6. And again there in the Chapter of the Maletot u c. 7. The ill Toll or Charge of 40 s. upon every sack of Wool is taken away where are these words We have granted for us and our Heirs not to take c. without common consent and good will By the Statute called de Tallagio non concedendo No Tollage nor aid was to be set or levied but by common consent w 34 E. 1. All new Offices with new Fees are within this Statute x 2 Inst 533. No man is to be charged by any benevolence which is condemned by a Statute as against the Law y 1 R. 3.2 He who judges things impartially must confesse the English ever to have been the most happy and most free of all people while they enjoyed the benefit of these lawes and are likely yet to continue â—s happy under them for the time to come But as some there are as is noted who will allow no authority but their own not reason it selfe nothing without themselves so some there may be rather for a Sect then the truth more willingly following a great name then reason chusing number rather then weight and worth carryed away with authority as they call it such as will yeeld to nothing else If any such there be I will please them they shall have authority with truth weight and worth together Not that I bring in other vouchers as if I refused those or thought them not sufficient who as have shown before are the true and undoubted Judges of the lawes In the Councel at Oxford of the English and Danes held in the sixt yeere of King Cnut The English and Danes are said to agree about keeping the Laws of King Edward the first Wherefore they were commanded by King Cnut to be translated into the Latine Tongue and for the equity of them those are the words to be kept as wel in Denmark as in England z Mat. West flor Hist l. 1. 311. Wigorn. 311. Although it is said the English laws * Gloss ver Lex Dan. were silent spake not in the times of the Danes which might generally be true yet in the reigne of of this King it was otherwise as appeares by his excellent lawes of Winchester full of piety and justice a Concil saex 569. These were the famous lawes observed by King Edw. the Confessour after many of the laws of K. Aetheldred many of those of the renowned Councel of Aeaham under the same Aetheldred are amongst them In the Epistle of King Cnut writ to the English when he was coming from Rome He saies He bad vowed to govern the Realms subject to him justly and piously and judgement in all things to observe At his returne saies Malmesbury he was as good as his word For all the Laws by the ancient Kings and especially by his ancestour Aetheldred given under penalties be commanded to be observed for ever which now men swear to keep under the name of King Edward not that he ordained them but because he observed them b Malmâ—b de Gest Reg. l 2. c. 11. p. 75. How much the ancient Englishman loved and prised the Common lawes is evident by what has been before said concerning the Magna Charta and the setling them And it is more evident by the odiousnesse which subversion and the subverters of the Lawes have lain under in all ages There is a Writ in the Register as before to take the impugners of the Lawes and bring them to Newgate c Regist 64. In the complaint of the Bishops of Henry the thirds reigne against the strangers Poictouins his favourites are these words As also because the Law of the land sworn and confirmed and by excommunication strengthned this was the Magna Chaeta together with justice they confound and pervert d Ma. Pa. 396. The Earle Marshall Richard complaines of these Poictouins to this King as men who impooy themselves to the oppression of the Lawes and liberties e ibid. 384. Stephane of Segrave the chiefe Justice is charged in another place with corrupting the laws and introducing new ones f ibid. 392. The same King is told by those Bishops That if the subjects bad been governed according to justice and right judgement of the land c. those troubles had not hapned The Statute banishing the Spencers the father and son has this Article To the destruction of the great men and of the people they put out the good and fit ministers and placed others in their room false and wicked men of their Covin who would not suffer right or law to be had and They made such men Justices who were not at all conversant in the law of the land to hear and determine things Empsons indictment runs Nor having God before his eyes c. falfely deceitfully and treasonously the Law of England subverting g 4 Just 199. The Articles against Cardinal Wolsey before mentioned begin Hath by divers and sundry waies and fashions committed high and notable and grievous offences misusing altering and subverting the order of the lawes His articles are there by the introduction said to be but a few in comparison of all his enormities excesses and transgressions against the Laws These Articles were subscribed by the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk the Marquesses of Dorset and Exceter the Earls of Oxford Northumberland Shrewsbury the Lords Fitzwalter Rochford Darcy Mounjoye and Sandys c. all which as those others taking subversion to be so heinous an offence must needs be imagined to esteem the Lawes highly Lewis of France invited hither by the Barons in King John his time in the entrance to his new principality is made to sweare to restore to every of them the good Lawes h Ma. Pa. 282. As others to maintain ad keep the institutions of the Countrey Those who desired a stranger for their master would not be governed by new and strange laws amongst the covenants of marriage betwixt Queen Mary of England and Philip the second of Spain there is one to this effect That he the King Philip should make no invasion of State against the laws and customes of the Realm neither violate the Priviledges thereto belonging i Hollinsh p. 1118. And amongst those covenants of marriage treated betwixt Elizabeth of most happy memory and Francis Hercules of Valois Duke of Anjou the same care and warinesse is had one of the conditons is That the Duke shall change nothing in the laws but shall conserve all the customes of England k Comd. Eliz. 338. The Lord Treasurer Burleigh the Earles of Lincoln Sussex Bedford and Leicester Sir Christopher Hatton and Sir Francis Walsingham were delegates for the Queen men too wise to tie themselves and others to preserve those things which are neither worth a care nor being The Statute 28 of Edw. the 3 l An. Dom. 1363. speaks thus The good ancient Laws customes and Franchises of the said Realm The
of our old English Church he that killed a man in publike war was enjoyned a penance of 40 daies l Concil sax 383. By the Common law killing by misadventure or in a mans own defence was murder founded upon the judicial law before the Cities of refuge the forfeiture of both was as in the case of murder before the Statutes of Marlebr and Gloucest the forfeiture of goods and chattels remaines yet If he that kills by misadventure escapes the Towne where the Fact was committed is to be amerced m Fitzher Corone 302 2. Iust 148 149. So where the killing is se defendendo n 2. Inst 315. Mens lives are so precious in the Law that the death of a man cannot be justified the Defendant in an appeale cannot justifie the death se defendendo but must plead not guilty o B. Appeal 122. A verdict that A. killed B. se defendendo is not good the special matter must be set down that the Court may adjudge the killing to be upon inevitable necessity p Corone 302 Maiming wounding menace of life and member in defence of the possession of Lands or Goods is not justifiable An infant of nine yeers killed another infant and hid him c. the opinion of the Justices was that he should be hanged but execution wat respited c. q Corone 57 3. H. 7 d. 12 If a man be drowned by mischance in any pit not fenced the Town is to be amerced r Coroue 304.320 v. 339.402 421. so where a man dyed suddenly of a Feaver and was buried without viewing by the Coronour Å¿ ibid. 329. a Lunatick kills a man he must sue for his Charter of pardon t ibid. 351. And where the worst of men suffer those punishments which Justice inflicts which it were cruelty destructive to Government and Society to forbear it is well said to punish the Homicide and sacrilegious is not effusion of blood but ministery of the Lawes I say where justice doe strike it is with an humane severity the offender with us does not carry to the place of execution his own Crosse he is not first whipped then nailed naked to the unhappy tree as it is called we have no Italum Robur Robur or strong hold as it is Englished in a stinking prison horrible for darknesse where malefactors necks were broke by tumbling them headlong from the stock of a tree there fastned in the earth No rack or brake where the party innocent oftentimes was tormented till he accused and condemned himselfe being hoised upon it and fastned with ropes to it his hands at the upper part and feet at the nether part his joynts were not onely racked but the tormentors oft burnt and tore the flesh from his sides with hot plates and Iron pincers Those who would have introduced the Civil law in the time of King Hen. the 6. brought the rack into the Tower * 3 Just c. 1. as a beginning to it Hereupon as is observed the most reverend Sir Iohn Fortescue Chancellor or rather chiefe Justice of England writ in commendations of our Lawes where he maintains that all tortures are contrary to them There is no Law saies the Lord Coke to warrant them in this land Although there were no ful proofs against some of those horrible miners in the Gunpowder treason yet was it not thought fit if the discovery could be made any other way to take the extraordinary of the rack Some other legalartes were used yet I cannot tell what could have been extraordinary or illegall in the case of such Hellish parricides who if they could superas evadere ad auras and assume bodies could not much exceed themselves Garnet and Hall betrayed themselves by their own conference which was permitted to catch them That conference is called by the Earle of Salisbury The finger of God Thereby so he tels Garnet the Lords had some proofe of matter against him which must have been discovered otherwise by violence and coertion a matter saies the Earle ordinary in other Kingdoms but forborn here c. v Proceed against the Gunpowder Traytors He addes His Majesty King James and the Lords were wel contented to draw all from Garnet without racking or any such bitter torments We have no dejectio è soxe like that headlong throwing down from a rock in the Tarpeian mount Nothing like the Gemonian staires whether the malefactour was either dragged * According to Tacitus Aun l 5. and cast into the Teuere It is said there was not so much left of Sejanus untorne by the people which the Hangman might fix his hook on to draw into the River or as others haled by the Executioners hook thrust into his throat and having his thighs broken burnt clad in a coat dawbd on the inside with pitch and brimstone We have no sawing asunder from the head downward no condemning to a Fencing schoole to beasts mines or mettals no banishment deportation no most barren Gyaros to confine men to not so much as relegation is known in our Lawes No empaling no wheele No deflowring Virgins by the Hangman before they be put to * Quia in auditum saies Tacitus trium virali supplicio virginem affici it had bin far lesse to have broke the custome then to â—â—de this â—â—k â—o keep it L. 5. Ann. death Before Villainage expired here the villain might bind his Lord to the peace he could not kill him if he maimed him he might be indicted fined and ransomed By Magna Charta which is affirmance of the Common law No free man is to be amerced but according to the manner of his offence Misericordia is the word used for amercement there must be mercy in it saving his countenance salvo contenmento c. the Merchant saving his Merchandise the villain his wainage x Chap. 14 Glanu l. 9. c. 11. No amercement is to be set here upon private men but by affeerours who are to affirm upon oath what penalty the offender has deserved as Bracton to doe things fairly neither carried away out of love nor hatred The Writ of Moderata misericordia of moderate amercement is grounded upon this Statute which it reciteth and gives remedy to the party who is excessively amerced If the Jury give excessive damages against any man Attaint lyes usury is not to run against the heir within age y Stat. Mert. c. 56 among the Saxons it was unlawfull hence where rent is to be doubled for default of payment it shall not be doubled during minority of the heir Distresses are to be reasonable and if there be any other chattels sufficient sheep and beasts of the plough are not to be touched It would be infinite to goe on I should as we say not onely want day but a long life were too short to make a survey of all the parts to contract all the graces of this body and pourtray them so that they may be a little and
every paultry Chafferer for smal Wares and a plaine wit with modestie is more profitable to the government then arrogant dexterity l Thucyd. l. 3. In the glosse upon Justinians Institutions to set up Lawes and pluck them downe is called a most pernicious custome in many places as there declared so by Plato and Demosthenes m f. 28. The Lord Cooke his judgement of the Lawes of England is That having been used and approved from time to time by men of most singular wisedome understanding and experience to be good and profitable for the Commonwealth as is there implied they are not to be changed n Pâ—af to the 4. rep To which purpose he recites there the resolution of all the Barons of England in the Statute of Merton refusing as the King and his Counsell doe which the Lord Cooke o 2 Just 98. collects of them out of the 26 Epistle of Robert Bishop of Lincolne to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury to legitimate the antenate or bastard eigne borne before marriage with this reply in these termes And all the Earles and Barons with one voice answered That they will not change the Lawes of England which hitherto are used and approved p Stat. Mert c. 9. what is lesse then change the same Lord Cooke likes not correction of the Lawes It is an old rule in Policie and Law so he that correction of Law bee avoided q 4. rep Pres which some will thinke is over-done a streine too high yet it has its reason Lawes are the walls of Cities to be defended as walles no caution can be too much like the Soveraigne of Mexico they are not to be touched But had our Laws or others been composed not only as they are by the most solid wisest heads of all the ages past but by immediate conveiance from God himself pronounced with his own voice or delivered by an Angell to us One word Libertie specious Libertie more admired then understood with which of late Laws are idely imagined inconsistent were enough to cancell and blot them all I am unwilling to shew here how much and often but how seldome to an honest end for the most part in the head of a mischief this word this found or handsome title for it is no more has been used It is most true all Lawes are inconsistent with this Liberty as that 's inconsistent with any Government whatsoever The eminent Patron of it was a Jew Judas of Galiles author of the Sect who as Josephus r L. 18. c. 2. agreed with the Pharises in other things but on fire with the most constant Love of Liberty they beleeve God is onely to be taken for their Lord and Prince and wil more easily endure the most exquisit kinds of torments together with the most deare to them then to call any mortall Lord. If it might have beene permitted they would have been free enough no Tax Tribute Custumes nor Imposition would they pay but not out of that authority of Deutoronomy which is pretended but no where to be seen Non erit pendent vectigale There shall not be any paying Tribute amongst the Sonnes of Israel There are no such words nor any to that sense in any of the received languages 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are the Greeke words as our English amongst the Daughters and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the place signifies not one who payes Tribute but one initiated in the mysteries of the Paganes by them called sacred s Orig. Eccl. Tom. 1.1317 yet had this Heretick as all others ever brag of it Scripture authority from this Booke t Deut. 6. and with the words Thou shalt feare the Lord thy God and him onely shalt thou serve he was fortified which conclude nothing Tribute being paid under the Law as the price of redemption of the first borne and in many other respects dispersed over the Law To men too and in relation to government manifest by that in Samuel u 1 Sam. 17 The man who killeth Goliath the King will make his fathers house free in Israel This the Georim and Epimicti the Posterity of the Cananites and of those which came up with them from Egypt did not onely pay but the Israelites also as is cleare by that text and this That Solomon made Jeroboam ruler over all the tribute or burthen of the house of Joseph w 1 Reg. 11 As others were over the rest of the Tribes Adomiram being said generally to be over the Tribute x c. 4.6 Though Judas inturning the people after him and his Libertie as it is called with his Sonnes perished yet the dregges of his sedition were gathred together in the Castle of Massada by Eliazar the Nephew of this Galilaean with the same obstinacy not to call any man Lord they had their beastly kennel fired about their cares and after some exhortations to one another not to esteem their lives above their deare Liberty they fall upon their owne swords y Joseph l. 7. c. 28. The Jewes of late have made some change with their borderers with their next marchers this as before is become Anabaptisme now of which some of those of Rome who will be any thing rather then stand out where they may doe mischiefe fall not much shorter Christ as Cardinall Bellarmine freed his Apostles from all earthly subjection So that therefore they were subject of fact not of right To passe by all these there is not that fulnes in the word Liberty which is expected Cicero makes it a power to live as we list z In Paradox which cannot be in any government or society nor in any the most retired exile of our selves from mankind if at any time we have the shortest commerce or conversation with others The institutions define liberty to be the natural faculty of any man to do what he pleases a Justin Jâ—stit 31. unlesse by force or Law he be forbidden which as the glosse renders it is a power given by nature to do what we will unlesse one more potent hinder us As Scipio hindred Hannibal yet was Hannibal free still Or that the civil Law of our country forbid us b Et libertas Which last is explained thus Cicero sees his destruction contrived by Clodius and hanging over his head he desires to preserve himselfe by prevention and to kill Clodius that he may free himself from the danger but dares not as I may say either reverencing the Lawes as a good and a just man for he is injust who do's justly because of the penalty annexed to the Law or fearing that penalty as the words yet is Cicero free It goes on We call that liberty which is just and consentaneous to the Laws and therefore is subjoyned in the definition Vnlesse any thing be forbidden by the Law c In lib. 1. tit 111. So that plainly there he is a free man who may do those things which the Laws permit him which
the nature and disposition of the people or whether they will breed any inconvenience or no but a custome never bindeth till it hath been tryed and approved time out of minde during which no inconuenience did arise for if it had been found inconvenient it had been used no longer but had been interrupted and so had lost the vertue of a Law This is declared to be so by the Lords and Commons in Parliament in the 25 yeare of King Henry the eight which I shall cite below and if the Judgements and Declarations of Parliaments be not regarded I know not what can give satisfaction * Vid. 3. c. Ancient liberties and customes which have been usitatae approbatae used and approved m c. 9. Stat. Mert. make the Common law The statute called dictum de Kenelworth speakes thus the party convict shall have judgement according to the custome of the land n 57 Hen. 3. c. 25. The 27 of King Edw. the first of Fines Contrary to the lawes of our Realme of ancient time used The 34 of the same King confirmes to all Clerks and Laymen their lawes liberties and free customes as largely and wholely as they have used to have the same at any time when they had them best o c. 4. law and custome of the Realme are made the same p 1. E. 2.34 E. 3. Abjuration is called custome of the Realme q 9. E. 2. c. 10. The 25 of King Edward the third saies According to be lawes of the land of old time used r C. 2. The title of the 27 of this King speaks in maintenance of the lawes and usages the Statute 36 of the same King Lawes Customes and Statutes Å¿ C. 15. Statute 42. according to the old law t C. 3. In the time of Richard the second Law and usage are the same u 1 R. 2. c. 2. It would be tedious to heap up more of this kinde I will only adde the declaration of the Houses of Parliament in the time of Henry the eight which is thus Their words being directed to that King This your Graces realme c. hath been and is free from subjection to any mans lawes but only to such as have been devised made and ordeined within this realme for the wealth of the same or to such other as by the sufferance of your Grace and your Progenitors the people of this your realme have taken at their free liberty by their owne consent to be used amongst them and have bound themselves by long use to the observance of the same c. as to the customed and ancient lawes of this realme originally established as laws of the same by the said sufferance consents and custome and none otherwise w 25. Hen. 8. c. 21. Now if what the people of England have taken up out of long use custome and consent be not good agreeable and convenient after so much and so long triall they would appear the most foolish of all people They would not deserve that free liberty which themselves by their repraesentors tell us at the submitting to and taking these lawes they had and if they be good agreeable and convenient they would appeare the most foolish of all people by their change No lawes ever were or can be made with more equity then these to which besides use and custom and experience free liberty and consent of those who were to observe them gave life There is custome of Courts which is law too part of the Common law x Plowd Com. 320. as the Statute of Kenelworth If any man shall take revenge because of the late stirres be shall be punished according to the custome of the Court c. y C. 26. Six times is the Common law called by Littleton common right It is sometimes called right sometimes justice z Mirc c. 2 Sec. 16. Fleta 6. c. 1. Mag. Ch. c. 29. Magna charta calls it justiciam vel rectum justice or right Westm 1. Common right and the King wills these are the words That the peace of holy Church and of the land bee well kept in all points and that common right be done to all as well to poore as rich c. later statutes have Justice and right a 1. R. 2. c. 2. full justice and right b 2. H. 4.1 good justice and even right c 7. H. 4. c. 1. Common droiture in a statute d West 1. c. 1. is rendred Justice according to the law and custome of England e 2 Just 161. called common right as the Lord Cooke Because the common law is the best and most common birth-right the Subject hath for the safegard and defence not only of goods lands and revenues but of his wife and children body life and fame also f 1 Just 142 2 Just 56. That which is called common right in the second of King Edward the third g C. 8. In the first of that King h C. 14. is called common law Not onely as Fortescue doe the lawes of England favour liberty i C. 42. But they are notioned by the word The word liberties in Magna Charta signifie the lawes k C. 1.29 and in that respect is the great charter called the charter of the liberties l 2 Just 47 The Statute de Tallagio non concedendo has these words That all the Clerkes and Laymen of our realme have all their lawes liberties and free customes c. m C. 4. In the 38 of Edward the third the Laws are called Franchises in the old Bookes the great Charter the fountain of all our * Just 81. Foundamentall Lawes is called the Charter of Franchises the common Liberty the Liberties of England n Bract. 291 414. Pleta l. 2. c. 48 Brit. 178 because so the Lord Cooke they make frecmen o 1 Jnst 1 The customes of England bring a freedome with them therefore in Magna Charta are they called Free Customes p 2 Just 47. Mag. Char. c. 29. the Courts of Justice are also called Liberties because in them as the same book the Law which maketh free-men is administred q Mich. 17. Epist 1. in com berot 221. 2. 2 Jnst 4. the Law then is Liberty it selfe Liberty and Law are convertible nor is this Liberty titular onely and a Liberty of words In the expressions of the Petition of right out of Magna Charta cited in the first Chapter and out of the 28 of Edward the third No free man shall be taken imprisoned or disseased c. but by lawfull judgement or by Law of the land and no man of what estate or condition soever shall be put out of his lands or tenements nor taken imprisoned nor dis-herited nor brought to death without being brought to answer by due process of Law which is as after in that Petition of right either Customes of England or Acts of Parliament r 3 Car. Reg
The Lord Chancellours oath is thus That he shall doe right to all manner of people poore and rich according to the lawes and usages of the Realme s 10. R. 2. rot Parl. 8. The Barons of the Exchequer sweare no mans right to disturbe let or respite contrary to the lawes of the land t 4. Jnsti 109. which must be meant of the knowne and certain Law of the Land called in Magna Charta Legemterrae upon which all Commissions are grounded wherein is the clause to do what belongeth to Justice according to law and custome of England u 2. Jnsti 51. The illustrious Viscount of St Albane amongst his Aphorismes of universall Justice has this Let no Court deale in cases capitall our Lawes say Civill too but out of a knowne and certaine law God denounced death then he inflicted it nor is any mans life to be taken away who knew not first he had sinned against it w Augm. scient 402. By this Law of the Land although there is not nor cannot be any liberty which should protect the transgressors of it yet have all Offenders a legal tryall nor are possessours of the worst faith thrown out without the hand of the Law onely against those who attempt to subvert or weaken the Lawes there is a Writ to the Sheriffe in nature of a Commission to take the impugners and to bring them as the Register to the Gaole of Newgate x Regist 64 2. Justi 53. This as the Lord Cooke is lex terrae The Law of England to take a man without answer or summons in this case and the reason given is He that would subvert all Lawes deserves not the benefit of any Amongst the articles exhibited to King Henry the eight against Cardinall Wolsey he is charged with oppression in imprisoning Sir John Stanly and forcing him to release a farme taken by Covent Seale of the Abbot of Chester c. as the words by his power and might y Artic. 38. And that he threatned the Judges to make them deferre judgement z Artic. 39 that he granted many Injunctions the parties not called nor any bill put in by which diverse were cast out of their possessions of their Lands and Tenements a Artic. 21. The close was That by his cruelty iniquity and partiality he hath subverted the due course and order of the lawes His Inditement went higher and accused him That he intended the most ancient lawes of England wholly to subvert weaken and this whole Realme of England and the people of the same to the Lawes Imperiall commonly called the Civill Lawes and to their Canons for ever to subiugate c. b Mich. 21. H. 8. Coram Rege Now although the Civill Law deserves as much honour as can be given it and commands and is obeyed much abroad yet this Law of the Land held the possession here by a long unquestionable prescription and after the tryall of many ages got the affection of the people whose fathers grew up happily under it which was not easily to be removed the rather because seldome doth any Nation willingly submit to or welcome the Customes and Laws of another which they have not been acquainted with and our Judges who wil not in our Books part with one of its Maximes c 2. Jnst it 210. would not have fallen downe before the shrive of any unknown Themis and have offered up the whole tables It were no hard matter to heape up testimonies Vid chap. 3 if some would thinke it lawfull to trust men in their owne arts or professions and can it not but be more reasonable that such should be heard in the defensive then that those who professe full Hostilitie bringing with them onely mistakes of their owne prejudice should sit Judges of the tryal which is in their own cause and if thus far the reines be given to turbulent desperate spirits every thing how sacred soever may be arraigned at these tribunalls the articles of our faith will quickly totter nor will any principle be safe This discent will be fatall there being no stay in the precipice the bottome onely must receive men where he that falls is crushed to pieces what is worse those unhappy ones who follow cannot see their danger Thus we have seen what the common Law the Liberty and Franchise of the free people of England the law of the land is The law of antient time d. 27. E. 1. of old time used e 25. E. â— the old law f 42. E. 3. for ages according to the judgement of these Parliaments makes the law more venerable it is an addition of honour to it Now it followes in order to speake something of the Antiquity of this law The Antiquity of the Law But as the beginnings of things sometimes are rather guessed at then knowne it is no wonder that there should be no generall agreement here of opinions some will make the Law a Colossus of the Sun knocking the Starres with its head more ancient then the Dipthera or Evanders mother others a late small spark struck from the clashing of the Norman Swords the child rather of Bellona then Jove terrible in the Cradle the truth being mistaken by both To relye upon the authority of a Chancelour or rather chiefe Justice in the time of King Henry the sixth upon which the * r. 2. Epi. r. 6. Epist antiquity should be raised was lesse then that of Aventine who professed History where after a prodigious linke of German Kings before the Arcadian Moone he will needs bring his Dutch to the Wars of Troy which he proves out of the laws of Charles the 4. who lived lesse then two hundred yeare before Aventine and some three hundred yeares before us from which he is peremptory there must be no appeal g Boicar Hist 49. for a great Lawyer continually imployed in the publick affaires or in his study where his many volumes upon the law show the whole man might well be taken up to faile in a piece of History if he may justly be said to faile this way who onely trusted another who was carelesse It is no blemish such as can deserve the censorian rod of our Criticks besides all men love to consecrate their originalls This is allowed to antiquity saies Livie mixing things humane with divine to make the beginnings of Cities more majestick and we may say as he doth of his Rome of our Lawes if it be lawfull to canonize any to carry them up to Heaven or fetch them downe from thence that glory alone is due though it needs not to the most sacred lawes of the land Sir John Fortescue his words are to this effect That if the lawes of England had not bin most excellent the Romans who cry up their Civill Law Saxons Danes or Normans had altered them h de lg Ang l. c. 17. by which our Lawes must be Brittish at least and our
Colonie of the German Saxons so are their lawes full of their and our Customes agreeing together in many things yet k Dn. Spel. gloss 440. When Austin the Monk was sent hither by Gregory the great to convert the Saxons in the yeer 597. Not one hundred and fifty yeers after the entrance of the Saxons he was commanded by him to take interpreters with him out of France in his way l Bede l. 1.25 and it was unlikely while the Saxons yet kept the language of their Countrimen they should have forgot their Customes contrary to the manner of all the other Tribes of that Nation The first Saxon lawes writ by them after their Conquest are those of Ethelbert of Kent the first Christian and Monarch then which says Venerable Bede amongst the other good deeds he did his people set constitutions of right judgements according to the example of the Romans with the Counsel or advice of his wise men Mid srotera geþeat Which he commanded to be writ in English and which are held says he of his time long after Aetbelbert to this day m l. 2. c. 5. These were short and rude like the age Next are those of Ine the West-Saxon those of Offa the Mercian Kings of Alfred King of England founder so Ingulphus of the English policie and order ever since observed called by the book of Ramsie The renowned King Alfred founder of the English Laws Who is first said by Master Lombard and others of the greatest name to have divided this land into Shires Hundreds and Tithings c. to establish jurisdiction in every of them n Archaolog 15. again it is said he gave not onely lawes but Magistrates Shires Hundreds c. which so one place speaks we have often observed o Gloss tit Ll. Angl. Iugulph Though no man can honour the sacred memory of this most glorious Prince more then my self and I know viros magnos sequi est pena sapere yet I cannot believe this Malmesbury speaks onely of the Hundreds and Tythings the invention of which he attributes to this King p de Gest reg c. 4. He might which the Glossary is once contented with review the Lawes of Aethelbert Ina and Offa transcribe and insert whatsoever was worthy into his lawes and impose them upon the Angles the English generally as the Danes submitted to him in which name the Jutes and Saxons were included he might adde much and polish what he found being never idle ever imployed for the good of his people either in his Courts and Councels of State or in the head of his Army But he that looks upon the lawes of King Ine will find enough to assure him that King Alfred laid not the first stones of the Government which by whomsoever laid were laid before King Alfreds great Grandfather was born there being neer 200 yeers betwixt these two kings q Fasti Savil Not to recite the lawes upon offences we read in the lawes of King Ine of the Shire the Alderman and the Kings Alderman One law speaks thus If any man shall let a thief escape or hide the theft c. If he be an Alderman þolige hisscire he shall forfeit his Shire c r Ll. Ina c. 36. Another If any man shall demand Justice or right before the Shireman the Earle or other Judge Å¿ c. 8. v.c. 6.51 c. The Proaeme mid eallum minum ealder mannum and with all my Aldermen the chapter of breach of the peace In the Kings Town Aldermans Town Kings Thames Town c. t c. 46. Thorold a Benefactor to Crowland Abby long before King Alfred in two old Charters is called by King Kenulph Vice Comes Lincoln and by King Withlaf quondam Vic. Com. Lincoln sometimes Sheriffe of Lincoln u Concil Sax 3â—8 Ingulph 854.857 Venerable Bede who flourished in the time of King Ina tells us in the days of King Edwin King of the Northan hymbres Paulinus the first Archbishop of Yorke converted to the Faith Blecca with his family Line cole ere szre geÆ¿efan w Bede l. â— c. 16. l. 5. c. 4. p. 375. The Gerefe of Lincoln and elsewhere says he Hanwald the gesiþ a word rendred comes with his geref w th his Sheriffe Aethelwine betrayed King Oswine x l 3. c. 14. l. 4.22 l. 5. c. 4 5. Hundreds and Tythings are not named in the Lawes of the Kings Ina or Aelfred In King Ina's Laws pledges borgas are named by which probably we may think Tythings to have been then One Law wills if the geneat the husbandman as now we speak steal and run away that the Lord pay the angild the price c. if he have no pledges y Ll. Ina. c. 21. Ll Edg c. 6. Cnati 19.27.35 After the laws of King Aelfred those of Edward the Elder of Aethelstone Edmund Edgar Aetheldred and of Cnut the Dane succeeded all which were distinguished and ranked under three heads The first of the Weft-Saxons under whom as united and submitted were comprised the Saxons generally caled Æ¿estseaxna laga the West Saxon Law The second of the Mercians or Angles called Myrcna laga the Mercian law the best and most select of which King Aelfred as before took into his laws not rashly as he says in his Preface He durst not as his words are because he knew not what the next age would like set forth much of his own What he did still as he pleased his wife men w Praefat. in Ll. Alf. those of his Counsel The Ãeâ—elaga was the last of these called the Danes law of all which we may say as is observed out of Ovid. Facies non omnibus una Nec diversa tamen qualem dicet esse sororum Yet King Cnut as much resemblance as there was lik't it not out of all these laws he composed one Common Law which King Edward the Confessor observed z Malmesb de gest reg l. 2. c. 11 â— See here ch 3. His title says The laws of St. Edward begin quas in Anglia tenuit which he held Edward the third before the Conquest as one set forth one Common Law called the lawes of Edward to this day a Ranulph cester l. 1. c. 550. Hov. 600. Ll. Ed c. 35. in Hoved. which because they were just and honest as the Paraphraste upon the Laws of St. Edward he recalled from the deep abysse and delivered to be kept as his own As another he was the lawful restorer of the English laws b Gemetic l. 6. c 9. all this may be he restoâ—ed them and recalled them from the deep Abysse they might be forgotten dedicated as the Paraphrast speaks to oblivion wholly but not as he addes from the time of King Edgar in the reigns of Harold the first and Hardicnut Besides restoring and addition he commanded this law should be kept as his own and being a king of the Saxon blood and falling last upon the work it is
no wonder that he should carry the name I shall speak more of this in my third chapter Hence from this time are our Laws called the Common laws the same in substance with those in use since The reason why our Saxon Books are so thin and have so few lines in them may be this Our ancestors had their unwritten customes such as they brought with them out of Germany which as since lived and were preserved in the memory of the people c V. c. 1. sup Gless D. Spelm. tit Lex Lomb. as well as their laws written After all this as we finde in the lawes of William the I. there was a difference in the estimation of men offending according to the customes of Provinces d Ll. Guil. 1 s 3 4. The punishment or mulct of breach of peace was forty shillings in the Mercian law fifty in the West Saxon c. He that will looke into the Saxon lawes will finde as clearly as can be considering the distance made by so much time which is but a distance of words the fundamentall stones of the building he shall finde freedome enough and peace every where provided for in the words of those Lawes the peace of God of the Church of Religion c. Lawes concerning Tythes and Church-rights c concerning Sacriledge false Witnesse Adultery Incest Fornication marrying a woman by force Perjury Slander Usury Murder Homicide where it is Chancemedly Robbery Theft of the Fly-man or Theefe who runs for it the receiver him that is taken in the manner Hondabend and Backberend Burglary Clandestine Sales vouching to warrant what is sold false rumours counterfeiting money change of goods just weights repaire of Castles Townes Bridges High-wayes waging Law Outlawry judging according to the dom bec * Vid. Ll. Ed. sen c. 1. or Judgement book one of which as as Asserius Menevensis Bishop of Shirburne a familiar of King Aelfred that King made but it is lost concerning Appeales when Justice was denied in the Hundred or too rigorously administred trespasses wrongs battery affraies incendiaries the wife of a thief pledges of good behaviour amercement of Townes for the escape of a Murderer the injust Judge those who will not serve those who injustly trouble the Owner of Lands who has good title those who change their place of abode Merchants rescue in most offences the punishment of a Freeman was pecuniary or losse of Liberty of a Slave by whipping The reason of which M. Lambard makes because of the rarenesse of offences then See Ch. 3 fighting in the Kings Palace breaking open houses and firing robbery open theft and aebermorþ manifest killing murder the same and from whence our word murder cometh and Treason against the Lord were capitall could not be expiated with money The Jury of twelve men is denied to be more antient then the Norman Conquest by M. Daniel In Will 1. and Polydore Virgil but with a great deal of bitter vehemence by the last who sayes there is no Religion in it but in the number with as much truth as that the same King William brought in the Justices of Peace or that Wardship began with Henry the third which King Johns Charter alone confutes or that the Hotspur Lord Percy was taken alive at the battell of Shrewesbury and lost his head by the axe which are his relations That this Triall is of English Saxon discent is manifest by the Laws of King Etheldred ordained at VVanating e C. 4. which speak thus In all Hundeeds let Assemblies be and twelve Freemen of the most antient together cùm praeposito f Ll. Ed. Sen. c. 5.11 in Saxon gerefa with the Reeve of the Handred shall sweare not to condemne the innocent nor absolve the guilty g Lamb. in verbo Centur D. 5 â—el in Juraâ—a Vid. Câ—asultum de Mâ—ntic Walliae c. 3. The reason of the great silence of this in the Saxon times is because the vulgar purgations the Ordiles were every where then in use The Norman who wrote the grand Customary in the beginning of it sayes the Confessor gave Lawes to the Normans when he was amongst them and in the first Chapter de Appella he mentions the Custome of England to prove things by the credence of twelve men of the Neighbours or Visne After all the ill Customes so much decried in the Barons warres taken away and Sr. Edwards Lawes restored and confirmed in Magna Charta the inquest of twelve continued untouched and never complained of it was in use with the French in the age of Charlemaigne h D. Spelm. gless verb. in Quaest Vid. Gesta de villa novilliaco post appendic ad Fledvardum This Law of S. Edward I thinke is above all exception and full to the thing by which after a prohibition that no man buy a live beast c. without pledges and good witnesses is said and if any man buy otherwise c. after the Justice shall inquire by Lagemen legall men and by the best men of the Borough Town or Hundred c. i C. 38. This trifler Polydore reviles our inquests by twelve as devised so he to oppresse men under the show of equity and the Canonizers of Gunpowder Garnet calumniate it as upstart and unjust Of these hereafter For Polydore sayes the excellent Sir Henry Savil he was an Italian a stranger not conversant in our Commonwealth neither of much judgment nor wit k Epist ad Eliz. Reg. snatching at things and often times setting downe what is false for the true M. Selden bids all Readers in these things or such like to take heed of Polydore and his fellowes for sayes he and no man can say it better out of carelesnesse being deceived hee attributes many things to William as the Author which it is most certain we owe to the most antient times of the Saxon Empire c. l Notae in Ead. 194 Courts of Justice were erected before the Normans were heard of as the Halmot or Court Baron m Ll. Ed. c. 23 Hen. 1. c. 10 The friborge or tithing called Tenmentale in the North by the Normans Frankepledge a most excellent policy of State and one great reason why when it was practised insurrections and theft are so seldome heard of in the tything every nine men were pledges for the good bearing of the tenth If the substance thereof was performed as it ought sayes M. Lambard and as it may by Law then should the peace of the Land be better maintained then it is n Office of Constab 9. this Mr. Daniel affirmes o Hâ—st 38. By the due execution of this Law as the Lord Cook such peace was universally holden within this Realme as no injuries homicides robberies thefts riots tumults or other offences were committed so as a man with a white wand might safely have ridden before the Conquest with much money about him c. p 2 Inst 35 few Suits or causes of Suits
to be that there was no such overturning of things as is believed The Title of the Lawes called the Lawes of King William the first published by M. Selden with his learned Notes upon Eadmer and since with the Saxon Lawes is this These are the Lawes and Customes which William the King granted to the whole people of England after the Conquest of the Land these were those which the King Edward his Cousen beld before him In these Lawes recited by Hoveden in the life of King Henry the second ' King Edwards Lawes are confirmed in these words This we command That all men have and hold the Law of Edward the King in all things together with those Lawes which we have added for the profit of the English g Pars Poster 661. This Confirmation was not freely given but in this manner King William having heard the Lawes of the Danes and Normans and approved them as the Chronicle of Lichfield having approved the Lawes of those of Norfolke Suffolke Grantbridge and Deira c. he commanded they should be observed through the Kingdome as more just then any others because himselfe and his Barons were Norwegians by extraction not a word is there of any resolution to introduce his Norman Laws this the English thought a more killing blow then that of his Victory they beseech him and by the soule of King Edward c. to permit them to injoy their owne ancient Laws and Customes under which their Fathers lived themselves were borne and bred up to wit the Lawes of holy King Edward and they tell him it could not but be very hard to receive Lawes unknowne and to judge of those things they understood not h The Paraphrast of these Laws Chron. Lich. The King long resolute at last yeelds and as these with much authority were venerate and through the whole Realme corroborate and before other Lawes of the Realm the Lawes of King Edward not because he found them but because be restored them sayes Gemeticensis of the same age with King William i l c. 9. The Chronicle of Lichfield and Hoveden are more large with which agrees the first Chapter of the Lawes of good King Edward thus it speaks Which King William confirmed all of them use neer the same expressions By Precept of King William say they are elected out of every of the Counties of all England twelve of the most wise men who were injoyned before King William that in what they might neither declining to the right hand nor the left in a direct way they should lay open the Constitutions of their Laws and Customes nothing omitting nothing adding nothing out of prevarication changing k Hoved. 601 Chron. Lâ—ch ll Ed. c. â— Further yet in that Chronicle Aldred the Archbishop of Yorke not Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury as the Paraphrast would have it there being no Thomas of that See till lawlesse Beckets dayes who as this and Malmesbury crowned him l Malmsâ— l. 3. 〈◊〉 vita Pontific and Hugh Bishop of London by command of the king writ with their own hands what the foresaid jurates said from the laws of holy mother the Church beginning c. Ingulphus Secretary to William in Normandy and after made Abbot of Crowland by him is witnesse enough alone and as he I brought this time with me from London where he had been about the businesse of his house to my Monastery the laws of the most just king Edward which my Lord William the renowned king of England had proclaimed authentick and perpetual all England over to be kept under most grievous penalties commended to his Iustices in the same tongue they were set forth m Ingulph p. ult This proclamation was not all to allay the stormes which perhaps the violation of these laws had raised for the good of peace says an ancient Monk He swears upon all the reliques of the Church of S. Albane touching the hol Gospel Abot Fretherick ministring the Oath the good and approved ancient laws of the realm which the holy and pious Kings of England his ancestors and especially King Edward set forth inviolably to keep n Vita Ab. S. Aâ—b 8. s â—0 that the English laws were in use then I can prove out of that famous plea of Pinnendeâ—e betwixt Lanfranck Archbishop of Canterbury and Odo Bishop of Baieux and Earl of Kent there it is said the King comanded al the County without delay to sit all the French of the County especially the English in the antient laws customes skilled to assemble o Not. ad Eâ—d 198. William the 2. promises onely easie laws justice equity and mercy and laws desirable p Hunting l. 7.372 ead 13. Ma Par. 14 Heved in h. 1. which his successour Henry the first construes and there could be no other meaning to be meant of these laws he swears To take away all the injustices and oppressions of his brother promises the good and holy laws to keep and to strengthen the liberties and ancient customes which flourished in the realm in the time of S. Edward the King q Ead. 55. Malmsb. in Hen. 1.156 Ma. Pa. 55. and in his laws he says The law of King Edw. I grant you with those amendments made by my father with the counsel of his Barons r Ll. Hen 1. c. 2. Ma. Pa. 56. and in the same place those things which hence forward shall be done shall be amended secundum lagam according to the law of King Edward yet after he imposes a new law a medley out of the salick ripuarian and other forreign laws with some pieces out of King Cnuts Danish laws which were but a small time observed and could not take any thing from the lawes of King Edward king Stephen confirms the laws in these words all the liberties and good laws which Henry King of England my Vnkle granted them and I grant them all the good laws and good customes which they enjoyed in the reign of King Edward s Ex lib. autiqu Ll. The Londoners request of Maetildis the Empresse daughter of Hen. the 1. That they may be suffered to use the laws of Edward because as they they were the best and not the laws of her father Henry because they were grievous which she refused whence great commotions were made t Florent wig in an 11 42. cont which grievous laws certainly were that salic rapuarian Danish medly and likely enough a commotion in those boisterous times would follow the refusal many of the disquiets and tumults of those first reigns being raised upon the pretence of the breach of these laws a pretence so taking that the Noâ—mans themselves either coloured their insurrections with it or else preferred these before their own laws and ran the hazard of their lives fortune in earnest for them Henry the 2. commanded the laws of his Grandfather to be observed u Hov p. pricr in H. 2. of which below
all laws whatsoever unlesse there could be a stay of mens manners unlesse they could move in an orderly course either continually running upon things forbidden or avoiding them either constant to their own goodnesse or their lawlesse sins there must be new Laws to amend what is amisse unlesse Prophesie may be presupposed in the first Lawgiver who w th cast of his eye w th one look can see every thing Thus we have seen whatour laws are from what fountain they flow so then their discontent who onely hate the sword and by whom the laws are loathed in no other notion but that of Norman conquest must be removed they being not onely demonstrated to be justly made and according to the law of Nations weighed and allowed not by the wisdome of a narrow age but imbelished and polished by the experience and wisdom of a thousand yeers the fundamentals being yet of an higher rise and what is most of all Saxon-English must needs be venerable they will be so with those who are won by reason and with those who are not capable of that yet will be taken with the name if their obstinacy be not above their senses But if the law be not Norman Tenures if it suffer that which is some will say it is the same whether the Wen be native born with the face or ad nate growing upon it after the deformity is alike And the next guilt charged upon the Iaw is the vassallage of feudes or Tenures being a servitude thought unworthy of free men it may easily be shown that those were not first shown us by the Normans that they had made their entrance long before and if this be culpable scarce any laws but none of those of the Germane fountain from which the most of these as is proved in the western world are derived are innocent I will not look so far back as upon Surena among the Parthians whose hereditary right it was and might be like our grand serieauty to put the royal bond or Cydaris as it is called by the Persians k Curt. l. 111 upon the Kings head l Plut. in Crasso Not upon the souldiery amongst the Gauls heads devoted to him and his fortune whom they followed the Gessel amongst the Gauls and Germans m Caes com l. 3. Not upon Nero his kissing the Armenian Tyridates kneeling which might be thought homage n Sueton. iu in Ner. Nor upon Alexanders kisse taken by Mr Fulbeck o Paral. 4. Dial. for the same Calisthenes is refused this kisse given by the king to every of his friends at supper with him after they had drank of whose fee we read nothing in History and his Philosophy would make it seem small one Budaeus would have seuds first begin in the antient Clienteles of the Romanes and in the relation between the Patricii the Nobility and the Plebeians or Commons the tye betwixt whom was reciprocal the Patron was bound to protect the Clyent and he with all faithfulnesse to observe the Patron to attend him in publike assemblies to contribute to the marriage of his daughters to the payment of his publike mulcts c. Yet was there another relation and that was servile betwixt the Patron and freed man appearing by the operae libertorum the duties and day works of the freed man to be done to the Patron whom he was obliged if he were an official freed man to serve and help in all things the artist paid a certain sum of mony either might be reduced to his servitude if he were ingrateful part of his goods at his death were due to his Patron There were the fundi Limitrophi the border grounds of the Romans belonging to the souldieâ—s marchers upon the guard for defence of the borders And Alexander S. verus is reported to have given the Lands of his enemies won by him to his Praefects of the marches and to their souldiers and to their heirs p Lamprid. in Alex. Sen Constantine the great appropriated the Lands assigned for the pay of the souldiers to them and their heirs with this charge to maintain continually a certain number of souldiers which came to a neer resemblance Gregory Haloander q In praes Noves saies the customes of the feuds were called by the ancients jura militiarum by Justinian in the novelles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Those who hold feuds by Aescuage are called by him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shield bearers The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the novelles is more then our livery The chief Lord the first yeer the heir or successour of the Vassal came to the Land was to have the whole revenue of it or a certain sum of mony in token of the return to the Lord and redemption There was the glebal goldein in the Code so called because the Senators paid it to the Prince for their possessions There was too as Zâ—zamene The glebal adscriptitius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the villain who continued was aliened with and followed the field Germanie as the most knowing knight r Gless D. Spelm. scudum brought forth the rights and customes feudal and propagated them by tradition not writing their beginning is rather to be referred to the Salian Franks says the most learned Mr. Selden then to the Lomberds Feud is a reward or stipend It is a right in anothers land to the use and profits which the Lord gives for a benefice on condition That the receiver do fealty military duties and other service By which as in our Copy holds the Franktenement was in the Lord still Necessity of war begot the invention Emperours Kings and Princes to reward those who had fought valiantly for their new Conquests and to plant a perpetual souldiery prepared ever ready upon the Ban to get to horse or march bred up to armes as to a profession to the intent the Country might be preserved against invasions and tumults without the Princes or the publike charge mischiefs sometimes breaking in so suddainly that the slownesse of any other preparation where levies of men and monies require time cannot be staid for Countries were given to the Capt. who after made subdivisions to their souldiers the Captains part being proportioned according to the number of those under him all being still incorporate a civil unseen militia not ever shriking the eyes of others quietly mixing and keeping course in the common streame like Traianes Cohorts differing nothing in habit P. in Paneg. tranquillity and modesty from others but at the first summons of the foot ready like the seed of Cadmus to start up fields of armed men The Justice of the institution was as much as the policy all these tenures have been created according to this rule as the Lord Gooke s 4. Jnsti 192. Cuius est dare eius est disponere every proprietary may annex his condition to his grant and dispose as he pleases of his owne nor has the Vassall any reason to
before William the first that he sided not against him and that being found true he and all those in his condition h Weentun Monum hiâ— example â—n Câ—â—ington of Sir Rob. Cotten like to lose all were confirmed in their Lands and Lordships to have and hold those are the words of the confirmation as wholly and peaceably as ever they did before the conquest By the Records of Term. Trin. 21 E. 3. Comit. Ebor Com. Northumb Rot. 191. This Drench is described thus That the foresaid Vghtred held the said lands viz. In Northumberland of our Lord the king and of his progenitors kings of England by the service of a Drench which service in the parts foresaid is such that of whomsoever he holds any thing there by such service it is held and if the Tenant dye his heire being within age the Wardship of the heir and land belongeth to the Lord of which c i D. Spelm. gloss verbâ— Dronches with the marriage Whether wardship and marriage as the Lord Cook k 4. Inst 193. no badges of servitude be of the same antiquity with king Aelfred I will not take upon me to determine the Lord Cook as also the Mirrour in the place cited by him are for the affirmative l Inst 1. p. 76.4 Inst 292. mire sect 3. graft 911. c. By a law if any man dye intestate the Lord is to have nothing but what is due by the name of Hereoâ— m Ll. Cnuâ—â— c. 68. by Mr. Lambard this is acknowledged Engish-Saxon and thought to be the same with relief one place sayes Relief or rather Herent n Not. in radwes 152 and Hereot or relief o 154. 161 id compares the Hereota to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hereor is a service and acknowledgement of the seigniory of another a tribute so Dr. Cowel given to the Lord amongst the Saxons for his better preparation toward the war In the Monastical institutions of king Edgar Hereot is called geÆ¿unlic gae ul a customary Cens or duty said to be given to the kings by the great men of this Country after geþtenege their death It is forbidden by this king to be given for all Abbots and Abbesses p In not ad eadm before as it seemeth not so free as here the words By the great men after their death make it quite another thing though it is called so from relief which is for the heir and never paid but where there is one q Gloss verbo Hereot The Hereot was to be reasonable and here again we shall see the ranks of the Saxon noblesse The Earls eight horses four sadled four not four Helmets four coats of maile and eight spears as many shields four swords and two hundred * Saxon â— Marks of Gold The greater Thanes the kings Thanes four horses two sadled two not two swords four spears as many shields an helmet a coat of maile and fifty marks of Gold The Medmere or under Thane one horse ready his weapon or as amongst the West Saxons his neck ransome amongst the Mercians two pounds amongst the Easâ—-Angels two pounds The Kings Thanes Hereot amongst the Danes who has free jurisdiction ðe his socne haebâ—e foure pound and if he be further knowne to the King two Horses one sadled the other not one Sword two Speares two Shields and fifty markes of gold The conclusion has not Infimae conditionis Thani as the Latin is But he that has lesse and lesse may be he two pound r Ll Conti. c 69. other Lords had their Hereot too The Lawes of Kings William which as the title were the same which King Edward obserued calles this which in these Lawes is Hereot reliefe and the Earle Kings Thegne and Underthane who are here charged as is said there are called and named Cnute Barun and Vavasour and charged much in the same manner Å¿ â— 22 23 24 v. c. 20. with little difference King Edwards Latin Lawes where any man falls in warre before his Lord by Land or else where forgives his reliefe t c. 3â— and gives his Heires his Lands and Money without diminution u ibid. I will observe a little out of those old grants and Charters which preceed the Normans by which the religious heretofore made their titles onely carefull to get and to be free where we shall finde other men were not so The confirmation of Pope Agatho of the new raised Monastery of Medeshamstede after Peterborough before the age of Charters w An. 680. Concil Sax. 164. recites the immunities It was to be in no ðeudom in no kinde of servitude neither to King Bishop nor Earle No man was to have any rent or tribute there in the Councel of Becanceld King Withered freed the Church from all difficulties of saecular servitude from feeding the King Princes Aldermen Earles from all works the greater and lesser grievances c. x Concil Becanceld Au. 694. Concil Sax. 190. Witlafe King of the Mercians in the yeare 833. confirmes to the Monastery of Crowland their Lands and Tenements thus I grant deliver and confirme those Lands and Tenements c. for a peaceable and perpetuall possession to have from me and my Heires whosoever Kings of the Mercians after me to succeed in puram Eleemosynam in perpetuall and pure frankalmoigne Libere quiete et solute or as we now use it quit and discharged from all saecular charges exactions and tributes whatsoever by what name soever y Ingulp hist Concil Sax. 328. as another place amongst many things done said Ceolnoth the Archbishop before the whole Councell of Kingston shewed That the aforesaid Kings Egbert and Aethelwulfe his Son gave to Christ-Church at Canterbury the Mannor called Mallings in South-saxon free from all secular seruice and tribute royal except these three expedition military fird or firdfare upon the Herebanne the proclamation or edict military and to repair Bridges Castles Brugbote and Burgbote z Concil 340. by some not to be released * Charta Eâ—dbaldi Mâ—lmsb de gest reg l. 1. Iâ—ae reg Glelienb Concit 228. which was not true The most learned Mr. Selden saies in England before the Normans were military fiefes the Earles and Thanes were bound to a kind of Knight service all the Lands of the Kingdom except some priviledged c. held of the Crown mediatly or immediately but saies he the expedition mulitary c. those three were not so much by reason of tenure as general subjection to occasions of the state a Tit. Hon. 1 Edit 321. likely so yet to recite the opinions of others there are that thinke this firdfare to be the same with our escuage the Charter of Kenulph An. 821. the Mercian King to Abingdon discharges all services but the expedition of twelue men with their shields cum scutis burgbote c. as the most knowing Knight In the antient Charters
and Leases often profectio militaris and expeditio are the same which amongst the Saxons is called here fare amongst the Germans Hereban with us and the French escuage at least that which is certaine b Glos verbo Heribannm The Charter of Bertulph King of the Mercians Anno 851. to the Monastery of Crowland grants All those abovesaid Churches Chappell 's Lands Tenements Pastures Fishings Mannors Mansions Milles Marshes free and discharged from all secular service and earthly charge c. and I free from all duty of the King and of every other Lord and man of what dignity excellency and honour soever c Concil 346. Jngulph Hist 861. King Athelwulf the West Saxon and Monarch in his grant of the tenth Mansion and of the tenth of all goods to the Church differs little from these Hee will have that tenth part to be free as the severall Copies have it and as we find it hitherto to have been from all socular servitudes and from all royal tributes the greater and the lesser or from the taxes as in Ingulphus which we call winterden as Malmesbury Witerden as Math of Westminster Witeredden who agrees with the others in this part onely he has secular services for servitude all of them make the Charter conclude contrary to the Charter of Eadbald before and let it be free c. to serve God onely without expedition repaire of Bridges and Castles which by the old law or old policy rather of the English Saxons it is said the Kings could not discharge This is therefore called the writing of the Liberty of the Churches of England This Charter worthy of everlasting memory was granted in a Generall Councell at Winchester such one as is called Pan Anglicum where were present three Kings Athelwulf the Monarch the West Saxon Beared the Mercian after driven out by the Danes and Edmund the Eastangle the Martyr slaine by those Danes Hence the most worthy Knight thinkes the rectory and the glebe to have had their beginning though faire additions from the munificence of pious patrons have been made to it since d concil 349. 352. In optona grena Vpton grene as Ingulphus St Gutlac the tutelar speciall Saint of Crowland had and bath Woods and Marshes c. in the time of King Edward free and quit from all services e Hist 909 from the time of King Etheldred was the Seat of our Abby sayes he quit and discharged from all secular services and our Abby was quit and free from all secular services in the time of that King who was the lawfull Successour of the royall blood of the English and father of the most pious King Edward f p. 911. s 30 40.50 And againe a great part of the Marshes and Meadowes of the Seat of our Monastery saies he I demised for a certain yearely rent and other services to be done g 912. The Folcland of the basest tenure amongst the Saxons as M. Lombard which passed without writing was that which now we call Copy-hold at the will of the Lord h Glos terra exscripta whose condition as also that of those who held by socage was far more servile before the Norman entrance then in some times since before the services of all these consisted in fcasance in doing after in render by payment c. as the most reverend Judge Littleton of those who hold by socage Afterward these services were changed into money by consent of the Tenants and desire of the Lord viz. into an annuall rent c. yet the name c. remaineth and in divers places the Tenants yet doe such services with their Ploughes to their Lords i L. 2 s 119. Bracton calles the Copy-holder villein sockman or sockman of base tenure k L. 2. c. 8. others tenant in villeinage servitude indeed or villeinage since Richard the seconds time is by degrees rather worne out then abolished by any law nothing now is left but the name the last man which I have knowne claimed for a villein being Crouch of Sommerset-shire in Queene Elizabeths time l Dy. 266. 283. This too is Saxon English and preceded the Normans but was never favoured by the Law m Dy. 267. lit s 193. Forost c. 42. The Saxon lawes call the villain ðeoƿ mon or man ðeoƿ and ðeoƿe indifferently a servant man or servant not that freemen were not servants too as since they are both which are visible in that Law of King Ina If a Servant man worke on Sunday by his Lords command be he free and the Lord shall pay thirty shillings for a penalty if he worke without his Lords knowledge he shall lose his hide be whipped or his hide gild the price of it but if a Freeman worke that day without his Lords command he shall lose his freedome or sixty shillings n Ll. Ina c. 3.23.46.73.50 Ll. Aelfr c. 5. In that extract of the Lands of the Monastery of Crowland taken out of the Dooms-day Book by Ingulphus the Abbot we finde in Langtoft S. Guthlac bas c. viz. five Carues eight Villains * Barders sup 81. four Bord. and twenty having soc socham habentes 5 Carucatas it should be twenty socm habentes 5 Carucatas and in Bston c. There in Dominio one Carue five villains two Bord. and seven soem with two Carues in Soudnave slound two servants six villaines three Bord. with one Sochman having three Carues c. with much more of the same o Ingulthus Savil. 908. In the yeare 1051. Thorold of Buckenbale Sheriffe of Lincolnshire likely of the the blood a descendent of the former Thorold who had Lands in Buckenhale grants the Mannor of Spalding to Wulgate Abbot of Crowland in these words I have given c. to God and St. Guthlac of Crowland c. all my Manor scituate neer the Parochial Church of the same Town with all the lands and tenements rents and services c. which I had in the same Manor c. with all the appendants viz. Colgrin my Reeve and his whole scquele with all the goods and chattels which he hath in the same town fields and marches c. also Harding the Smith and his whole sequell with all the goods and chattels which he hath in the same town c. also Leftan the carpenter and his whole sequell with all the goods and chattels c. also Ringulph the * Ringulphum primum first and his whole sequell with the goods and chattels c also Elstan the Fisher and his whole sequell with the goods and chattels c. Also Gunter Liniet c. Outy Grimkelson c. Turstan Dubbe c. Algar the black c. Edric the son of Siward c. Osmund the miller c. Besy Tuke c. Elmer of Pincebeck c. also Gouse Gamelson c. With the same clauses to them as before The conclusion is these my servants servos and their goods and chattels with all
my Cottages c. together with my Piscaries as well in the marches adjâ—cent as in the sea coming up to the same Town c p Ingulph 913 914. Plain denotations of the Villein regardant this was done in the tenth yeer of Edward the Confessor fifteen yeers before the Conquest and unlikely those rents services and the villeinage of these men should begin the day before the grant This Ingulphus himselfe makes plain It is sayes he to be declared that in the seat of Crowland villeins borders nor Sochmans are not received unlesse out of fear of war over our heads q p. 911. I should think this Sochman very base neither of much esteeme nor freedome where he is so ranked and keeps such company as in these places Nor here was our law more inhumane then those of all other Christian Nations The Civil law suffered this slavery till Justinian by a general Edict restored al men to their freedome it was frequent in Germany till the reign of Lodowick the second The villains there were affranchised with reservation of day works and Escheates which hold yet in the low Countries and in France c. saies Bodin r Republ. luire 1. In Poland the Villein is yet in being he is called there Kmetos and may be killed by his Lord. Lewis Hutin freed many of these from their servile condition in France Humbert those of Dauphine Thibalt of Blois those of his Countrey Charles the seventh of France others Henry the second the Bourbonnois Emanuel Philibert of Savoie did the same in his Countries The Lord of la Roche Blanch in Guascgogne Å¿ An. 1558. in Boains time pretended not only a right of succession to the goods of his Subjects so the Peasant or Vassall under the jurisdiction of any Lord is called called by the French main-morte but also that they were bound to plant his Vines till his Fields mow his Meadowes reape and thresh his Corne build his House to pay his ransome and the taille in the four cases anantiently accustomed viz. for Knighting the Kings eldest Sonne marriage of his Daughters voyage over Sea and Captivity and if they stragled out of his Lands without his leave to bring them backlike Beasts with halters about their necks which last part was cut off by arrest of the Parliament of Tholouse By all this it is manifest in these things there is nothing singular nothing without example the greatest could be given and let the Normans and their entrance be as injust as is imaginable never to be forgiven such as no satisfaction can expiate These are no crimes of that Conquest and ought not to be involved in the name CHAP. III. Of the Courts of Justice of Suites of Counsellours of the Judges of Writs Pleadings the Termes of Art Hotomans censure of Littleton the common Lawes may easily be digested into method their principles and excellency in severall respects mercy c. confirmed by Parliaments and testimony of others not of the profession the professours honourable NO Nation can compare with us in the Justice and Majesty of our Courts Courts where so generall is their extent and power to redresse wrongs every man let the injury be what it could and done by whatsoever great injust man might be righted nor are there any Supernumeraries amongst them Courts of no use but to vex and intangle The first judges posito modo praetor aratro are said to give Lawes to administer Justice to the people while the Plough rested but upon the same reasons which make Lawes at first as is said plaine and simple multiply Courts must needs grow more numerous In the Saxons times besides the lesser Courts before discoursed of to relieve men at their owne doores There was but one high Court of Justice ever moving with the Prince which judged as Mr Lambard out of those Lawes of appeales forbidden where Justice might be had at home not only according to Right and Law Sup. 59. but also after equity and good conscience the words of the Lawes are unlesse he cannot find right at home or right be too heavie t Ll. Edg. c. Ll. cnum 16. in this Order faies the same Mr. Lambard and in these two sorts of Courts was all Justice administred till William the Conquerer w Arch. 20. and after him this Court continued under the chiefe Justice of England ordinarily which great Officer the first man next the King alone had the power of the Chief Justice of the Pleas of the Crown of the Chiefe Justice of the Common Pleas till the nineth of King Henry the third according to that of Magna Charta the Common Pleas shall no longer follow the Kings Court though this Charter was before granted by King John in the 17. of his reigne it should seem by the charge against that much wronged gallant man Hubert de Burgo chiefe Justice in King Iohns time and in the time of Henry the third after the death of William Earle of Pembroke chiefe Justice 4 H. 3. that this huge office was not shrunk that the chiefe Justice was then whole and intire x Ma. Pa. addiâ— 149. besides the pleas of the Crown and common pleas he had the power of the chiefe Baron of the Exchequer and of the master of the wards y Addit ubi sup and sometimes commands armies z Ma. Pa. 193. an imployment too much for one man and businesse too much for one Court Upon which reasons distribution of the jurisdiction was necessary which flowing after from one Fountain by many streams into several Courts is no small ease to the people and this additional alteration is the greatest improvement imaginable Hence are derived the Benches the Chancery and Exchequer of the excellency of which and other high Courss pipes communicating justice with more speed and facility over England I wil say something but briefly my ayme being to make a tryall whether those who are not to be moved else by any other way will trust and yield to their own eyes before which I would lay things as plainly and as openly as I can and shew them that if justice onely be desired the pursuit of which lawfully and civilly is faire and honest here it is to be had it can never be deficient if the execution of things be answerable to their institution Here it is commanded That justice be administred as well to the poor as to the rich without any respect to be had of persons a West 1. c. 1. Here is said It is provided agreed and granted that all men as well high as low shall have and receive justice b Stat. Marlb c. 1. The times had been unruly before and many of the great men saies the Statute would not submit to the justice of these Courts they would be judges in their own cases distrain men grievously and take such revenges as they thought fit c Stat. Marlb ibid. Here as another Statute The Justices
the undoing of both of them Gentlemen of a good and ancient family commanded the Lord Chancellour to assemble all the Justices of England before him upon conference to give their resolutions Which they did one Justice disagreeing Chudleight case in the same report is said to be so difficult and of so great consequence it was thought necessary that all the Justices of England openly in the Exchequer Chamber upon solemn Arguments should show their opinions in it where the chief Baron and Justice Walmesly are dissenters as also Justice Gawdy in part Till the first of king James there were but four Judges of either Bench and many times as the same Lord Cook k 4. Rep. Pâ—af in cases of great difficulty the Judges being equally divided in opinion the matter depended long undecided for prevention of which this King added a Judge to either Bench. Retractations may be allowed in law as well as in divinity a man may differ with himselfe believe and apprehend truely and ingenuously and with Judgement this way or that way and after when he shall hear the reasons of others and the same case debated solemnly by the most grave most wise and most reverend of the profession not onely startle and doubt but but believe and like the contrary of what he liked before truly and ingenuously still without any blemish of dishonesty or falsenesse to be stuck upon him for it truth is said to be the adaequation of the speech with the species and if here any miâ—take be as there may the falsenesse is in the notions not in the man who speaks and thinkâ— he speaks truth I know no reason where there is no leading judgement to sway why the professors of the lawes should certainly be supposed to know the right and on which side it is as if infallibility were so ready or likely to be where as the Mirrour joyns them There is no law nor usage and where there are no presidents to direct Cases not being included in any words of law may be compared with the reasons of other cases according to similitude fancied and opinion so produced is but an incertain and weak knowledge thus or thus which yet may well be otherwise every man knows how far the Topic argumentation comes short of the necessary further as Sir John Davies When is right or wrong manifested upon the comencement of a suit before it is known what can be alledged and proved by either party The Councellor when he is first reteined hears onely one part of the matter and that also from his Client who ever puts his case with the best advantage for himselfe after pleading of the parties when they are at issue when they have examined witnesses in course of equity or are discended to a tryal in course of law after publication and hearing in the one cause and full evidence delivered in the other then perhaps may the Councel of either side dicern the rigt from the wrong and not before But then are the causes come to their catastrophe and the Councellours act their last part l Praef. ded f. 6 7. Thus as there are diversities of opinions amongst the professours of the lawes we see there are invincible reasons why sometimes there must be such diversities and I would gladly know where there is any general agreement of mindes A great man of the Clergy but no great lover of the laws or lawyers notes one Judge very hastily determining against others do not Councels often do the same the later quite thwarting those which went before and what he grants are not Divines divided against Divines not only in things of Ceremonie but of Faith If we look upon other Arts and Sciences we might think all things made from Heraclitus his principles that strife was the father what dissonance of opinions what knots never to be untyed sayes the incomparable Petrarch upon the discourse of discord are there amongst the Philosophers Who can number the varieties of their Sects what conflicts amongst Rhetoricians what discords of all Arts what clamours amongst the Lawyers those of the Civil Imperial lawes how well they agree the immortality of causes proves Sick men can witnesse what concord there is amongst Physicians what unlikenesse of mindes is there about things sacred and Religion where the differences are oftner tryed in the field then in the Schools m Petr. de remed utr fort 429. l. 2. By no other law is it said is unlawful maintenance Champerty or buying Titles so severely punished as by ours By what other law askes the most learned Knight is the Plaintiffe for false clamours or injust vexation or the Defendant for pleading a false Plea amerced the amercements in Magna Charta of which hereafter were instituted to deter men from injust suits and defences n 2 Inst 28 the French impost of 100 sous upon the Processe is thought injust yet sayes the Republique never was any so necessary in this Realm where there are more suits then in the rest of Europe which have sprouted chiefly from the time of Charles the sixth when by Edict the ancient custome to condemn those in costs who had lost the cause was cassed o Bod. Rep. 889. By the Saxon lawes he that denyed another his right either in bocland or folcland before a Judge without any right forfeited to the king 30s so the next time the third time the kings oâ—er hyrnysse 120. s. for his contempt p Ll. Ina c. 8. Ll. Edu sen c. 2. Ll. Cnuti c. 7. such lawes as these which might fright troublesome spirits are of high necessity yet I think where mens own Consciences restrein them not the punishment of laws would not prevaile with all men Nor can we expect any continual peace from vexatious suits nor any security from delayes deceits in them till a Christian generous honesty diffuse it self every where and there be a general perfection of charity and love in every man which is not easily to be hoped for France may be famous for its sprightlinesse Spain for its gravity Germany for the arts what clime is renowned for any such honesty Unles the new Atlantis can be found again and its Idea of a Commonwealth the Magick Region of the Moon throughly discovered and it lye hid there Or * Euphorn Barclaie may be believed of his Lusinia so unlike the whole world beside Of which that it breeds men worthy the genius of the place and of their own fortune for so he says if it be the Country some think he means he may be credited for the rest of the innocency piety of the people it is more then I can say of my own knowledge and I would lead no mans Faith where things are not plain and certain Other causes of multiplicity of suits in these latter ages are observed by the Lord Cooke to be first peace noted before * c. 2. In the reigns of the kings Edward the 3. Richard the 2
present infallibility To keep on the old course of passing from the matter to the persons there is yet another quarrel of this kind which I wil speak to in a few words There is one fling at the Officers at the ministers of the Law and Courts If there be any imperfection any negligence omission or mistakes in the execution of things as it is but an huge folly to conceive men so full of faithfulnesse and vigilancy but there may be I see not why this should be a blemish to the Law unlesse it may be thought to favour murder or theft because they are done Lawes can but forbid and punish offences if the vices or faults of men must asperse sciences professions and orders and be an argument to demolish there wil not any where be either science profession or order left and long agone had this been heretofore allowed there had been none of these left to demolish The Writs of the Law Writs of which I shal next speak are said by those who are for the Becselenisme of the British antiquity to precede the Normannes the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used by Zonaras for an Epitome or concise writing a writing which conteines the sum of any matter it may goe amongst the Graecobarbara l D. Spelnt verbo Breve from the Empire it came to the Church Those of Rome a long while have had their Apostolicall Writs In the Lawes of King Henry the first amongst the publique offences for which men were amerced to the King after breach of the peace which leads the order follows the contempt of his Writs m Ll H. 1 c. 13. where they are first heard of These Writs at the first were but the Kings letters the Monkc of St. Albanes makes them the same In the controversie betwixt William the Chamberlaine and Gilbert of Cymmay concerning the Church of Luiton A certain Writ of the King meaning Hen. the 2. saies he was brought as a praecept to the men of Luiton to recognise the truth of the right of the Church c n Vit. Abb. 67. Another place has attached according to the law of the Landby the Kings Writ o ibid. 143 elsewhere they are called Letters the Letters of the King and of the Chiefe Justice are set downe in this Historian p ibid. 75. who againe in the Majority of King Henry the third saies It was provided of the commune Counsell of the Arch-Bishops and Bishops that the Lord the King should have his Seale and his Letters should run q Addit ad Paris 151. In the Chapters of the pleas of the Crown in the time of Rich. 1. recited by Hoveden an Historian somewhat more antient then the other is said And of all recognisances of all pleas summoned before the Justices by the Kings Writ or of his Chiefe Justice or from the chiefe Court of the King r Hoved. 744. v. 549 in another place the Writs of King John then Earle of Moreton are said to be taken with his Messenger containing his commands his Mandates by the Major of London who delivers them to the Arch. Bishop c. who calling before him c. the Barons showed them the Letters of Earle John and their tenour s id 735. s 30. A Writ with us is a rule of Law which briefly tells a thing t Bract. l. 3. c. 12.15.413 which in a few words delivers the intention of him who brings it some vary according to the diversity of the Cases Facts and Plaints There are as many formes of them as there are kindes of actions they ought not to containe either falsenesse or errour No man is bound to answer without a Writ u Fleta l. 2. c. 12. l. 6 c. 35 36. Brit. c. 84. The Civill Law makes this necessary it makes citation parcel of the Law of Nature w C. de unoquoq F. de re indiciar c. c. 1. The Writs as Doctor Cowell containe a summary and succinct repetition of the fact which brings forth the actions x Instit Ju. Angl. l. 4. tit 6. well may the Lord Cooke tell us they are so artificially and briefly compiled as there is nothing in them redundant or wanting y Inst 73. and Sir Thomas Smith Secretary of State and Privie Councellor to Queen Elizabeth said It was not possible perspicuously to comprebend so much matter in fewer words Concerning the execution of Writs the direction returnes and processe c. upon them he who would see what a strict care the Law takes that things be done justly speedily and without deceit must search into particular cases which it would be too tedious here to tarry upon Pleadings In the next it will not be impertinent to consider something of the Pleadings in the Actions of the Common Law which whoso shall well consider he shall not finde them so horrible as some imagine them nor the formes so intricate and dangerous as they are misconceived Pleas must not be confused and misordered First the Jurisdiction of the Court must be pleaded to then the person c. Every Plea is to be direct not by way of argument c. and to betriable pertinent to the pleader it ought to have its proper conclusion Things apparent need not be averred surplusage if not contrary to the matter hurts not It must not containe multiplicity of matter to the same thing there must be certainty and truth in Counts c. the replication must not depart from the Count nor the reioinder from the Bar c. The Count must agree with the Writ if time order and forme were not observed in these things the Judge and the Jury would be intangled invincibly and Suites would be endlesse If we look on the Libels in the Civill Law and the Declarations of the Common Law on the defences of the one and the barres of the other on the judgements of them both we shall finde nothing in those of the last too narrow nothing which can be left out The example of the action of injuries and of the action upon the ease which are the same are compared by M. Fulbeck z Paral. 10 Dial. 67. I will say no more of the Libell and Declaration but this That the first exceeds the last very much neare a third part in length things quite differing in nature enough to encumber the understanding being brought in I will onely compare yet not at large the defence of this action of Injuries of a lesse bulke then the Libell and the barre in the action of the Case after a tedious recitall of that which makes little of the malice c. of the actor after a long prayer to be absolved and that the accuser may bee condemned in charges stretched neare to the length of twenty lines where the Latin runs as in all Lawes it must rather in a legall then an eloquent stile The defence speaks thus Inprimis igitur dicit
is to buy by the lump tenuta seisin venter a woman with childe or as Alciate a posthumus fusiones publique Functions Whoso shall turn over the Laws of the Frankes Lombards Boiorians and other of the Teutonick Nations he will meet Mormoes and Goblins formidable indeed such as the most knowing glossaries must be contented to recite only or wisely to passe by in sacred silence which yet will be read by those who admire not themselves and their own age too much who will allow in some proportion both wisdom and civility to their forefathers and are curious to be satisfied how they lead their lives upon what policie and order the Empire of the German Franks Lombards rose and moved for however governments may begin Justice good lawes assure them give them vigour and continuance lasting violence had been a fire which suddenly would have burnt their Trophies these German Conquerours how fierce soever they seem in their first appearance of all which might be said which is related of Mezentius Dextra mihi deus c. Or the Quadi a part in that Eductis mucronibus quos pro numine colebant the sword was their deity spent the yeers of their entrance into their Provinces to compose mindes their first peace and rest from the turmoils of war was ever dedicated to the polishing and smoothing of those foundations which else laid with too hasty and too rough an hand would have fallen alone Augustus was more happy in his moderation then in his victories it might be thought he subdued his Country to preserve it his peace was so sweetned by the equity and clemency of his laws that all the calamities of the triumvirate and its proscriptions were forgotten no tears were left but such as the whole world powred out to his memory There is its honour due to antiquity yet there may be met with in the lawes of these people though they seem what Du Bartas speakes of Marots verse torne Monuments and age worne Images that policy and excellency of constitution which if we will not imitate perhaps we can never exceed It is observed for the honour of our English that an Earle of Arundel in his travels to Italy and the Lord William Howard in his Government of Calice although they understood other languages would not speak to any stranger but in their English And that Cardinal Woolsey in his French Embassie would not suffer his attendance to speak any tongue else to the French And I know not why our English where it is more pure and lesse corrupt where it is a mother tongue and the best Dialect of a mother tongue should not have the esteem it is worthy of It was made none of the least of venerable Bede's praises that he was learned in it A great man before mentioned rather transported with choller against som of the Profession and indirectly I thinke then out of his own judgement is very angry at the Law which he says cannot passe the Seas It were wonderful if it shou'd who looks that neighbourhood alone should make Nations like the same things I have shewn already what great agreement there is betwixt the French and us enough to make it evident they and we had but one stock in Constitutions more ancient then the Civill Law there and it takes off nothing though our Law would not be known in the Courts at Paris This Author grants no man he sayes can deny it it is a sacred both Thing and Title our professors wil not envy the learning of Brissonius his Lexicon or his formulae so much praised and it is confessed we cannot shew any Terms of law like them yet are ours to as much purpose they interpret the words of art of our homebred Lawes and I cannot tell what is to be required more All men may know that as there have been additionary Laws since the Saxons so have there necessarily been additionary termes since which according to the custome of the times when the Law began to speak French were French and when they began as good perhaps and as pure French as any then spoken The leagues and agreements concerning the Sea betwixt King Edward the first and other Princes shew what the old French was by these words soffrera souccours resceipts Pees Trewes subgitz forspris nadgairts c. x D. Seld. Ma. Claeus 267 276. The Lord of Argentons History much later manifests what the language was and how it has changed These terms are so enterwoven as the Lord Coke into the Lawes they cannot possibly be changed I wil appeal to any man who understands the modern French for many of them are yet retained by it whether any words can more aply hit the sense which these signifie there is a supposition where these objections lie that if the great Lawyers abroad should come hither much amazed they would stand at our voucher cited for a big word like to tear the ear but unluckily brought in it is yet in the French advocare to vouch call in aide in a suit and certainly was understood by some of the great Lawyers Rigaude and Bignon being such as had the word bene antique indeed would not have been amazed at it They were not confined within the knowledge of their own age onely what is much to Bignon's honour Sir Hen. Spelman acknowledges himselfe owing to him for many things in his Glossary Garrantie is the same yet with our Warranty Pleviner to plevin give surety saisine is yet seifin rebutter to repell as the heir with us is repelled by the Warranty of his ancestors Larcin is theft fellony robbery fee demain or domain prescription Escbet rent as we use them nampt is our naam halfe withernam a distresse briga with which by this author in another place the professours of our Lawes are reproached and have the stile of his barbarians has been continued amongst them ever since Edw. the 3. before which it was but rarely used yet is in the modern French viz. brigue for it signifying contention or wrangling The onely man abroad who may seem an adversary is Hotomanne a Civilian very learned but I believe not at all in our laws a man of a peevish heady temper who writ against his own State and fled for it yet is he not so much an enemy to the Laws of England as to Litleton's tenures the book so called which very probably he never understood in his Comentary of the feudall word in the word feudum he writes thus Stephane Pasquier a man of an excellent wit c. gave me an English Litleton in which the Laws of the English feuds are discoursed written so rudely absurdly and without method that it appeareth easily to be true which Polydore Virgil in the English History writes That foolishnesse in that book contends with malice and the study to calumniate Here is his own judgement seconded with the censure of that uncleane beast Polydore whofreely indeed as is said railes in that book against
whom death with so much infamy so often really before their eyes cannot fright will never think any torment whatsoever where life is left them though with more misery then can be spoken terrible But it is thought horrible and grievous that a mans life which is invaluable in the law should be taken away for a thing of nothing for 12 pence Which says the most learned Knight is the antient law of the English Nay for lesse by the antient law of the English I may say so King Aethelstanes lawes begin with thieves and speak thus First that man spare no thiefe so I render it according to the words who in the manner having in his hand taken is above twelve yeers old c above eight ponce n c.r. either eight pence or twelve pence The law is full of equity this king gives a ram c. in the Preface as the Saxon worth four pence that which as Sir Henry Spelman sold heretofore for twelve pence would now be worth 20 or 40 s. in the Assise of bread long after the Saxons in the 51 of Hen. 3. eight bushels of wheat are valued but at twelve pence and although now the 12 keepes not the old rate but the modern yet things are prized in trials of life far below their worth and no man loses his life but where the thing stoln in estimate rises to more then many twelve pences That title of Cosroes amongst his others a king who hateth war may justly be given to our laws Peace the greatest blessing of this life and without which nothing else can be a blessing is everywhere provided for everywhere charged and commanded Peace is commanded to be kept in the Pallace or Hall of the king the forfeiture of the breach being the losse of all the offendor has and his life at discretion in the church the house field and town the mulct of wrangling was made 30.8 o Ll. Ina. c. 6. Ll. Alfr. c. 7. Ll Edv. sen c. 4. Ll. Etheldr c. 6 Every man was to give pledges heretofore of his good behaviour the violation of Faith so given was punished and is called breach of the peace Every breach of the peace was such violation Everymans house as the law since expresses it is to be his Castle He who infringed the freedome or liberty of the house called râ—m soone by house breaking forfeited all he had and his life was to be at the kings wil p Ll. Edm. c. 6. Grith or frithbrice were the terms for breach of the peace King Cnut in his laws first wills that Gods peace and the peace of the Church be kept then his own q Ll. Cnuti c. 12.14 and again We must provide for peace or the amendment of it most desired by dwellers and most odious to thieves r c. 8. Amongst the Prerogatives of the West Saxon kings are these breach of peace house freedom Å¿ c. 12.14 The Statute called Westm the first speaks Let the peace of the Land be maintained in all points The first of R. 2. Let the peace be well and surely kept c. according to the Law of the Land In the title of the Statutes of the 50 of Ed. 3. are these words To the honour of God and of holy Church and quietnesse of the people Which used to be the title of Parliaments t â— Inst 9. The Statute of Hen. the 7. concerning Justices of peace has That the subjecti may live in surety uner his peace in their bodies and goods Inprimis interest reipub ut pax observetaer is a mixime of the Common Law affirmed by Parliament u 2. Inst 158. In all Actions for any thing done against a Statute law where the words vi armis are left out yet the Writ has contra pacem against the peace w r. 9.50 Every affraying as Mr. Lambard or putting in fear is breach of the peace The laws do not onely make orders for the maintenance of the peace but as to the execution of the charge have appointed general and particular Officers and Ministers to manage this part and to undergo this care The Lord Chancellour Lord High Steward of England Lord Marshal c. Justices of the kings Bench says Mr. Lambard had authority inclosed in their Offices for the conservation of the peace all England over The Justices of the Common pleas are said to be conservators onely in special places The Master of the Rolles was a general conservator by prescription Coroners and Sheriffs are to be conservators within their Counties Justices of the peace instead of the ancient conservators antiquated are especially warders of the peace so are Tithing men Borougheads Constables and petty Constables in their limits As the first of Ed. 3. x 1. E. 3. c. 15.4 E. 3. c. 2. In every County good men and lawful that been no maintainers of evil nor barretours in the Country shall be assigned to be Justices of the peace As the 18 of that king Two or three of the most substantial men with other learned in the Law as the 34. A Lord with three or feur of the most substantial c. By a Statute of King Henry the 6. The Justice must have Lands and Tenements to the value of xx l. by the yeer he is to be sworn duly and without favour to keep 13. R. 2. c. 7 and put in execution all the Statutes and Ordinances touching his Office As by the Iaws of all Nations civil Religion and the Priesthood have their priviledges and honour so no laws ever favoured piety and the Church more then these and this fully and so often that if it be made by any an objection of prejudice it cannot be denied it must be confessed by all hands Those of the Roman new creed have in every age very clamorously and furiously slandered our Laws not onely as short and imperfect but as unjust to be detested by all the faithfull y Becket in Ma. Par. 101. Such as without a saving the honour of God and of holy Church z Hoved. Savil. 492. are not to be sworn to against the faith as the Bishop of Rochester may be thought to mean a Graft 1187. The exemption of the Clergie taken away by the Laws of Clarendon where yet only the old Laws were restored was thought as legal an impiety as heinous as could be yet Bellarmine though a man more nimble then ten thousand Beckets durst not make it of Divine Right Jure Divine valde conforme is as much as he thinks it is Not of Divine Right that were too high not of Humane that were as much too low but very conformable to Divine Right which is a ridiculous conforformity and makes it neither the one nor the other Within five years in the time of King Henry the 2. there were above one hundred murthers committed in England by Priests and men within Orders so that it was time to take heed of these
Hist Savil Edit 907. Sometimes the Chief Justice is called Warden of the Realm Vice Lord of England and Justice of England as the Alderman of England was most Honourable in the Saxon times So was the Justice after which was the same from the first time the word is heard of till Henry the third if we except Hugh of Bocland and Ranulphe of Glanville we shall not finde one of these Justices but he was a Bishop a Peere or at least of the Nobility of one of the illustrious families Aubreye of Ver Earle of Guisnes high Chamberlain of England Justice and as some Portgrave of London father of Aubreye of Ver the first Earl of Oxford which familie so Mr. Cambden justly is the most antient fundatissima familia amongst the English Earles as Matt. Paris was ready in the variety of causes exercised in them a In Sitph reg And of Geofrey Fitzpeter Then dyed Geofry Fitzpeter Earle of Essex and Justice of great power and authority a generous man skilful in the lawes allyed either by blood or friendship to all the great men or Barons of England b Id. in Johrege Henry after king son of Henry the second was chiefe Justice of England By the Statute of 31 of Hen. the 8. c c. 10. which ranks the publique great Officers The Lord Chancellour or Lord Keeper is the first man The great Chamberlain of England Constable Marshal and Amiral are to sit below him the Justices are accounted Peers and fellows of Peers Magna Charta sayes No free man shall be amerced but by his Peers and according to the manner of his offence It is observed As to the amercement of an Earle Baron or Bishop for the Parity of those who should amerce them when this Charter was made that the Justices and Barons of the Exchequer were sufficient Bracton as the most learned Mr. Selden cites him sayes Earles or Barons are not to be amerced but by their Peeres and according to the manner of their offence as the Statute is and this by the Barons of the Exchequer or before the king d 1. H. 6 7 v. D. Spelmver he Baron Scaccer All Judges sayes the same Mr Selden were held antiently as Barons which appears in an old law of Henry the first which is Regis Judices sint Barones Comitatus qui liberas in eis terras habent per quos debent causae singulorum alterna prosecutione tractari Villani vero Cotseti vel Ferdingi Cocseti vel Perdingi in legibus nuper editis sed perperam vel qui sunt viles inopes personae non sunt inter Judices numerandi e c. 29. The Barons of Counties who had free lands in them were to be Judges not common base fellows hence as Mr. Selden again are the Iudges of the Exchequer called Barons The black book of the Exchequer makes it manifest the Judges of the Exchequer before Hen. 3. or Edw. the 1. for thereabouts the Exchequer had its ordidinary and perpetual Barons were of the Baronage by these words f part 1. c. 4 There sits the chief Iustice of our Lord the King first after the King c. and the great men or Barons of the Realm most familiarly assistants in the kings secrets By the decree of king Iames g 28. Mai. 10. Jac. reg The Chancelour and under Treasurer of the Exchequer Chancelour of the Duchie chiefe Justices Master of the Rolles chiefe Baron of the Exchequer all the other Judges and Barons are to have precedency of place before the younger sons of Viscounts and Barons and before all Baronets c. there the degree of the Coif is called an honourable order the Serjeant is called by Writ The words used to be we have ordained you to the state and degree of a Serjeant at Law Vos and Vobis in election of Serjeants and summons of Judges to Parliament ever applyed to persons of quality are used One Statute speaks where he taketh the same State upon him h 8 H. 6. c. 10. And another At the Creation of the Serjeants of the Law i 8 E. 4. â— 2. Which is observed ever to be applyed to dignity k Rep. 10. Epist The Patrons of causes called pleading advocates and Narratores Counters of the Bench or Prolocutors of old as Paris l Hist 516. vit Abb. 142. all Lawyers were antiently of the Clergie And those now who are so curious for neatnesse of that order may thank their predecessours for that rudenesse which is so unpardonable by them in the Latine of the Law No Clerk but he was a Lawyer saies Malmesbury in * Lib. 4. Ed. 1. Savil. 123. William the second we read that Mr. Ambrose the Clerke of Abbot Robert of St. Albanes most skilful in the law an Italian by Nation amongst the first of the lawyers of England for time knowledge and manners is sent to Rome m Vitae Abb. St. Alb. 74. Adam of Linley is said to be Abbot John the 1. his Counsellor in all his weighty affaires a curteous man honest and skilful in the lawes n Ibid. after Archdeacon of Ely for most of them held Church-livings he was after speciall Counsellour and Clerk saies this this Monke to the Archbishop of Canterbury Stephane John Mansel of whom we read so much in the History of Hen. the 3. is called the Kings speciall Councellour and Clerk as much as Atturney generall since o Ibid. 142 Hence it is that the ancient habit of secular Judges was the same and yet is with that of the Ecclesiasticks p D. Wats Gloss ad Paris William of Bussey Seneschal and chiefe Counsellor of William of Valentia would have losed saies the same Monk the staies of his Coife to shew his Clerkly tonsure his shaven crown q 984 985 Hist And again he sayes The Clerks who such Writs dictate write signe and give counsell r 206. Aâ—â—it They are restrained by Pope Innocent the 4. his Decretales who forbid any such to be assumed to Church dignities c. unlesse he be learned in other liberall Sciences Philosophy and Divinity were laid by as the words there the multitude of clerks ran to the hearing of secular laws Å¿ ibid. 190.101 Hugh of Paâ—shul clerk is made justice of England by Hen. the 3 t Hist 405 So was the famous John Mansel before Keeper of the great Seale There have been seven Wardens of the Kingdome or Viceroyes of the Clergy twelve great chiefe Justices neere 160 times have Clergy men been Chancellours about 80. of them Treasurers of England all the Keepers of the privy Scale of old the Masters of the Rolls till the 26. of King Hen. the 8. the Justices of Eire of Assise till Edw. the third were of that order u D. Spel. Epist ad concâ—l men whom the Lawes were beholding to w 1 Inst â—ect 524. rep 5. Câ—wd 2. Just 265. else they had been told
second of Richard the second m 2 R. 2. c. 1 Wills that the great Charter and the good laws of the land be firmly holden The 3d. That the good laws and customes c. be bolden n 3 R. 2. c. 1 v. 5 R. 2. c. 1 7 R. 2. c. 2. 9 R. 2. c. 1. The 4. of Hen. the 7. And over that his Highnesse shall not let c. but that he shall see his laws to have plain and true execution and his subjects to live in surety of their lands bodies and goods according to his said laws c. o 4 H. 7.12 c. 9. The 32. of King Hen. the 8. saies The King calling to mind c. that there is nothing within this Realm that conserveth loving subjects in more quietness rest peace and concord then the due just ministration of his laws c. The first Parliament of King James has The fundamentall and ancient lawes which this King as there is said expressed many waies how far he was from altering or innovating whereby c The peoples security of lands livings and priviledges both in generall and particular are preserved and maintained and by the abolishing or alteration of which it is impossible but that present confusion wil fall upon the whole State c. p 1 Jac. reg c. 2. Twice in Petition of Right is this expression and other the good Laws and Statutes once the laws custows once franchise of the land The conclusion is all which they humbly pray as their rights liberties according to the laws Statutes q 3 Car. Reg. If publike authority authority of Parliaments authority of the English Nation in all ages can make an authentike and valid testimony by that authority we see our Lawes are facred pious good mercifull and just their ends aym meerly at the peace and happinesse of the Nation the only ends which Lawes should aym at and these being had he must forfeit the Noble reason of man who desires a change which whensoever it shall happen by the judgement of a Parliament like the change of death must be fatal to the State Though here is already the weight I promised and such as all English men should allow I wil adde a testimony or two more of private men not of the profession yet no strangers in the Law as the most knowing Sir Henry Spelman Of all municipal lawes our law plain and without dresse as she is is the most noble Lady replete with all justice moderation and prudence c. As Sir Thomas Smith the people here are accustomed to live in such sort that the rich have no more advantage then the poor Dr. Cowel a most knowing Civilian very judicious in our laws sayes of the two Benches They decide all causes religiously according to the rescript of the Common law r Justit Angt. 24. sect 2. a most learned Knight of our age praises highly our forefathers for their vertue abroad and their exquisitenesse of counsel and judgement at home amongst whom as he in Livies expression The commands of the laws were ever more powerful then those of men and Iustice was administred with that sineerenesse and judgement you would believe it to have proceeded from Papinian himselfe of all men who are shall be or have been the most skilled in the laws Å¿ D. Rog. Twisden praefat ad Ll. Guil. 1. Hen. 1. Our laws are not written in any general tongue and so cannot easily be known by forreigners but by the effects long continuance here or acquaintance and seldome so strangers every where for the most part desiring to take notice of every thing else rather then of laws The French man who wrote the estates of the world discoursing of the charges practised in other provinces in his time sayes But the liberty of England is marveilous in this regard no Country any where being lesse charged t Les Esta c. p. sciâ—ur D. T. V. Y. v. Sir Rob. D alingt survâ—y of Tuscany The Lord of Argenton as much experienced as any man in his age or perhaps since who had seen Venice and the order of things there and praises it sufficiently yet speaks in his plain manner of England Now according to my judgement amongst all the Seigneuries of the world which I have had any knowledge of where the Commonwealth is best managed and where there is lesse violence used upon the people it is England u Liure 5. It was otherwise of France in the days of his Master Lewis the 11. In many places so grievous were the Taxes men women and children were forced to draw the plough by their necks and that by night for fear of the Collectors w P. Mat. Lon. 11. If we look upon the Peasants of France flead alive the Villano or Contadino of Italy either under the Spaniard or Venetian Where Fruit and Salades * Sir Rob. Dalingtons Survey of Tuscany nay and Asses dung all things whatsoever pay Tribute but mens sighs where one word gabelle is of the largest extent and more used then all the other in the Languages leave out the chains of the Turkish Gallies and the most sad thraldom of those Natives of America under the Spanish Conversion of the newest Fashion Baptized but as Bede says of the Protomartyr Albane in their own blood we shall finde nothing so miserable so unhappy in Nature Our Yeoman as Sir Tho Smith is a free Englishman a man well at ease and having honestly to live He savours says a Reverend Church man of our Nation of civility and good manners living in far greater reputation then the Yeoman in Italy France Spain Dr. Heyl. Geegr or Germany I may say for some of them more freely more plentifully then the Gentry of either Spain or Italy being able to entertain a stranger honestly dyet him plentifully and lodge him neatly We may read the words of a Parliament to this purpose after the discovery of the Powder-plot No Nation of the earth hath been blessed with greater benefits then this now enjoyeth x 3. Jac. and whatsoever benefits we have received we owe them all to the Laws they are derived to us thence we can attribute them to nothing else Honour given to the Professors of the Laws As Justice is the most excellent of all vertues seated in the Will as more sedate and nearer to the reason its object being the profit of others So it is with good cause preferred before Fortitude as Peace before War which ought to be ruled by a certain Justice and if all men were just there would be no need of Fortitude The ancient Chief Justice whatsoever may be talked of the Constable or others was the Great Officer of State and as he had more power so had he the precedency of all men else Odo Earl of Kent Chief Justice in the time of William the 1. is called Prince of the Palace by Ingulphus y