the Triall being to be made by proofs and Evidences the verdict to be given by the Lords of Parliament and sentence to be pronounced by the Lord High Steward all â— things being to be carried and transacted in due form of Law Secondly The Court being broken up which was before the passing of the Bill of Attainder in the end of April the Office of Lord High Steward expired also with it And therefore when our Authour speaks of a Request which was made unto the King in Parliament that the Earl of Pembroke should be made Lord High Steward in the place of the Earl of Arundel then absent fol. 430. he either speaks of a Request which was never made or else mistakes the Lord Steward of the Kings houshold which place might possibly be desired for the Earl of Pembroke not long before turn'd out of the Office of Lord Chamberlain for the Lord High Steward of the Kingdome And now we are fallen on his mistakes touching these great Officers I shall adde another It being said in our Authours unfigured Sheets that the King having signed the Bill of Attainder sent Sir Dudly Carlton Secretary of State to acquaint him what he had finished An errour too grosse and palpable for our Authour to be guilty of considering his Acquaintances in the Court and relations to it which may perswade me to beleeve that these unfigured Sheets patcht in I know not how between fol. 408. and 409. should be none of his But whether they be his or not certain I am that there was no Secretary at this time but Sir Henry Vane Windebank being then in France and his place not filled with the Lord Falkland till the Christmas after Sir Dudly Carlton Lord Imbercourt and Vicount Dorchester was indeed Secretary for a while but he died upon Ashwednesday in the year 1631. which was more then nine years before the sending of this message and I perswade my self the King did not raise him from the grave as Samuel was once raised at the instance of Saul to go on that unpleasing errand Sir Dudly Carlton whom he means being Brothers son unto the former was at that time one â—f the Clerks of the Councel but never attained unto the place and honour of a principall Secretary Our Authour having brought the businesse of the Earl of Strafford toward a Conclusion diverts upon the Authour of the Observations on the former History to whom he had been so much beholden for many of the most materiall and judicious Notes in the former part of his Book and he chargeth thus Fol. 406. I conceive it convenient in more particular to clear two mistakes of our Authours concerning the Articles of Irâ—land and the death of the Earl of Strafford reflecting upon the late most Reverend Prelate the Archbishop of Armagh Primate of all Ireland whilest he was liuing and worse pursued since his decease somewhat too sharp also upon D. Bernard What Fee or Salary our Authour hath for this undertaking I am noâ— able to determine but if he be not well paid by them I am sure he hath been well paid by another who in his Answer to D. Bernards Book entituled The â—udgement of the late Primate of Ireland Ac. hath fully justified the Observator against all the exceptions which either our Authour or D. Bernard or the Lord Primate himself have made against him in these two points Which being extrinsecall as to the matter of this History shall not be repeated the Reader being desired if he want any further satisfaction to look for it there All I shall here observe is this that our Authour grounds himself in his whole Discourse of that businesse upon somewhat which he had in writing under the hand of the said Lord Primate and more which he hath took verbatim out of the said Book of D. Bernards who being both parties to the Suit ought not to be admitted for Witnesses in their own behalf And yet our Authour having driven the matter to as good a conclusion as he could from such faulty Premises conceives an hope that by the â—ight of those Testimonies he will be of more moderation notwithstanding he hath there shewn much disaffection to the Primate in endeavouring to his utmost to evade divers of those particulars either in giving the worst sense of them or turning them to other ends But as I can sufficiently clear the Observator from bearing any disaffection to the Lord Primates person and the equal Reader may defend him from the imputation of giving the worst sense of any thing which he found in the Pamphlet called The Observator observed or turning it to other ends then was there intended so am I no more satisfied by this tedious nothing touching the Articles of Ireland or the death of the Earl of Strafford as they reflect upon the Archbishop of Armagh then I was before As little am I satisfied with the following passage in the last Folio of the unfigured Sheets viz. That D. Iuxon Bishop of London resigned his Office of Treasurer of England into the hands of five Commissioners more sufficient then he could be Our Authour might have spared these last words of disparagement and diminution and yet have left his Proposition full and perfect But taking them as they come before me I must first tell him that the Lord Bishop of London resigned not his Office of Treasurer into the hands of any Commissioners but only into the hands of the King who not knowing at the present how to dispose of it for his best advantage appointed some Commissioners under the great Seal of England to discharge the same And next I would have him tell me what great sufficiency he found in those Commissioners which was not to be found in the Bishop of London how many of his debts they paid what improvement they made of his Revenue what stock of money they put him into toward the maintaining of the Warre which not long after followed In all which particulars the Bishop of London had very faithfully performed his part though not as to the Warre of England to the great honour of the King and content of the Subject But to look back upon some passages in the businesâ—e of the Earl of Strafford which are not toucht at by the Observator or his alteridâ—m the first we meet with is a very pretty devise of the Bishop of Lincoln to cheat the poor Gentleman of his head by getting a return of the
promise which the King is said to have made him of not consenting to his death The sum of the story is briefly this viz. That the King had promised the Earl of Strafford under his hand that his prerogative should savâ— him that he would never passe the Bill nor consent to the acting of any thing to take away his life that being satisfied in all other scruples he rested in this only affirming that in regard of this promise he could not passe the Bill though the Earl were guilty the Bishop of Lincoln finding him harping on that string assured him that he thought that the Earl was so great a Lover of his Majâ—sties peace so tender of his conscience and the Kingdoms safety that he would willingly acquit the King of that promise that though the King received this intimation with a brow of anger yet the said Bishop in pursuance of the Earls destruction sends a Message to him to that purpose by the Lieutenant of the Tower or some other person whom he found attending near the place that as the devil and he would have it the Earl received that intimation with great disdain saying that if that were all which bound the King he would soon release him and thereupon opening his Cabinet drew out that Paper in which the Kings promise was contained and gave it to the said Lieutenant or that other person but whether sealed or unsealed that he cannot tell by whom it was delivered to the Bishop of Lincoln and finally that the Bishop of Lincoln finding no other scruple to remain in the Kings Conscience but the respect he had to that promise he put the fatall paper into the Kings hands which as it seems gave a full end to the conference and the Kings perplexities This is the substance of the Legend and in all this there is nothing true but the names of the parties mentioned in it And first I would fain know from what Authour he received this fiction unlesse it were from say I and say some as his own words are that is to say either from himself or from some body else but he knew not whom Most certainly he had it not from any of the Bishops then present the Lord Primate affirming in the end of his first Narrative that neither he nor the rest of his Brethren knew what was contained in that Paper and no lesse certain it is that the Bishop of Lincoln was too wise to accuse himself of such a practise if he had been really guilty of it And then as for the thing it self no man of reason can imagine that the King would either make such a proviso to the Earl or that the Earl would so far distrust his own integrity as to take it of him If the Kings knowledge of his innocence of his signal merits and the declaration which he made in Parliament to the Lords and Commons that he could not passe the Bill with a good Conscience were not sufficient to preserve him there was no help to be expected from such Paper-promises Such a Romance as this we finde in Ibrahim the Illustrious Bassa who is said to have obtained the like promise from Solyman the Magnificent which notwithstanding the Mufti or Chief Priests of the Turks devised a way to discharge the Emperour of that promise and to obtain from him an unwilling consent to the Bassa's death as the Bishop of Lincoln is said to do for the Earl of Straffords Secondly There was no such scruple of conscience propounded to the Bishops in the morning conference as the obligation which that promise laid upon him there being no other question propounded at that time but whether he might in justice passe the Bill of Attainder against the Earl To which the Bishops gave their Answer when it was again renewed in the Evening as appears by the Lord Primates first Narrative that if upon the Allegations on either â—ide at the hearing whereof the King was present he did not conceive him guilty of the crime wherewith he was charged he could not in justice condemn him and by this answer it appears that no such scruple as the obligation of that Paper-promise had been before tendred to the Bishops Thirdly Admitting that the Bishop of Lincoln might be so bold as to make that overture to the King forgetting a release of that promise from the Earl of Strafford yet was he too carefull of himself too fearfull of the Kings everlasting displeasure to pursue that fatall project when he perceived his Majesty to entertain it with a brow of anger Fourthly Admitting this also that the Bishop was so thirsty of the Earls bloud as to neglect his own safety in pursuance of it yet cannot our Historian tell us whether that intimation were sent by the Lieutenant of the Tower or some other person And certainly as the Lieutenant of the Tower was not so obscure a person but that he might easily be known from another man so is it most improbable that he should go on such an errand without speciall order from the King or that the Earl should admit of such an intimation from any other who was like to run on the Bishops bidding but only from the Lieutenant himself Fifthly It cannot be beleeved that the Earl should fall into such a passion when the Tale was told him considering that he knew that by a Letter sent unto the King on the Tuesday before he had set the Kings Conscience at liberty most humbly beseeching him for the prevention of such mischief as might happen by his refusall to passe the Bill So that the passing of the Bill could be no News to him which he had reason to expect because it was a thing so much prest by his enemies and so humbly and affectionatelyâ— desired by himselfe Sixthly and finally Though our Historian make it doubtfull whether that Paper-promise were sent back sealed or unsealed yet no man can suspect the Earl to be so imprudent in his actions so carelesse of his own honour and so untrusty to the King in so great a secret as to send it open by which it must needs come first to the eyes of others before it came unto the Kings And if it were not sent unsealed how came our Authour to the knowledge that that paper contained the Kings promise as he saies it did But nothing more betrays the vanity and impossibility of this fiction then the circumstance in point of time in which this promise must be made which must needs fall between the passing of the Bill of Attainder and the Kings conference with the Bishops sent to him for the satisfaction of his Conscience by the Houses of Parliament Our Authour tels us that at the conference with the Bisâ—ops the King being satisfied in all other scruples started his last doubt If in his Conscience he could not passe the Bill although the Earl were guilty having promised under his hand that his prerogative should save him never to passe that Bill nor to
consent to the acting of any thing to take away his life By which it needs must follow if the Bill of Attainder was first passed or at the least in probability to be passed in the House of Peers before the King had given any such promise under his hand for the words are that the King had given him a promise under his hand never to passe that Bill Now that Bill was not taken into consideration in the House of Lords till Saturday the 24. of April in which considering their own danger and the little satisfaction they are able to give themselves M. St Iohn the Kings Sollicitor Generall was appointed by the House of Commons to open the Bill before their Lordships and to give them information in it which was done upon Thursday the nine and twentieth of the same Moneth On the next day some of the Lords began to stagger in their resolutions and to incline unto the Commons which moved the King to declare himself before both Houses on the first of May That he could not with a good Consciâ—nce condemn the Earl of High Treason which he must needs do if he passe that Bill and therefore hoped that they would not expect that from him which neither fear nor any other respect whatsoever should enforce him to Other assurance then this of not passing the Bill as the King never made the Earl so indeed he could not the Earl being a close Prisoner and so narrowly watcht especially after his Majesties said Declaration of the first of May that no such Paperâ—promise under the Kings hand could be sent unto him if either the King had thought it necessary to make any such promise or the Earl to seek it Adeo mendaciorum natura est ut coherere non possint as Lactantius hath it This point thus cleared and the King discharged from making any such promise under his hand there must some other way be found out to preserve the Earl by devising some means for his escape and to this plot the King must be made a party also our Authour telling us positively That Some Designe there was no doubt of delivering the Earl of Strafford by escape in order whereunto Sir William Balfour Lieutenant of the Tower must be commanded by the King to receive one Captain Billingsley with an hundred men to secure the place If so how durst Balfour refuse to yeeld obedience to the Kings command Marry forfooth because three good Women of Tower-street peeping into the Earls Gallery through the Key-hole could by the Spectacles of their eyes discern him talking with this Captain and by the Otocoâ—sticon of their ears could hear them talk of some Desigâ—e for this escape The Summe of their Discourse being this that a Ship of Captain Billingsleys Brothers should be in readinesse which was fallen down on purpose below in the River that they three might be there in twelve hours that if the Fort were but secur'd for three or four Moneths there would come aid enough and that there was nothing to be thought upon but an escape and much more broken speech to that purpose It seems the womens ears must be very long and the tongues both of the Earl and Billingsly must be very loud or else how could a practise of such a close and dangerous nature be so plainly heard Assuredly by the same means by which the Zealous Brother in More fields discovered a dangerous plot against the Parliament discoursed of by some who were passing by but he knows not who they were as he was sunning himself under an hedge Of whom as creditable an Authour as Sir William Balfour hath told me this That while he was contriving some Querpo-cut of Church-Government by the help of his out-lying ears and the Otocousticon of the Spirit â—e discovered such a Plot against the Parliament that Selden intends to combat Antiquity and maintain it was a Taylors Goose that preserved the Capitol But in good earnest I would fain know of our Author or of Sir William Balfour or of both together whether the three Good-Wives of Tower-street did hear these Passages in discourse by their eyes or their ears Not by their Eyes for the Eye is not the sense of hearing nor by their Ears for it is not said that they laid their Ears to the Key-hole but that they peeped thorow it And next I would fain know whâ—ther they peep'd or hearkned all at once or one after another If all at once the Key-hole must be wondrous wide as Heavenly-wide as Mopsus mouth in Sir Philip Sidney which could admit of three pair of hearing Eyes or of three single seeing Ears at one time together And if they peep'd or hearkned one after another they must needs have both very quick Wits and strong Comprehensions that could make up so much of a set Discourse from such broken Speeches though they within spake never so loudly Letting this pass therefore with a Risum teneatis Amici we have next a more serious discovery of this Design by the Conference which the Earl of Strafford had with Sir William Balfour offering him but four days before his death no less then Twenty thousand pounds and a Marriage of his Daughter to Balfours Son if he would assent to his Escape And for this also as well as for the tale of the three Good-Wives of Tower-Street and the command of admitting Billingsley with an hundred men to secure the Tower we must take Sir Williams bare word for he gave it not in upon his Oath in the House of Commons And what the bare word of a Scot a perfidious Scot and one that shortly after took up Arms against his Master will amount unto we all know too well Nor was the Earl so ignorant of the hatred which generally the Scotish Covenanters bare unto him or of the condition of this man particularly as to communicate any such design unto him had he been so unprepar'd for death as our Author makes him And so this second Romance of Sir William Balfour and the three Women Good-Wives of Tower Street being sent after that of the Bishop of Lincoln we leave the Earl of Straffords business and go on with our Author to some other Fol. 418. Then follows King Henry the fourth c. ofâ—larence â—larence Title to precede that of Mortimer That some of the Lords combined to depose this King I shall easily grant though not upon those grounds which our Author mingles with the Speech of one Mr. Thomas a Member of the House of Commons against the Bishops For though the Title of Clarence did precede that of the King yet was not the Kings Title derived from Mortimer the Title of Mortimer and Clarence being one and the same The Title of King Henry the fourth came by his Father Iohn Duke of Lancaster the fourth Son of King Edward the third the title of Mortimer came by Philip the sole Daughter and Heir of Lionel Duke of Clarence the third son of the said King Edward
Houses as were like to make the worst use of it and the more to ingratiate himself with the prevalent party he aggravated the supposed offence to the very utmost And the supposed offence was this that the Bishops having been frequently reviled pursued and violently kept from the House of Peers protested by a Writing under their hands That they durst not sit or Vote in the House of Peers untill his Majesty should secure them from all affronts indignities and dangers and therefore that all Laws Orders Votes Resolutions and Determinations should be reputed null and of none effect which in their absence had passed or should passe in the said most Honourable House during the time of their forced and violent absence Which Petition and Protestation being 〈…〉 Records of Parliament was thought to be a good 〈◊〉 of their place and right suffrage in the House of 〈◊〉 â—â—â—withstanding the Subsequent Act of Parliament 〈◊〉 deprived them of it But how that Protestation could amount to Treason in the newest construction of the word was so impossible to be proved that they who 〈◊〉 so voted it having served their turns by the imprisonment of the Bishops for depriving them of their place and vote in Parliament and divesting the King of his power and prerogative in pressing Souldiers for his wars at once released them of the impâ—iâ—onment and accusation under which they suffered Adde hereunto that when the Members of the House of Commons were seized upon and kept in custody by the Officers of the Army under the command of Sir Thomas Fairfax on the sixt and seventh daies of December 1647. they made a Protestation to this effect viz. that all Acts and Ordinances Votes and proceedings of the House of Commons made after the said sixt and seventh of December or after to be made during their restraint and forcible seclusion from the House and the continuance of the Armies force upon it should be no way obligatory but void and null to all â—ntents and purposes whatsoever Which protestation though it toucht the Officers of the Army to the very quick yet had they so much modesty as not to count it for high Treason And when the Members which were left remaining in that House for the present turn had scanned over every particular of that protestation they only ventured so far as to Vote it to be scandalous and seditious as tending to destroy the present visible Government and that all that had a hand in it were unworthy of trust for which consult Mercurius Pragmaticus Numb 38. By which we see that which was counted Treason in the Bishops was not conceived to be such in these Members of the House of Commons No more then farre worse crimes then those which 〈…〉 for Treason in the Earl of Strafford could 〈◊〉 to be Treason in the Case of the Five 〈…〉 Lord of Kimbolton So true is that which Horace 〈…〉 Book De Arte Poetica viz. Coecilio Plautoqâ—e dabit 〈…〉 Virgilio Varioque which cannot be englished more â—â—â—nificantly then by this old Proverb that is to say that 〈◊〉 better steal a Horse then others look on Fol. 478. The City taking hâ—art and hands with the House of Commons summon a Common Councel where they debate their jealousies and fears The constitution of the Common Councell of the City was of great concernment at this time and therefore it behoved the Commons in order to the prosecution of their designe that it should be new moulded most of the old ones laid aside and creatures of their own elected into their places And by their Emissaries and Agents they prevailed so far that on S. Thomas day when the Common-Councell-men were to be chosen for every Ward in stead of those grave sober and substantiall men which before they had they chose a company of factious and indigent persons known only by their disaffections to Monarchical and Episcopal Government And whereas by the ancient custome of the City the Common-Councell-men then elected were not admitted unto Councell till the Munday after Twelfthday when their Elections were returned and enrolled by the Town-Clerk these men well knowing how much the Designe of the Commons did depend upon them would not stay so long And therefore when the King had appointed a Common-Councell to be called on the last day of December for the prevention of such tumults as had happened a few daies before they thrust themselves in amongst the rest The like they did when the King gave a meeting to a Common Councel appointed by him on the fifth of Ianuary wherein he acquainted them with the reason of his proceedings against the five impeached Members desiring that they might not have any retreat or harbour within the City At what time Fowke one of these Common-Councell men as being the Bell-weather to the rest made a sawcy and insolent speech unto the King concerning fears and â—â—â—lousies touching the Members accused the Priviledges of Parliament and that they might not be tried but in a Parliamentary way To which though the King returned a very milde and gracious Answer yet the Rabble being once inflamed by their seditious Orator would not so be satisfied but at his coming out of the Hall and as he past in his Coach thorow the Streets there was nothing ecchoed in his ears but Priviledges of Parliament Priviledges of Parliament By the help and vote of these men also was that Petition framed and delivered to the King on the morrow after which follows immediatly in our Authour And by the help of these men did they extort the Militia of the City out of the hands of the Mayor and Aldermen and put it into the power of inferiour persons such as the Faction in the House of Commons might best confide in And for their Iealousies and Fears which were to be debated in the Common Councell they were of no lesse nature then the blowing up of the Thames to drown the City or the beating it down about their ears by Col. Lunsford from the Tower or the sacking it by the King and the Cavaliers Horrible Gulleries but such as were generally disperst and no lesse generally beleeved by fools women and children Fol. 482. Vpon information of Troops of Horse to be gathered by the Lord Digby and Colonell Lunsford at Kingston where the County Magazine is lodged they order that the Sheriffs of the severall Counties c. shall suppresse all unlawfull Assemblies c. Most true it is that such an order was made by the House of Commons the better to amaze the people and keep them in continuall Fears and Iealousies of the Kings proceedings But nothing is more false then that any Troops of Horse had been rais'd by the Lord Digby or Colonel Lunsford or that they had any such designe as to seize the Magazine at Kingston which they might easily have done had they been so minded before it could have been prevented But the truth is that the King not knowing what the London Tumults might
amount unto commanded the Officers of the late Army before-mentioned to attend his pleasure till he saw some issue of the practices which were held against him On which command they followed him to Hampton Court Ianuary the tenth 1641. at his Removall from Whitehall for avoiding such fresh Insolencies as the people in their triumphant conducting of the accused Members to the Houses of Parliament might have put upon him These Officers now known by the Name of Cavaliers were lodged at Kingston and upon them the Lord Digby accompanied with Col. Lunâ—â—ord in a Coach with six Horses intended to bestow a visit no Troops of Horse being raised by him nor any other appearance of Horse at all except those six only His Majesties Declaration of the 12. of August hath so cleared this businesse that I marvell our Authour could let it passe by without Observation Fol. 485. And so the breach between the King and Parliament was stitcht up That is to say that great breach of pretended priviledge in the Kings coming to the House of Commons to demand the five impeached Members And yet this breach was not stitcht up now nor in a long time after For fol. 495. we finde the Parliament again at their five Members insisted on in the preamble to the Ordinance about the Militia fol. 498. and prest in their Petition delivered to the King at Royston fol. 501. and finally made one of the Propositions presented to the King at Oxford fol. 599. So far was this breach from being stitcht up in the end of Ianuary Anno 1641. that it was not made up in the Ianuary following at what time those Propositions were brought to Oxford From the five Members passe we to the Militia of which he telleth us That Fol. 496. The Parliament having now the Militia the security of the Tower and City of London Trained Bands of the Kingdom and all the Forces out of the Kings hands Our Authour placeth this immediatly after the Kings coming back from Dover whither he went with the Queen and the Princesse Mary there shipped for Holland at what time the Parliament had neither the command of the Tower nor of the Trained Bands in the Countrey or of any Forces whatsoever but their City-guards For fol. 498. we finde his Majesty sticking at it especially as to the Militia of London or of Towns incorporate and after fol. 502. when they petitioned him about it being then at New-Market and not as our Authour saith at Royston he answered more resolutely then before that he would not part with it for a minute no not unto his Wife and Children After which time finding the King too well resolved not to part with such a principall flower of his prerogative they past an Ordinance for entituling themselves unto it and did accordingly make use of it in the following war against the King Nor was the Petition any thing the better welcome for the men that brought it viz. the Earls of Pembroke and Holland both of them sworn Servants to him both of them of his Privy Councell both in great favour with him when he was in Prosperity and both perâ—idiously forsaking him when his Fortunes changed unto the worse Particularly our Authour tels us of the Earl of Holland That Fol. 501. He was raised and created to become his most secret Counsellour the most intimate in affection the first of his Bed-chamber his constant companion in all his Sports and Recreations Yet notwithstanding all these favours this Earl as much promoted the Puritan affairs of the Court but secretly and under-hand as his Brother the Earl of Warwick more openly and professedly did in the Countrey Of which thus Viscount Conway in a Letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury dated at Newcastle Iune 8. 1640. I assure my self saith he that there is not any lesse your friend then my Lord of Holland and I beleeve that at all times you ought to take heed to your self with him c. My Lord of Warwick is the temporal head of the Puritans and my Lord of Holland is their spirituall Head or rather the one is their visible Head the other their invisible Head Peradventure not because he means to do either good or hurt but because he thinks it is a Gallantry to be the principall pillar on which a whole Caball must rely Fol. 511. And taking only a guard for his person of his Domesticks and Neighbour Gentry went in person the 23. of April but contrary to his expectation the Gates were shut upon him the Bridges drawn up and Hotham from the Wals flatly denies him entrance Of this Affront Hotham being first proclaimed Traitor under the Wals of the Town the King complains to the Houses of Parliament but he had more reason to complain of some about him For in his Answer to their Petitition about the Magazine of Hull delivered to him in the beginning of April he had let them know how confident he was that place whatsoever discourse there was of private or publick Instructions to the contrary should be speedily given up if he should require it Being thus forewarn'd it was no wonder that they were fore-arm'd also against his Intentions or that he was â—epulst by Hotham at his coming thither For which good Service as Hotham was highly magnified for the present so he had his Wages not long after For being suspected to hold intelligence with the Marquess of Newcastle he was knockt down on that very place on which he stood when he refused the King admittance into the Town sent Prisoner unto London together with his eldest Son and there both beheaded the Son confessing that he had deserv'd that untimely death for his Disloyalty to the King the Father whining out his good affections to the Parliament and still expecting that reprieve which was never intended Fol. 512. All which that is to say the Kings going to Hull being by the King a high breach of Priviledge and violation of Parliaâ—ent they think fit to clear by voting it and Hotham justifâ—ea and send a Committee of Lords and Commons to reside there for the better securing Hull and him April 28. The breach of priviledge objected was the Kings endeavor to possess himself of the Town of Hull his own Town and to get into his hands a Magazine of Arms and Ammunition which he had bought with his own money To hinder which and to justifie Hotham the Lord Fairfax Sir Philip Stapleton Sir Henry Cholmnâ—y and Sir Hugh Cholmnly were sent by the House of Commons as a standing Committee to reside at York And had they come thither on no other business then what was openly pretended it had been such an extent of Priviledge making the House of Commons as wide as the Kingdom as never was challenged before But they were sent on another errand that is to say to be as Spies on all the Kings Actions to undermine all his Proceedings and to insinuate into the people that all their hopes of Peace
and happiness depended on their adhering to the present Parliament And they applyed themselves to their instructions with such open confidence that the King had not more meetings with the Gentry of that Country in his Palace called the Manor House then they had with the Yeomanry and Free-holders in the great Hall of the Deanry All which the King suffered very strangely and thereby robb'd himself of the opportunity of raising an Army in that County with which he might have marcht to London took the Hen sitting on her nest before she had hatched and possibly prevented all those Calamities which after followed To omit many less mistakes as Sheffield for Whitfield fol. 306. and Kit the Taylor for Ket the Tanner fol. 540. Our Author gives unto Sir William Neve the title of Garter-Herald which was more then ever the King bestowed upon him he having at that time no other title then Norroy the third King Sir Iohn Burroughs being then Garter-Herald and Sir Henry St. George the second King of Arms by the name of Clarenceux to whom Sir William Neve succeeded in that Office at such time as he the said Sir Henry succeeded Sir Iohn Burroughs who dyed sometime after this at Oxford in the place of Garter But we must now return to matters of greater consequence and first we encounter with the Battle of Edge-Hill of which our Author tells us That Fol. 586. The question will be who had the better But the Parliament put it out of question by sending the Earl of Pembroke the Earl of Holland the Lord Say the Lord Wharton and Mr. Strode on the 27 of October to declare to the Lord Major Aldermen and Citizens the greatness and certainty of their Victory how God had own'd his own work their Speeches being eight in all harping upon this String That as the Cause had been undertaken with their Purses and with their Persons so they would crown the work by following it with the same zeal love care nobleness and Alacrity And the better to keep up the Hearts of the People the Commons voted to their General a present of 5000 l which he kindely accepted to the no small commendation of his modesty in taking so small a reward for so great a Victory or of their Bounty in giving him so great a sum for being vanquished And yet this was not all the Honor which they did him neither a Declaration being past by both Houses of Parliament on the 11 of November then next following Concerning the late valorous and acceptable Service of his Excellency Robert Earl of Essex to remain upon Record in both Houses for a mark of Honor to his Person Name and Family and for a Monument of his singular vertue to posterity In which they seem to imitate the Roman Senate in the magnificent reception which they gave to Terentius Varro after his great defeat in the Battle of Cannae the People being commanded to go forth to meet him and the Senate giving him publick thanks Quod de salute Reipub. non desperasset because he despaired not of the safety of the Common-wealth Which whether it were an Argument of their Gallantry as Livy telleth us or rather of their fear as Sir Walter Raleigh is of opinion I dispute not now Certain I am that by this Artifice they preserved their Reputation with the People of the City of Rome which otherwise might have been apt to mutiny and set open their Gates to the Victor And to say the truth the care of the Earl of Essex deserv'd all this though his Fortune did not For having lost the Battle he hasted by speedy marches thither to secure that City and the Parliament which otherwise would not have been able to preserve themselves But on the contrary our Author lays down many solid and judicious Arguments to prove that the King had the better of it as no doubt he had And for a further proof hereof we cannot have a better evidence then an Order of the Lords and Commons issued on the 24 of October being the next day after the Fight in which all the Citizens of London and Westminster c. were commanded to shut up their Shops and put themselves into a readiness to defend the City and the Parliament Which Order they had never made if their fear of the Kings suddain coming upon them with his Conquering Army before their broken Forces could reach thither had not put them to it And though the King might have come sooner then he did the taking in of Banbury Oxford and Reading being all possessed in the name of the Parliament spending much of his time yet we finde him on the 12 of day November beating up their Quarters at Brentford where they had lodged two of their best Regiments to stop him in his march towards London some other of their Forces being placed at Kingston Acton and other Villages adjoyning In the success of which Fight our Author tells us That Fol. 594. The King took 500 Prisoners c. and so unfought with marched away to Oatlands Reading and so to Oxford By this we are given to understand that the King retreated toward Oxford but we are not told the reasons of it it being improbable that he should march so far as Brentford in his way towards Lond. without some thoughts of going further Accordingly it was so resolv'd if my intelligence and memory do not fail me order given for the advancing of the Army on the morning after which being ready to be put in Execution News came that at a place called Turnham-Green not far from Brentford both the Remainders of the Army under the command of the Earl of Essex and the Auxiliaries of London under the conduct of the Earl of Warwick were in readiness to stop his march And thereupon it was consulted whether the King should give the charge or that it might be thought enough in point of Honor to have gone so far On the one side it was alledged that his Army was in good heart by reason of their good success the day before that the Parliament Forces consisted for the most part of raw and unexperienced Souldiers who had never seen a War before and that if this bar were once put by his way would be open unto London without any resistance On the other side it was Objected That the King had no other Army then this that there was nothing more uncertain then the fortune of a Battle and that if this Army were once broken it would be impossible for him to raise another which last consideration turn'd the Scale that Counsel being thought most fit to be followed which was judged most safe id gloriosius quod tutissimum said the old Historian And as for the five hundred Prisoners which our Authour speaks of they were first mov'd to enter into the Kings pay and that being generally refused they were dismist with life and liberty having first taken their Corporal Oaths not to serve against him But
issued out of the Chancery which they still kept open But when it came to be debated in the House of Commons it was alledged by some sober men that the counterfeiting of the Great Seal was made High Treason by the Statute of the 25. of King Edward the third To which it was very learnedly replied by Sergeant Wilde that they intended not to counterfâ—t the Old Great Seal but to make a new one On which ridiculous Resolution of this Learned Sergeant whose great Ruff had as much Law in it as his little head the designe went forward but not with any such alteration in the Impresse as our Authour speaks of The Impresse of this New Seal was the same with that in the old the Feathers or Princes Arms being only added in a void place of it to Shew the difference between them that so their Followers might distiâ—guish beâ—ween such Commands as came from his Majesty and such as came immediatly from themselves in his Majesties Name But whereas our Authour speaks in some words fore-going of a Legislative Power which he conceives to be in the Parliament he shews himself therein to be no better a Lawyer then M. Serâ—cant The Legislative power was only in the King himself though legally he was restrained in the exercise of it to the consent of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament Fol. 623. lin l◠〈…〉 the one a Cripple the other somewhat like a Lunatick Our Authour speaks this of the Children of M. Iohn Hambden one of the five Members so much talked of the principal Member of the five as our Authour cals him but on what ground he speaks it as I do not know â—o neither is it worth enquiry And though I might leave the Children of M. Hambden under this reproach as an undoubted signe of Gods judgements on him for being a principall Incendiary in that fire which for a long time consumed the Kingdom yet so far do I preferre truth before private interesse that I shall do him that right in his postâ—â—ity which our Authour either out of ignorance easinesse of belief or malice hath been pleased to deny him And therefore the Reader is to know that the surviving children of that Gentleman are not only of an erect and comely stature but that they have in them all the abilities of wit and judgement wherewith their Father was endued though governed with a more moderate spirit and not so troublesomely active in affairs of state Fol. 626. The five and twentieth of August the Earls of Bedford and Holland went from London towards Oxford c. That the said two Eaâ—ls came to Oxford to tender their sâ—bmission to the King is a Truth undoubted sooner then our Authour speaks of but that they were received with favour and forgivenesse may be very well questioned not as in reference to forgivenesse which considering the Kings good nature may be â—asily granted but in relation unto Favour A point wherein our Authour hath confuted himself telling us fol. 639. of the Earl of Holland that he had but slender Reception though he put himself in a posture of Arms with the King in the Field And 〈◊〉 this slender Reception he complain'd in a Letter to the Loâ—d Iermâ—n after his departure wherein he did relate that the King did not shew so much countenance to him as he had seen hâ—m do at the same time to some Câ—mmon Souldiers who had fled from the Enemy to come to him There came to Oxford also at or about the same time the Earl of Clare and found the like cold entertainment It was conceived and by some reported that if the King had shewed good countenance to these three Lords most of the rest would have left the Parliament and repaired unto him But the King considered well enough that not so much the sense of their duty as his successes in the West had brought them thither and that if five or six only of the Lords should be left in Westminster those five or six only would be thought sufficient to constitute a House of Peers as many times there were no more present foâ— the passing of any Ordinance which the Commons should be pleased to commend unto them Fol. 630. And now was the King drawn down before the Town attended by Prince Charles and the Duke of York Prince Rupert and Generall Ruthen c. For the Kings sitting down before Glocester and laying a formal Siege unto it there was given this reason viz. that by the taking of this Town all Wales would be preserved in the Kings Obedience entirely united unto Eâ—gland and free passage given on all occasions and distresses to assist each other And so far the design was not to be discommended But on the contrary it was said that the Kings unhappy sitting down before that Town lost him the opportunity of marching directly towards London and â—â—attering the Faction in the Parliament both which by reason of the affrightments which fell upon them by the taking of Bristol and othâ—r places in the West were ready to give up themselves even to desperation And so much was affirmed by the Earl of Holland when he was at Oxford assuring Sir Iohn Heydon Lieutenant of the Ordinance from whose mouth I have it that the prevailing Members of both Houses were upon the point of trussing up of Bagge and Baggage but that they hoped as some of them told him that N. N. one of great nearnesse to the King an especiall confident of theirs would prevail with him at the last to lay siege to Glocester and not to leave that Town at his back to infest the Countrey Fol. 633. Two Spies sent out long since returned from Warwick giving them News of the March of the Earl of Essex but was not assured he lodging then â—nder a Cloud of disgrace being beaten out of the West But certainly the Earl of Essex could not be under a cloud at that time for being beaten out of the West his preparing to raise the Siege of Glocester happening in the end of August Anno 1643. and his being beaten in the West not happening till the beginning of September Anno 1644. But we must think the Houses were indued with the spirit of prophecy and frowned upon the man before-hand for that which was to happen to him a Twelve moneth after Nor was it any fault of his that Bristol Exceter and so many places of importance had been lost in the West he having no Forces able to act any thing against the King till the Pulpit-men in London preacht him up an Aâ—my for the Relief of Glocester An Army which came time enough to do the work the siege being very slackly followed and having done the work were as desirous to return back to their own Houses But see what hapned by the way Fol. 636. From Cirencester he marches to Chilleton the Cavaliers facing them on Mavarn Hills If so then First The Earl of Essex must be the Ianus of this Age
a Consideration of the straits he was driven unto by the King which he might easily have prevented by keeping himself in the more open Country of Devonshire where he might have had Elbow room enough on both sides and a Countrey rich enough to furnish him with all sorts of Provisions His Army was every way equal to the Kings if not superior he drawing after him no fewer then 50 Brass Pieces of Ordâ—ances and 700 Carriages and it appears by the number of Arms delivered up by Composition amounting to 8000 in all that his Foot could not consist of less then ten or twelve thousand And for his Horse no fewer then 2500 made a clear escape So that he might have kept the Field and put the King to it in a Battle if there had not been somewhat more in it then our Author speaks of It was therefore thought by some knowing men which understood the state of Affairs that knowing his Horse were gone off without any danger and that his Foot might save themselves by a Composition he was willing to keep the Seas even as before was intimated For partly being discourag'd from pursuing the War by his first success at Edge-Hill and partly coming to know more of the Intentions of such as managed the design then had been first imparted to him he begâ—n to grow more cold in carrying things on unto the utmost then befoâ—e he was Upon which ground as he had neglected the opportunity of marching directly towards Oxford when he had removed the Kings Forces out of Reading so on the defeat of Waller at Lands-Down he writ unto the Houses to send Petitions to the King for Peace as appears by this History fol. 625. For which coldness of his so plainly manifested it was not onely moved by Vassal in the House of Commons that he should lay down his Command but many jeers were put upon him and some infamous Pictures made of him to his great dishonor Considering therefore that on the defeat of Prince Rupert at Marston-Moor all the North parts were like to be regain'd to the Houses of Parliament he was willing to let the King remain as absolute in the West as they were like to be in the North which since he could not do with Honor by hearkning to the Kings fair proffer seconded by a Letter from all the chief Officers of his Army he cast himself into such necessities as might give him some colour to shift for himself and leave his Foot to some Agreement with the King No way but this as he conceiv'd to bring the leading Members of both Houses unto such a Temper as might induce them to meet the King half way in the Road to peace and if this could not do it the coming on of Winter might perhaps cool them into some conditions which the King might be as willing to hearken to as they to offer This I remember to be the summe of such Discourses as were made at that time in and about the Court by men of the best knowledge and understanding in the state of businesses but whether they hit upon the right string or not I am not able to affirm This I am able to affâ—rm that cur Authour is mistaken in telling us that the Earl of Essex did quit his glorious Command upon this occasion For afterwards we finde him in his glorious Command at the fight near Newbery and he continued in it till the Spring next following when by the Ordinance of Self-deniall and the new modelling of the Army under the Command of Sir Thomâ—s Fairfax he was quitted of it All that he did at this time was to qâ—it his Army for which the Houses of Parliament cried quits with him as before is said Fol. 714. The King regains Monmouth and returns to Oxford the 23 of November That Monmouth was regained for the King is undoubtedly true but that it was regain'd by the King is undoubtedly false Our Author in some lines before had left him at Hungerford in the County of Berks and now he brings him thorow the ayr to the taking of Monmouth But the truth is that Monmouth having been betrayed to Massey then Governor of Glocester by Major Kyrl a Garrison of 600 Soldiers was put into it who having a Design to surprize Chepstow left the Town so naked that the Lord Charls Somerset one of the yonger Sons of the Marquess of Worcester taking with him 150 Horse from Ragland-Castle and assisted by some Foot from the Neighboring Garrisons which held for the King fell on the Town on Tuesday morning the 19 of November Anno 1644. and makes himself master of the place before our brave Adventurers at Chepstow heard any thing of it Fol. 719. Next Morning July 2. the Prince advances after them resolving to give them Battle by Noon c. The Battle hear meant is that of Marston-Moor near York between Prince Rupert for the King the Earls of Manchester and Leven better known by the name of Colonel Lesly and the Lord Ferdinando Fairfax commanding over their several Forces fot the Houses of Parliament Concerning which our Author tells us That at first Prince Rupert got the Ground that those in the main Battle were so hard put to it that they â—ell on the Reserve of Scots which were behinde them that the right Wing of the Enemies Horse being as hard put to it by the Princes left Wing committed the like Disorder on the Lord Fairfax his Foot and the Scotch Reserves and were pursued very fiercely by their Conquerors and finally that no Horse being sent to make good the Ground which those who followed the Chace had left the broken Army of the Enemy rallied again and got the better of the day But the Gentlemen of York 〈◊〉 who liv'd nâ—ar the place tell us more then this viz. That Prince Rupâ—rt had not onely got ground at the first and 〈◊〉 the right Wing of the Enemies Horse but so disordered the main Battle that he postest himself of the Canon the three Generals retâ—â—â—ing out of the field with more haste then Honor. And so the News came flying to Oxford reported in divers places by such of the â—nemies Soldiers as had fled out of the field and at Oxford it was entertained with Bells and Bone-â—â—res and the shooting off of all the Ordnance about the Town But Prince Rupert better knowing how to get then pursue Advantages and his â—oldiers busie upon Pillage gave opportunity to Colonel Cromwel who commanded the Earl of Manchesters Horse and who onely had made a fair retreat in the heat of the fight to put new life into the Battle and having put the broken Foot into some good order first gave a check unto the Prince and after pressing hard upon him tuâ—n'd the whole fortune of the Day For which good service Cromwel is cryed up by his party to beâ— the Saviour of three Kingdoms of which the Scots who had done very well that Day and bore the greatest part
it But upon the best judgement which I am able to make I conceive it to be so full so punctuall and satisfactory that our Authour calling all the Doctors of his own making to his assistance is not able to mend it Fol. 1068. Some of these mutinied against each other and in the dissention a rumour was rais'd there of a Designe to impoyson the King c. Our Historian makes very slight of this matter disparaging both the Informer and the Information The Informer he disparageth by telling us that he was but an ordinary man though Osburn himself in a Letter to the Earl of Manchester takes on himself the Title of Gentleman which is as much as our Authour though he take upon himself the name of an Esquire can pretend unto The Information and the Evidence which was brought to prove it he censures to be disagreeing in it self and irregular in Law of which more anon In the mean time take here the whole Information word for word as Osburn published it in print as well for his own justification as the satisfaction of all loyall and wellâ—affected Subjects But not to leave your Lordship unsatisfied with this generall account the Intelligence I speak of concerning his designe I received from Captain Râ—lfe a person very intimate with the Governour privy to all Counsels and one that is very high in the esteem of the Army he my Lord informed me that to his knowledge the Governour had received severall Letters from the Army intimating they desired the King might by any means be removed out of the way either by pâ—â—son or otherwise And that another time the same person perswaded me to joyn with him in a deâ—igne to remove the King out of that Castle to a place of more secrecy profering to take an Oath with me and to do it without the Governours privity who he said would not consent for losing the allowance of the House His pretence for this attempt was that the King was in too publike a place from whence he might be â—escued but if he might be conveighed into some place of Secrecy he said we might dispose of his person upon all occasions as we thought fit and this he was confident we could effect without the Governours privity This Nâ—rrative he inclosed in a Letter to the Lord Wharton dated Iuâ—e 1. 1648. But finding that the Lord Wharton had done nothing in it the better as he conceived to give those time that were concerned in it to think of some stratagem to evade the discovery He inclosed it in another Letter to the Earl of Manchester by whom it was communicated to the House of Peers on the 19. of Iune But they in stead of sending for him to make good the Information on his corporall Oath as he earnestly desired in the said Letters committed both him and Rolfe to prison there to remain till the next Assizes for the County of Southhampton and not the Southhampton Assize as our Authour makes it At what time M. Sergeant Wilde a man for the nonce as we poor Countrey folks use to say was sent to manage the proceedings who so cunningly intangled the evidence and so learnedly laid the Law before the Jurors that Rolfe was acquitted and Osburn left under the disgrace of a salse Informer But the best is I should rather have said the worst though M. Serâ—eant could finde no Law to condemn Rolfe for an attempt to poison the King he could finde Law enough within few moneths after to condemn and execute Captain Burleigh for an intent to free him from the hands of those who were suspected to have no good intentions towards him as it after proved Fol. 1069. The Earl of Holland is sent Prisoner to Warwick Castle where he continued until his Arraignment and execution at Westminster the 9. of March â— Of this Earl we have said somewhat already enough to shew with what disloyalty and ingratitude he forsook the King his Master in the time of his greatest need To which I shall adde nothing now but this generall Note viz. that none of those who had prov'd disloyall to the King or acted openly against him in the Wars or otherwise had ever so much blessing from Heaven as to prevail in any thing which they undertook either for the re-establishment of his person or the re-stauration of his posterity witnesse in the first place Sir Iohn Hotham accursed in his mothers belly as himself confessed in an intercepted Letter brought to Oxford witnesse the fruitlesse attempts of Lougnern Powell and Poier not only in Pembrokeshire but other Counties of Southwales which they had made themselves Masters of in order to his Majesties Service witnesse the unfortunate expedition of Marquesse Hamilion of which more anon and the unseasonable rising of the Earl of Holland of whom now we speak witnesse the frequent miscarriages of the Lord Willoughby of Parham a man whom the King had courted to Loyalty beyond all example in his attempt to head a New Army against the old to employ some part of the Kings Navy against the rest and to make good the Barbador in despight of the Houses I take no notice â—ere of the miscarriages of such who had at first declared against him in set Speeches in the Houses of Parliament none of which prospered either in their persons or their actings when they returned to their own duty and endeavored the Advancement of the Kings Affairs And that I may not contain may self within England onely or be thought perhaps to partial in this Observation we have the Examples of the Lord Inchequin in Ireland and of the gallant Marquess of Montross in Scotland Of which the first for the actings of the other are known well enough was one of the first if not the very first of all who openly read any Protestation at the Market-Cross in Edinburgh against the Kings Proceedings in the Book of Common Prayer and other subsequent Actions which concerned the happiness of that Kingdom Fol. 1071. The Estates of Scotland had formed a Committee of Danger who had of themselves Voted to raise Forty thousand Men. â— But the Vote was bigger then the Army though the Army were much bigger then our Author makes it by whose calculation it amounts not to above Ten thousand five hundred men besides such additional Forces as were expected out of England and Ireland An Army gallantly appointed both for Horse and Arms which they had plundered out of England in the long time of their Service there for both Houses of Parliament the like being never set so out by that people since they were a Nation And it was big enough also to do more then it did had it been under a more forâ—unate Commander then the Marquess of Hamilton who brought from Scotland a greater Enemy within him then he was like to finde in England And possibly that inward Enemy might spur him on to a swift destruction by rendring him impatient of tarrying the coming of
Monroe an old experienced Commander with his three thousand old and experienced Scots train'd up for five or six years then last past in the Wars of Ireland By whose assistance it is possible enough that he might not have lost his first Battle not long after his Head which was took from him on the same day with the Earl of Hollands But God owed him and that Nation both shame and punishment for all their â—reacheries and Rebellions against their King and now he doth begin to pay them continuing payment after payment till they had lost the Command of their own Countrey and being reduced unto the form of a Province under the Commonwealth of England live in as great a Vassalage under their new Masters as a conquered Nation could expect or be subject to Fol. 1078. This while the Prince was put aboard the revolted Ships c. and with him his Brother the Duke of York c. the Earls of Brentford and Ruthen the Lord Cuâ—pepper c. In the recital of which names we finde two Earls that is to say the Earls of Brentford and Ruthen which are not to be found in any Records amongst our Heralds in either Kingdom Had he said General Ruthen Earl of Brentford he had hit it right And that both he and his Reader also may the better understand the Risings and Honors of this Man I shall sum them thus Having served some time in the Wars of Gustavus Adolphus King of Sweden he was Knighted by him in his Camp before Darsaw a Town of Pomerella commonly counted part of Prussia and belonging to the King of Poland Anno 1627. at what time the said King received the Order of the Garter with which he was invested by Mr. Peter Yong one of his Majesties Gentlemen Huishers and Mr. Henry St. George one of the Heralds at Arms whom he also Kinghted In the long course of the German Wars this Colonel Sir Patrick Ruthen obtain'd such a Command as gave him the title of a General and by that title he attended in a gallant Equipage on the Earl of Morton then riding in great pomp towards Windsor to be installed Knight of the Garter At the first breaking out of the Scots Rebellion he was made a Baron of that Kingdom and Governor of the Castle of Edinburgh which he defended very bravely till the Springs which fed his Well were broken and diverted by continual Batteries Not long ater he was made Earl of Forth and on the death of the Earl of Lindsey was made Lord General of his Majesties Army and finally created Earl of Brentford by Letters Patents dated the 27 of May Anno 1644. with reference to the good Service which he had done in that Town for the fiâ—st hanselling of his Office So then we have an Earl of Brentford but no Earl of Ruthen either as joyn'd in the same Person or distinct in two Not much unlike is that which follows Ibid. His Commissions to his Commanders were thus stiled Charls Prince of great Britain Duke of Cornwal and Albany Here have we two distinct Titles conferred upon one Person in which I do very much suspect our Authors Intelligence For though the Prince might Legally stile himself Duke of Cornwal yet I cannot easily believe that he took upon himself the Title of Duke of Albany He was Duke of Cornwal from his Birth as all the eldest Sons of the Kings of England have also been since the Reign of King Edward the third who on the death of his Uncle Iohn of Eltham E. of Cornwal invested his eldest Son Edw. the Black Prince into the Dukedom of Cornwal by a Coronet on his head a ring on his finger and a silver Verge in his hand Since which time as our learned Camden hath observed the King of Englands eldest Son is reputed Duke of Cornwal by Birth and by vertue of a special Act the first day of his Nativity is presumed and taken to be of full and perfect age so that on that day he may sue for his Livery of the said Dukedom and ought by right to obtain the same as well as if he had been one and twenty years old And he hath his Royalties in certain Actions and Stannery Matters in Wracks at Sea Customs c. yea and Divers Officers or Ministers assigned unto him for these or such like matters And as for the Title of Duke of albany King Charls as the second Son of Scotland receiv'd it from King Iames his Father and therefore was not like to give it from his second Son the eldest Son of Scotland being Duke of Rothsay from his Birth but none of them Dukes of Albany for ought ever I could understand either by Birth or by Creation Fol. 1094. And so the dignity of Arch-Bishops to fall Episcopal Iurisdiction also Our Author concludes this from the general words of the Kings Answer related to in the words foregoing viz. That whatsoever in Episcopacy did appear not to have clearly proceeded from Divine Institution he gives way to be totally abolished But granting that the Dignity of Arch-Bishops was to fall by this Concession yet the same cannot be affirmed of the Episcopal Iurisdiction which hath as good Authority in the holy Scripture as the calling it self For it appears by holy Scripture that unto Timothy the first Bishop of Ephâ—sus St. Paul committed the power of Ordination where he requires him to lay hands hastily on no man 1 Tim. 5 22 And unto Titus the first Bishop of Crete the like Authority for ordaining Presbyters or Elders as our English reads it in every City Tit. 1. v. 5. Next he commands them to take care for the ordering of Gods publick Service viz. That Supplications Prayers Intercessions and giving of Thanks be made for all men 1 Tim. 2. 1. which words relate not to the private Devotions of particular persons but to the Divine Service of the Church as it is affirmed not onely by St Chrysostom Theophylact and Oâ—cumenius amongst the Ancients and by Estius for the Church of Rome but also by Calvin for the Protestant or Reformed Churches Next he requires them to take care that such as painfully labor in the Word and Doctrine receive the honor or recompence which is due unto them 1 Tim. 5. 17. as also to censure and put to silence all such Presbyters as preached any strange Doctrine contrary unto that which they had received from the Apostles 1 Tim 1. 3. And if that failed of the effect and that from Preaching Heterodoxies or strange Doctrines they went on to Heresies then to proceed to Admonition and from thence if no amendment followed to a rejection from his place and deprivation from his Function 1 Tit. 3. 10. as both the Fathers and late Writers understand the Text. Finally for correction in point of Manners as well in the Presbyter as the people St. Paul commits it wholly to the care of his Bishop where he adviseth Timothy not to receive an Accusâ—ation against
He tells me indifinitely of my Helpers page 5. of the charitable Collections of my numerous Helpers pag. 23. Helpers import a plural number and numerous Helpers signifie a multitude and who can stand against so many when they joyn together But I would not have my Squire affright himself with these needless terrors my helpers are but few in number though many in vertue and effect for though I cannot say that I have many helpers yet I cannot but confess in all humble gratitude that I have one great Helper which is instar omnium even the Lord my God Aurilium meum a domino my help cometh even from the Lord which hath made heaven and earth as the Psalmist hath it And I can say with the like humble acknowledgements of Gods mercies to me as Iacob did when he was askt about the quick dispatch which he had made in preparing savery meat for his aged Father Voluntas Dei suit ut tam citoâ— occurreâ—et mihi quod volebam Gen. 27. 20. It is Gods goodness and his onely that I am able to do what I do And as for any humane helpers as the French Courâ—iers use to say of King Lewis the XI That all his Councel rid upon one Horse because he relyed upon his own Judgement and Abilities onely So may I very truly say That one poor Hackney-horse will carry all my Helpers used be they never so numeâ—ous The greatest help which I have had since it pleased God to make my own â—ight unuseful to me as to writing and reading hath come from one whom I had entertained for my Clerk or Amanuensis who though he reasonably well understood both Greek and Latine yet had he no further Education in the way of Learning then what he brought with him from the School A poor Countrey School And though I have no other helps at the present but a raw young fellow who knows no Greek and understands but little Latine yet I doubt not but I shall be able to do as much reason to my Squire as he hath reason to expect at my hands My stock of Learning though but small hath been so well husbaâ—ded that I am still able to winde and turn it to the vindication of the truthâ— never reputed such a Banckrupt till I was made such by my Squire as to need such a charitable Collection to set me up again as is by him ascribed to my numerous helpers Thus singly armed and simply seconded I proceed to the examination of those personal charges which defect he is pleased to lay upon me and first he tells us how gladly Dr. Heylyn would take occasion to assume fresh credit of copeing with â—he deceased now at rest whom he hath endeavored to disturb even the most Râ—verend Name and living Fame of that approved Learned Prelate the late Arch-Bishop of Armagh Primate of all Ireland pag. 5. And still he might have been at rest without any dâ—sturbance either unto his Reverend Name or Living Fame if Dr. Barnâ—â—d first and afterwards Squire Sanderson had not rated him out of his Grave and brought him back upon the Stage from which he had made his Exit with so many Plaudites And being brought back upon the Stage hath given occasion to much discourse about his advising or not advising the King to consent unto the Earl of Straâ—â—ords death and his distinction of a personal and political conscience either to prepare the King to give way unto it or to confirm him in the justice and necessity of it when the deed was done Both these have been severally charged on the Observator by Dr. Barnard and his Partakers Pag. 18. and both of them severally disclaimed by him both in the Book called the Observator rescued pag. 296 297 349. and in the Appendix to the Book called Respondâ— Petrus c. p. 143 144 and 152. Nay so far was the Obseâ—vator of his alâ—er idem from disturbing the reverend Name living Fame of that learned Prelate that in the Book called Extraâ—eâ—s vâ—pulans he declares himself unwilling to revive that question Whether the Lord Primate had any sharp tooth against the Lord Lieutenant or not in regard the parties were both dead and all displeasures buried in the same grave with them page 292. And in the Book called Respondit Petrus he affirms expresly That having laid the Lord Primate down again in the Bed of Peace he would not raise him from it by a new disturbance and that having laid aside that invidious argument he was resolved upon no provocation whatsoever to take it up again pag. 124. Had not this promise tyed me up I could have made such use of these provocations as to have told the Doctor and his Squire to boot that the Lord Primate did advise the King to sign that destructive Bill by which that Fountain of Blood was opened which hath never been fully shut up again since that ebolishion for which I have my Author ready and my witness too And as for the distinction of a political and a personal conscience ascribed to the Lord Primate by the Author of the Vocal Forest as Mr. Sanderson in his History saith nothing to acquit him of it so neither doth the Squire affect to act any thing in it if he speaks sence enough to be understood in this Post-Haste Pamphlet for having told us that Petrus fancied him to act for Dr. Barnard in acquitting the Lord Primate from the distinction of a poliâ—ical and a personal conscience page 18. he adds That it is confessed by himself the self-same Peâ—rus to have been done to his hand by Mr. Howels attestation of his History who was concerned in those words In which passage if there be any sence in it it must needs be this that it appeareth by the attestation which Iames Howell gave unto his History that he had acted nothing toward the discharge of the Lord Primate from the fatall distinction which D. Bernard had ascribed in his Funerall Sermon to the Vocall Forrest So that the Respondent may conclude as before he did pag. 144. of the said Appendix that as well the errour of that distinction as the fatall application of it must be left at the Lord Primâ—teâ— door as neither being removed by D. Bernard himself or by any of his undertakers The next Charge hath relation to the Lord Primate also in reference to the Articles of the Church of Ireland which he will by no means grant to be abrogated anâ— those of England setled inserted in his own word in the place thereof How so Because the Respondent hath prevented any further confirmation of either by his own confessing of his being too much â—â—edulous in beleeving and inconsiderate in publishing such mist then intelligence which are his own words fol. 87. And his own words they are indeed but neither spoken nor applied as the Squire would have it who must be thought to be in very great Post-haste when he read them over For
King as our Authour words is it gave the King occasion to consider of the generall tendency of the Puritan doctrine in this point unto downright Iudâ—â—sme and thereupon to quicken the reviving of his Fathers Declaration about Lawfull sports in which the signification of his pleasure beareth date the 18. of October in the 9. year of his Reign Anno 1633. A remedy which had been prescribed unseasonably to prevent and perhaps too late to cure the disease if Bradburns Book had been publisht six years before as our Authour makes 〈◊〉 Our Authour secondly relating this very businesse of Bradburnes Book or rather of Barbarous Books as he cals them there fol. 196. must either be confest to speak Vngrammatically or else the coming out of these Barbarous Books must be one chief motive for setting out that Declaration by King Iames Anno. 1618. Thirdly This Bradbuâ—u was not made a Convert by the High Commission Couâ—t bâ—t by a private conference with some Learned Divines to which he had submitted himself and which by Gods blessing so far prevailed with him that he became a Converts and freely conformed himself to the Orthodoxall Doctrine of the Church of England both concerning the Sabbath day and likewise concerning the Lords day So Bishop White relates the Story in his Epistle Dedicatory before his Book to the Aâ—ch-Bishop of Canterbury Anno 1635. Fourthly Whereas our Authour tels us fol. 175. That the Declaration was not 〈◊〉 on the Ministers to publish more proper for a Lay-Officer or a Constable I must needs grant that the publishing of this Declaration was not prest on the Minister by any expresse command of the King But then I would fain know withall how the Bishops could take Order that publication thereof be made in all the Parish Churches of their severall Diocesses according to his 〈◊〉 will and pleasure but by the mouth of the Ministers The Constable and other Lay-Officers whom our Authour thinks more proper for that Employment were not under the Bishopâ— command as to that particular and therefore as he â—ad nâ— Authority so he had no reason to require any such duty from them And as for the Church-Wardens which are more liable to the power and command of the Oâ—dinary it happeneth many times especially in Countrey-Villages that they cannot reade and theâ—efore no such publication of the Kings pleasure to be laid on them The Ministers who had takeâ— an Oath oâ— Canonicall Oâ—edience to their severall and respective Bishops must consequently bâ— the fittest men for that Employment implicitly intended though not explicitly named in the Declaration As many mistakes there are concerning the decay and repair of S. Pauls Church in London For first the high Spire was not burnt down by accident of Lightning in the time of Queen Elizâ—beth as our Authour tels us fol. 176. That vulgar Errour hath been confuted long agoe and no such thing as the burning of Pauls Steeple by Lightning hath for these twenty years and more occurred in the Chronologies of our common Almanacks that dreadfull accident not happening by the hand of Hâ—aven but by the negligence of a Plumber who leaving his pan of Coals there when he went to Dinner was the sole occasion of that mischief Secondly The Commission for the Repair of this Church issued in the time of King Charles came not out in the year 1632. where our Authour placeth it but had past the Seal and was published in Print the year before Anno 1631. Thirdly The Reparation of the Church began not at the West end as our Authour tels us fol. 177. the Quire or Eastern part of the Church being fully finisht before the Western part or the main body of the Chuâ—ch had been undertaken Fourthly The little Church called S. Gregories was not willingly taken down to the ground the Parishioners opposing it very strongly and declaring as much unwillingnesse as they could or durst in that particular and fiftly the Lord Mayor for the time then being was not named Sir Robert 〈◊〉 as our Authour makes it but Sir Robert Ducy advanc'd by â—is â—ajesty to the dâ—gree of a Baronet as by the Commission doth appear so many mistakes in so few linâ—â— are not easily met with in any Author but our present Histâ—â—rian But we proceed Fol. 179. â—he Turkâ— hâ—ve Auxiliâ—ry friendâ—hip of the 〈◊〉 Tartar Chrim from whose Ancestors Tamberlain proceeded â— A Proposition strangely mixt of truth and falshood it being most true that the Turks have Auxiliary Forces from the Tartar Chrim and no less false that Tamberlain dâ—â—cended from him All who have written of that great Prince make him the son of Og or Zain-Cham the Cham of Zagathey a Province some thousands of miles distant from the dwellings of the Tartar-Chrim which Og or Zâ—in-Châ—m was the Grand-childe of another Zâ—in-Cham the third great Cham of the Tartars and he the Grand-childe of Cingis the first great Cham who laid the foundation of that mighty and for a time most terrible Empire Whereas the Chrim-Tartar or the Tartar-Chrim as our Authâ—r calls him derives 〈◊〉 from Lochtan-Cham descended from one Bathu or Roydo a great Commander of the Tartars who during the Reign of Hoccata the second great Cham subdued these Countries But this mistake I shall more easily pardon in our Author then another of like nature touching Vladislaus King of Poland of whom he tells us that being the fâ—urth of that name he succeeded his Brother Sigismund in that Kingdom Vladislaus the fâ—â—rth saith he was after the death of his Brother Sigismund by the consent of the States preferred to the â—hroâ—e fol. 182. In which few words there are two things to be corrected For first Vlâ—dislâ—us who succeeded Sigâ—smund was not his Brother but his Son And secondly he succeeded not by the name of Vladislaus the fourth but of Vladâ—slâ—us the sevenâ—h Adde herein his making of Smolensko a Town of Pâ—land ibâ—d which most of our Geograpâ—ers have placed in Râ—ssia A Town whâ—ch sometime by the chance of War or otherwise hâ—th been in possession of the Pole though properly belonging to the great Duke of Muscovy which can no more entitle it to the name of a Polish Town then Calice may be now said to be an English Colony because once a Colony of the English Nor does our Author speâ—k more properly I will not say more understandingly of the Affairs of Ireland then of those of Poland For first He tells us fol. 185. That the Conquest of it was never perfected till its subjection to King Charls whereas there was no other subjection tendred by that People to King Charls then by those of his other two Kingdoms of England and Scotland Secondly Forgetting what he had said before he tells us fol. 186. That Mountâ—oy made an end of that War in the Reign of King James and yet he says not true in that neither â—or the War was ended by Mountjoy at the Battle of Kingsale by which that great Rebel the Earl