THERE IS NO MEMORIAL TO THE CONTRARY HAVE BEEN IN PEACEABLE POSSESSION OF THE SOVERAIGN LORDSHIP OF THE SEA OF ENGLAND AND OF THE ISLES WITHIN THE SAME with power of making and establishing Laws Statutes and Prohibitions of people as well of other Dominâ—â—ns as their 〈◊〉 passing through the said Seas and the Saveraign Guard thereof And also 〈…〉 all manner of Cognisance in Causes and of doing right aâ—d Iustice to high and low according to the said Laws Staâ—uâ—es Ordinances and Prohibitions and all other things which may appertein to the exercises of Soveraign Iurisdiction in the places aforesaid And whereas A. de B. deputed Admiral of the said Sea by the King of England and all other Admirals appointed by the said king of England and his Ancestors heretofore kings of England of aâ—â—â—al and complaint made of them to their Soveraigns the kings of England in default of Iustice or for evil Iudâ—â—â—nâ— aâ—d especially of making Prohibitions doing Iustice and taking surety of the peace of all manner of people using arms in the said Sea or carrying Sâ—â—ps otherwise furnished and â—et forth thâ—â— Merchant-men use to bee aâ—d in all other points where a man may have reasonable caus to suspect them of Robbery or other â—…uors And whereas the Masters of the Ships of the said kingdom of England in the absence of the said Admiral have been in peaceable possession of taking cognisance and judging of all Aâ—â—ions don in the said Sea between all manner of people according to the Laws Statutes Prohibitions and Customs And whereas in the first Article of the League lately made between the said Kings in the Treatie upon the last peace at Paris there are comprised the words here following in a Schedule annexed to these Presents But that which follow 's is not written in a Schedule annexed but in the same Parchment from whence it may perhaps bee conjectured that these are not so much the very Libels themselvs which were exhibited to the Commissioners or Auditors as antient Copies taken from the Original as also from this that the name of the Admiral is set down A. de B. which two first Letters do not agree with the name of any one that wee can finde in Record to have been Admiral of England at that time First it is concluded and accorded between Us and the Agents and Procurators aforesaid in the names of the said Kings that the said Kings shall from this time forward becom to each other good true and faithful friends and bee aiding to one another against all men saving the Church of Rome in such manner that if any one or more whosoever they bee shall intend to disturb hinder or molest the said Kings in the Franchises Liberties Privileges Rights and Customs of them and their Kingdoms They shall bee good and faithful friends to each other and aiding against all men living and readie to die to defend keep and maintein the Franchises Liberties Privileges Rights and Customs aforesaid Except on the behalf of the said King of England John Duke of Brabant in Brabant and his heirs descending from him and the daughter of the King of England and except on the behalf of our Lord the said king of France the excellent Prince Monsieur Albert king of Almaign and his heirs kings of Almaign and Monsieur John Earl of Henault in Henault and that the one shall not bee of Counsel nor aiding where the other may lose life member estate or honor Monsieur Reyner Grimbald Master of the Navie of the said king of France who call's himself Admiral of the said Sea beeing deputed by his aforesaid Lord in his war against the Flemings did after the said League made and confirmed against the tenor and obligation of the said League and the intent of them that made it wrongfully assume and exercise the office of Admiraltie in the said Sea of England above the space of a year by Commission of the said king of France taking the people and Merchants of the kingdom of England and of other places passing through the said Sea with their Goods and committed them so taken to the prison of his said Lord the king of France and delivered their Goods and Merchandises to the Receivers of the said king of France by him deputed in the Ports of his said kingdom as forfeited and due unto him to remain at his Judgment and award And the taking and deteining of the said people with their said goods as also his said Judgment award for the forfeiture acquest of them he hath iustified before you Lords Auditors in writing by virtue of the autoritie of his said Commission of Admiraltie aforesaid by him usurped after this manner and during a Prohibition or Restraint generally made and proclaimed by the king of England in right of his Dominion according to the tenor of the third Article of the League aforesaid which contain's the words above-written requiring that hee may thereupon bee acquitted and discharged of the same to the great damage and prejudice of the said king of England and of the Prelates Nobles others above-mentioned Wherefore the said Procurators in the names of their said Lords do pray your Lordships Auditors that you would caus due and speedie deliverance of the said people with their Goods and Merchandises so taken and deteined to bee made to the Admiral of the said king of England to whom the cognisance of the same of right apperteineth as is before expressed So that without disturbance from you or any other hee may take cognisance thereof and do what belong's to his office aforesaid And the said Monsieur Reyner bee condemned and constrained to make satisfaction for all the said damages so far forth as hee shall bee able and in his default his said Lord the king of France by whom hee was deputed to the said office and that after satisfaction given for the said damages the said Monsieur Reyner may bee so duly punished for the violation of the said League that his punishment may be an example to others in time to com So far the Libel of so many Nations manifestly acknowledging the Soveraigntie and Dominion of our Kings over the Sea and thereupon demanding protection for themselvs And whereas no mention is made of this thing in the Histories either of the French English or others it is no wonder since the proceedings of Courts of Judiâ—aâ—ure are very seldom set down in Historiâ—â— But wee understand by the French Historie that this Griâ—bald was Govâ—â—â—or of the French Navie at the very same time Paulus AEmiliuâ— writing of Philip the Fair saith Hee hired sixteen Gallies from Genoa â—ver which Reyner Grimbald was Governor or Commander Hee sailing about by Sea infested the Sea-Coast of Flanders Regimerus Reginâ—rus or Reynerus Grimbaldus is one and the same man and among the Genoêses there is an eminent Family of that name But becaus hee was a Foreiner and Mercenarie therefore it seem's Joannes Feronius left
of Excester And in those daies it was usual to procure King's Letters commonly called in the language of the Law Protections whereby Privilege and exemption from all suits was granted to those that were emploied in this kinde of Guard or Defence of the Sea or that spent their time super salvâ custodiâ defensione Maris For the safeguarding and defence of the Sea as the form of the words hath it which wee frequently finde in the Archives Moreover in the Acts of Parlament of the same King's Reign mention is made of the safeguarding of the Sea or de la saufegard de la mier as of a thing commonly known and for which it was the Custom of the English to make as diligent provision as for the Government of any Province or Countrie And in the twentieth year of the same King the Commons preferr'd a Bill that a strong and well accomplished Navie might bee provided for the defence of the Sea becaus It is thought fit be all the Commens of this Land that it is necessarie the See be kept Verie many other passages there are to the same purpose Geoffrie Chaucer who lived in the time of Richard the Second and was a man verie knowing in the affairs of his Countrie among other most elegant and lively characters of several sorts of men written in the English Tongue describe's the humor of an English Merchant of that time how that his desire above all things is that the Sea bee well guarded never left destitute of such protection as may keep it safe and quiet Which hee speak's to set out the whole generation of Merchants in that age whose custom it was to bee sollicitous for traffick above all things and consequently about the Sea it self which would not afford them safe Voyages did not the Kings of England as Sovereigns thereof according to their Right and Custom provide for the securitie of this as a Province under their Protection The words of Chaucer are these His reasons spake hee full solemnely Shewing alway the encreas of his winning Hee would the See were kept for any thing Betwixe Middleborough and Orewel Orewel is an Haven upon the Coasts in Suffolk Middleborough is in Zealand The whole Sea that floweth between Britain and Zealand the English Merchants would have secured this they were wont solemnly and unanimously to pray for knowing that the Sea was part of the Kingdom and the Protection of them part of the dutie of the Kings of England For as concerning any Protection herein by any forrein Princes any farther then in their own Harbors or at the most within the winding Creeks between those Islands which they possessed upon the Coasts of Germanie or Gallia Belgica there is nothing as far as wee can finde to bee gathered from any Testimonies of former Ages In the succeeding Ages likewise there is frequent mention of this kinde of Guard Defence and Government of the same Sea as will hereafter more fully appear when wee com to speak of Tributes and of the tenor and varietie of the Commissions given to our Admirals But now it is to bee observed that both the name and nature of this Guard is very well known not onely by the use of the word both in the Imperial and Canon Law wherein it denotes that the Guardian ought to take a diligent care of that thing whereof hee is owner who doth either lend it or commit it to his over-sight but also by the common and obvious use which the English make of the same word in other Offices or Governments For in those daies of old when the title of Guardians or Wardens of the Sea was more usual there were appointed Wardens of the Ports even as at this day there are Wardens of the Counties who are those Commanders of Counties called Sheriffs and in the usual form and tenor of their Writ have custodiam comitatûs the Guard or Defence of the Countie committed to their charge Wardens or Keepers of the Marches or Borders Keepers of Towers or Castles Parks Houses and the like Yea and the Lord Lievtenant of Ireland was especially in the time of King John and Henrie the Third styled usually Warden or Keeper of Ireland and his Office or dignitie commonly called the Keepership of Ireland after the same manner as John Duke of Bedford and Humphrey Duke of Glocester whom Henry the fift during the time of his absence in France deputed to govern the Kingdom of England by turns were called Custodes Angliae Keepers of England as wee very often finde both in Histories and Records So Arthur Prince of Wales was made Keeper of England while Henry the seventh was beyond the Seas So Piers Gaveston was keeper of England while Edward the second remained in France So were others also in like manner The Governors also of the Islands of Jarsey and Garnesey and the rest that are situated in this Sea who now are styled Governors Keepers or Captains were in antient times called onely by the name of Guardians or Keepers This then beeing so what reason have wee to think that our Ancestors did not use the same Notion of Guardian or Keeper and of guarding or keeping in the name of the Guardian and the Guard of the Sea which they were wont to use in the Guard and keeping of the Island and in the other dignities or offices before mentioned Doubtless in all these the peculiar Dominion and Soveraigntie of him that conferr'd the Dignities is so clearly signified and included that his Dominion or Ownership of the thing to bee kept and guarded as well as Autoritie over the person dignified is plainly implied in this Title Nor is it to bee omitted that in antient times before the autoritie of the high Admirals of England was sufficiently established by our Kings and setled so distinct that the Command and Government of the Sea did belong onely to them the Governors or Keepers of the Provinces whom wee call Sheriffs of the Counties by virtue of their Office had also som Custodie or Command of part of that Sea which adjoined to their respective Provinces as of a part of the Kingdom of England Which truly to let pass other proofs is sufficiently evident by this that many times in those daies they who by the Common Law of the Land were wont as at this day to put in execution the Commands of the King in those places onely that were committed severally to their charge and custodie did do the same also in the Sea it self as well as in any Land-Province belonging to him from whom they received their autoritie For by virtue of their ordinarie power derived from the King and such as was founded upon the very same right by which they held the Government of the Countie or Province they did oftentimes remove the King's Ships and Fleets from one Port to another by Sea as through the Territorie of the Province that was committed to their
our Isles of Gernesey Jersey Serk and Aureney in the Sea between Easter and Michaelmas is according to the Custom of those places acknowledged to belong unto Us at a reasonable rate to bee paid therefore and that the said Fishermen are bound to carrie all the Fish by them taken between the Times aforesaid unto certain places in those Isles appointed that the Officers under our Governor of the aforesaid Isles may take thence for our use at what price they shall think fit and reasonable Nor is that to bee slighted which wee finde in the Chronicles of the Abbie or Monasterie of Teuxburie concerning Henrie Beauchamp Duke of Warwick who was invested by Henrie the sixt with the Title and Dignitie of King not onely of the Isle of Wight but also of Gernesey and Jersey whereunto the other Isles in this Tract do in a civil sens belong The same thing is recorded of the Isle of Wight by that Learned man William Camden and that out of the same Book The Book it self speak's after this manner But the noble Lord Henrie Duke of Warwick and first Earl of England Lord Le Dispenser and de Abergeveney King of the Isles of Wight and Gardsey and Jardsey Lord also of the Castle of Bristol with the appurtenances thereunto belonging died 3 Idus Junii Anno Dom. 1446. in the twentie second year of his Age at the Castle of Hanley and was buried in the middle of the Quire at Teuxburie And a little before it is said of the same man that hee was Crowned King of Wight by the King 's own hand no express mention beeing made in that place of the other islands but they reckoned in the same condition with this as they were part of the patrimonie of the Kings of England But it is not to bee believed that those Isles which lie before the shore of Normandie had been so turned into a Kingdom though subject to the Crown of England unless even they also who made them a Kingdom had conceived that they possessed them before by a Title superior to that of the Dutchie that is to say by a Kingly Title As King Richard the second when hee had determined that Robert Earl of Oxford who also was Marquiss of Dublin and Duke of Ireland should bee creâted King of Ireland questionless did not doubt but that hee himself in the mean time possessed that Island by no less a Title and Dignitie than of King although the name of Lord was wholly used there at that time in stead of King as also until the latter end of the Reign of Henrie the eight So it is conceived upon good ground that those Isles and the Sea lying about them did though they used different Customs constitute one entire Bodie of Empire with the Kingdom of England Whereunto also that special privilege of theirs doth relate whereby through the favor of the Kings of England they enjoie the benefit of freedom from hostilitie by Sea though there bee a Warr on foot between the Neighbor-Nations round about but of this more hereafter And in their Court-Records which contain the Acts or Decrees of the aforesaid Justices Itinerant wee very often finde Pleas of the Crown which phrase is an Evidence of the English Government Also in their Trials those Forms In contempt of our Lord the King his Crown and Dignitie and Our Lord the King was seised of the aforescid Advousen in time of Peace as of his Fee and in Right of his Crown and others not a few of that kinde wee meet with which savor not of any Right of the Dutchie Add moreover that the King of England so held the Right heretofore not onely of the Isles over against the shore of Normandie but of those also which are opposite to Aquitain as a pledg or concomitant of his possession of that Sea so far as it belong'd to the patrimonie of the Kingdom of England that though our Henrie the third renounced his claim to no small part of Aquitain yet that Isle lying before it called Oleron no less famous in the West for Naval Laws than Rhodes was of old hee granted to his eldest son Edward to bee held in time to com as a perpetual Appendant of the English Crown For this Claus was added to the Grant so that the said Isle may alwaies remain to the Crown of England and never bee alienated from the same Also in his Letters granted to the Inhabitants of Oleron hee saith Wee will not in any wise sever you from the Crown of England Som years before also hee in like manner made a Grant of Gascoign or those parts which lie upon the shore of Aquitain near the Sea to Prince Edward upon condition it should remain entirely and for ever to the Crown of England So without doubt his intent was that both the Sea-Coasts and this Isle should in a special manner bee possest by the said Prince but by no means bee disjoined from the English Empire any more than the Sea its self which washt their shores And although after a while both this and som other neighboring Isles did many Ages since for divers reasons follow the fate of those French shores which lie next to them yet in the mean time the Dominion of the Sea remained entire as it did before to the Kings of England as it sufficiently appear's by those other passages which wee have shewn The Dominion and possession of the Sea asserted on the behalf of the Kings of England from that leav of praeter-Navigation or passage which hath been usually either granted by them to Foreiners or desired from them CHAP. XX. THose things which wee have hitherto alleged concerning this possession and dominion are confirmed by several Passports that have been obteined from the Kings of England for leav to pass through this Sea whereof wee have clear Testimonies in Records that is to say granted at the intreatie of Foreiners Our Henrie the fourth granted leav to Ferrando Urtis de Sarachione a Spaniard to fail freely from the Port of London through our Kingdoms Dominions and Jurisdiction to the Town of Rochel It is manifest that in this place our Dominions and Jurisdiction do relate to the Sea flowing between And when Charls the sixt King of France sent Ambassadors to Robert the third King of Scots to treat about the making of a League they upon request made to the same Henrie obteined Passports for their safe passage par touz noz povoirs destrois Seigniories par Mer par Terre that is through all places under our Power Territories and Dominions as well by Sea as by Land There are innumerable other Letters of Passport called safe Conducts in the Records especially of Henrie the fift and sixt whereby safe Port and Passage was usually granted as well by Sea as by Land and Rivers that is to say throughout the whole Dominion of him that made the Grant And it is
him out of the Catalogue of the Admirals of France yet Joannes Tilius placing him among the Governors of the French Navie call's him Roverius Grimaldus Hee also is that Admiral of the King of France who as Joannes de Beka saith had command of three hundred and fiftie Gallies that were sent by Philip the Fair in the year MCCCIV to aid the Hollanders against the Flemings There are also several particulars in the Records of France which relate to the differences then on foot between the English and French And although that Libel or any Copie of it bee not found therein if wee may credit Tilius who set forth a Catalogue of that kinde of Records yet there is that Commission among them whereby the aforesaid Auditors or Commissioners were autorised to determine of things don contrary to the League It is described by Tilius after this manner Pouvoir donè par le Roy Edovard à deux nommez accordez de sa part pour avec les deux eleuz de la part du dit Roy Phelippe d' enquerir amendir les forfaictes durant lour trefue le Dernier Juin MCCCIII Ou tresor layette Procurationes posse potestates Angliae K. Power was given by king Edward to two persons named and appointed on his part to meet with two persons chosen on the behalf of the said king Philip to make enquiry and give remedy touching Injuries committed during the Truce betwixt them the last of June MCCCIII in the Treasury in the Box intituled Procurationes posse potestateâ—s Angliae K. The Commissions bear date the same day and year whereby these Auditors or Commissioners were appointed for this purpose as wee observed before out of our own Records Nor is it of any force here to the contrarie that Commissioners were somtimes deputed in the same manner by the Princes of the shores on both sides of the Sea as also by the aforesaid Kings to determine complaints about robberies and other injuries usually don by private persons to one another by Sea and Land For if any one will collect thence that the Princes which deputed them had both an equal right in the Sea it may as well bee concluded upon the same ground that they were but part-owners of their own Countries and had an equal interest in each other 's Land Besides in such a kinde of deputation as that there is more regard had of the persons offending that are to bee tried than of the Dominion of Territories which truly is wholly to bee discovered som other way A Recognition or acknowledgment of the Sea-Dominion of the Kings of England made by the Flemings in an Ambassy to Edward the Second CHAP. XXIX TO these let us add now the assent and voluntarie acknowledgment of the Flemings in the Parlament of England in the Reign of Edward the Second When as the Ambassadors of Robert Earl of Flanders complained of the taking of their Goods away at Sea imploring remedie of the King of England they said more than once that they were taken upon the English Sea towards the parts about Crauden within the power of the King of England and brought into England but that it appertained to the King of England to take cognisance of the crime for that hee is Lord of the said Sea and the aforesaid depredation was committed upon the aforesaid Sea within his Territorie and Jurisdiction which are the words of the Record but I shall set down the whole so far as it relate's to this business Memorandum That whereas for the reformation of certain injuries in an amicable way don by the Subjects of the Earl of Flanders to the Subjects of the Kingdom of England and by the Subjects of the said Kingdom to those of Flanders since the time that our said Lord the king undertook the Government of his kingdom several Treaties had been held between the Council of our said Lord the king and the Ambassadors of the said Earl often sent into England upon the aforesaid occasion which Treaties by reason of som impediments that happened did not aâ—tem the desired effect at length in the Parlament of our said Lord the king held at Westminster in ocâ—abis Sancti Michaâ—lis in the fourteenth year of his Reign there appeared certain Ambassadors of the said Earl to treat about reforming the aforesaid injuries in the form aforesaid And when as the said Ambassadors had been admitted by our said Lord the king to treat anew of this kinde of Iniuries these Ambassadors as other Ambassadors of the aforesaid Earl in the aforesaid Treaties did among other particulars that they required before all things make supplication That the said Lord the king would at his own sâ—â—t by virtue of his Roial Autoritie caus enquirie to bee maâ—â— and do Justice about a certain depredation laâ—ely made by the Subiects of England as they said upon the English Sea of Wines and divers other Merchandises belonging to certain men of Flanders towards the parts about CRAUDEN within the Territorie and Jurisdiction of our said Lord the king alleging that the aforesaid Wines and Merchandises taken from the said Flemings were brought within the Râ—â—â—m and Jurisdiction of the said Lord the king and that it belong'd to the king himself so to do for that HEE IS LORD OF THE SAID SEA and the aforesaid depredation was made upon the said Sea within his Terrâ—â—orâ—â— and Jurisdiction In conclusion after diligent consideration had of the Premisses in the same Parlament with the Prelates Earls Barons and other Peers of the said Realm beeing there present it was concluded upon their advice by the said Lord King that to preserv the benefit of Peace between the Subjects of England and â—landers the said Lord king do by his Roial Autoritie caus enquirie to bee made about the Goods taken at that time upon the aforesaid English Sea towards the said place of CRAUDEN and brought within the said Realm in those places where the Malefactors went with the goods so taken to the said Land of England and caus the same depredation to bee heard and determined according to Law and Reason and that the Owners of the Ships who had a hand in the said depredation and others who knowingly received the said Offendors with the Goods so taken in whole or in part may bee charged and punished thereupon as partakers of the aforesaid depredation So far that Record And Commissioners were appointed with power of Jurisdiction by the King's Commission through most of the Maritim Counties to make reparation of damages But becaus there are upon the shores over against us especially those of Zealand and there are also upon other neighboring shores besides Inlets of Rivers very many windings and turnings of the Sea flowing in whereby the land is so interwoven up and down that it cannot well bee but that the Sea also which flow's in and oftentimes remove's Banks and make's Harbors there in the same manner almost
a perpetual peace inviolable friendship and firm concord in the following form Yea and that League was renewed in the year MDXXIII by Henrie the eight of England and Christiern the second King of Denmark and Norway in the same form The right therefore is perpetual and transmitted to the heirs of the K. of England that the English should have a free use of this more Northerly Sea belonging to Island But frequent Ambassies notwithstanding passed on both sides about that business in the Reigns of Frederick the second and Christiern the fourth Kings of Denmark and of Elisabeth Queen of England The Danes alleged that the English had no right to use this kinde of libertie without leav first obteined of the Kings of Denmark and that renewed every seven years according to that league made in the time of John the second and Henrie the seventh Moreover Nicolas Craig who was sent Ambassador into England by Christiern the fourth in the year MDXCIX pretended the agreement at Haderslabe in the year MDLXXXIII between Frederick the second and Queen Elisabeth as if it had therein been expressly provided that this servitude in the Sea of Island established by the English might bee limited by a denial of Licence at the pleasure of the King of Denmark But it was answer'd both by the Lords at home in England as also by the Queen's Commissioners sent to Bremen for the transacting of this business that this right or Sea-servitude is so confirmed to the English as well by Prescription of time as by perpetual agreements of Leagues that that particular which occurr's in the agreements of King John the second and Henrie the seventh about asking of Licence doth in no wise relate to this effect that whether it were denied or not requested by Petition that right or servitude could bee diminished but to this end onely that the English by a customarie Petitioning every seven years might acknowledg the Norwegian right in this Sea There was neither manner nor condition nor time annexed to the servitude but it took place there onely to this end that the memorie meerly of the benefit of the League or of the Original of the servitude established might bee renewed now and then by Petition Yea Frederick the second in his letters to Queen Elisabeth dated the fourth of Maie MDLXXXV most expressly disclaim's this Claus of the League which concern's Petitioning for Licence And truly the whole right of the English in that Sea was not first claimed by them upon the account of that League at Koppenhagen whatever they of Norway may pretend to the contrarie For when the Ambassadors sent heretofore by Erricus the tenth to our Henrie the fift made complaint about English men's fishing in this Sea the King of England I suppose intimate's plainly enough that hee had som right before in that Sea while at that time hee granted this onely in favor of the King of Norwaie that the English should no otherwise use Fishing there for the year immediately ensuing than as it had been usual in antient time and this hee commanded by publick Proclamation made in the more eminent Ports and Cities The time limited and the antient Custom of Fishing do plainly import som former right But here I give you the form of the Proclamations It is required that none of the Lieges of our Lord the King for certain causes specially moving our Lord the King himself do for one year next ensuing presume to go unto the Islands belonging to the kingdoms of Denmark and Norwaie and especially towards the Iste of Islande for the caus of Fishing or any other occasion to the prejudice of the King of the aforesaid kingdoms otherwise than they were wont in antient time It appear's also by Parlamentarie Records of the same King's Reign that the English used Fishing in that Sea very many years before But that League made at Haderslabe pretended before by Craig doth not relate unto Fishing either in the Sea of Island or in this of Norwaie but to the Traffick and Merchandise used then by our Merchants of the Moscovie-Companie For this onely was agreed that the Merchants of that Companie beeing constrained by Tempests or otherwise might freely have access to the shores and Ports both of Island and Norwaie but with this Reserv that they do not in any kind Traffick and use Mercbandise in the Ports of Norwaie or Island before prohibited nor molest the Subjects of the King of the said places in any thing against the Laws of Hospitalitie and that they wholly abstein from all manner of injurie which is the summe of that Answer which was given to Craig by the Peers of England But all things are clearly explained about this business and that right of the English defended at large in the Letters sent by Queen Elisabeth to Christiern the fourth bearing date Cal. Septembris Anno MDXCIX So much whereof as concern's this particular I think meet to insert At the request of the most excellent Prince your Highnesse's Father wee sent say the Queen's Letters an Ambassador into Germanie Anno MDLXXVII who Treated with his Commissioners about all matters in controversie and especially about the Fishing of Island and Norway where it was found that the King insisted onely upon a former Treatie of two years Truce wherein it was at that time agreed that the English should not sail beyond Hagaland But there were several Treaties with the Kings John and Christiern alleged on our part wherein all former controversies beeing composed it was otherwise agreed and concluded and both parties were to stand to this Treatie of general peace made afterwards not to the preceding two years Truce Which the most excellent Prince your Father acknowledging desired by his Letters that that controversie might bee referr'd to another disquisition But since that time no such disquisition hath been made Nevertheless wee understand that our subjects fishing have been taken tormented and handled in a hostile manner Whether this bee justly don all men will bee able to judg who shall weigh our Reasons with an impartial minde Wee do not deny but that the Lord Chancellor Whitfeld and de Barnico when they came unto Us did in words pretend that the fishing of Island and Norway was used by the English contrarie to the Leagues and Agreements of the Kingdoms But seeing they neither did nor could produce any proof and wee have authentick evidences attested by the Kings John and Christiern to the contrarie whereto more credit ought to bee given than to bare Allegations the matter was put off to another time It was answer'd also to D r Craig that the Transaction which was concluded with King Frederick at Haderslabe in the year of our Lord MDLXXXIII belong's nothing at all to this Business for the reason before mentioned And a little after the Letters speak thus But that which is pretended from the Treatie with King John the aforesaid Treatie at Koppenhagen that licens for fishing ought
much of the same tenderness was expressed afterward by King James becaus as in the former Reign so in his it was counted Reason of State to permit them to thrive but they turning that favorable Permission into a Licentious Encroaching beyond due Limits put the King to a world of Trouble and Charge by Ambassies and otherwise to assert his own interest and dispute them into a reasonable submission to those Rights which had been received before as indisputable by all the world For the truth whereof I am bold to refer your Honors to the Memorials of several Transactions in those daies which I have added at the end of this Book and for which I stand indebted as I am also for many other Favors to a Right honorable Member of your own great Assembly By the same also it will appear how this People perceiving that King to bee of a temper disposed to use no other arguments but words held him in play with words again and while they trifled out his Reign in Debates and Treaties carried on their design still to such a height by a collusion of Agencies and Ventilations to and agen and a daily intrusion upon the Territorie by Sea that in time they durst plead and print Mare Liberum and after his Son Charls came to the Crown they in effect made it so For though hee were not ignorant of his own Right as appear's by his esteem of this Book his Preparations and Proclamation for Restraint of Fishing without Licence c. Yet hee never made any farther use of them than to milk away the Subjects monie under pretence of building Ships to maintein his Autoritie by Sea which end of his beeing served hee immediately let fall the prosecution of what hee pretended So that through the over-much easiness and indulgence of preceding Princes they in a short time arrived to so loftie a Presumption as to seem to forget and question and now at length by most perfidious actings to defie the Dominion of England over the Sea These things beeing consider'd it was supposed this Translation it beeing a noble Plea asserting that Dominion would bee a very seasonable Service which how poorly soëver it bee apparel'd in our English dress is bold to lay Claim unto your Honors as its proper Patrons conceiving it ought to bee no less under your Protection than the Sea it self And therefore let mee have leav here without Flatterie or Vanitie to say though in other things I may injure the eminent Autor yet in this hee will bee a Gainer that his Book is now faln under a more noble Patronage in the tuition of such heroïck Patriots who observing the errors and defects of former Rulers are resolved to see our Sea-Territorie as bravely mainteined by the Sword as it is by his Learned Pen. It is a gallant sight to see the Sword and Pen in victorious Equipage together For this subdue's the souls of men by Reason that onely their bodies by force The Pen it is which manifest's the Right of Things and when that is once cleared it give 's spurs to resolution becaus men are never raised to so high a pitch of action as when they are perswaded that they engage in a righteous caus according to that old Versicle Frangit attollit vires in Milite causa Wherefore seeing you Right Honorable have had so frequent experience of the truth of this in our late Wars wherein the Pen Militant hath had as many sharp rancounters as the Sword and born away as many Trophies from home-bred Enemies in prosecution of your most righteous caus by Land certainly you will yield it no less necessarie for the Instruction of this generous and ingenious people in vindicating your just Rights by Sea against the vain Pretences and Projects of encroaching Neighbors For what true English heart will not swell when it shall bee made clear and evident as in this Book that the Soveraigntie of the Seas flowing about this Island hath in all times whereof there remain's any written Testimonie both before the old Roman Invasion and since under every Revolution down to the present Age been held and acknowledged by all the world as an inseparable appendant of the British Empire And that by virtue thereof the Kings of England successively have had the Soveraign Guard of the Seas That they have imposed Taxes and Tributes upon all ships passing and fishing therein That they have obstructed and open'd the passage thereof to strangers at their own pleasure and don all other things that may testifie an absolute Sea-Dominion VVhat English heart I say can consider these things together with the late Actings of the Netherlanders set forth in your publick Declaration and not bee inflamed with an indignation answerable to their Insolence That these People raised out of the dust at first into a state of Libertie and at length to an high degree of Power and Felicitie by the Arms and Benevolence of England or that they who in times past durst never enter our Seas to touch a Herring without Licence first obteined by Petition from the Governor of Scarborough-Castle should now presume to invade them with armed Fleets and by a most unjust war bid defiance to the United Powers of these three Nations Had they dared to do this in the daies of our Kings I suppose they even the worst of thē would have checkt and chastised them with a Resolution suitable to their monstrous Ingratitude For however som of them were wholly busied in vexing and undermining the people's Liberties at home yet they were all very jealous of the Rights and Interests of the Nation at Sea and good reason they had for it since without the maintenance of a Soveraigntie there the Island it self had been but a great Prison and themselvs and the Natives but so many Captives and Vassals to their Neighbors round about not so much secluded as excluded from all the world beside Upon this ground it was that Kings ever conceived and mainteined themselvs as much Monarchs by Sea as by Land and the same you will finde here was received by all other States and Princes the Land and Water that surround's it making one entire Bodie and Territorie Moreover our own Municipal Constitutions every where declare the same as may bee seen by the several Presidents and Proceedings thereunto relating which manifestly shew that by the Cōmon Law of the Land our Kings were Proprietarie Lords of our Seas That the Seas of Engl. were ever under the Legiance of our Kings and they soveraign Conservators of the peace as well upon the Sea as Land Now therefore Right honorable when I look upon you and behold you more highly intrusted than Kings and far more nobly adorned upon a better Ground than they were with all the Rights Interests and Privileges of the People when I consider how God hath wrested the Sword out of their hands and placed it in yours for our Protection with the Conservation of our Peace and
Worcester save that in Florentius wee read Plato falsum esse affirmat Plato affirm's to bee fals That after Minos of Crete Seventeen Nations of Renown in the East succeeding each other did for very many years even without Intermission enjoy a Dominion of the Syrian Egyptian Pamphylian Lydian and AEgean Sea no otherwise than of the Continent or Islands CHAP. X. AFter the times of Minos the Cretian wee finde in the Chronicles of Eusebius and Africanus no less then seventeen Eastern Nations part of Europe part of Asia who for very many years so held the inner neighboring Sea as Lords one after another that according to the Intervenient Law of Nations it is most evident a private Dominion of the Sea took place among them all For changing by cours and by length of time after long possession through War Victorie or som other kinde of Cession they every one shared their period of Domination accomplishing among them all above five hundred and sixtie years without Intermission But from the beginning of the Sea-Dominion of Minos or the Cretan to the next which follow 's in the aforesaid Chronicles there fell out one hundred seventie five years Those beginnings are placed about the time of the Judges of Israël They which succeeded are ranked after this manner II. IN the second place the Lydians were Lords of the Sea The Greek of Eusebius saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Lydians called also Maeonians were Lords of the Sea XCII years The beginnings of this Dominion are reckoned about the time of AEneas But as to what concern's the number of years although it hath been the same both throughout the whole Historie of Eusebius as also in his Chronicle yet since the Empire of the Pelasgi which next follow 's is severed by the space of CXX years or thereabout perhaps it ought to bee amended and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or CXX to bee put in its place Which that most excellent man Isaac Casaubon observed doubtingly also in his Commentarie upon Polybius where hee treat's very learnedly concerning those who have had Dominion of the Sea in the East Likewise Marianus Scotus and Florentius the Monk do mention the Sea-Dominion of the Lydians as also of the Pelasgi without any number of years III. THe third Lords of the Sea in this Catalogue were the Pelasgi Yet Eusebius saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Pelasgi in the second place possessed the Sea LXXXV years Which is referr'd to the times of Solomon and those which follow But the beginnings of the Thracians who immediately succeed require that they should bee reckoned here rather LV years And indeed the Pelasgi were second Lords of the Sea if according to som you either make the Lydians the first or place them the first after Minos or the Cretans For so the Pelasgi are plainly the second otherwise the third Which also is to bee observed in the following particulars IV. Fourthly the Thracians were Lords of the Sea 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or LXXIX years as wee finde in the Greek of Eusebius which nevertheless are not reckoned above nineteen in Jerom's Translation But Isaac Casaubon is of Opinion beeing induced thereto from the beginnings of the Rhodians who were next Lords that it ought to bee written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or LXXXIX Marianus and Florentius following the translation of Eusebius accompt onely XIX years to the Dominion of the Thracians And it is observed more then once by them as well as in the aforesaid translation that the Thracians were Lords of the Sea This was in the time of King Jeroboam V. FIfthly the Rhodians held the Sea as Lords XXIII years And hereupon Strabo commend's their industrie in matter of Navigation who saith Rhodes was soveraign Ladie of the Sea a long time and suppressed Pirates In the Latine of Eusebius the Rhodians are â—aid to have been the fourth in order that were Lords of the Sea But in the Greek that they were the fourth Lords of the Sea and according to som the fifth Whence this difference arose appear's by that which hath been said about the Pelasgi Of all the antient Lords of the Sea the Rhodians are most renowned chiefly in this respect because the Sea-Laws which were used and in full force and virtue in both the Empires were borrowed from them and put into the Digests by Justinian Saith the Emperor Antoninus to Eudaemon of Nicomedia Lege Rhodiorum decidantur lites Nauticae Let Suits about Navigation bee decided according to the Law of the Rhodians And by the Testimonie of Constantinus Harmenopulus a Judg of Thessalonica they are the most antient of all Sea-Laws that have not been lost They were taken into use among the Romanes from the time of Tiberius Their beginnings are placed about the Reign of Jehosaphat But the Rhodians are wholly omitted both by Marianus and Florentius VI. SIxthly the Phrygians had dominion over the Sea XXV years but as it is in the Greek of Eusebius according to others XXVI In the Latine wee finde onely XXV as also in Marianus and Florentius But yet seeing in the Greek of Eusebius the Phrygians are for the aforesaid reason counted the fifth Lords of the Sea Isaac Casaubon I think well observe's that that number of six doth not denote the years but the order of Dominion This Lordship is reckoned in the time of Lycurgus VII SEventhly the Cyprians possessed the Sea as som say XXIII years according to others XXXI For this is found in som Editions of Jerom's Translation of Eusebius That in the Chronicles of Marianus and Florentius compiled for the most part out of Eusebius and Jerom. But neither in the Greek Copies of Eusebius which are extant nor in the Translation set forth by Joseph Scaliger is any mention made of the Cyprians nor truly in the accompt of Isaac Casaubon This was in the time of Joas VIII EIghtly the Phaenicians possessed the Sea So Eusebius Marianus and Florentius save that they make them the seventh by reason of that different manner of accompt which hath been shewn you Touching their Dominion the holy Scriptures themselvs speak plainly enough which also wee have noted before in our discours concerning the Divine Law The memorial of this Dominion is placed about the Reign of Uzziah King of Judah Also this Nation of the Phaenicians became renowned for their skill in Navigation as wee are instructed by Pliny and others And heretofore perhaps that ought to bee referr'd which is delivered by Antipater Tarsensis and Manaseas two antient writers touching Gatâ—â— Queen of the Syrians who themselvs also were Phenicians whom they will have therefore to bee called Atergatis becaus as Antipater saith shee set forth an Edict that none should eat fish without Gatis or as Manaseas saith that no man should eat fish without her licence and permission but that everie one should bring the fish they caught unto her That which they hold concerning the Original of
the word appear's sufficiently ridiculous whil'st they derive a Syrian or Phenician name from the Greek fountain But the very thing which I suppose they would have is this That Atergatis was Queen or Sovereign Lady not only of Syria or Phenicia which is the Sea-cost of Syria but also of the Sea lying before it in such a manner that it was not lawful for any one to fish freely therein at least not to enjoy the benefit of fishing without her consent From whence it was a Custom to consecâ—aâ—e fishes of Gold and Silver to her after shee was placed among â—he Deities IX NInthly after the Phenicians the AEgyptians possessed the Sea under their Kings Psamnitis and Bocchoris who lived immediately before the beginnings of the Olympiads Mention is made of them also in Marianus and Florentius X. IN the tenth place the Milesians were Lords of the Sea The books of Eusebius do not shew the number of years But both in Marianus and Florentius wee read that the Milesians possessed the Sea XVIII years Stephanus concerning Cities saith Naucratis a Citie of AEgypt was built by the Milesians then possessing the Sea And Eusebius also mention's the building of that Citie together with their Dominion at Sea about the time of Romulus In like manner they built Sinope seated by the Euxine Sea which as Strabo saith commanded that Sea which flow's within the Cyanean Islands XI ELeventhly the Carians possessed the Sea Their Sea Dominion is remembred by Diodorus Siculus It was about the time of Hezekiah XII TWelfthly and next to the Carians the Lesbians held the Sea in possession LXIX years So it is in the Latine of Eusebius But Marianus rendreth it LVIII years XIII THirtenthly the Phoceans possessed the Sea about the Captivitie of Babylon Their Dominion lasted XLIV years So saith the Greek of Eusebius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Phoceans were Lords of the Sea XLIV years Before which words the number 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or of twelve is prefixed whereby it is signified that they were the twelfth after the Lydians and the thirteenth from Minos XIV FOurteenthly the Corinthians were Lords of the Sea I do not finde that they were thus ranked But it appear's clearly out of Thucydides that they were very potent ar Sea and did so repress Piracies by their strength in shipping that they gained themselvs a very large command by Sea as well as by land The same autor also mention's their extraordinary industry in restoring the affairs of Navigation Nor doth time gainsay but that wee may well place them here as also the Iönians next But wee do not as yet finde that these fourteenth and the fifteenth are received by writers into the Catalogue of those who have thus held the Sea in possession XV. FIfteenthly the Iönians were neighboring Lords of the Sea Concerning them Thucydides saith A good while after to wit after the power of the Corinthians by Sea the power and interest of Navigation was in the hand of the Iönians in the time of Cyrus the first King of the Persians and of his son Cambyses And contending also with Cyrus they injoyed their own Sea for som time where the old Scholiast add's by way of observation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the neighboring Sea but not all XVI SIxteenthly the Naxians were Lords of the Sea Eusebius saith In the fifteenth place the Naxians possessed the Sea ten years About the time of Cambyses It is spoken of the Naxians named from the Island Naxos which is one of the Cyclades or Isles in the Archipelago XVII SEventeenthly the Eretrians succeeded into this Sea-Dominion Eusebius when hee speak's of the Naxians saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. And after them the Eretrians in the seventeenth place held it VII years Eretria was heretofore a famous and wealthy Citie in the Island of Euboea XVIII And lastly the last or eighteenth Lords of the Sea in this Catalogue were the People of AEgina The Latine of Eusebius saith the People of AEgina possessed the Sea XX years even until Xerxes his passage which is noted in the fourth year of the sixtie seventh Olympiad But Xerxes made his passage in the seventy fift Olympiad and in first year thereof Therefore there passed XXVIII years between But truly Joseph Scaliger observe's here from this carelesness in counting of years that those are meer triflings which are found in the Latine And hee saith they are s discovered by the Greek wherein wee read onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The people of AEgina held possession of the Sea X years Which truly wee finde as well in the former Chronicle of Eusebius as in his Canon nor is it otherwise placed then in the Latine Also Strabo and AElianus make mention of their Sea-Dominion Touching the Sea-Dominion of the Lacedemonians and Athenians Moreover also that it was acknowledged not onely by the Greeks but also by the Persians in a Treatie of Peace CHAP. XI NOr are those Particulars which are to bee applied hither out of the East found onely in the Customs and Sea-Dominion of so many famous Nations thus continued one after another the years of whose Empires have usually been reckoned from their subduing the Sea but in the Customs of others also who truly were more famous though they bee not registered any where in such a kinde of Catalogue It is written of Polycrates that renowned King of the Samians who about the beginning of the Persian Empire vanquished the Lesbians and Mâ—lesians in a Sea fight that hee so earnestly aspired after a Soveraigntie of the Sea that it was manifestly acknowledged to bee capable of Dominion Herodotuâ— saith Polycrates is the first of those that wee have known who had an intent to acquire the Dominion of the Sea unto himself except Minos of Crete and if there were any other that enjoyed the Sea before him Hee speak's I suppose of Kings For those Greeks in whose hands the Dominion of the Sea was as wee before have shewn you so often changed were commonly govern'd either by a Popular or an Aristocratical form of Government Nor could Herodotus I think bee more ignorant of their Dominion then of King Minos For hee lived after the fore-mentioned Dominion of the People of AEgina was ended or about the eightieth Olympiad Therefore either hee spake onely of Kings or was extremely mistaken About the eightieth Olympiad and the times following unto the Grecian Monarchie those most renowned People of Greece not onely the Athenians but the Lacedemonians also did somtime enjoy a Dominion of the Sea flowing about them Demosthenes saith of the Lacedemonians They had Dominion over the Sea and the whole Land Others also have testified as much Concerning the Athenians either the same man or Hegisippus in that Oration touching Halonesos making mention of Philip K. of Macedon's affecting a Dominion of the Sea speak's thus De Praedonibus aequum esse aït Philippus
c Concerning Pirates Philip saith it is meet that both hee and you should by common consent drive away such as offend upon the Sea requiring no other thing than this that hee may bee put in command over the Sea by you and that you would confess your selvs unable to defend and guard the Sea which hitherto hath been yours without the help of Philip. They did also by League impose a certain size and proportion upon all sorts of Bottoms both for qualitie and quantitie which their neighbors should have leav to use It is an Article of the Treatie made with the Lacedemonians That the Lacedemonians and their Consederates might indeed use the Sea but not sail in a long ship but any other kinde of vessel which beeing rowed with Oares should not exceed the freight of five hundred Talents That is to say not in a vessel with one range of Oares much less in one of two or three ranges or others that were men of War but in vessels to bee rowed nevertheless with certain pairs of Oars beeing vessels onely for carriage and those small enough other passages of this kinde there are in Thucydides Hereunto belong's that of AEmilius Probus touching Timotheus a famous Captain of the Athenians Hee brought Corcyra saith hee under the command of the Athenians and made the people of Epirus the Athamanians Chaonians and all those Nations which border upon that Sea to bee their Confederates Whereupon the Lacedemonians desisted from long contentions and of their own accord yielded a pre-eminence of Sea Dominion to the Athenians and setled Peace upon this condition that the Athenians should bee chief Commanders at Sea Which Victorie was received with so much joy among the Athenians that Altars were then erected unto PEACE and a Temple appointed for that Goddess And Demosthenes concerning Archebius and Heraclides who when they had deliver'd Byzantium to Thrasybulus they made you saith hee speaking to the men of Athens Lords of the Sea so that yee might sell the Tenth To wit the Customs of the Merchandize of such Merchants as should trade in the Hellespont which is noted there by Ulpianus the Rhetorician From hence also Cicero would have that barbarous Decree of this Nation to have had its rise concerning the people of AEgina somtimes Lords of the Sea The Athenians saith hee dealt very cruelly who passed a Decree that the AEginetans who were powerful in Shipping should have their thumbs cut off to the end that they might not grow strong in Shipping hereafter or by force enter upon that Sea then possessed by the Athenians For in som Books wee read quia classe valebant becaus they grew strong in Shipping as it is noted by Carolus Langius Though it bee conceived by AElian the Decree was therefore made that they might not bee able to use a Spear and yet to handle Oars This crueltie is detested by Writers But it is evident that by this means they were deprived of a free use of the Sea Nor was such a Dominion of the Sea approved onely among those people of Greece but also by the Persians who at that time ruled the East as appear's in that notable League made after the Victory at Eurymedon For truly Cimon Captain of the Athenians having vanquish't the Naval Forces of Artaxerxes Longimanus King of the Persians which had infested the Sea about the Chelidonian Islands the King's courage was so broken That as Plutarch saith and Aristides almost the same hee concluded that notable Peace upon such terms that hee was to keep the distance of an hors-race from the Greek Sea and that hee should not have a Ship built long or beaked within the Cyanean and Chelidonian Islands So that the King was to keep out of every part of the AEgean Rhodian Carpathian and Lydian Sea and that which bend's thence into the West towards Athens Becaus the Athenians were clearly Lords thereof For the Greek which of old was called the Carick Sea spread its self to a very great latitude from Caria or the shore of the Western part of Asia Moreover subjection was imposed upon the Sea of Pamphylia and Lycia as also the Euxin Sea that no Ship of the King 's which should bee long-built or beaked that is to say a man of War could according to the League bee admitted either in this beyond the Cyanean or in that beyond the Chelidonian Islands This certainly was the very meaning of Isocrates when making mention of the Athenian Dominion hee saith it was not lawful to sail in long Ships or Gallies beyond Phaselis For Phaselis a Town either of Lycia or Pamphylia is situate in the same direct line with the Chelidonian Islands But Suidas tell 's us that Castor Rhodius an antient Writer had compiled an Historie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of such as have enjoied a Dominion of the Sea Learned men are upon very good ground of Opinion that those Lords of the Sea reckoned up in the former Chapter were taken by Julius Africanus and Eusebius out of that Autor It is almost out of question too that hee added the Soveraigntie both of the Athenians and Lacedemonians by Sea Castor lived about the time of Augustus Caesar. That work of his is utterly lost Other Testimonies which are found scatter'd up and down touching the Dominion of the Sea in the Customs of the Eastern Nations CHAP. XII MOreover very many things are found scatter'd up and down in those Writings that concern the Customs of the Eastern Nations which clearly prove it to have been a most received opinion touching private Dominion of the Sea Antiochus Epiphanes King of Syria saith speaking of the Syrian Sea Are not both the Sea and the Land mine And Xerxes that Persian King when in a ridiculous humor hee scourged the Hellespont stigmatized it and cast a pair of Fetters into the Waters said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thy Lord inflict's this punishment upon thee Also whereas Agatharcides following the storie of Boxus the Persian write's that the red or Erythrean Sea was so called from King Erythras or Erythrus that is from Edom bordering thereupon who also was Esau and signifieth the same that Erythrus or Rubrus doth in Ebrew hee add's also this Exposition doth imply 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A man enjoying the Dominion of that Sea And truly wee read in Philostratus that there was an old contract touching the Red-Sea which King Erythras had contracted when hee had Dominion over that Sea that no Egyptian ought to enter that Sea in a long Ship but to imploy there onely one of Burthen And Quintus Curtius saith of the Citie of Tyre that beeing built by Agenor shee made not onely the neighboring Sea but what Sea soëver her Ships sail into to bee of her Dominion From whence also Tyria Maria Tyrian Sea's became a Proverb to signifie a Sea so possessed that free passage could not bee
had without leav of the Lord or Possessor There was also a very antient Custom used in the Fast that when great Kings having designs to bring any Nations under their power commanded the pledges of Empire and Dominion to bee deliver'd to them they were wont to demand Water and Earth together That is to say there quired them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to bring earth and water and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to prepare Earth and Water They conceived that their Dominion of the Sea as well as the Land was signified by such a kinde of pledg or token Thus Darius demanded Earth and Water from Indathyrsus King of the Scythians Thus Xerxes from the Lacedemonians and thus both of them from the People of Coos which is witnessed by the Coans themselvs in a publick Decree or Epistle in answer to Artaxerxes his most imperious demand that Hippocrates should bee rendred up to him wherein the Coans slighting the threats of that great King decreed that what hazzard soêver they might seem to run Hippocrates should by no means bee rendred They added also to that Decree 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. How that when his Predecessors Darius and Xerxes had by their Letters demanded Earth and Water the people of Coos did in no wise yield it forasmuch as they were satisfied that those who had sent unto them were mortal as well as other men And in the Greek Copies of the Historie of Judith Nabuchodonosor beeing about to denounce War against the neighbor-Nations saith expresly the form of submission which hee expected was that they should provide for him Earth and Water Unless they conceiv themselvs to bee Lords of the Waters as well as the Land I do not well see wherefore they should demand Earth and Water as tokens of universal Dominion Moreover also Achmes Ben Seirim an Arabian writing of the Sea saith that according to the Doctrine of the Indians Persians and Egyptians in expounding of dreams If any one in a dream seem to himself to bee made Lord of the Sea hee shall bee heir of the whole Kingdom and shall reign Add hereunto that Oracle of Delos concerning the Sea-Dominion of the Athenians The men of Athens offering sacrifice in Delos a Boy that drew water to wash their hands poured Fish out of the pot together with the water Hereupon this Oracle was delivered by the Priests 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That they should becom Lords of the Sea The Autor is one Semus an antient Writer in Athenaeus where Phylarchus also relate's how that when Patroclus a Captain of Ptolomie the son of Lagus had sent fish and fresh figs together unto King Antigonus and those that stood by were in doubt what was meant by that present Antigonus said hee himself very well apprehended what might bee the meaning of Patroclus For saith hee either Patroclus mean's That wee must get the Soveraignty or Dominion of the Sea or els gnaw figs. Or that hee must seem slothful and effeminate or becom Lord of the Sea Therefore hee made no doubt touching private Dominion of the Sea And there also the Glutton in Antiphanes the Comedian saith it is neither profitable for life nor to bee endured That som of you should claim the Sea as peculiar to themselvs and spend much monie upon it but no victual for Navigation not so much as a bit Add also that of Theocritus touching the Dominion of Ptolomeus Philadelphus King of Egypt over the Sea as well as the Land 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hee is Lord of much Land and also of much Sea And a little after hee speak's of the Pamphilian Lycian and the inner part of the remaining Sea that the whole Sea and Land and Rivers were subject to King Ptolomie Also Philo Judeus saith let not Princes glory in that they have conquer'd many Nations or that they have brought all the rivers and Seas so exceeding vast both in Number and magnitude under their power Moreover though Isocrates in his Oration concerning Peace seem's to hint that the Sea-Dominion and Soveraignty which the Athenians endevored to maintain brought many mischiefs upon them and also that it somtimes occasioned them to use Tyrannie against the Neighbor-Cities of Greece yet hee dispute's it as a thing that may com into examination under the account of profitable and unprofitable and by accident of unjust but hee doth not in anie wise endeavor to prove it unjust from the nature of the thing it self Yea in another place hee sufficiently commend's that Dominion though not all things in preserving it And the same Autor saith expresly of both Cities the Lacedemonian and Athenian It hapned that both Cities did enjoy a Command of the Sea which when either of them held they had most of the other Cities obedient thereto Wee read also a dispute in Aristotle concerning a Communion or common enjoyment of the Sea to wit whether it may bee convenient or not for a well order'd City whether it were better it should remain common to all men so that no man might in any wise bee denied passage traffick merchandise and fishing Or that the use of it may bee so restrained that it might bee received into the Dominion of any Citie so as to exclude forreiners Hee dispute's this point whether it bee profitable or unprofitable but question 's it not at all as unjust having been abundantly instructed out of the Customs of the Nations round about touching a propriety of the Sea as well as the Land Also his Scholar Alexander the Macedonian beeing victorious in the East prepared for an expedition against Europe that Hee might becom Lord of the whole Land and Sea as saith the Emperor Julian And truly among the People of Greece especialy such as border'd upon the Sea and others of that nature in the East to hold supreme power and Soveraigntie above others and to enjoy a Soveraigntie of the Sea were acoounted almost one and the same thing Nor did they conceiv that could bee obteined without this From whence arose that Council of Themistocles which Pompey the great also followed at Rome Qui mare teneat eum necesse esse rerum potiri c. Hee which can possess the Sea must need 's have Command of all So also saith Jsaac Casaubon upon Polybius To have Dominion of the Sea which is expressed by the Greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is wholly and ever hath been a great strengthning and as it were a pledg of extraordinarie power Therefore the old writers of Chronicles among the Grecians seeing before the institution of the Olympiads there was no Sovereign power of any People of Greece in beeing upon whose actions a knowledg of times might bee grounded therefore among the other times that they made use of for the computing of times they omitted not that particular but carefully kept an accompt of those People who had once enjoyed a Dominion of the Sea and
they exactly observed in their Chronologies all such changes as hapned in that matter But you have more then enough touching those Customs that have been received in the East about the Dominion of the Sea Of the Spinetans Tuscans Carthaginians and other Lords of the Sea in the West CHAP. XIII NOr is such a Dominion of the Sea as I have mentioned less clear and evident in the antient Customs of the Western Nations The spinetans so called from the City Spina situate near the entrance of the River Po were a long time Lords of the upper or Adriatick Sea beeing wont to send very liberal Tenths out of their profits by Sea to Apollo at Delphos So saith Strabo and Dionysius Halicarnass Who write expresly in like manner of the Tuscans that they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in command of the lower Sea or that which washes the South-Coast of Italy that is in plain terms that they were Lords of the Sea And Diodorus Siculus saith the Tyrrheni or Tuscans possessing the Sea a long time as Lords called it by their own Name But afterwards the Carthaginians became Lords of almost the whole Mediterranean which is more westward to wit of the Sicilian and African Sea who beeing overcom in battel Agathocles King of Sicily enjoied the same power for som time from whom the People of Africa revolting that Dominion was soon restored to the Carthaginians These things were don in CXVIII Olympiad Then for 40. years or thereabout the Carthaginians continued Lords of the Sea and gave Laws thereto that is to say until the fist Punick War whch began in the last year of the CXXVIII Olympiad So also Polybius The Carthaginians enjoying the Dominion of the Sea without controversie And a little after The Carthaginians enjoyed the command of the Sea without all controversie as received from their Ancestors But the Carthaginians enjoyed the same even long before the time of Agathocles as it sufficiently appear's by that League of all that was made first of all betwixt them and the Romanes at the beginning of their Consuls or about the sixtie eight Olympiad One Article thereof is in Polybius who onely mention's it to this effect That neither the Romanes nor their Confederates were to sail beyond the fair Promontorie unless driven by Tempest or forced by enemies That was a promontorie of Africa and the Carthaginians were so far Lords of the Sea that they would not permit the Romanes or their Confederates to sail beyond that Promontorie which the Romanes themselvs acknowledged to bee just in the League that they made But in the second League or Treatie of Peace betwixt these famous Nations in the West it was farther provided that no Romane should touch either upon Africa or Sardinia unless it were either to take in Provision or repair their Ships as you may see also in Polybius so that the use of the Sea was taken away or restrained And hereunto belong's that of Pompeius Festus touching the Paeni or Carthaginians The Carthaginians having their original from Tyre were so powerful at Sea that Navigation was hazardous to all men For the Carthaginians were the chief of the Poeni Moreover Julius Caesar writing of the Veneti a people of Western Gallia about the entrance of the River Loire and of old very industrious in Sea-affairs above their Neighbors saith That in a great and open current of the Sea having but a few Ports lying here and there which are in their possession they make almost all men pay Custom that were wont to use the same Sea Tribute was paid to them as Lords for the use of the neighboring Sea Nor must wee pass by that here which Paulus Warnfredus relate's of Autharis King of the Lombards There was a Pillar placed within the very waters of the Sea which wash the City of Rhegium To that Pillar saith Warnfredus King Autharis came on hors back and touched it with the point of his spear saying even in this place shall bee the bounds of Lombardâ—e But wee must treat next concerning the people of Rome the most noble precedent of all both for Law and Custom The Sea Dominion of the people of Rome and of such as followed their Customs in the Eastern Empire CHAP. XIV BEfore the first Punick War the Carthaginians and the Romanes both strove with equal Forces and affections for the Empire of the World save that they of Carthage seemed the more potent by reason of that Dominion of the Sea by them held so many years But then C. Duillius beeing made General of a Navie of CLX Ships riding at Anchor and arm'd within sixtie daies after the wood had been cut almost undid Carthage in that Sea and wholly reduced it under the Romane power And Florus saith when the Sea and the Isles were taken away it shamed that noble Nation to pay Tribute who were wont to command it So the Carthaginians beeing deprived of this kinde of Dominion the Romanes got it by the Law of Arms and Victorie so great and so constant honor beeing for this caus paid to so renowed a General that Minstrels were ever sent to make him musick after Supper and a Torch was carried before him Moreover both the Phaenicians and Cilicians had Dominion over the Romanes Sea as appear's by the League made betwixt them and Antiochus King of Syria wherein it was thus provided That Antiochus should surrender his long ships and their warlike furniture and not have more than ten nimble Gallies none of which should bee rowed with above thirty Oares nor so much as a Galley with one range of Oares when hee shall have any occasion to make a War Nor should hee sail on this side the Promontories of Calycadnus or Sarpedon unless it bee a ship imploied to convey money pay or Embassadors or Hostages So saith Livie But wee read in Polybius Nullam habeto triginta remis actam navem Let him have no Ship rowed with 30 Oares In like manner Hannibal in a speech made unto Scipio saith thus Wee deny not but that all those places are yours for which the War hath been undertaken Sicilie Sardinia Spain and all the Isles contained in the whole Sea betwixt Africa and Italie And may wee Carthaginians that are confined within the shores of Africa see you when it so pleaseth the Gods ruling foreign Dominions by Land and Sea And a little after the Peace beeing agreed five hundred Ships of the Carthaginians that were rowed with Oars were by them seized and burnt To wit that they might not use the Sea which was then to bee in the Dominion of others Afterwards also the Senate of Carthage was chastised becaus they had an Army and materials for shipping contrary to the League And it was decreed that War should bee proclaimed against them becaus they had caused their Armie to march beyond their bounds c. Also Plinie saith expresly concerning Pompey the great That
his Successor in that Citie within whose Territorie of Jurisdiction hee died If the Pope die upon the Sea the Election is to bee made in that Citie or place which is next to the Sea This intimation is given by the gloss and acknowledged by others But notwithstanding this the Citizens of Rome were allowed the privilege of Fishing in the Sea of the Church as they call it or of the Pope as the Inhabitants of a Village bordering upon a pasture-ground may by virtue of som compact usage or custom put in their Cattel to grase there though perhaps it bee in the possession of som particular person This is a Statute of the Citie of Rome Everie Citizen of Rome and Inhabitant of the Citie and within the liberties thereof shall have libertie to Fish at any time and with any instruments whatsoëver in the stream both of Tiber Anien and in the Sea so far as the Banks of the Rivers and the Sea shore do reach And no person ought to prohibit or forcibly take any thing away from them so long as they forbear to trespass upon any Lands Houses and Fish-ponds which belong to private Owners or to com upon the Banks of the Coast of Arenula namely of S t Severia and Paul in which places it is not lawful for any to Fish without warrant from the State 's Advocate And such a kinde of privilege as this qualified either by grant or covenant or custom is verie often found in such places as enjoy a Dominion of the Sea Concerning the received Customs of the Portugals and Spaniards about the Dominion of the Sea CHAP. XVII THat Dominion over the Sea is acknowledged in the Customs of the Portugals is apparent to any man that will but observ the usual Title of their Kings King Emmanuel in his preface to the Laws of Portugal style 's himself Dom Manuel per grace de Deos Rey c. Senhor de Guinee da conquista Navagaçam commercio d' Ethiopia Arabia Persia da India à todos c. which elswhere is rendred in Barbarous Latine thus Emanuel Dei gratiâ Rex c. Dominus Guineae conquistae Navigationis ac commercii AEthiopiae Arabiae Persiae c. Emmanuel by the grace of God King c. Lord of Guinee and by Conquest of the Navigation and Commerce of Ethiopia Arabia Persia where conquista in the language of Spain and Portugal signifieth that which is acquired by War The same Title is often found in the Letters Patent and Commissions of the ancient Kings of Portugal whereupon Jacobus Vâ—ldesius write's that they are and are acknowledged to bee Lords and Masters of Commerce Traffick and Navigation But for any person to bee Lord of Navigation and Traffick by Sea without Dominion over that Sea is all one as to use and enjoy a piece of Land to have right to prohibit all other from doing the like and yet not to bee owner thereof But among the Laws of Portugal there are yet clearer evidences for private Dominion over the Sea even of the Atlantick or Ocean it self For therein it is forbidden that any person either Forraigner or Native the words of the Law are Assi Naral commo estrangeiro in any shipping whatsoëver to pass ditas partees mares de Guinee Indias qualsquer outras terras mares lugares de nossa conquista tratar resgatar nem guerrear sem nossa licenca autoridade sob pena que fazendo â—o contrario moura por ello morte natural por esso mesmo seito percapera nos todos seus beens moveis de rays that is to say to the said countries lands and Seas of Guinee and the Indies or any other Lands Seas and places under our Dominion for Commerce or Traâ—â—iâ—k or making of Wâ—r without our Licence and Autoritie under pain of death and total confiscation of estate to bee inflicted upon any that shall presume to do the contrarie And for the execution hereof the Commanders of those Fleets who had leav from the King to sail thither had Commission given them to call to account all whom they found in any kinde transgressing this Law So that wee see the Nation of Portugal also made no question but that Dominion might bee justly acquired over the Ocean it self And this Law in the extent of at reached as well to forraigners as to the King's subjects Although forraigners do not acknowledg that Portugal hath acquired any such right However that in the Law of Nature which is obligatorie there is nothing to hinder but that such a right may bee acquired is I suppose acknowledg'd by all the Nations in Europe except som perhaps who are not yet in fair and lawful possession of any Sea if so bee at least a man may rightly gather their acknowledgments from their received customs And truly about the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's reign there was a hot dispute between her and Sebastian King of Portugal touching the Dominion of the Atlantick and South-Sea that open's the way to the East-Indies which was claimed by the Portugals But the question in that dispute was not whether or no Sebastian could bee Lord of that Navigation or Sea but whether hee had made any lawful acquisition of such a Dominion But in the Common Law of Spain or Castile although it bee true that the use of the Sea is most free and that in such a manner almost as if no positive Law had ever laid any restraint upon the natural Communitie thereof yet the Spanish Lawyers and those not of the meanest account do in most express terms declare it capable of Dominion yea and that it was acquired by the King The Prince saith Gregorius Lopez may grant any man a priviledg to fish in a certain part of the Sea And the Sea saith Joannes Garcias a Spaniard belong's to him who is Lord of the adjoyning land This hee speak's of som particular Sea belonging to Spain for to speak it of the sea in general were idle There are other also as Didacus Couvaruvias Joannes de Hevia who are plainly for the Dominion of the Prince as well for a controlling the libertie of Navigation as restraining the common use of Fishing And how frequent this Opinion is among the Lawyers of Spain and Portugal is acknowledged by Fernandus Vasquius though hee himself do extremely oppose it as appear's by those words of his alreadie cited in the second Chapter Moreover it is sufficiently manifest out of Rodericus Suarius that such rights priviledges were exercised by private persons grounded either upon custom or som grant of the Prince which demonstrate a dominion over the Sea among the Spaniards although that Autor taking the measure of Law rather from the Dictates of the Schools then the received Customs of Nations is the more earnest for that antient opinion of a perpetual communitie Yea the verie title of the King of Spain hath
Kingdom the ground whereof is this becaus the Universal right of all those things which were common either by the Law of nature or Nations is transferred into his Dominion And other passages hee hath much to the same purpose as also Stephanus Paschasius Ludovicus Servinus somtime Sollicitor general for the King Popellinerius and others If they speak of the Sea of Maâ—seille or Narbon wee shall not oppose them But as to what concern's the bodie of the Sea which lie's Northward or Westward of the French or that flow's between France and the Islands of great Britain for that which lie's Westward from them upon that crooked Shore or the gulf of Aquitaine doth indeed flow between the more Westerly Coasts of our British Isles and of France as well as that which lie's Northward from them flow's between England and Normandie they neither produce any Testimonies of Antiquitie nor indeed can they if they would Unless you will have that admitted which hath been cited out of Caesar concerning the Veneti of Aremoriça and that which wee said before of the Sea bordering upon that shore Both which indeed do rather import som service called heretofore Nobilitates super navibus then any kinde of Dominion But the soveraigntie of this Sea which flow's between them and us became absolutely appropriate to the Kings of England as wee shall make it appear in the next Book And the truth is if wee look upon the Customs most in use among the French or the Civil Law of that Nation there is nothing in it that derogate's from the antient communitie of the Sea but as to them it remaine's as yet not possessed but common to all men and therefore not to bee reckoned among the Revenues or Patrimonie of their Kings if so bee credit may bee given to that Treatise lately published of the Civil Romane and French Law by Thomas Cormerius Counsellor to Francis Duke of Anjou in his Parlament of Alençon The matter that it pretend's to treat of is the Romane Gallick Law There are in it the Customs of France decrees of Princes and Privileges often â—ntermingled But under the Title of things common â—o all hee make's the Sea and Shores common to all according to the antient Law of the Romanes as if in this matter it did exactly agree with the Law of France which certainly is an argument that the French have no Dominion over the Sea Nor must wee let it pass that somwhile since there were two Constitutions pretended to in France one of Henrie the Second the other of Henrie the Third wherein they required that the Ships of Forraigners which sailed through the Sea bordering upon France should strike their top-sail forsooth in acknowledgment of that Dominion the French had over the Sea But neither of them were autorized or as they speak simply verified by the Estates in Parlament yea nor so much as admitted into Custom Nay the later of them was plainly rejected as to any effect in Law And this the French Lawyers themselvs confess in a notable case between som Merchants of Hamburgh that were Plaintiffs and Michaël Butardus and others Defendants in a Parlament held at Tours in the time of Henry the Fourth But that cerimonie hath by most ancient right and custom been observed and paid to the ships of the Kings of England out of respect and in acknowledgement of their Dominion as is shewn in the following Book where wee treat of this particular more at large I know very well it was ordained by an Edict of the French King that one third part of all goods recovered out of the Sea should belong to the King another to the Admiral and the remainder to the Sea-men that found them And that the French do reckon very many Commanders in Chief at Sea or Admirals in a line somtime continued and somtime interrupted which for the most part they begin from the time of Philip the son of St. Lewis that is from the year MCCLXXXIV as is to be seen in Joannes Feronius Stephanus Paschasius and others But that division of goods recovered out of the Sea beeing simply considered doth prove any Dominion over the Sea no more then the Tenths of any Prizes taken from an Enemie at Sea which by the grant of the King also were allotted to the Admiral of the Navie Rights of this nature are grounded upon the consent of persons to wit subjects transferr'd unto the King not upon any title of Dominion whereby any Pretence may bee made to an acquiring of the Sea it self and they are paid no otherwise then Imposts or Customs in the importation or exportation of Merchandise But no man I suppose will imagin that from such Imposts or Customs upon Merchandise any proof may bee made of a Dominion over those passages through which the Merchants sail before they arrive Neither indeed was there any such custom as this in use among the French before the time of Francis the first that is to say plainly not beeing Lord of the Sea hee desired to bee and was made a Sharer of those goods which should bee drawn by his subjects out of any Sea whatsoëver Whereas the King of Great Britain by virtue of his Dominion over the Sea is wont to take as his own whatsoëver is left or lost in the sea besides other emoluments of the like nature and that by so ancient a right as for ought wee know bear 's a date no less ancient then the Kingdom it self And as for those Admirals of France they were no other then Chief Commanders of Navies and Persons and of the Forces by sea and Judicatories at home but not qualified as Presidents of a Sea-Province or Territorie as the Custodes ipsius Maris the Guardians of the sea among the English and the Admirals of England But more of this in the Second Book Nevertheless from what hath been alleged concerning the Customs Opinions or Constitutions among the French I suppose it sufficiently appear's that they do also acknowledg that private Dominion over the sea is not repugnant to the Law either of Nature or Nations which serve 's fully for the clearing of the point in question The private Dominion of the Sea according to the received Customs of the Danes the People of Norway the Swedes Polanders and Turks CHAP. XIX WEE finde clear Testimonies in the Customs of other Nations also of Europe touching private Dominion of the sea as the Danes the people of Norway the Polanders to whom may bee added also the Turks Wee have observed by the Tolls or Customs of Denmark and Norway what Revenue the King of Denmark raiseth out of the very Navigation of the Baltick Sea as is commonly known and what is paid out of the Roialtie of the Norwegian sea to the King of Norway who at this time is also King of Denmark For in the year MDLXXXIII Frederick the second King of Denmark and Norway made a
Grant of the use of the Northern or Norwegian sea for a certain time to our Merchants of the Muscovie Companie in such a manner as if hee had rented out any Land whereof hee stood fully seized and possessed Hee limited the Grant also with such conditions as hee thought fit The publick Instruments or Records about this Particular are yet extant whereby the King had an annual Tribute in recompence other Merchants were excluded and the Grant it self was to continue no longer then the Peace made between that King and the Moscovit Wee read also in the ancient Histories of Denmark of King Harald Hildetan that no man did presume to usurp a Domination in the Sea without his consent And that which follow 's next ought especially to bee taken notice of as to this Particular becaus the Empire of Land and Sea was once divided in the Republick of Denmark And Olo who afterwards was King succeeding his Father in the Dominion of the Sea vanquish't LXX Kings of the Sea by Sea-Fight Which things are written by Saxo Grammaticus and other also of that kinde And in the Treatie held at Koppenhagen betwixt Christiern the fourth of Denmark and Gustavus Adolphus of Swedland the King of Swedland renounceth the right Soveraigntie and Dominion of the Sea and the other Roialties by him formerly claimed over the said sea in Norway Norland and in the Jurisaiction of Wardhuisen But touching the Sea of Norway as it lie's more Northward wee shall add more at the latter end of the second Book Mention is made likewise of the Sea belonging to the Reâ—lm of Poland and the Dominion thereof in that Promise which was made by the French Ambassadors in the name of Henrie III of France when hee was elected King of Poland The aforesaid Ambassadors do promise in the name of the most illustrious King now chosen that assoon God willing as hee shall com to his Kingdom hee will at his own charge maintain a convenient Navie sufficient to defend the Ports and the Soveraigntie of the Sea belonging to the Kingdom and the Provinces adjoyning even to the utmost bounds of the whole Dominion of Poland as it is recorded by Janus Januszowskius in his Syntagma of the statutes of Poland But the Turkish Emperor who by Conquest succeeded in the right of the Emperors of Constantinople and so purchased both the AEgean and Euxin sea calling this the black the other the white sea is wont solemnly to intitle himself Lord both of the white and black sea as you may see in the League betwixt Achmet the Ottoman Emperor and Henry the IV. of France made above thirty years since and printed both in the French and Turkish Tongue Moreover in the same League the Turk grant's the French free leav to Fish and search for Coral in certain Streits and Creeks of the African Sea within his Kingdoms of Algier and Tunis And hee farther confirm's all that had been granted to them by his Predecessors for freedom of Fishing in those parts In like manner Coriolanus Cippicus relating the Actions of Pietrâ— Mocenigo General of the Venetians saith The Ottoman Emperor built two Castles very well fortified over against each other on both sides the Hellespont in its narrowest passage which hee stored with Ordnance of an extraordinary bigness and charged the Governors of the Castles to shoot and sink any ship that should endeavor to pass without leav Which is plainly to domineer over the Sea and agreeable to his Title of Lord of the white and black Sea Neither is that to bee sleighted here which wee finde in the Letters of David Emperor of Ethiopia or the Abassins to Emmanuël King of Portugal Hee entituleth him Lord of Africa and Guinee and the Mountains and Island of the Moon and of the Red Sea Arabia and Persia and Armutia great India c. Hee useth here an Hyperbole after the manner of the African Princes and attribute's those things to Emmanuël which were none of his But in the mean time hee admit's that hee might have been Lord of the Red Sea as well as of any other Territorie and that that Title doth not intrench upon the Law of Nature or Nations any more then this Now that wee may at length conclude this part touching the Dominion of the Sea as admitted among those things that are lawful and received into the Customs of Nations there are not onely very many Testimonies every where as hath been shewn you concerning it but nothing at all I suppose can bee found to impugn it in the Customs of those Nations that have been of any note in later times unless it bee where som of them that are Borderers upon the Sea-Dominions of others do strive to violate or infringe the Rights of their Neighbors under pretence of that Natural and perpetual communitie so often insisted on out of Ulpian by such Writers as too much prefer that obsolete Opinion before the Universal and most antient Customs of Nations Of which kinde truly the first Article of that League seem's to bee which was made above twentie or about thirtie years past betwixt the States of the United Provinces and som of the Hans-Towns as it was translated out of Low-Dutch by a Dutch-man to this effect That this Conjunction or Union ought not to bee intended for the offence of any but onely for the preservation and maintenance of the freedom of Navigation Commerce and Merchants in the Eastern and Northen Seas and also in all Rivers and Streams running into the Eastern and Northern Seas nor ought any other thing to bee meant in this place so that their Citizens and Subjects joyned in this League respectively may according to the Law of Nations use and enjoy the Liberties acquired and obtained together with the Rights Privileges and Customs received from their Ancestors throughout the Eastern and Northern Seas aforesaid and in the aforesaid Rivers Streams and waters without any Let or Impediment They promise also to aid each other in opposing any that should hinder such a freedom of Navigation in that Northern and Eastern Sea that is to say the Baltick and that which washeth the Coasts of Denmark Lituania Pomerania and the Dominions of the King of Poland where it seem's they pretend not onely Rights and Liberties peculiarly granted to them long since but also to the very Law of all Nations It is no hard matter to guess what the Intent of that League might bee For about that time the King of Denmark had raised his Toll in the Baltick Sea and in like manner the King of Poland within his Territories by Sea And that for the maintenance of that Dominion which they enjoyed which that kinde of League betwixt the States of the Hans Towns and United Provinces did seem to oppose But to pass over these things seeing a private Dominion of the Sea which is the point in Question is founded upon such clear Testimonies out of the Customs
Nation used Fishing very much which together with the frequent use of Navigation and Commerce shew's that they did enter upon the Sea corporally by Occupation But if to such a corporal occupation as this wee add also that they excluded others from the Sea shutting it up in such a manner that they restrained them at pleasure from passage and entrance what hinder's why wee may not conclude that they acquired a manifest Dominion of their own both by an Intentional and Corporal possession But that the Sea was thus shut up by them Caesar himself seem's to inform us plainly enough For when hee upon his first attempt to cross the Sea into Britain made diligent enquirie among the Gauls touching the Shore and Situation of the ports and to this end had summoned the Gallick Merchants together from all Quarters hee was so deceived in his expectation about this matter that hee was necessitated to send C. Volusenus before with a long Ship to sound them as beeing wholly unknown For as much as the Gauls were utterly ignorant of these Shores becaus they were prohibited entrance and so excluded from a free use of the Sea For hee write's expresly not a man of them went thither without leav besides Merchants nor was any thing known even to those Merchants besides the Sea Coast and those parts which lay over against Gaul or Gallia Therefore according to the usual Custom no man besides Merchants could touch upon the Shore without leav of the Britains nor was it lawful for those Merchants to make a narrow search or prie into such places ashore as were convenient or inconvenient for landing or what Havens were fit to entertain Shipping For although hee saith they knew the Sea-Coast yet as Caesar affirm's they were utterly ignorant what ports were fit to receiv a number of the greater sort of Ships And it seem's Merchants were permitted to visit the Sea-Coasts onely by Coasting about and using Commerce in the very Sea with the Inhabitants of the Island The old Greek Interpreter of Caesar saith also upon the place None els besides Merchants were easily admitted among the Britains That is to say neither by Land nor by Sea whereof they had as hath been shewn a very frequent use and from which they excluded all Forreigners except Merchants as from a part of that Territorie whereof they were Lords in possession From whence it follow 's also that they also who were wont to cross the Sea often out of Gaul into Britain to bee train'd up in the learning and discipline of the Druïdes could not do it without rendring themselvs liable to punishment for their boldness if leav were not first had from the pettie Kings or Lords of the Island From those pettie Kings I mean that ruled upon the Sea-Coast For the Britains at that time were not subject to the Government of a single Person They were Lords of the Sea who governed those Cities or Provinces that lay next to the Sea Cingetorix Carvilius Taximâ—gulus and Segonax in Kent others also that ruled over the Regni the Belgae Durotriges Damnonii Trinobantes Iceni Coritani being the people that inhabited Sussex Surrie Hampshire Dorsetshire Deâ—on 〈…〉 Essex Norfolk Lincolnshire and the like For even Caesar himself saith the inner part of the Island was inhabited by such as were said by Tradition to have been born there but the Sea-Coasts by such as had cross't the Sea thither out of Belgium to make war and gain bootie who were called all for the most part by the names of those Cities from whence they came and having seated themselvs there by force of Arms they betook themselvs to Husbandrie But hee according to that little knowledg hee had of a small part of the Island called those onely maritime Cities or Provinces which lie South of the River Thames especially Kent the Regni and the Belgae But although the Sea-Coasts were thus divided at that time into several Jurisdictions nevertheless it cannot bee doubted but that they used to consult together in common against an Fnemie or to guard the Sea the defence whereof belonged to all the Princes bordering upon it just after the same manner as they used to do upon other occasions of war against forreign Enemies as you may see in Caesar where the principal administration of the Government with the business of war was put into the hands of Cassivellaunus by a common Council of the whole British Nation Nor is that any prejudice against such a Dominion of the Britains by Sea which wee finde in Caesar concerning the Veneti a people of Gallia that were seated at the entrance of the River of Loire to wit that they had a very large command upon the Sea-Coast of Western Gallia and that they were better skill'd then any other of their own Countrimen in the Use and Art of Navigation and that in the Sea-fight with Decius Brutus they had Ships made all of Oak very well built and whether you consider their leathern Sails or their Iron Chains in stead of Cordage or their Masts fitted to bear the brunt of any assault whatsoëver and that CCXX sail or thereabout in number went out of the Haven very well manned and provided with all necessaries for War to oppose the Roman Navie It is very probable that the most of these were Auxiliaries fetched by the Veneti out of Britain or how great soëver the Venetan strength was at Sea yet that it was not greater then the Britains may bee collected from the same Author For hee write's expresly that Auxilaries were not onely sent for at that time by the Veneti out of Britain but also that they had very many Ships wherewith they used to sail into Britain But yet as it hath been shewn out of him alreadie no man might sail hand over head into Britain or without leav of the Britains It is not to bee doubted therefore but that besides their Twig or leathern Vessels they had a stout gallant Navie which was able even at pleasure to exclude those Ships of the Veneti that were best armed Els how could it bee that none but Merchants were admitted out of Gaul upon the Sea-Coast of Britain Moreover the whole Senate of the Veneti having been put to death by Caesar not a man was found among those who remained alive after Brutus his Victorie that could discover so much as one Port of Britain as appear's out of the same Author Which how it might bee admitted I do not at all understand if the strength of those Veneti that were wont to sail thither had been greater then the British or if the British had not been much greater then theirs But the reason why at Caesar's arrival afterwards no Ship of that kinde was found upon the British Sea or Shore which Peter Ramus wonder 's at very much and why the Roman Writers mention not any other Ships then such as were made of Twigs seem's evident For the Veneti had got
say just as Sicily Corsica Sardinia and other Isles in the Tyrrhen Sea have in Law been reckoned parts of Italie yea and continent thereto For Sicily after that the Romans became Lords of the adjoining Sea flowing between was called Regio Suburbana as if it had been part of the Suburbs of Rome and all these together with Italie and the Sea it self made one Bodie or Province so all the British Isles before mentioned with great Britain and the Seas flowing about it might well bee termed one Bodie of Britain or of the British Empire forasmuch as the Seas as well as the Isles passed alwaies into the Dominion of them that have born Rule within this Nation From whence perhaps it hapned that the Romans conceived the British Empire consider'd apart by it self to bee of so great a bigness that Britain did not seem to bee comprehended by the Sea but to comprehend the Sea it self as it is express't by that Panegyrist That the Dominion of the British Sea followed the Conquest of great Britain it self under the Emperors Claudius and Domitian CHAP. IV. AFter that the more Southerly part of Britain had been brought into subjection by the Emperor Claudius and the Isle of Wight taken in by surrender the British Sea as of necessitie following the fate of the Island was together with it annexed to the Roman Empire at least so far as it was stretched before that part of the Isle which was subdued Whereupon a Poët of that Age write's thus to the Emperor Claudius touching the Conquest of Britain Ausoniis nunquam tellus violata triumphis Icta tuo Caesar fulmine procubuit Oceanúsque tuas ultra se respicit aras Qui finis mundo est non erat Imperio That Land where Roman Triumphs ne're appear'd Struck by thy lightning Caesar down is hurl'd Since thou beyond the Sea hast Altars rear'd Thy Empire 's bound is larger then the world And then hee goe's on Euphrates Ortus Rhenus recluserat Arctos Oceanus medium venit in Imperium Euphrates Eastward did thy Empire bound And on the North the Rhene The Ocean in the middle beeing plac't Did lie as part between Here hee saith that the Sea it self was with Britain subdued to the Roman Empire as afterward also hee speak's more expressly At nunc Oceanus geminos interluit Orbes Pars est Imperii Terminus antè fuit But now the Sea betwixt two worlds doth flow The Empirs part which was its bound till now The British Sea was the bound of the Roman Empire between France and Germanie But immediately after the Conquest of Britain it became a part of the Empire Hee proceed's again thus Oceanus jam terga dedit nec pervius ulli Caesareos fasces imperiúmque tulit The Sea 's subdu'd and though it were till now Open to none to Caesar's Sword doth Bow And then Illa procul nostro semota exclusáque caelo Alluitur nostrâ victa Britannis aquâ Though conquer'd Britain far from us do lie The water 's ours that on the shore flow's by Hee call's the Sea Our water beeing no less conquer'd than the Island it self From whence also hee write's that the Roman Empire was begirt with the Roman Sea to wit after Britain was subdued Quam pater invictis Nereus vallaverat undis Which the Sea had fortified with unconquer'd waters The Empire of the waters ever followed the Dominion of the Island And Seneca concerning the same Emperor and this Sea saith paruit liber diu Oceanus recepit invitus rates En qui Britannis primus imposuit jugum Ignota tantis classibus texit freta The long unconquer'd Sea obedience gave And though unwilling did his ships receiv Hee first the Britains to the yoke brought down And with huge Navies cover'd Seas unknown Moreover the same Author in Apocolocynthosi Jussit ipsum Nova Romanae Jura Securis Tremere Oceanum Hee gave new Laws unto the Sea as Lord And made it treamble at the Roman Sword This is plainly to bee understood of the British Sea And Hegisippus an old Autor representing the person of King Agrippa speaking to the Emperor Claudius saith It was more to have passed over the Sea to the Britains then to have triumphed over the Britains themselvs But what could they do when the Elements were once subdued to the Roman Empire The Sea taught them to bear the yoke of servitude after that it self had upon the arrival of the Roman Shipping acknowledg'd an unusual subjection Hence it was also as Suetonius saith that in honor of the Prince the resemblance of a Ship was fixed upon the top of the imperial Palace But these particulars relate onely to the more Southerly part of the Sea Claudius never had any Navie sail to the North For his Conquest reached not so far But the Romans sail'd about the Island first in the daies of Domitian and then it was that they first discover'd and subdued that remotest part of the Sea Tacitus in the life of Agricola who was Lievtenant in the Province of Britain saith the Roman Navie sailing then the first time under Domitian about the Island affirmed this Coast of the remotest Caledonian Sea to bee the Isle of Britain and hee discover'd and subdued also those Isles called the Orcades which had been unknown till that time To the same purpose also speak's Juvenal arma quidem ultra Littora Juvernae promovimus modò captas Orcadas W' have born our Arms beyond the Irish Main And th' Orcad's Islands which were lately ta'ne Lately taken hee saith that is in the time of Domitian And therefore it is a manifest error in Eusebius Hieronymianus who saith That Claudius added the Orcades Isles to the Roman Empire yet hee is followed by Orosius Cassiodorus Eutropius Bede Nennius Ethelwerdus and others But the contrarie is sufficiently proved out of Tacitus alone a very grave Autor and one that lived at the same time But as to those passages found in Valerius Flaccus Silius Italicus Statius and others touching the Caledonians and Thule's beeing subdued before the daies of Domitian they are so to bee understood onely that wee are to conceiv either after the manner of the Poêts that the name of the more Northerly Britains is by the figure Synecdoche used for all whatsoêver and Thule it self for any part of Britain or els that the Caledonians generally among the Romans signified those Britains that were but a little removed from the Southern Shore For even Florus write's that Julius Caesar pursued the Southern Britains into the Caledonian Woods That is plainly into the Woods of the more Southerly part of Britain But when Julius Agricola had in Domitian's time reduced the Isle by force of Arms both by Sea and Land and sailing round about with a Navie had discover'd the Caledonian Sea properly so named on every side which the Britains as hath been observed alreadie called the secret part or Closet of their Sea
also his Sea-men to keep all relief of Victual from going to the Enemie by Sea Hee used the word Pirats in this place as others of that age have don not for Robbers as 't is commonly taken but for such as beeing skill'd in Sea-affairs were appointed to set upon the Enemie's Fleets and defend the Dominion by Sea Touching the derivation of the word the old Scholiast upon Sophocles his Aiax saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is Pira in the Attick Tongue signifie's craft or art and hence it is that they are called Pirats which infest the Sea But when the English-Saxons and Danes in the time of K. Alfred were ever and anon strugling for the Soveraigntie in England for Gurmundus or Guthrunus King of the Danes was at that time setled in Northumberland as a Fiduciarie Client or Vassal to Alfred and had very large Territories in the East-part of England their Fights were mostly by Sea as if they had both been of opinion that hee which could get the Dominion of the British Sea would by necessarie consequence becom Lord also of the Land or of that part of the Isle which lie's before it For this caus also it was that the Danes growing strong at Sea K. Alfred mightily augmented his Naval Forces by building ships twice as long as the Danish ships deeper nimbler and less rocking or rolling and so much more convenient for Sea-Fights Florentius the Monk saith In the same year that is to say the year of our Lord MCCCXCVII the Forces of the Pagans residing in East-England and Northumberland using Piracie upon the Sea-Coasts did grievously infest the West-Saxon's Countrie with very long and nimble ships which they had built divers years before Against whom ships were built by the Command of K. Alfred twice as long deeper nimbler and less waving or rolling by whose force hee might subdue the aforesaid ships of the Enemie It is related also in the same words by Roger Hoveden But Henrie of Huntingdon speaking expresly of the number of Oars that served for the rowing of these ships of Alfred saith King Alfred caused long ships to bee made readie to wit of 40 Oars or more against the Danish ships But there are Chronicles written in the Saxon Tongue that speak of ships of 60 Oars and larger built by him at that time out of which these Writers above-mentioned and others of the like sort have compiled theirs The words of the Chronicles are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is to say King Alfred gave command for the building of long ships to encounter the Danish But they were twice as long as these whereof som had sixtie Oars som more They were also more nimble less rolling and deeper then the other Not built after the Frisian or Danish manner but such as hee conceived most convenient for fighting So that there is no doubt but the business of shipping was mightily advanced in his Reign among the English-Saxons in order to the defence and maintenance of their Dominion by Sea And wee very often finde that those Sea fights managed by Alfred and his son Edward with various success against the Danes and Normans were undertaken not without great numbers of Shipping But in the time of King Athelstan who was very strong at Sea upon the Irish Nation saith Huntingdon and those that dwelt in ships there fell a fatal destruction The English-Saxon words in the antient Chronicles from whence Huntingdon translated those and which agree w th these are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which fully signifie the same thing For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the Scotish Nation and Scots are by the Antients often taken for the Irish. Hee also saith the same Autor led an huge Armie by Land and Sea into Northumberland and Scotland and in regard there was none appear'd to make any opposition bee marched up and down the Countrie and wasting it at pleasure returned with Triumph whereupon saith a Poët of that time Jam cubat in terris fera barbaries Aquilonis Jam jacet in campo pelago pirata relicto Illicitas torvásque minas Analavus anhelans Now is the wilde and barb'rous North brought down Now Analave the Pirat is o'rethrown Who having left the Sea on Land doth lie And spightful threats breath's out against the Skie This Analavus was King of the Irish and of many Islands who invading the Coasts of Athelstan with a Fleet of DCXV ships at the mouth of the River Humber received a great overthrow and was put to a most shameful Flight But King Edgar as saith Florentius of Worcester sailing about the North of Britain with a great Navie arrived at Chester where his eight pettie Kings met him as hee had given order who sware fealtie to him and that they would assist him both by Sea and Land Or as Huntingdon saith of the same thing they all did homage to him declaring themselvs readie at his command to serv him by Sea and Land Among these pettie Kings there was one Maccusius whom Hoveden and Florentius call a King of very many Islands and Florilegus a King of Man and very many Islands William of Malmsburie call's him an Arch Pirat Moreover the same King Edgar as if hee intended to set forth the splendor magnificence and as it were an Epitome of his whole Empire in Sea-affairs and Shipping did as say Florentius and Hoveden during his abode at Chester enter into a Boat wherein hee was rowed by those pettie Kings himself holding the Stern and steering it about the River Dee and beeing attended by all his Dukes and Peers in such another Vessel bee sailed from the Palace to the Monasterie of S. John Baptist where an Oration beeing made to him hee returned in the same pomp unto the Palace In the very Entrie whereof hee is reported to have said to his Lords that then his Successors might boast themselvs Kings of England when they should bee thus attended by so many Kings and enjoy the state and glory of such honors or as Malmsburie write's of the same thing when they should enjoy so great a Prerogative of honors So many Kings as Vassals to bee readie alwaies to assist with their Forces whensoëver they should bee required both by Sea and Land There is also a notable testimonie in the same Florentius and the Monk of Malmsburie how that this King sailed round about his Sea every year and secured it with a constant Guard and Forces Every Summer saith Malmsburie immediately after Easter bee commanded his ships upon every shore to bee brought into a Bodie sailing usually with the Eastern Fleet to the West part of the Island and then sending it back hee sail'd with the Western Fleet unto the Northern and thence with the Northern hee returned to the Eastern beeing indeed very diligent to prevent the Incursions of Pirats that is behaving himself in this manfully as say Florentius also and Hoveden for the
defence of his Kingdom against Foreiners and the training up of himself and his people for warlike emploiments Thus the Guardianship or maintenance of the Dominion by Sea is evident But as concerning the Fleets aforementioned they each of them consisted of MCC ships and these as Writers say expressly very stout ones so that in the time of his Reign the British Navie consisted of such ships to the number of Three thousand six hundred Sail as Florentius and Hoveden speak expressly But others write that these Fleets amounted to Four thousand ships as John Bramton Abbot of Jorvaux others adding to these Three a Fourth Fleet whereby the number is increased to Four Thousand Eight hundred Sail as you may see in Florilegus So as Florentius also saith Hee by the help of God governed and secured the bounds of his Kingdom with Prudence Fortitude Justice and Temperance as long as hee lived and having the courage of a fierce Lion hee kept all the Princes and Lords of the Isles in aw Wee read also in Ordericus Vitalis of King Harold or Herald that hee so guarded the Sea with a force of soldierie and shipping that none of his Enemies could without a sore conflict invade the Kingdom So that wee cannot otherwise conceiv but that these Naval Forces were at that time disposed and the Sea-Fights undertaken for the defence and guard of the Sea as an Appendant of the English-Saxon Dominion in this Island Especially if wee duly compare these things alreadie manifest with those which are added by and by to this particular touching the same age The Sea-Dominion of the English-Saxons and Danes during their Reigns in Britain observed in like manner from such Tributes and Duties of their Fiduciarie Clients or Vassals as concerned the maintenance of the Navie Also concerning the Tribute or Paiment called Danegeld which was wont to bee levied for the Guard of the Sea CHAP. XI HEre follow next the Tributes and Duties of Vassals concerning the maintenance of the Navie or Guard of the Sea which are evidences also of that Sea-Dominion which was in the time of the English-Saxons I call those Tributes which were wont to bee levied for the re-inforcing of the Navie and for provision of Victuals for the Sea-men Of which kinde were those that were levied according to the value of men's estates in Land for the setting forth of ships in the time of King Ethelred For at that time whosoever possessed CCCX Cassatos or Hides of Land was charged with the building of one ship And they were all rated proportionably after this manner who were owners of more or less Hides or of part of an Hide as Marianus Scotus Hoveden and Florentius do all tell us in the very same words Ethelred King of England say they gave strict command that one Gallie should bee charged upon CCCX Cassati but a Coat of Armor and an Helmet upon nine and that ships should bee built throughout all England which beeing made readie hee victualled and manned them with choice souldiers and appointed their Rendezvous at the Port of Sandwich to secure the Bounds of his Kingdom from the irruptions of Foreiners But Henrie of Huntingdon as also Matthew Paris and Florilegus speaking of the same thing say The King charged one ship upon three hundred and ten Hides of Land through all England also a Coat-Armor and Helmet upon eight Hides Then Huntingdon tell 's what an Hide doth signifie But an Hide in English saith hee is so much Land as a man can till with one Plow for a year Others there are that determine otherwise touching the quantitie of an Hide And most certain it is that it was very various according to the different Custom of Countries but the same with Cassata and Carucata Indeed the English-Saxon Chronicles of the Abbie of Abingdon do likewise mention Hides here expressly In the year MVIII 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 say they 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 man 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hund 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tynumaenne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 helm 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is to say the King gave command for the building of Ships carefully throughout all England to wit that one Gallie should bee charged upon CCCX Hides of Land but a Coat-Armor and Helmet upon eight Hides And it was usual according to the Laws of that Age that the richer sort should bee taxed by the number of Hides as wee see also throughout that Breviarie of England or the Book of Rates called Domesday which was first written in the time of King William Huntingdon add's also that there never had been so great a number of Ships in the time of any one in Britain which is testified in like manner by the Saxon Chronicles before cited So that that most numerous Navie of King Edgar mentioned in the former chapter was not to bee compared with this But yet that most learned man and great Light of our Island M r Camden hath so cast up the number of Hides throughout England out of the antient Records of that Age that they do not exceed 243600. If this had been so then they could have set forth no more then 785 Ships by this Tribute which is a lesser number then that of King Edgar by som thousands So that som other account is to bee made concerning Hides which is not to bee handled in this place Hereunto belong's that of Huntingdon touching King Canutus and his Son Harald In the daies of Harald saith hee as also in the time of his Father eight Marks were paid by everie Port for XVI Ships In the like manner Hoveden saith there was a Tax imposed which was paid for the maintenance of the Navie when King Canutus and King Edmond made an agreement in an Isle in the midst of Severn called Oleney Moreover Huntingdon write's that 11048 pounds were raised by Hardecanute King of England before hee had reigned two years for thirtie two Ships that is to say for the building of two and thirtie Ships Hee gave Command also as Matthew Westminster saith that eight marks should bee paid to everie Rower of his Navie and ten marks to each Commander out of all England Hee saith again also of the same King that hee appointed Officers through all parts of the Kingdom to collect the Tax imposed without favouring any and therewith to provide all things necessarie for his Forces at Sea And Florentius saith Hee gave command for the paying of eight marks to every Rower of his Navie and twelve so wee read it in that Autor to everie Commander out of all England a Tax indeed so grievous that scarce any man was able to pay it But these things spoken of Canutus his son Harald and Hardecanute relate perhaps unto that Tribute or Tax called Danegeld which was paid yearly for the maintenance of the Navie and guarding the Territorie or Dominion by
protesting that hee beheld the Divel dancing upon the heap of monie extremely rejoycing whereupon hee immediately commanded to restore it to the former Owners and would not keep one joâ— of so cruel an exaction but remitted it for ever to wit in the thirtie eighth year after Swane King of Denmark commanded it to bee paid every year to his Navie in the time of his Father Ethelred By dis-counting 38 years from the year 1051. that year 1012. is sufficiently manifest wherein the beginning of this Danegeld is placed according to that which hath been alreadie spoken Nor is it any prejudice at all that there seem's perhaps to bee one year over and above For such as are verst in the Chronicles of the Monks know well enough that differences of that kinde are very frequent among them especially by reason of their careless confounding of the years of our Lord and of the Kings whose beginnings do variously differ as every man know's Nor is it probable that they were sufficiently agreed touching the Tribute and Taxes before the next or one thousand and thirteenth year For concerning that year Florentius Hoveden and others speak expresly thus In the mean time the Tyrant Swane gave command to make readie Provisions in abundance for his Navie and for paiment of an almost intolerable Tribute In like manner Turkillus sent out his commands every where that it should bee paid to his Fleet which lay at Grenewich That Fleet of XLV ships rode now and then in the Thames neer Grenewich and then first received their promised pay That is in that very year which beeing discounted is the Thirtie eight year as Ingulphus would have it wherefore its beginning was not ill placed in that year Without all question that Ingulphus was a Courtier in the time of King William the first or a man of no mean account at the time wherein that was don which hee relate's so that especial credit is to bee given him in this particular Whereas also hee saith that King Edward remitted Danegeld for ever the same thing is affirmed also by Roger Hoveden and Matthew the Monk of Westminster who saith In the year of Grace MLI King Edward absolved the people of England from that most grievous Tribute of 38 thousand pounds which was usually paid to the Danish Auxiliaries during his Father's Reign Whereof wee read also in Matthew Paris But Hoveden saith K. Edward absolved the people of England from that grievous Tribute in the thirtie eight year after that his Father K. Ethelred had commanded it to bee paid to the Danish Souldiers Others there are also that write to the same purpose Som of the English Saxon Chronicles place the same thing in the following year and so affirm that there intervened 39 years from the beginning of this Tribute which also they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Heregild that is a Militarie oâ— Naval Tribute to that abolishment of it by King Edward Nevertheless as to what concern's its beginning they agree with Ingulphus and Hoveden to wit in the year MLII those Chronicles render it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is to say K. Edward abolished that Militarie Tribute or Heregild which had been formerly imposed by K. Ethelred to wit in the nine and thirtieth year after it began But yet in the Autor of that Dialogue concerning the Exchequer written in the time of K. Henrie the second commonly supposed to have been Gervasius Tilburiensis wee read it was paid yearly even till the time of K. William the first or the Norman Conquest that is to say for fourteen years compleat immediately after that abolishment For so long K. Edward reigned whom that William succeeded The Autor's words are these The Pirats of the adjacent Islands having made an irruption and spoiling the Sea-Coasts carried away Gold Silver and all things of any value But assoon as the King and his Subjects set forth any preparations of Warr for the defence of their Nation they presently â—â—ed away by Sea But the chief among them and ever more inclined to mischief was that warlike and populous Nation of the Danes who besides their ordinarie desire of prey pressed on the more furiously becaus they laid claim to somwhat of antient Right in the Government of the Kingdom as the British Historie relate's more at large Therefore for the repelling of them it was ordeined by the Kings of England that two shillings silver upon everie Hide of Land should by a kinde of Custom for ever bee paid for the maintenance of valiant men who by scouting about continually and guarding the Sea-Coasts might repress the Invasion of Enemies And in regard this Revenue was appointed chiefly becaus of the Danes therefore it was called Danegeld And thereupon it was paid by yearly Custom as hath been said under the English Kings until the time of K. William the first who was of the Norman Stock and Nation So that Autor who would have this Tribute to derive its name from the Danes as if the Navie had been mainteined thereby chiefly to drive them from the Coasts of England But questionless the first reason of the name is to bee received as it hath been alleged out of the passages above mentioned though afterwards there was a Subsidie raised and Tribute paid for the like Fleet consisting of such as were not Danes or of English for the repelling of the Danes themselvs which was not improperly called by the same name Touching the paiment hereof after the Norman Conquest I shall add more by and by But as concerning what hee saith here that two shillings silver upon everie Hide were wont to bee paid yearly for the raising of this Tribute the same is affirmed also by other antient Autors as Roger Hoveden and Matthew Paris So that these men make the paiment double to that which is before alleged out of the Laws of the English-Saxons The yearly paiment of this Tribute is valued also by Matthew of Westminster Matthew Paris at thirtie eight thousand pounds as appear's by the particulars alreadie cited which truly was written by them with very little discretion Nor have they dealt any better who set down that paiment at the rate of thirtie thousand pounds as the Autor of the Chronicle called Chronicum Melrosense For at what rate soëver that Tribute was paid to the King according to the alteration of times it appear's for certain that the Stipends usually allowed to the Danish Fleet were so uncertain that they were set somtimes higher somtimes lower as wee must suppose it could not otherwise happen according to the number of Ships and Forces that were necessarie for the Guard of the Sea Of which also there are examples among Historians Florentius in the year MXIV saith K. Ethelred gave command that the Tribute amounting to thirtie thousand 〈◊〉 should bee levied for the Fleet which lay at Grenewich So also Hoveden But the English-Saxon Chronicles
of the Abbie of Abingdon say of the same year 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The King commanded that 21000 should bee paid to his Armie For so that Fleet is called every where in English Saxon which rode at Grenewich Here you see is no small difference in the number of pounds But howsoever if it bee to bee conceived of the yearly Tax or Tribute then it was far less this year then it is reckoned by those Monks who speak of thirtie eight thousand pounds Four years after in the Reign of King Canutus who was a Dane a far greater summe of Monie was raised for the maintenance of this Fleet. That Florentius whom wee have often cited saith In this year that is MXVIII Seventie two thousand pounds out of all England and one thousand and fiftie pounds out of London were paid to the Danish Fleet and there remained fourtie ships with K. Canutus But the rest were returned to Denmark Of which year Hoveden speak's thus Out of all England seventie two and out of London 410 pounds were paid to the Danish Armie or Fleet. And there remained c. They differ about the Summe not the Thing wherein they agree with the English-Saxon Chronicles before mentioned Yet these altogether speak contrarie to that accompt of the certain summes as it is set down by the aforesaid Monks But Matthew Paris and Matthew Westminster say of the same Time that Cnute sent home the Danish Fleet and Stipendarie Souldiers except fourtie ships as appear's by what hath been said alreadie having paid them out of all England eightie two thousand pounds in silver Also in the second year of King Hardeâ—nute a Tax was levied for the Danish Armie or Fleet amounting to 21000 pounds and 89 pounds as Huntingdon tell 's us All which particulars do I suppose sufficiently demonstrate that the Danish Tribute here mentioned was not fixed to any certain summe of yearly paiment and also that an huge summe of monie was wont to bee paid yearly at that time to the Kings of England for the Guard of the Sea for to what purpose els was that Fleet alwaies kept and so great Taxes levied every year for the maintenance thereof But in the Reign of King Henrie the second the name of Danegeld grew out of use Tributes or Taxes beeing usually paid still notwithstanding by other names that are very well known for the Guarding of the Sea as wee shall shew by and by But they are extremely mistaken even they who agree either with John Bramton the Abbot of Jorvaux or som other Autor out of whom hee wrote it or any others of that kinde in deriving the Original of that yearly Danegeld so often mentioned every where from the former kinde of Tribute which was paid to the Danes for the procuring of a peace and they also who would have the Warr to have been undertaken by the Danes and Saxons against the Britains becaus they denied them a freedom of Navigation and that the end thereof was that this Tribute was upon that accompt imposed upon the Nation when it was subdued Now as concerning the Duties of Fiduciarie Clients or Vassals wont to bee paid in that Age for Naval Expeditions and the Guard of the Sea wee have set them down among those particulars which were spoken of King Edgar in the former Chapter The Pettie Kings or Lords of the neighboring Isles were bound to him by Oath to bee readie at his command to serv him by Sea and Land And in that famous Breviarie or Register of England called Domesday conteining very many Customs in use among the English-Saxons besides the assessment of the Provinces and written in the time of William the first wee read thus It is a Custom at Warwick if the King went by Sea against his Enemies to send him either IV. Batsueins Sea-souldiers or Rowers or els IV. pounds in monie And at Excester when hee made any Expedition by Land or by Sea this Citie served after the rate of V Hides of Land Barnestaple Lydeford and Totenais served as far as that Citie That is these three Towns paid as much as Excester alone Moreover Clocester yielded XXXVI Dicres of Iron and C iron Rods fitted to make nails for the King's ships Leicester also if the King went against his Enemies by Sea sent him four horses from that Town to London to carrie Arms or other necessaries Concerning Lewes also a chief Town in Sussex there K. Edward the Confessor had CXXVII Burgers at his service Their Custom was if the King went not himself in person but sent others to guard the Sea then they collected XX Shillings of every man of what Countrie soëver hee were and provided men who were to look to the Arms on shipboard Here very express mention is made of the defence or Guardianship of the Sea it self And in Colchester an eminent Town of Essex wee finde it was the Custom of that Age to pay out of every hous six pence a year that was able to pay it for maintenance of the King's souldiers upon an Expedition by Land or Sea c. And this ought to bee the rate if the King shall entertain souldiers or make any Expedition All these particulars are in that Register And others there are in it of the same kinde But an Expedition by Sea signified in these testimonies not a Warr to bee undertaken for subduing the Dominions of their neighbors lands but most clearly a preparation and enterprise of Warr for the guarding scouring and keeping the Sea as a part of the Empire of Britain As it sufficiently appear's out of the Histories of that time For wee do not reade that our English-Saxons or Danes had any other quarrel at that time with any of their Neighbors whatsoëver unless it concerned either the British Islands or the Sea belonging thereunto Which also is especially to bee consider'd The Testimonies of Edgar and Canutus Kings of England with others expressly declaring the Dominion which they and their predecessors had over the Sea together with an observation touching the Nations which in that age were seated upon the opposite Shore CHAP. XII THat wee may at length set an end to that fourfold distribution which wee made of the Testimonies of that Age let us in the last place add the express determinations of King Edgar and Canutus concerning their own Dominion over the Sea As for Edgar the title which hee commonly used ran thus I Edgar Soveraign Lord of all Albion and of the Maritim or Insular Kings inhabiting round about So hee make's the bodie of the British Empire to comprehend all the Maritim Kingdoms that lay about that is to say all that are Situate in the British Sea And this hee more plainly declare's in the Charter or Deed by which hee setled revenues on the Cathedral Church of Worcester in the year DCCCCLXIV if so bee the copie were rightly rendred by those who many years since printed so
much of it as concern's this title The words are these Altitonantis Dei largifluâ clementia qui est Rex Regum Ego Edgarus Anglorum Basileus omniúmque Regum insularum Oceanique Britanniani circumjacentis so John Dee a man very well seen in most parts of Learning did read it a good while since save onely that in stead of Britannian hee hath Britanniani while others reade Insularum Oceani quae Britanniam circumjacent cunctarúmque nationum quae infra eam includuntur Imperator Dominus gratias ago ipsi Deo omnipotenti Regimeo qui meum imperium sic ampliavit exaltavit super regnum patrum mâ—orum qui licèt Monarchiam totius Angliae adepti sint à tempore Athelstani qui primus regnum Anglorum omnes nationes quae Britanniam incolunt sibi armis subegit nullus tamen illâ—rum ultra ejus fines imperium suum dilatare aggressus est Mihi autem concessit propitia divinitas cum Anglorum imperio omnia regna Insularum Oceani cum suis ferocissimis regibus usque Norwegiam maximámque partem Hiberniae cum suâ nobilissimâ civitate Dublinia Anglorum regno subjugare Quos etiam omnes meis imperiis colla subdere Dei favente gratiâ coëgi By the abundant goodness of Almightie God who is the King of Kings I Edgar King of England and of all the Kings of the Islands and of the Ocean lying round about Britain and of all the Nations that are included within the circuit thereof Supreme Lord and Governor Do render thanks to the same Almightie God my King who hath enlarged my Empire thus and exalted it above the Royal Estate of my Progenitors who although they arrived to the Monarchie of all England ever since the time of Athelstane who was the first that by force of Arms subdued the English and all the Nations that inhabite Britain yet none of them ever attempted to promote their Empire beyond the bounds thereof But the divine goodness hath favored mee so far as beside the English Empire to enable mee to subdue all the Kingdoms of the Ilands in the Ocean with their most stout and mightie Kings even as far as Norway and the greatest part of Irland together with their most famous Citie of Dublin All which by God's grace and assistance I have subdued and made their necks to stoop under the yoke of my command Whereas hee saith that none of his Progenitors had attempted to enlarge their Empire beyond the bounds of Britain it must bee so understood that it bee taken for the Northern and Western bounds of the British Empire as sufficiently appear's by the mention of Irland and Norway So that then more Islands than the name of Britain did comprehend or than the Isles of that Sea together with the Sea it self were brought under his Dominion But King Canutus or Cnute hath left a testimonie also whereby hee most expressly asserts the Sea to bee a part of his Dominion Hee placing himself on a seat by the Sea side as it flowed upon Southampton Shore having a minde to demonstrate to his flatterers that Kings themselvs are but men is reported to have made trial of the obedience of the Sea it beeing flood after this manner Thou O Sea art under my dominion as the Land also upon which I sit is mine And there never was any that disobeied my Command without punishment Therefore I command thee not to ascend up upon my Land nor do thou presume to wet the feet or garments of thy Sovereign But the Tide saith Huntington and Florilegus who relate this storie swelling as at other times did very unmannerly wet not onely the feet but legs of his Majestie Whereupon the King leaping up proclaimed with his own mouth none to bee worthy the name of King but him alone who command 's both the Sea and land and they obey And from that time hee refused to wear his Crown of Gold consecrating it to a Crucifix In the mean time hee here openly professed himself to bee the Soveraign of the Sea as well as of the land Hereunto may bee added som testimonies of other Writers which although they are of a later date than the Kingdom of the English-Saxons yet they are transmitted to posteritie by the hands of such as were perfectly acquainted with the English Historie and by the Tradition of their Ancestors well infouned of the most authentick Opinions and Resolvs concerning the English Dominion over the Sea Geofâ—rie Chaucer who was not onely the most famous Poêt of his time but as Learning went in those daies a very well accomplisht Scholar in one of his Canterburie Tales bring 's in his Man of Law telling a storie which hee would have relate to the time of Alla King of Northumberland who reigned thirtie years and his Reign began in the year of our Lord DLIX In this Tale there is brought in a Ladie called Constantia the Daughter of I know not what Roman Emperor married to the King of Syria driven shee was by weather to a place which lay under the command of a Fortress upon the Shore of Northumberland and there the Ship ran aground shee was a Christian banished for her Religion and there taken Prisoner by the Commander of that Fortress In this Relation of the sad adventures of Constantia hee saith what indeed is true that Christian Religion was not received into any part of that Territorie but that Pagans had over-run and did hold those Northern Countries under their Dominion as well by Sea as Land His words to this purpose are these In all that lond dursten non Christen rout All Christen folk been fled from the Countre Through Paynims that conquer'd all about The plagues of Northumberland by land See Hee said discreetly that the neighboring Sea fell to the Conquerers of this Isle as well as the Land knowing what was the resolution and generally received opinion of his Ancestors concerning that matter Hee lived two hundred and thirtie years ago in the time of Richard the Second Nor is it any prejudice to this autoritie that the other things there related are fabulous For wee know that out of the Fables of Heliodorus Achilles Tatius Theodorus Prodromus Eustathius and such others whether of an amorous or any other strain somtimes many useful observations may bee gathered concerning the customs manners and received opinions as well of the men among whom they are feigned to bee acted as of the times to which they are related John Harding also who in the time of Edward the Fourth wrote an Historie of the affairs of England in vers when hee reckons up those Princes that sware fealtie to King Canutus for the Lands which they held of him hee adds So did the Kings of Wales of high parage And all the North-west Ocean For their kingdoms and for their lands than That is to say the same was don at that time by the greatest Kings of Wales and of all the North-western
charge Which indeed is a thing wee hear not of in later times but that so it was in the Reigns of King Henrie the third and Edward the first the Records of those times do testifie But afterwards the Universal Custodie of the Sea excepting onely what was extraordinarie was committed by our Kings to the high Admirals of England and to them alone or their Deputies and apperteineth unto them now by an unquestionable right But when any person is intrusted with that Guardianship or Custodie the possession and dominion of the King who intrust's or give 's him the Autoritie is comprehended in that Government or Command which also is confirmed by words most express and home to the business in hand that are to bee seen in a Libel or Bill of Complaint hereafter mentioned which was exhibited by a great number of the neighbor-Nations to the Commissioners of our Edward the first and Philip the fair King of France The Dominion of the English Sea asserted from those Tributes or Customs that were wont to bee imposed paid and demanded for the Guard or Protection thereof after the Norman Conquest CHAP. XV. COncerning the Tributes or Customs that were wont to bee imposed paid and demanded for the Guard of the English Sea there are very ample antient Testimonies all along since the Reign of the Normans And those things which have been alreadie mentioned touching the Guard of the Sea do not a little confirm it It is manifest that the Tribute imposed in the time of the English-Saxons for the Guard of the Sea which was called Danegeld of whose Original and use wee have alreadie spoken was wont now and then to bee paid heretofore under the Norman Kings After the words there cited out of the antient Dialogue touching the Exchequer about the paiment thereof before the Norman Conquest it immediately follow 's thus in the same Dialogue In his Reign that is to say the â—â—igâ— of William the first the Danes as well as other Robbert of Land and Sea restrained the Invasions of Enemies knowing this to bee true which is written When a strong man armed keep 's his hous hee possesseth his goods in peace For they were not ignorant that resolute and valiaâ—â— men would not let injuries pass unrevenged Therefore whereas the Laâ—d had paid it along time in the same King's Reign they were unwilling to pay that every year which had been exacted upon urgent necessitie in time of warr But yet they would not have it wholly cashiered becaus of sudden occasions Therefore it was seldom paid in his Reign or the Reign of his Successors that is onely then when they either had or suspected a warr with Foreiners And among the old Laws of England wee finde that William Rufus requiring aid of the Barons for the regaining of Normandie out of the hands of his brother Robert sirnamed Cortehole who was upon a Voiage to the Holy Land Danegeld was granted to him not established nor confirmed by a Law that is to say four shillings upon every Hide of Land which were paid for defending the Dominion by Sea For that was the intent and end of Danegeld according to its nature and original Moreover Roger Hoveden saith expresly that it was usually paid until the time of King Stephen Hee speaking of the promisses which hee made at the time of his Coronation saith Thirdly hee promissed that hee would remit Danegeld for ever that is two shillings upon an Hide which his Predecessors were went to take every year The same also is affirmed by Matthew Paris and Roger of Wendover out of whom the Chronicles set forth by Matthew until the nineteenth year of Henry the third or the year of our Lord MCCXXXV were wholly taken They say of King Stephen Tertiò vovit quòd Danegeld id est qualibet ydâ terrae duos solidos quos Antecessores ejus consueverant accipere in aeternum annis singulis condonaret So indeed wee read it in the Manuscript Books of this Matthew whereby the Printed ones are to bee amended who render it onely thus Tertiò vovit quòd Antecessores ejus accipere consueverant in aeternum annis singulis condonaret But this also is added by Hoveden These especially and divers other things hee promissed before God but kept none of them as wee are told likewise by Paris and Wendover So that this Tribute was wont to bee paid in the Reigns of William the first and the second Henrie the first and King Stephen also for the guard of the Sea And it appear's by the accompâ—s of the Exchequer that it was paid somtimes in the time of Henrie the second And after that it grew out of date another cours was wont to bee taken very frequently and used as the Custom of the Land that Pay and Provisions might not bee wholly wanting to maintain the Dominion of the Kingdom of England by Sea Mention is made touching this particular in the Court-Rolls of Edward the first Terrarum ad Custodiâ—â— Maris agistatarum that is of such Lands as were charged with a Paiment or Tribute for the guard of the Sea Wee know indeed also that it was in the same manner collected at that time under pretence of the Sea for the pay and maintenance of Land-Forces neer the Shore But certain it is that the Sea it self was guarded then with Naval-Forces as well as the Shore by Land-Forces and so that that Paiment belong'd either to the Sea it self or els to the Shore as well as the Sea Moreover Subsidies have been demanded of the people in Parlament Pour la salvation du Royalme de euâ— Mesines auxint de la Meer de la March dâ— Escoce de Gascoign des Isles that is for defence of the Kingdom the Sea belonging thereunto the Scotish Border Gasooign and the Isles Thus the Sea and its defence and Dominion is reckoned in an equal right and condition with that of the Kingdom the Borders and the Isles Several other instances there are of that kinde But that especially is to bee observed in this place which wee finde in the Parlamentarie Records of King Richard the second concerning a Tribute or Custom that was imposed upon every ship that passed through the Northern Admiraltie that is in the Sea which stretcheth it self from the Thames mouth along the Eastern shore of England towards the North-East for the pay and maintenance of the Guard or Protection of the Sea Nor was it imposed onely upon the ships of such Merchants and Fisher-men as were English but also by the same right in a manner upon those of any Foreiners whatsoëver no otherwise than if a man that is owner of a Field should impose a yearly Revenue or Rent for the libertie of Thorow-fare or driving of Cattel or Cart through his Field Paiment was made at the rate of six pence a Ton upon every Vessel that passed by except such ships onely as
the Coast of France For although Aquitain indeed was first added to the names of England and Ireland in that Commission while the English possessed the Dutchie of Aquitain nevertheless it not onely so remained likewise in that form of Commission constantly even after the expulsion of the English until our times but Normandie also which had never been named before in the Commission of high Admiral of England was added and this som Ages after that the English were wholly deprived of the Dutchie it self So that either these names do serv in stead of a Limit to the Sea under his protection or els wee must perforce admit contrarie to reason that they signified nothing in the Commission for so many years For wee see that those names of opposite Shore were reteined in the Admiral 's Commission even from the end of Queen Marie's Reign until our times or for the space of 77 years though the English in the mean time were not possest of the least part of France as also that Normandie was added many years before but yet long after the English were outed of its possession Nor ought any man fondly to imagine that these Names were inserted becaus of that right the King of England had to the Crown of France For indeed the Kings of England have by an antient Right usually entitled themselvs Kings of France Also the Dutchies of Aquitain and Normandie and the other Provinces of France mentioned in this Commission are comprehended in that name of the Kingdom as the lesser in the greater But if that had been the caus certainly the name of France should have been ascribed to our Admiral yea and other Officers of that Kingdom have been made in the same manner by the King of England after hee was driven thence Of which thing there is not the least evidence indeed any where exstant And it is to bee observed as soon as ever an alteration was made in the Draught of the Commission from that denomination of the Command of the Admirals of England which was derived from the Fleets and Coasts over which they had command unto that which is made up of the Kingdoms and Provinces that then an Addition was made of Aquitain to the end that the limit or bound as well on this as the other side of the Sea might bee pointed out by the Shores The name of Normandie beeing added afterwards and reteined still together with Calais and the Marches thereof and Aquitain upon the same account But while that the Kings of England were in former times possest of Normandie Aquitain and other Countries in France there are not found in the form of Commission wherein the Kingdoms and Provinces as hath been alreadie shewn are expressly nominated any other Admirals or Governors of the Maritim Province or Dominion by Sea made by them besides those to whose care the Fleets and Coasts were committed in the manner alreadie mentioned that is to say the whole Sea flowing between our British Isles and the Provinces over against them and the Fleets belonging to any Territories whatsoëver of the Kings of England were at that time by a peculiar right of the Kingdom of England in the Sea so subject to them who were so put in Command over the English Fleets and Coasts that there remained neither place nor use for any other Commanders of that kinde Which may bee said likewise of those times wherein som of the Kings of England stood possessed also of the Kingdom of France as Edward the Third and the two Henries 5 th and 6 th Nor is it a bare conjecture that they did not put any others in command over the Sea and Fleets besides those to whom by right onely of the Kingdom of England the power was committed to wit according to that right which comprehended the whole Sea flowing between but it is sufficiently proved also upon this ground that wee have the antient publick Records of those times touching the Offices constituted by our Kings in France and those Provinces beyond Sea in most whereof I finde not the least sign of the contrarie And if it bee demanded here wherefore it was that the Shore of Bretaign was omitted which in like manner lie's over against our Isle of Britain and together with the Shore of Picardie Normandie and Aquitain sufficiently take's up that whole Tract which stretcheth it self in the Realm of France before the English and Irish Sea certainly if the aforementioned reason take place there is little caus to doubt that it hapned thence becaus the King of England was not at any time so possest of Bretaign that beeing outed of it hee needed to bee very sollicitous touching the Bounds of the Sea-Territorie adjoining Distinct Lords of Territories confining on each other as were the King of England and Duke of Bretaign heretofore for Bretaign had Kings and Dukes of its own before Charls the Eight under whom Anno Dom. 1491. it was united to the Realm of France do for the most part keep their Bounds so distinct that they may bee the more evidently taken notice of by all but when of such kinde of Territories there is but one and the same Lord as the King of England was while hee possessed either Normandie or Aquitain or any other Maritim Province in France together with England hee beeing outed of either ought above all things to take care that the past confusion of possession bee not prejudicial to the future distinction of Bounds For fear then lest it might have been pretended that even the Sea adjoining or confining with those Maritim Provinces which were a long time heretofore possessed by the English and afterwards taken away was taken away together with the Provinces whenas perhaps by reason of the past confusion of possession in one and the same Lord all men might not bee sufficiently instructed touching the Bounds of the English Sea placed as wee have said upon the Shore over against us therefore for the setting forth of those Bounds the name first of Aquitain after its beeing lost was reteined in the Admiral 's Commission and then that also of Normandie was added And afterwards both of them with the name of Calais and the Marches in stead of the Shore of Picardie were for the same reason continued down to our times Which reason truly could not concern Bretaign at all nor Flanders likewise nor any other Shores lying Eastward over against us All which nevertheless do after the same manner bound the Sea-Territorie of England Moreover those things that have been hitherto observed shall bee confirmed by what wee shall add next touching the Office of Admiral among the French Touching the Admirals of the Kingdom of France or those constituted upon the opposite Shore their Original nature and varietie That the Sea it self flowing between Britain and France is not conteined in that command of his as of one that is Governor of a Territorie or Province nor is there any thing in it that may
There are saith hee four Governors of the French Sea who bear an equal command under a different title and upon several Coasts of the Sea For in antient time Aquitain was possessed by the English Bretaign by its Dukes Provence by Hereditarie Earls not by the Kings of France And therefore at that time the Admiral of France had command onely over the Belgick Sea of Picardie and Normandie as far as the Coast of Bretaign But then all the other bordering Princes chose Governors of the Sea or Admirals peculiarly for themselvs And therefore the English beeing driven out of Aquitain and the Countries of Provence and Bretaign beeing brought into subjection to the Crown of France the King supposing it not fit to innovate any thing appointed a Lievtenant and Admiral of Aquitain likewise a Governor of Bretaign with the government of the Sea as also in the Prouince of Gallia Narbonensis in a manner distinct and apart from the rest But the chief Courts of Judicature belonging to the French Admiral are setled at Paris and Roan So hee And a little after hee write's that there were Princes not a few who held the Sea-Coasts as Beneficiaries that enjoied the power of Admiral in their Territories But wee have Edicts and Decrees concerning the Admiral 's Jurisdiction over the Maritim Forces Affairs and Persons in the times of Charls the fift and sixt Lewis the 12 th Francis the first Henrie the 2 d 3 d and other Kings of France as also touching the Tenths of Spoils taken from Enemies and other things of that kinde which relate unto the Goods and Persons of such as are subject to the Crown of France upon the account of any manner of Navigation whatsoêver And in these Edicts hee is somtimes called by the King Nostre Lieutenant general per la mer greves d'icelle that is our Lieutenant general throughout the Sea and the shores thereof But this Lieutenant or Governor as they pleas to call him of the Sea was never at all in command over any part of the Sea flowing between France and Britain as over a Province or Territorie to bee defended for the King of France after the same manner as the Admiral of England but in the Sea onely over the Naval Forces Persons and Affairs belonging to the French Jurisdiction much after the same manner as a Soveraign Prince take's cognizance of Offendors of his own Retinue in a Forein Territorie and rule 's them as at home but without any pretence of his to a right of Dominion in that Territorie Which truly there is no man but will conceiv that shall in the first place observ the defect and deep silence of antient Testimonies touching such a kinde of Dominion among the French besides the Qualitie of that Government among them and at length the entire and most ample Power alwaies exercised throughout the Sea and the shore lying about it under the sole command of the English and will but compare it for so many Revolutions of years with those so long broken and divided Dominions upon the opposite shore of France and with the late addition of the Sea-Coast to the Kingdom of France according to those things which have been alreadie spoken about it It is clear that there are no Testimonies before our time concerning any Dominion of this sea belonging to the King of France Nor are there any in our time except certain Lawyers who speak of it either by the By or in a Rhetorical flourish onely not in a way of asserting it by strength of Arguments Of these things I have spoken alreadie in the former Book where also other matters are alleged of special observation which confirm what is handled in this particular But now let us add hereunto that the very French Historians both of the past and present Age do affirm that in antient times the Kings of France therefore either had no Admirals at all or els that they were constituted now and then onely as occasion required becaus they had no Empire over the Sea as Tilius saith expresly in the place above-mentioned In vain therefore doth Popellinerius reprehend those Historians in saying it is fals becaus Normandie Picardie and Flanders were heretofore under the French Dominion For not to mention this that the Kings of France reigned a long time without the possession of Normandie and Flanders and reteined not any other shore besides that of Picardie as appear's by what hath been alreadie shewn and by the frequent Testimonie of Historians and the consequence doth not appear to bee good that they had any command over the Sea becaus they were in possession of som Sea-Coast no more truly than it may bee concluded that a man is Lord of a River in France becaus hee hath Lands lying by it whereas by received Custom according to the Law of France the King is Owner of all Rivers that are Navigable where they belong not to som subject by a particular prescription of possession or som other title besides the possession of the adjacent Land as the Custom is not unusual also in other places But as to what concern's the Qualitie of this Maritim Government among the French it is to bee considered that as every one of the more eminent Offices or Governments hath a peculiar place in their high Court of Parlament and that according to the nature of the Government as it chiefly respect's any Province or Government within the limits of the French Dominion as the Constable the Grand Escuyer or Master of the Hors the Grand Master and others yet the Admiral of France hath no place at all upon that account As it was determined in the time of Henrie the second when such a place was plainly denied to Gaspar Collignie Admiral of France as hee was Admiral or had the Maritim Government but it was granted him as Governor of the Isle of France as they call it under the King For by the title of Admiral hee had no Government in Chief within the limits of the Kingdom but becaus beeing Admiral of the Fleets and Sea in the aforesaid sens which is out of the King's Dominion hee exercised Jurisdiction over Persons and Affairs onely upon the Accompt of the Sea therefore in this respect hee was to bee denied any place For which caus likewise it came to pass as it seem's that those four distinct Admirals before-mentioned have in like manner also a Government of Provinces from which they are wont to bee denominated as wee understand by these passages alreadie cited out of Choppinus and others that write of this matter So they that have any principal command within the limits of the Kingdom that is within the shores of France do enjoie an equal privilege with the other more eminent dignities of the Realm Moreover also the Regulation of those Rivers whereof the King of France is Lord are not under the Admiral 's Government but under the special charge of those
Officers that are called Presidents or Masters of the Waters and Forests That is to say the publick Waters which are within the Bounds of the Kingdom and over which the King hath Dominion do belong to another dignitie not at all to the Admiral who according to the general nature of his Office is not appointed to take charge of any Province there much less of the Rivers as in England The principal intent therefore of this Office or Dignitie is onely to command the Fleets by Sea For which caus also som years since Henrie of Momorancie Admiral of France having set up a Statue on hors back at Chantillie in honor of his Father Henrie Duke of Momorancie call's himself in Latine onely Navalis Militiae Magistrum Master of the Militia by Sea instead of Admiral So that never any Admiral constituted by the French King either of France or Britain or Aquitain had any autoritie in the Sea it self whereby hee might challenge a Dominion to himself as Governor or Commander in Chief which may bee said in like manner of all the Admirals of the Belgick and the neighboring shore on this side and of the Cantabrian or Spanish shore on the other side For the autoritie of them all so far as concern's this particular hath been and is alike Wee know indeed that this dignitie was wont to bee styled Admiral of France and Governor of the Roial Navie as the same Dignitie among the English was usually called in the same manner Admiral of England and Governor of the Roial Navie in several Leagues that have been made betwixt the English and French But it is clear by what hath been shewn that they bare the Office or Dignitie called by the same name upon a different accompt And the Qualitie of a Dignitie is to bee valued by the nature of the Charge not by the bare name or title And let so much serv to bee spoken touching the defect of antient Testimonies and the Nature or Qualitie of the Government But now as to what concern's the most ample and entire Command of the English for very many Ages and the comparing of it with those several Governments heretofore on the opposite shore it is most certain that there was almost from the very beginning of the very first Times of the English-Saxons one entire Empire throughout England and so on the whole shore which lie's over against Germanie France and that part of Spain called Biscay and this also in the time of that Heptarchie which is mentioned by Writers For there was alwaies som one person who had most power therein and to whom the rest yielded obedience as wee are told by Beda And touching that particular there is a notable Testimonie in Alcuinus where by reason of the Quarrels betwixt Offa King of the Mercians that is indeed of the most large and in a manner the most midland part of the Heptarchie and Charls sirnamed the Great King of France Navigation was so prohibited on both sides that Trade was wholly obstructed which truly cannot bee conceived unless these large Territories near the Sea had been under the Dominion of Offa yea the Inscription whereby Offa was wont to set forth his Roial Title was often exprest after this manner Offa by the Grace of God King of the Mercians and also of the Nations round about But after the time of Egbert or the 800 year of our Lord there is a continued Catalogue plain enough of those Kings whether English-Saxons or Danes who unless you fondly except Edmund the Anglo Saxon and Canutus the Dane by whom the Kingdom was for som little time divided did Reign without any other sharer in the Dominion upon this shore No wonder then that the Kings of England beeing entire and absolute Lords in command of so ample a shore for so many Ages did also take special care to retein the Dominion of the Sea lying before it as an Appendant of the Island especially seeing they not onely had so long and large a command likewise on the shore over against us but also there were not any of their neighbors that could in any wise hinder it except such as possessed som pettie Countries bordering on the Sea which truly may bee so called beeing compared to the spacious shore of the English Empire and those also that were under distinct Jurisdictions The summe of all this is seeing that about the beginning of our great Grand-Father's daies there was onely a very small shore conteined within the bounds of the French Kingdom and the Lords of the Maritim Provinces by the addition whereof that Kingdom as wee have alreadie shewn was afterwards enlarged did not so much as pretend any Right to the Dominion of the Neighboring Sea upon the interest of those Provinces and seeing no Testimonie can bee had in the Monuments of antient Writers concerning such a kinde of Dominion but that very many are found touching the Sea-Dominion of the Kings of England they having continually possessed the whole English shore in its full latitude under one entire Empire for above a thousand years and concerning the perpetual enjoiment of the Sea as an Appendant of the Kingdom Therefore it follow 's that their Right is very manifest in this particular and so that the Sea it self is a Province under the tuition or protection of the Admiral of England as part of the Kingdom but that the Admirals of the shore lying over against us are not in reason to bee called Governors of the Sea in such a sens as may signifie any Dominion of a Commander in Chief in the Sea it self out of the Ports or other In-lets of that kinde For which caus also it was that som Ages since very many of the Neighbor-Nations understanding well enough the Right of England made their Complaint in express tearms against Reyner Grimbald Admiral of the King of France becaus that l' Office del Admiralté en la mier d' Engleterre per Commission de Roy de France tourcenousment Emprist usa un an plux c. That is becaus hee had arrogated to himself and for the space of a year exercised the Office of Admiraltie by the King of France his Commission in the English Sea The old Records from whence this is taken are set down entire by and by where you have more also that make to the same purpose And so much may serv to bee spoken touching the Guard or Government of the English Sea as a part of the King's Territorie or Province and Patrimonie of the Crown That in the Dominion of those Islands lying before the shore of France which hath ever been enjoied by the Kings of England it appear's that the possession of the Sea wherein they are situate is derived from their Predecessors CHAP. XIX THat a Possession and Dominion of this Southern Sea hath been held also of old by the Kings of England is not a little manifest by the Dominion of
those Islands that lie before the shore of France For 't is generally known that after King John and Henrie the third were driven out of Normandie it self that the Isles Caesaria and Sarnia which wee call Jersey and Garnesey Aureney and som other Neighboring Isles lying near the shores of Normandie and Bretaign yea and situated within that Creek of Sea which is made by the shore of Bretaign on the one side and that of Normandie on the other have in the following Ages both now and heretofore remained in the Dominion of England But by the sentence passed against K. John as Duke of Normandie for the murther of his Nephew Arthur the French would have him deprived of all the Right hee had to Normandie And afterwards Henrie the third resigned his Right to Normandie But suppose wee grant what is commonly received that these Islands were of the Norman Jurisdiction or belonging to the Dutchie of Normandie yet truly even so they neither could bee taken away by the sentence nor did they fall to the French by Resignation forasmuch as the possession of the Sea and so of the Islands placed therein was still reteined after the same manner almost as manie Priories were in England it self who though they were belonging to the Norman Government in Church-matters yet even as they were of the Government of Normandie they ever remain'd under the Dominion of England as long as the Privileges of Monasteries were in force among the English as beeing situate within the undoubted bounds of the English Empire Nor is it easily understood wherefore the Islands could have been so reteined unless they also had been seated within the bounds of the English Empire in the Sea But the thing chiefly to bee consider'd here is that verie manie Foreign Nations as well as the Estates of England did in a Libel or Bill of Complaint publickly exhibited in the time of King Edward the First and King Philip the Fair before a Court of Delegates specially in that behalf by them appointed in express terms acknowledg that the King of England hath ever been Lord not onely of this Sea but also of the Islands placed therein par raison du Roialme d' Angleterre upon the account of the Realm of England or as they were Kings of England Which truly is all one as in most express terms to ascribe this whole Sea unto them as far as the Shores or Ports lying over against us But concerning that Libel I shall add more by and by Nor is it to bee omitted that the addition of a Shore larger than that of Picardie to the Kingdom of France hapned first at that time wherein those Isles were so reteined by the English after they were outed of Normandie For before the Shores of Aquitain Bretaign and Normandie were in the possession of other Princes that of Aquitain and Normandie beeing possest by the English and that of Bretaign by the Duke or Earl of that Countrie So that the French King had neither any shore almost nor any considerable use of Sea-affairs at that time by which means also the English did with the more ease retain the aforesaid antient possession of the Sea and the Isles after they were deprived of the Norman Dutchie And this sufficiently appear's also by that Sea-Fight perform'd between the French Fleet commanded by Eustachius the Monk in the time of Philip Augustus King of France and the English Fleet under the Command of Philip de Albenie Governor of the aforesaid Islands and John Marshal who both carefully guarded the passages of the Sea in the beginning of the Reign of Henrie the Third That is to say a French Fleet of about 80 Sail was designed to transport Auxiliarie Forces out of France for Lewis afterwards the Eight of that name that was King of France who through the Treason of som Conspirators made War upon the English King in England This of the French was assailed by an English Fleet of 40 Sail. But Roger of Wendover and Matthew Paris tell us that part of the French who had not been used to Sea-Fight was in a short time wholly defeated Observ here they say that hitherto the French were not accustomed to Fights by Sea But of the English they say the English being warlick and skill'd in Sea-Fight galled them with Darts and Arrows ran them through with their Lances did execution with their Swords sank their Ships and them with Lime which they did by throwing the Powder of Lime into the Aër so it might bee driven by the winde into the French-men's eies They were deprived also of all hope of relief and succor and know not which way to slie The English at that time time beeing expert in Sea-Fight did by this means make good the possession of their Sea and the Isles also that are situate therein For even this Fight relate's to the second year of Henrie the Third or the year of our Lord MCCXVIII that is at the same time almost when the English were first deprived of Normandie But as to that which is commonly said that these Islands first belonged to the English Norman right or by the right of the Dutchie of Normandie it is as easily denied as affirmed by any Nor is there any weight in this Reason that becaus those Islands have and ever had certain Customs like the Norman therefore they do belong to Normandie For the Norman Customs are often used in England as the Roman are somtimes by other Nations yet everie man know's this can bee no ground for such an Argument Nor is it any more to the purpose that those Islands were within the Diocess of the Bishop of Constances in Normandie until that in our Grand-father's daies they became subject to the Bishop of Winchester Their Ecclesiastick Government was a long time derived out of Normandie with more convenience indeed becaus of the nearness of the place which began as it is to bee supposed in those daies when the English possessed the Shores on both sides But it doth not follow thence that those Islands belong'd to the Dutchie of Normandie any more then that the many Priories heretofore in England who were of foreign Jurisdiction in Ecclesiastical matters did therefore belong to the Dominion of foreign Princes and not to that of the English Kings as Kings of England That is every jot as weak also which they use to allege about the Norman Languages beeing in use among the Inhabitants of those Islands The people of Cornwâ—l in England have alwaies used the Welch Tongue at least with a little alteration in the Dialect as the Bretaigns do also in France In like manner the Inhabitants of the Isle of Man use the Irish Tongue yet no man will conclude thence either that this paie's obedience to the Kings of England as Lords or King of Ireland or that the other are subject to their Princes by any right of the Welch Principalitie Wee know indeed that
somtimes slight mention is made not onely in the proêms of som Charters of later times but also in several antient Petitions of the Islâ—nders that those Islands belong'd heretofore to the Dutchie of Normandie and upon that account were held by the Kings of England But yet wee know as well that those Provinces which in Antient time were derived by Inheritance to our Kings in France of which kinde truly these Islands are to bee reckon'd if they were held as parts of Normandie were alwaies permitted so to use their own Customs and antient Forms of Jurisdiction that they were not at all subject to the ordinarie Jurisdiction of the Courts of England The same privilege was ever allowed likewise to the people of Aquitain Anjou Normandie and others Yea and som Ages since the Kings of England were pleased to order that such Controversies as hapned there should not bee decided in any other place out of the Islands but in their own Courts of Judicature whereas notwithstanding it is most certain that in the Reigns of Edward the Second and Third times which without doubt made good search into that Right whereby those Islands were annexed to the Patrimonie of the Kings of England there were Justices Itinerant that is Officers created of old who were often by ordinarie right to take cognisance especially of the more heinous crimes through all the Counties of England also of such Rights and Privileges of the Crown as were usurp't and arrogated by any and of other matters for the most part that are usually brought into Courts of Justice who beeing sometimes also called Justitiae errantes Justices errant were wont to bee sent forth into those Islands as well as into the Counties of England though the Inhabitants did indeed exclaim and somtimes preferr'd their Petitions against this kinde of Jurisdiction But yet it is most certain that the opinion of those very Officers who were themselvs learned in the Law then was that those Commissions whereby they were so inabled to administer Justice in those Islands were not onely grounded upon Law which was the opinion also of those who ruled at that time in this Nation but also that the very Provinces of the Islands were so incorporated one with another as they are all with England throughout the extent of that Sea which lie's between after the manner of our English Custom in the Provinces or Countries that a Caus beeing somtimes inlarged they might appoint daies of Appearance to any Inhabitants of those Islands in the King's Bench in England as well as to the Inhabitants of any one of the Isles in the other after the same manner as is used within England it self Which appear's by the Commission of John de Scardeburgh and his Fellow-Justices in the time of Edward the Third and others of that Age. But it was never heard I suppose that upon such an inlargement a time of Appearance might by our Common Law bee appointed in any other place but that which is of the same Jurisdiction as conteined within the Patrimonie of the Crown whereto also that place belong's out of which any one is so adjourned Nor do I remember that any such thing was ever so much as attempted in those Provinces which were not reckoned in the Patrimonie of the English Empire yet possessed upon another Title by the King of England as the Dutchies of Anjou Normandie Aquitain and the like Moreover also in the more antient Charters of som of our Kings in confirmation of the Privileges of Islanders they are noted more than once for such Privileges as they or their Ancestors or Predecessors have enjoied under the obedience of any of our Progenitors beeing Kings of England Surely if it had been then believed that those Islands were a part of the Dutchie of Normandie it is not to bee doubted but they had added also or Dukes of Normandie which wee finde truly in som Charters of later time yet so that in these also those Isles are said in express terms and that upon verie good ground to bee retained in sealtie and obedience to our Crown of England But in the time of Edward the Third the Islanders petitioning the King in Parlament for their Privileges and Custom 's which had been established time out of minde annexed the Customs of som of the Islands among which are these Item that no man ought to bee questioned about his Freehold after hee hath quietly enjoied it a year and a day unless it bee by Writ taken out of the Chancerie of our Lord the King making special mention both of the Tenement it self and of the Tenant Item That they shall not bee put to Answer before the King's Justices of Assise until they first give them Copies of their Commissions of Assise under their Seals Item that the King's Justices assigned by Commission for the bolding of Assise ought not to hold Pleas here longer than the space of three weeks Truly these antient Customs seem so to reâ—â—sh as if those Islands had been subject to our Kings their ordinarie Jurisdiction by the right of English Empire not by the Norman although the Islanders insinuate also in the same Petitions that they were a part of the Neighboring Province of Normandie Add hereto also that the â—sle of Serk was granted by Queen Elisabeth to Herelie de Carteret to bee held in Capite by him and his heirs that is to say as a Feud belonging to the patrimonie of the Crown of England notwithstanding that it bee unawares or els carelesly admitted in the Charter of this Grant to bee within the Dutchie of Normandie But in the Treatie held at Chartres when Edward the third renounced his claim to Normandie and som other Countries of France that border'd upon the Sea it was added that no controversie should remain touching the Islands but that hee should hold all Islands whatsoëver which hee possessed at that time whether they lay before those Countries that â—ee held or others For reason required this to maintain the Dominion by Sea Yea both Jersey and Gernsey as also the Isles of Wight and Man are said in divers Treaties held betwixt the Kings of England and other Princes to belong unto the Kingdom of England and to lie near the Kingdom of England These Isles also were granted heretofore by King Henrie the fift to his brother John Duke of Bedford without any recognition to bee made unto Us or Our Heirs notwithstanding any Prerogative of the Crown for any other Tenure held of Us out of the said Islands which may in any wise belong unto the said Islands Castles or Dominions Which words seem not in the least measure to admit any Right of the Dutchie Perhaps also that antient custom was as a token or pledg of the Sea's Dominion beeing conjoin'd with that of the Isles whereby all the Fish as it is in the Records of Edward the third taken by the Fishermen of
worthie of observation that this kinde of Letters were usually superscribed and directed by our Kings to their Governors of the Sea Admirals Vice-Admirals Sea-Captains to wit the Commanders appointed by the King to take care of his Territorie by Sea whereas notwithstanding wee finde no mention at all of any such Commanders in those Passports of that kinde which were granted heretofore by the French King to the King of England when hee was to cross over into France Letters of that kinde were given to our Edward the second by King Philip the Long superscribed onely thus Phelip par la grace de Dieu Roy de France A touz noz Justiciers subgies salut Philip by the grace of God King of France To our Judges and Subjects greeting But the reason is evident why the K. of England was wont to direct his Letters to his Commanders of the Sea and the French King at that time onely to his Judges and Subjects in general To wit becaus the King of England had his Sea-Commanders throughout this whole Sea as Lord of the same and therefore when hee crost over it was not reasonable that the French K. should secure him by Sea it beeing within the bounds of the English Territorie And yet the King of France might perhaps have an Admiral at that time but onely upon the shore of Normandie and Picardie For that of Aquitain Bretaign and Narbonne were not as yet added to the patrimonie of that Crown And it was about that time or a little before that they are placed who are first ranked in the Catalogue of the Admirals of France But of later time it is true indeed that in those Passports or Letters of safe Conduct which have been granted even by the French King and other Princes bordering upon the Sea Admirals are usually named in express terms among the other kindes of Roial Officers to the end that they to whom the Passports are granted may bee secured in every place and part of their Dominion But as touching the English Command over such as pass or sail through their Sea there are many other Arguments taken as wee shall shew by and by from the manner of our King 's prescribing limits to such as sail in this Sea as also from those passages which wee have alreadie cited out of Records concerning the Tributes or Customs imposed by the English upon such as passed through the Sea And truly it is very considerable also that the Kings both of Denmark and Sweden together with the Hans-Towns very often and earnestly begg'd of Queen Elisabeth that they might have free passage through the English Sea with Provisions towards Spain during the Warr betwixt her and the Spaniard I know indeed that such a Licence was denied them not onely in respect of the Dominion of the Sea but chiefly to prevent the conveying of Provisions to the Enemie For which caus also divers Ships belonging to the Hans-Towns laden with Corn were taken by English men of Warr in the very Streights of Lisbon without the Sea-Territorie of England which went by the Scotish Sea and the West towards Portugal which was don doubtless that they might not presume to use the English Sea without the leav of the Queen But the Hans-Towns cried out thereupon that the Laws of Nations Commerce and Leagues were violated becaus their ships were so taken by the English onely upon this account that they carried Provisions to the Enemie that is in a Territorie where the English did not in the least pretend to any Dominion And concerning this particular there is a notable Question controverted by very Learned men How far they that are not enemies or would not bee called enemies may by the Law of Nations afford supplies unto an enemie But som years before the taking of these ships when the Hamburgers who in the name also of the rest of the Hans-Towns desired leav to pass through this Sea to Portugal and Spain were more than once denied any kinde of libertie to transport either Corn or Warlike necessaries they did not at all suggest that their Petition at that time was grounded upon the Law of Nations or Commerce nor that the Queen's denial was contrarie to this kinde of Law That is to say they were by her first Answer enjoined to abstein from transporting Arms with other Warlike Necessaries and Corn but saith the Queen in transporting other commodities wee shall not hinder you at all but shall with all favour permit the ships of your Subjects to abide and pass after the accustomed manner that they may perform their Voiage This Answer they did not seem to take amiss But two years after they sent into England Sebastian à Berghen their Ambassador with Petitionarie Letters desiring that the Exception in the Licence formerly granted might bee taken away and a freedom to transport all kindes of Merchandise permitted Their Petition was denied again and this moreover added That such as should presume to do the contrarie should for their bold presumption suffer the loss of all their Goods and Merchandise so carried against her Majestie 's will and pleasure if they fell into the hands of her Men of Warr or any other of her Majestie 's Subjects Thus they ever addressed themselvs by Petitions and the Queen gave Answers according to her pleasure They did not so much as pretend the Laws of Nations or of Commerce before that they understood their ships were seised in another Sea to wit that of Portugal which they conceived free for themselvs by the Law of Nations and Commerce without leav from the Queen of England Then it was they began to plead that Libertie ought not by any Law to bee denied even these men who but som years before had humbly Petitioned the Queen of England more than once for free passage through the English Sea So that that principal point as som would have it of the Law of Nations that relief ought not to bee conveyed to Enemies by a Friend was not onely the ground either of the Hans-Town's Petition or the Queen's denial but her right of Dominion by Sea was concerned also which the Hans-Towns well knew they should violate if they should pass the Queen's Seas without her leav Hereunto for the same reason those particulars relate which wee finde concerning this matter in those points that were to bee insisted on in the year MDXCVII by Witfeldius and Bernicovius Ambassadors from Christiern the fourth King of Denmark to the Queen of England Wee were say they strictly enjoined by our King to mediate with her Majestie that our Countrie men may bee permitted a freedom to transport Corn or Provision towards Spain even as wee have don formerly and do now again with all earnestness desire especially since it is supposed that the same Licence of transporting Corn is granted somtimes both to English and Dutch that our Countrie-men may not bee used in a wors manner than your own
were newly designed to cross over into Bretaign that they might bee arm'd and set forth in the King's service The Title of this Commission is De Navibus arrestandis capiendis For arresting and seizing of ships The Form of it run's thus The KING to his beloved Thomas de Wenlok his Serjeâ—nt at Arms Lieutenant of our beloved and trustie Reginald de Cobham Admiral of our Fleet of ships from the mouth of the River Thames towards the Western parts greeting Bee it known unto you that wee have appointed you with all the speed that may bee used by you and such as shall bee deputed by you to arrest and seiz all ships Flie-Boats Barks and Barges of ten Tuns burthen and upward which may happen to bee found in the aforesaid Admiraltie that is in the Sea reaching from the Thames mouth toward the South and West and to caus the Flie-Boats Barks and Barges aforesaid to bee well and sufficiently arm'd and provided for the warr by the Masters and owners of the same and to bring them speedily so provided and arm'd to Sandwich except onely the ships that are order'd for the passage of our beloved and trustie Thomas de Dagworth and his men that are bound for Bretaign so that you bee readie there in your own person together with the Ships Flie-Boats Barks and Barges aforesaid so well provided and fitted for the warr upon the Saturday next before the Feast of the Apostles Simon and Jude next ensuing at the farthest to go thence upon our Command according to such direction as shall then on our part bee given to the Masters and Mariners of the aforesaid Ships Flie-Boats Barks and Barges and to take sufficient Provision for the enabling of you to do the premises in such places as you shall see most convenient except onely Church-Land you making due paiment for the same and also to seiz and arrest all those that you shall finde to oppose or resist you in the execution of the premises and them to commit into our Prisons there to abide till wee shall think fit to take farther order c. All Officers also in the said Admiraltie are commanded to yield obedience and assistance upon the same occasion The usual subscription in that Age shewing the Original Autoritie of the Commission was By the King himself and his Council But that the aforesaid Sea it self was conterned under the name of the Admiraltie is clearly manifest by what wee have alreadie shewn you And King Edward the third used his antient Right as other Kings of England did also therein as well as in the Ports themselvs or Shores of England for there are innumerable examples of the staying of all Ships whatsoêver by the King's Command in Port or Shore But that which hath been alleged about the staying of Ships and Listing them for the King's Service you are alwaies to understand it was so don according to equitie that competent Pay was to bee allowed them answerable to the proportion of Tuns and also to the number of Sea-men that were so taken into emploiment Touching which particular there are several Testimonies also to bee found in the Records of Parlament That Licence hath been usually granted to Foreiners by the Kings of England to fish in the Sea Also that the Protection given to Fisher-men by them as in their own Territorie is an antient and manifest Evidence of their Dominion by Sea CHAP. XXI AS a freedom of passage so also wee finde that a libertie of Fishing hath been obteined by Petition from the Kings of England There is a clear Testimonie hereof in that which was alleged before out of the Records of Parlament concerning those Tributes or Customs that were imposed in the time of Richard the Second upon all persons whatsoëver that used Fishing in the Sea Moreover it appear's by Records that Henrie the Sixt gave leav particularly to the French and very many other Foreiners for one whole year onely somtimes for six Months c. to go and fish throughout the Sea at all times and as often c. But this leav was granted under the name even of a Passport or safe conduct yea and a size or proportion was prescribed to their Fishing-boats or Busses that they should not bee above XXX Tuns And it is true indeed there was a kinde of consideration or condition added that som others who were subjects of the King of England might in Fishing enjoy the same securitie with Foreiners Which was for this caus onely put into the Licence that if the Foreiners did disturb or molest them they should lose the benefit of their Licence The words of that consideration or condition in the beginning of those Licences run after this manner To the end that the business of the Herring-fishing and of other Fish may bee advanced continued and mainteined for the publick good yea and that the like securitie may bee yielded and afforded to som certain Fisher-men under our obedience I suppose that those certain Fisher men under our Obedience were also the French who at that time continued in subjection to the English whereas almost all in France except the Shore of Picardie had newly revolted from the King of England That is to say at the latter end of the reign of Henrie the Sixt. But that which wee finde either here touching equal securitie or in other places somtimes also about the giving of safe conduct even to the Fishermen of England by Licence granted either to French or Flemings or Bretaigns that usually hapned when the heat of War was over a Cessation agreed on to treat of Peace or Amitie In the mean time securitie of that kinde was given on both sides now and then by agreement But by the King of England as well in respect of his beeing Lord of the place as his beeing a partie that was treating about a League or Amitie By others upon this account onely not upon that unless you understand the question to bee about the use of Ports and Shores For so no man denie's but these were Lords as well as hee Moreover also in our time leav was wont to bee asked of our Admiral for French-men to fish for Soles in the neighboring Sea for King Henrie the Fourth of France his own Table as it is affirm'd by such as have been Judges of our Admiraltie and Commanders at Sea of an antient standing yea and that the Ships of those French were seized as trespassers upon the Sea who presumed to fish there without this kinde of Licence But in the Eastern Sea which washeth the Coasts of Yorkshire and the neighboring Counties it hath been an antient Custom for the Hollanders and Zelanders to obtein leav to fish by Petition to the Governor of Scarbâ—rough Castle situate by the Sea-side in the Countie of York and this for very many years past as is affirmâ—d by that learned man M r Camden speaking of those Coasts It is worth the while saith hee to note
what an extraordinarie plentiful and gainful Herring-Fishing the Hollanders and Zelanders use to have in the neighboring Sea having first obteined leav from this Castle according to the antient Custom For the English have ever granted them leav to fish reserving alwaies the honor and privilege to themselves but through a kinde of negligence resigning the profit to Strangers For it is almost incredible what a vast sum of mâ—nie the Hollanders make by this Fishing upon our Coast. So he There is another man also of very great skill and knowledg in Sea-affairs who in the time of Q. Elisabeth presented a Book to the Parlament written in the English Tongue about the Commoditie of Fishing wherein hee write's that the Hollanders and Zelanders every year toward the later end of Summer send forth four or five hundred Vessels called Buffes to fish for Herrings in this Eastern Sea Where before they fish they ask leave of Scarborough which are his very words Care was taken also by Proclamation in the time of K. James that no Foreiner should Fish in the English or Irish Sea or that which belong's to the other Isles of the Realm of England without leav first obteined and every year at least reneâ—ed from the Commissioners appointed for this purpose at London And touching the libertie of fishing granted at other times also to Foreiners by the Kings of England there are many Testimonies in other Writers But the caus why wee do not often meet with the Forms of those Licences granted either for passage or fishing in the English Sea was plainly this becaus by the Leagues that were made with the neighbor Princes a Licence or freedom of that kinde as also of Ports Shores Passage and other things was so often allowed by both Parties that as long as the League was in force the Sea served as if it were a common Field as well for the Foreiner that was in amitie as for the King of England himself who was Lord and Owner But yet in this kinde of Leagues somtimes the Fishing was restrained to certain Limits which is a thing chiefly to bee consider'd The limits related both to place and time So that according to agreement the Foreiner in amitie might not fish beyond these Limits the K. of England reteining a Dominion over the whole adjoining Sea Touching this there is a notable Example in the time of our Henrie the Fourth An agreement was made betwixt the Kings of England and France that the Subjects of both might freely use Fishing throughout that part of the Sea which is bounded on this side by the Ports of Scarborough Southampton and on the other side by the Coast of Flanders and the mouth of the River Seine The time also was limited betwixt Autumn the Kalends of Januarie following And that the French might securely enjoy the benefit of this agreement our King directed Letters to that end unto all his Sea-Captains and Commanders Here you see plainly those Limits wholly excluded the French from that part of the Sea which lie's toward the West and South-west and also from that which lie's North east of them as beeing so limited by our Henrie at his own pleasure as its Lord and Soveraign Nor was there so much as the least shadow of right or Prerogative whereby the French King might seem to have any interest as a Lord or Owner in the setting of these Limits seeing that part of the Sea which was secluded did not touch upon any Shore of his in the North nor had hee any Countrie lying before the Sea in the South except Normandie or in the West the rest beeing held either by the Duke of Bretaign or by the King of England as wee have alreadie observed From hence truly it was a Custom for the Kings of England to give protection to Fisher-men that were Strangers somtimes by Proclamation and somtimes with a Fleet of men of War when they went to Fish either by agreement made upon treatie or by leav obteined qualifications beeing added according to the English King's pleasure There is among the Records of the time of Edward the First an Inscription Pro hominibus Hollandiae c. For the men of Holland and Zeland and Friesland to have leav to fish near Jernemuth The King's Letter for their protection follow 's thus The KING to his Beloved and Trustie John de Buteturte Warden of his Port de Jernemuth Greeting For as much as Wee have been certified that many men out of the parts of Holland Zeland and Friesland also who are in amitie with us intend now to com and fish in Our Sea near Jernemuth Wee command you that you caus publick Proclamation to bee made once or twice everie week that no persons whatsoëver imploied abroad in our service presume to caus any injurie trouble dammage hindrance or grievance to bee don unto them but rather when they stand in need that yee give them advice and assistance in such manner that they may fish and persue their own advantage without any let or impediment In Testimonie whereof Wee have caused these our Letters to bee made Patents to continue in force till after the Feast of St Martin next ensuing Witness the King at Wengham the XXVIII day of September Which was in the XXIII year of his Reign and of our Lord MCCXCV The same day also in favor of the â—arl of Holland and his Subjects hee set forth three men of War toward the farther Coast of the Sea for the safeguard as hee saith in another Letter of those Uessels belonging to your and our own Countrie that are in these daies emploied about the Herring Fishing c. and to guard your Coasts near the Sea Here hee grant's a Protection to fish And in both the Letters hee limits it within the space of two Months Hee alone also protected the Fisher-men upon the Geâ—man Coasts which by reason of its nearness hee call's here your Coast near the Sea in his Letter to the Eaâ—l of Holland as well as upon the English Nor might the Fisher-men use any other kinde of Vessels but that which was prescribed by our Kings Upon which account all kindes of Fishing were somtimes prohibited and somtimes admitted this restriction onely beeing added that they should fish in such Vessels onely as were under thirtie Tuns burthen This appear's by those Letters of King Edward the Third concerning the Laws of Fishing which were directed unto his several Governors of Yarmouth Scarborough Whitby and Donwich Towns seated upon the Eastern Shore The words are these Forasmuch as wee have given Licence to the Fishermen of the aforesaid Town and to others who shall bee willing to com unto the said Town for the benefit of Fishing that they may fish and make their own advantage with Ships and Boats under thirtie Tuns burthen any prohibition or Commands of ours whatsoever to the contrarie notwithstanding wee command you to permit the Fisher-men of the aforesaid
Town and others who shall bee willing to com to the said Town for the benefit of Fishing to fish and make their own advantage with Ships anâ— Boats under thirtie Tuns without any let or impediment any Prohibitions or Commands of ours made to the contrarie in any wise notwithstanding as wee have said â—itness the King at the Tower of London August X Which was in the 11 th year of the Reign of Edward the Third or of our Lord MCCCXXXIX But if any heretofore undertook the protection of the Fisher-men in this Sea without leav of the English they were to bee seized and imprison'd as Invaders of the Right of Dominion and to expect to bee dealt with accordingly for the injurie don to the King of England This is evident also in the Records of our K. Edward the Fourth For hee erected a Triumvirate or invested three Persons with Naval Power whom the Records call Custodes Conductores Waftores Guardians Conductors and Waftors whose Office it was to protect and guard the Fisher-men upon the Coasts of Norfolk and Suffolk To the end therefore that the expences of the Guard might be defrayed by the Fisher-men and all others whatsoëver bee excluded from medling with this kinde of Guard or protection hee appointed four men by name Sir John Hemingham Knight William Hopton Edmund Yve and John â—ansfleet Esquires as well say the Records themselvs to over-see those Guardians Conductors and Waftors as to give notice to all Fishermen of what Countrie soêver they bee who shall desire to fish in the Parts aforesaid under the protection of the said N. N. that those Fisher-men and everie of them do contribute to all and all manner of Costs Charges and Expenses belonging to the same Guardians and Conductors in the time of fishing and charge all such Costs Charges and Expences according to a proportion and to levie and collect those Costs Charges and Expences out of this kinde of Fishings belonging to the Fisher-men aforesaid wheresoêver they may bee found As also to arrest and apprehend all others except the afore named who presume or attempt to becom Guardians Conductors or Wastors and to commit them to our next Gaol there to bee kept safely and securely till wee shall take order for their deliverie In the very same words almost to the same purpose wee finde divers Letters Patents of King Henrie the Seventh yea and of Richard the Third save that in the form hereof after those words charge all such Expences according to a proportion this considerable Claus here is inserted Although the same Fishermen whether any one or more of them may have had Letters of safe Conduct from any other King Prince or Governor of any Kingdom whatsoëver So that by the received and usual Custom the Charges of the Guard were to bee defraied by the Fisher-men of this Sea at the pleasure of our Kings though they might have had Letters of publick security and protection from any other Princes Nor were any other persons to bee admitted to a partnership in this kinde of Guard except those that were appointed by the King of England lest by this means perhaps it might derogate from the English Right Which is a manifest sign or evidence of the Dominion and Possession of the place The Dominion of England made evident from the laws and limits usually set by our Kings in the Sea to such Foreiners as were at enmitie with each other but in amitie with the English And concerning the King's Closets or Chambers in the Sea Also touching that singular privilege of perpetual truce or exemption from hostilitie in the Sea about those Isles which lie before the shore of Normandie CHAP. XXII Promontoriorum series Rumbi Leucae Ad the Sowter in Phoenicem S. S. E. 17â…“ Ad Whitby in Notapeliotem S. E. 12 Ad Flamborough head in Notapeliotem S. E. ½ versus Austrum 8 Ad the Sporne in Phoenicem S. S. E. versus Apeliotem 13â…“ Ad Cromar in Meleuâ—um S. E. and by E. 24â…“ Ad Minterton nes in Hypophoenicem S. E. and by S. 4. Ad Caster-nes in Phoenicem S. S. E. 21 13 Ad Layestof in Austrum S. 3¾ Ad East-nes in Austrum S. ½ versus Occidentem 1â…š Ad Orforth-nes in Mesolybonotum S. and by W. 6â…™ Ad North-foreland in Austrum S. â…“ versus Oâ—â—identem 15â…™ Ad South-foreland in Austrum S. 6â…“ Ad Dunge-nes in Notolybicum S. W. ¼ versus Austrum 7 Ad Beach in Africum W. S. W. ¼ versus Austrum 13 Ad Dune-noze in Africum W. S. W. ¾ versus Occidentem 24 â— â— Ad Portland in Hypafricum W. and by S. vers Austrum 161 12 Ad the Start in Africum M. S. M. â…• in Occidentem 18â…” Ad the Ramme in Occidentem M. ¼ versus Boream 6½ Ad the Dudman in Africum M. S. M. â…™ versus Occidentem 8½ Ad the Lizard in Africum M. S. M. â— â—â— versus Austrum 9 Ad the Landsend in Caurum M. N. M. versus Boream 7 Ad Milford in Boream N. â…” versus Orientem 31â…” Ad S. Davids head in Boream N. ½ versus Occidentem 5½ Ad Beardsie in Hypaquilonem N. and by E. â…› vers Orieâ—tâ—m 12â…™ Ad Holy head in Boream N. â…™ versus Occidentem 9 Ad Monam in Hypaquilonem N. and by E. â…• versus Boream 26 Here you see very large spaces of Sea intercepted somtimes for above ninetie Miles for three English miles here go to everie League whereby those Chambers or Sea-Closets are made But wee finde the management of that business concerning these Chambers at the time of the aforesaid Proclamation set forth after this manner in the subscription of the twelv men that were sworn and added to the aforesaid distances and courses of sailing Wee whose names are subscribed beeing called before the Right Honorable Sir Julius Caesar Knight Judg of his Majestie 's High Court of Admiraltie and there beeing inrolled admitted and sworn for the describing of the limits and bounds of the King's Chambers Havens or Ports in their full extent do by these presents make answer and to the best of our knowledg and understanding declare that the said Chambers Havens or Ports of his Majestie are the whole Sea-Coasts which are intercepted or cut off by a streight line drawn from one point to another about the Realm of England For the better understanding whereof wee have made a Table concerning that business whereto wee have annexed this our Schedule shewing therein how one Point stand's in a direct line towards another according to that Table Given the fourth day of March Anno Dom. 1604. and in the second year of the Reign of our Soveraign Lord King James c. And then in the Schedule there follow the names of the twelv men who were all persons of very great knowledg in naval or Maritim Affairs So the spaces within the streight lines drawn from one point to another are the Chambers or Ports of the King of England
and others as well Strangers as Natives Enemies as well as Friends may freely lawfully and without peril go unto pass to and fro and frequent the said Isle and the places upon the Coasts thereof with their Shipping Merchandise and Goods as well for shelter from foul weather as upon any other their lawful occasions and there to use free Commerce and Traffick and to abide with safetie and securitie and to com away thence and return at pleasure without any damage trouble or hostilitie whatsoëver in their Affairs Merchandise Goods or Bodies and that not onely near the Island and places aforesaid upon the Coasts and their Precinct but also within the spaces distant from them as far as a man may ken that is so far as the sight of the eie can attain And this is called a privilege which you see extend's so far into the Sea it self as the sight of the eie can pierce from the shore And if so bee this privilege did not proceed from the Kings of England as they are Lords both of the Sea and the Isles and by the same right that the Isles themselvs belong to them as hath been said before it cannot in reason bee imagined from whence it had its original There is not so far as wee know so much as a pretence of a Grant made by any other Princes But onely by the Kings of England who unless themselvs were Lords of the whole Sea flowing about by what Title and Autoritie did they ordein such a Truce so far within the Sea on every side between enemies of all Nations whatsoëver that came unto those Islands But as our Kings have very often commanded that all manner of persons should ceas from hostilitie not onely within the aforesaid Creeks but also throughout the spaces extended thence at pleasure into their Territorie by Sea so in like manner they indulged the like kinde of privilege for ever throughout these Coasts of the French shore that all manner of persons though enemies to one another might securely sail to and fro as it were under the wings of an Arbiter or Moderator of the Sea and also freely use the Sea according to such spaces or limits as they were pleased at first to appoint Which without doubt is a clear evidence of Dominion Certain publick Records wherein of old the Dominion of the Sea is by the way asscribed to the Kings of England both by the King himself and also by the Estates of Parlament debating of other matters and that in express words and with verie great deliberation as a known and most undoubted Right CHAP. XXIII I Shall next of all cite several publick Records which are kept in the Tower of London wherein the Dominion and possession of the Sea is by the way expressly asserted as belonging to the King of England and that both by the King himself as also by the Estates of the Parlament of England as they were debating about other matters For that is the sixt head of the former Division King Edward the third intitle's himself and his Predecessors Lords of the whole Sea flowing round about in the several Commissions given to Geoffry de Say Governor or Commander of the Southern and Western Sea and John de Norwich of the Northern the limit of distinction beginning as it was usual at the Mouth of the Thames out of which Records wee here set down theform which is especially to bee consider'd so far as it make's to this purpose The KING to his Beloved and Trustie Geoffry de Say Admiral of his Fleet of Ships from the Mouth of the River Thames toward the Western parts greeting Whereas Wee have of late commanded you by Our Letters that you together with certain Ships out of the Cinque-ports which wee have order'd to bee furnished and made readie for war according to our Command should set forth to Sea to oppose and resist certain Gallies provided and inforced with men of war in divers forein Parts which as Wee were inform'd were set out towards the parts of our Dominion to aggriev Us and Our people or els to turn their cours toward the Coasts of Scotland for the relief and succor of our Enemies there And in regard it hath been related by som that Gallies of that kinde to the number of XXVI are newly com to the Coasts of Bretaign and Normandie and do still abide there as it is supposed to do what mischief they can against Us and Ours or to succor Our said Enemies as is aforesaid Wee calling to minde that OUR PROGENITORS THE KINGS OF ENGLAND have before these times been LORDS OF THE ENGLISH SEA ON EVERIE SIDE yea and defenders thereof against the Invasions of Enemies and seeing it would very much grieve Us if our Kingly honor in this kinde of defens should which God forbid bee lost in our time or in any sort diminished and desiring with God's help to prevent dangers of this nature and provide for the safeguard and defens of the Realm and our Subjects and to restrain the malice of our Eenemies Wee do therefore strictly require and charge you by the duty and Allegeance wherein you stand bound according to the special trust reposed in you that immediately upon sight of these presents and without any farther delay you do set forth to Sea with the Ships of the Ports aforesaid and the other Ships which are now readie and that you arrest the other Ships in obedience to our command which Wee lately requir'd you to arrest But so that they might bee readie and provided to set forth according to Our aforesaid Command seeing Wee caused the Masters and Marriners of the same Ships to bee prepared and gather'd together whether they were within your Liberties or without and to caus them beeing well provided of men of war and other necessaries to hasten out to Sea with the aforesaid Ships and that with all diligence you make search after the aforesaid Gallies and other Ships of War abroad against us and stoutly and manfully set upon them if they shall presume to bend their cours for the end aforesaid toward the parts of Our Dominion or the Coasts of Scotland And if they steal away from you so that you cannot meet with them then you are with the aforesaid Ships of our Fleet without any delay to follow after the same Gallies and Ships of War set out against Us if they shall make towards our Kingdom or the Coasts â—f Scotland aforesaid and courageously to destroy them for the conservation of our Royal honor But yet Wee will not that you occasion any hurt or hindrance to Merchants or others passing by Sea who have no intention to offend Us and our Subjects or to succour our Enemies Then follow 's a power to press Seamen and som other matters of that kinde The day also and Autoritie is subscribed after this manner Witness the King at the Town of S t John the sixteenth day of August By the King himself and
his Council The like Commission was at the same time and by the same time and by the same Autoritie given to John de Norwich Admiral of the Northen part In the preferring of a certain Bill also in Parlament which was the voice of the Estates of the Realm in the reign of the same Edward wee finde that hee was usually accounted and styled King or Soveraign of the Sea by all Nations The words are qe XX ans passez toutdiz adevant la Navie de dit roialme estoit en touz portz bones villes sur mier sur riviers si noble si plentinouse qe touz les pais tâ—noâ—ent appelloyenâ— nostre avantdit Seignieur LE ROY DE LA MIER tout son pays dotoyent le pluis per mier per terre per cause de la dite Navie c. Which beeing translated out of the old Norman speak's to this effect That the English were ever in the Ages past renowned for Sea affairs in all Countries near the Sea and they had also so numerous a Navie that the people of all Countries esteemed and called our King the King or Soveraign of the Sea There is likewise a notable Testimonie touching this business in the Parlament-Records of Henrie the Fifth where the tenor of the Bill ran as was usual after this manner Item priont les Commens que per lou nostre tressoverain seigneur LE ROY ET SES NOBLES PROGENITORS DE TOUT TEMPS ON T ESTE SEIGNEURS DEL MEER ore par lâ— grace de Dieu est venuz que nostre dit seigneur le Roy est seigneur des costes d' ambeparties del meer d' ordeigner sur touts estrangers passants per my le dit meer tiel imposition al oeps nostre dit seigneur le Roy à prendre que à luy semblera resonable pur la sauvegarde del dite meer That is to sâ—â— Item the Commons do pray that seeing our Soveraign Lord the King and his illustrious Progenitors have ever been Lords of the Sea and now that through Gods gtace it is so com to pass that our said Lord the King is Lord of the Shores on both sides of the Sea such a tribute may bee imposed upon all Strangers passing through the said Sea for the benefit and advantage of our said Lord the King as may seem agreeable to reason for the safeguard of the said Sea The Answer subscribed to this Bill was Soit avise par le Roy that is let the King himself bee advised of it For the King resided in France at that time beeing Lord of that Countrie by Inheritance and Conquest and Humphrey Duke of Glocester was President of the Parlament beeing then Keeper or Lieutenant of England by whom as the King's Deputie this kinde of Answer was usually given to Bills as often as an assent to them was delaied but when the King was present in person le Roy s' advisera the K. will advise served in stead of an Answer from antient down to the present time in such Bills as were not passed into Acts. That is to say in those Bills to which the Lords and Commons had given their assent before that is the Estates of the Parlament of England which is here especially to bee considered For most certain it is that according to Custom no Answer is given either by the King or in the King's name to any Parlamentarie Bills before that the Bill whether it bee brought in first by the Lords or by the Commons hath passed both Houses as it is known to all that are verst in the Affairs and Records of Parlament And when the name of either of them is left out in the draught of the Bill as the Lords are in that before alleged it was wont to bee supplied as it is also at this day by the brief form of Assent which is added by that Hous to whom the Bill is sent and transmitted For that Hous which first prefer's it transmit's it to the other who either give 's an assent or reject's it And when both Houses have so given their assent then after a while either the King give 's his assent whereby it becom's an Act or Law or els hee laie's it aside and as I have alreadie shewn take's time to advise Neither of which is ever don by the King according to the cours of Parlament till both Lords and Commons have first given their assent But the whole form of the afore-mentioned Bill which is full of all kinde of storie concerning things transacted in Parlament is taken out of the very Schedules annexed to the Bill wherein the Forms of this kinde of assent were wont expressly to bee added and register'd according to antient Custom among the Records of Parlament in the very same words wherein it was at first exhibited no express mention beeing made of the assent both of Lords and Commons which is annexed to the Body of the Form for the assent of both sufficiently appear's in that according to the cours of Parlament it was so presented to the King and the Kings assent onely or intent of deliberation beeing added by way of subscription as I have shewn But most of those Schedules annexed to that kinde of Bills which relate to the more antient times are lost whereas notwithstanding the Records wherein they were wont to bee register'd have been carefully preserved in the Tower for above CCC years All which wee thought meet to mention here to the end that in the Bill before alleged out of the Parlamentarie Records of Henrie the fift these three things may bee observed which make very much to the point in hand First that the Estates in Parlament according to the Custom of their Ancestors that is to say both Houses of Lords and Commons beeing well-informed of the matter perhaps by som antient Testimonies whereof wee are bereft by the injurie of time did with one consent affirm it as a thing unquestionable that the King of England is Lord of the Sea As it appear's also in that former Record which relate's to the Reign of Edward the third for both the Bills are placed alike in the aforesaid Records Secondly that the Sea whereof they speak is the whole that flow's between France and England For they say in express terms that King Henry beeing Lord of the Sea was at that time Lord des costes d ambâ—parties del meer that is of the Coasts or Shores on both sides of the Sea or those that include the Sea on both sides which cannot bee understood of any other or greater Sea than of that which was mentioned there immediately before And so it is in plain terms to bee taken of that whole Sea Thirdly that those Estates did not question but that Tributes might bee imposed by autoritie of Parlament upon all strangers whatsoëver wheresoëver they pass through this Sea as well as Customs in Port And that they did not at all conceiv that a Bill ought
to bee presented touching that business unto the King as hee was at that time King of France but onely as King of England that is as Lord of the whole Sea flowing between And it is very improbable and not in reason to bee admitted that they would so upon deliberation for both Lords and Commons use to debate such matters a long time before they pass a Bill that they would I say so upon deliberation require an imposing of Customs by the Act of an English Parlament in a place that was not subject as a part of the Roial patrimonie to the King of England as King of England From hence it was also that our present King Charls did this last year declare that himself and his progenitors the Kings of England have in all times hitherto by an antient and most just title been Lords of this Sea to wit in his Letters Patents sent to the Maritim Counties of England whereby ship-monie was imposed for the defence of his Dominion by Sea Add moreover hereunto that in the agreement made betwixt our Edward the first and Guie Earl of Flanders about the wearing of Colors or Flags in every ship and punishing offendors by Sea William de Leyburn is called Admiral de la mier du dict Roy d Engleterre or Admiral of the Sea of the said King of England Other Testimonies of the same kinde there are in Records touching the Dominion of the Sea as it hath been received and acknowledged according to the Common Law and Custom of our Countrie which I shall discours of in the next place and after that concerning the Testimonie of Foreiners Of divers Testimonies in our own Law-Books and the most received Customs whereby the Sea-Dominion of the King of England is either asserted or admitted CHAP. XXIV THE seventh of those Heads according to the former Division which manifest the aforesaid Dominion of the Kings of England relate's to our Law-Book's and the received Customs therein which prove it from the most antient times There are also in them many Particulars that may relate hereunto which are explained now and then touching the Guard of the Sea the English Admiraltie and other things alreadie handled But in this Chapter wee shall use either the determinations and Commentaries of our own Lawyers or chiefly such Court-Records as explain their opinions I confess indeed in som of the Authors of our Law who wrote above CCCL years ago or thereabout after they had as the manner then was read through the Civil Law also they were so strict in following those determinations word for word which they found concerning the Sea in that Law that when they treated de acquirendo Rerum Dominio of the manner of acquiring the Dominion of things they tranferr'd them into their own writings From thence it is that Henry Bracton who was a very famous Lawyer at the later end of the reign of Henrie the Third saith Naturali jure communia sunt omnia haec aqua Profluens aër Mare litora Maris quasi Maris accessoria By the Law of Nature all these things are common running water the Aër and the Sea and the shores of the Sea as accessories or dependants of the Sea Also aedificia si in mari five in litore posita fuerint aedificantium sunt de Jure gentium If Buildings bee raised in the Sea or upon the shore they becom theirs that build them by the Law of Nations And a little after Jus piscandi omnibus commune est in portu in fluminibus a Right of fishing is common to all in a Haven and in Rivers Which wee finde likewise in som other of our Law-Books of that Age as a passage that fell from som Writers of whom I spake at large in the former Book that were more affected than was meet with the words of Ulpian and Justinian in the general division of things But these very men in other places shewing the Customs of our Countrie do sufficiently admit the King's Dominion by Sea For Bracton himself afterward speak's of them that by the King's grace and favor quieti sint de Theolonio consuetudinibus Dandis per totum regnum Angliae in terrâ mari per totum Regnum tam per terram quà m per mare Were exempted from paying Tolls and Customs throughout the whole Kingdom of England in the Land and in the Sea and throughout the whole Kingdom both by Land and by Sea And in the same King's time a freedom from som paiments was granted to the Citizens of London per totum Regnum tam per mare quà m per terram throughout the whole Kingdom as well by Sea as by Land And so Bracton when hee return's to speak of the Customs of our Countrie acknowledged that the Dominion of the Sea belong'd to his King no less then the Land And hence it came to pass also that inter Capitula Coronae as they call them that is to say those Articles or chief Heads whereof enquirie was to bee made according to the usual custom by Judges delegated throughout England for the conservation of the publick peace wee finde this also de Purpresturis factis super Dominum Regem sive in Terrâ sive in Mari c. Of Pourprestures made upon our Lord the King either on Land or in the Sea or in sweet waters either within the Libertie or without or in any other place whatsoëver And it is placed among the Articles of this kinde recited by Bracton himself and in the Autor of the Book called Fleta But in the language of the Law wee call those things Pourprestures whereby detriment is don to any publick place belonging to the Patrimonie of the Crown as a publick thorow-fare a River and the like So that according to the nature of this ordinarie Article touching Pourprestures in the general form of enquirie the Dominion or Ownership of the Sea is ascribed to the King no less than of the Land or of publick Road or thorow-fare and River agreeable hereto is that Article about any kinde of salt-waters beeing inclosed by any subject or possessed in any other manner which in the antient Records of our Court of Admiraltie is said to bee don to the disherison of the King The words are there Item soit enquis de ceulx qui acrochent à eulx eaves salees en desheretison du Roy. And at this day enquirie is wont to bee made about that business by Autoritie of the high Admiral Robert Belknap also an eminent Judg in the time of Richard the Second saith that the Sea is subject to the King as a part of his English Kingdom or of the Patrimonie of the Crown His words in the Norman tongue run thus Le Mere est del ligeans del Roy come de son corone d' Angleterre Hee added to his words in a remarkable way as belonging to the Crown of England or as belonging
to the Royal Patrimonie of England to the end that no man might question whether the Sea belong'd to his King by the Right of the Kingdom of England or of the Dutchie of Normandie or of any other Province in France Another also who wrote in the time of Henrie the Eighth saith it hath been received by antient custom that it is a dutie lying upon the King of England as Lord of the British Sea to scour the Sea of Pirates and to render the use thereof as of a publick Road or Thorow-fare whose soil is within his Patrimonie safe for Shipping For hee expresseth himself in English thus The King of the ould Custome of the Realme as the Lord of the narrow Sea is bound as it is said to scoure the Sea of the Pirates and petit robbers of the Sea So much also as to what concern's Dominion is without controversie admitted by our Lawyers of later time And it appear's by publick Records conteining divers main points touching which the Judges were to bee consulted for the good of the Common-weal in the time of King Edward the Third that the King's Sea-Dominion which they called the antient superioritie of the Sea was a matter out of question among our Lawyers of that Age. But consultation was had for the more convenient guarding of it For the whole Bench of Judges were advised with to the end so wee read it in the Records and that is especially to bee observed which wee finde here about the first beginning of the Naval Laws of the Isle of Oleron seated in the Creek of Aquitain at the mouth of the River Charente that the form of proceeding heretofore ordained and begun by Edward the first grandfather of our Lord the King and his Council at the prosecution of his Subjects may bee resumed and continued for the reteining and conserving of the antient superioritie of the Sea of England and the Autoritie of the Office of Admiraltie in the same as to the correcting expounding declaring and conserving the Laws and Statutes long since made by his Predecessors Kings of England for the mainteining of Peace and Justice among all people of what Nation soëver passing through the Sea of England and to take cognisance of all attempt to the contrarie in the same and to punish Offenders and award satisfaction to such as suffer wrong and damage Which Laws and Statutes were by the Lord Richard heretofore King of England at his return from the holy Land interpreted declared and published in the Isle of Oleron and named in French le ley Olyroun Here you have it declared as a thing most received and certain that the King of England hath by antient right been Lord of the Sea of the same name or that which flow's about it But that whereof the Bench of Judges were to consult was onely about the orderly maintenance of this right Nor is it truly a small sign of this Dominion that Richard the First King of England beeing in the Isle of Oleron which hee possessed as seated in his own Sea not so much for that hee was Duke of Aquitain as King of England whereof wee have alreadie spoken did as sole Ruler and Moderator of Sea-affairs first publish those Naval or Sea-Laws in that his Island which hold in force to this day and from that time gave them so large and perpetual an Autoritie by that name that as the Rhodian Naval Laws as the case stand's do prove that the Rhodians in antient time were Lords of the Grecian Sea so the Laws of Oleron having obteined such a kinde of Autoritie by Sea from their first Institution must ever declare the King of England as the Autor to bee Lord of the neighboring Sea round about But som printed Copies of these Laws make them about sixtie years later than the Reign of that Richard by what autoritie I cannot tell For they relate them to have been made in the year MCCLXVI which is the fiftieth year of our Henrie the third Also in the Law of the Land it is reckoned among the Privileges of such as are absent that they who shall bee out of the Realm of England at the levying of a Fine of any Land and making Proclamations thereupon are not so bound either by a yearly prescription as heretofore or by a five years prescription as is usual of later time but that their Right remain's entire to them upon their return home if they make their claim within the like spaces of time But intra regnum within the Kingdom is by the same Law taken and that in the usual phrase for that which is intra or as it is wont to bee barbarously render'd infra Quatuor Maria within the four Seas to wit the Southern Western Eastern and that Northen Sea which washeth both the sides of that neck of Land whereby Scotland is united to England That is to say within the outmost bounds of the English Empire in those four Seas or within the opposite Shores of the Eastern and Southern Sea or Ports belonging to other Princes and within the bounds of the Northern and Western Sea which indeed are to bee bounded after another manner but yet to bee bounded that is accordirng to the extent of possession West-ward beyond the Western Shores of Ireland and by the first beginning of that Sea which is of the Scotish name and jurisdiction But that which is opposed to this Particle intra quatuor maria within the four seas is that extra quatuor Maria without the four seas or to bee in the parts so beyond the Seas that they bee beyond the bounds of the Sea-Dominion of the King of England from whence wee are to determine of the bounds or exterior limit of the Seas And although the Land of England bee somtimes used for that which is the whole Realm or English Empire as signifying the same a more ordinarie and indeed more brief expression beeing applied as is usual in stead of a more large yet it certainly appear's that extra quatuor maria without the four seas and extra Regnum without the Realm do in our Law-Books signifie the very same thing that is to say so far as the extent and latitude of the whole English Empire is comprehended in the name of Realm not as the Realm of England is now and then distinguished in our Law from Ireland which also is a distinct Dominion of the same Empire or from the other Islands which are reckoned in the Roial patrimonie of the Kings of England For it is usual in the Language of the Law so to describe him who in that sens shall bee out of the Realm And whereas in the Reign of Richard the second to an objection made against one that would avoid the yearly prescription as not bound by it for that hee was not in England it was excepted that hee was in Scotland and so within the four Seas It was thereupon answer'd and rul'd
Sea from the Law of Nations denie a Dominion and wrest other things by way of Argument out of the Writers of the Imperial Law which are clearly contrarie to our English Right as also to the Intervenient Law of Nations which hath continued in force for so many Ages about the Dominion of the Sea Either I say the same must bee said of them or els that they did not so much make choice of Arguments which they thought were true to serv the present occasion as of such that might seem to have the greater force and autoritie among those Civil Lawyers with whom they were in Treatie Nor is it a new thing that Civilians should speak of a natural and perpetual communitie of the Sea even where it is most certain that a Dominion thereof is admitted from all Antiquitie in the very Territorie wherein they themselvs are comprehended as I have formerly declared There are also very many Rights among us belonging either to the Exchequer or to such as enjoy the Right of the Exchequer by Grant from the King which som conceiv to bee grounded upon that Sea-Dominion whereof wee discours As the confiscation of Goods derelict in the Sea and of som of the greater sort of Fish as Wale-Fishes Sturgeons and others And for the most part that of the Satyrist hold's good Quicquid conspicuum pulchrúmque ex aequore toto est Res Fisci est ubicunque natat Goods in the sea of any worth and note Belong to th'Chequer wheresoëre they flote Besides wreckt goods cast out ashore when no living creature belonging to the ship remain's alive But these things do not onely appertain to him that is Lord of the Sea but somtimes also to others in other Nations And they for the most part depend either upon the Law or Custom of som Land as in the case of Goods cast ashore or of such as are found and imported or els upon a Right over such Persons as shall first possess them as in the case of any Goods whatsoâ—ver derelict or found in the Sea and others of that kinde Therefore I thought it not meet to draw those things here into Controversie Som antient Testimonies of less account touching the Sea-Dominion whereof wee Treat CHAP. XXV But his intent is earnestly to perswade the English that it is their main interest diligently to guard the Sea whereof the Kings of England are Lords and to defend it with all their might as the perpetual prop and support of their Empire Hee saith also that the same advice was given by the Emperor Sigismund at his enterview with our Henrie the Fifth for the procuring of on peace betwixt him and Charls the Sixth King of France Give mee leav to set down his words The true processe of English policie Of utterward to keep this region Of our Englond that no man may denie Nor say of sooth but it is one of the best Is this that who seeth South North East and West Cherish merchandise keep the Admiraltie That we be Masters of the narrow See For Sigismund the great Emperour Which yet reigneth when he was in this lond With King Henrie the fift Prince of honour Here much glory as him thought he found A mightie land which had taken in hand To warre in France and make mortalitie And ever well kept round about the See And to the King thus he said My brother When he perceivaed two towns Calys and Dover Of all your towns to chuse of one and other To keep the Sea and soon to com over To werre outwards and your reign to recover Keep these two towns sure and your Maâ—estie As your tweyne eyne so keep the Narrow See For if this See bee kept in time of warre Who can here passe without danger and woâ— Who can escape who may mischief differre What marchandie may for by be agoe For needs hem must take trewes euery foe Flanders and Spaine and other trust to me Or else hindred all for this Narrow See What is conteined more at large in these Rhythmes you have the sens of it contracted above in few words It is not worth while to render the words themselvs The same Versifier also proceeds thus But King Edward made a siege royall And wanne the town and in speciall The Sea was kept and thereof he was Lord Thus made he Nobles comed of Record Wee have also divers other very large Domestick Testimonies of this thing which are added in the next place beeing mingled together with the antient Recognition or acknowledgment of forein Nations concerning the same That the Sea-Dominion of the Kings of England is acknowledged by Foreiners whom it most concern's by their usual striking of Sails according to antient Custom Also concerning two Edicts or Ordinances that were set forth about this Thing by the Kings of France CHAP. XXVI WEe are com now to Foreiners And it is clearly evident by what wee have discoursed before either touching the limits set for Navigation by the King of England or the Licence of passage through this Sea often desired by Petition that som of them have indeed acknowledged this Dominion But there are two Testimonies more notable than the rest which shew if you consider chiefly as you ought their beeing Neighbors and such whom it concerned that they generally did the same The one is the usual striking of the Top-sails by every Ship of any Forein Nation whatsoêver if they sail near the King's Navie or any Ship belonging to the same Navie in the Sea The other is a Libel published of old or a Bill of complaint instituted wherein very many forein Nations heretofore in the time our Edward the First did all together and by common consent with the English acknowledg the Dominion of the Kings of England by Sea Whereto I shall add also a particular declaration of that kinde made by the Flemings in an Ambassie to our Edward the Second But that the striking of Sails is don not onely in honor of the English King but also in acknowledgment of his Soveraigntie and Dominion in this Sea is I suppose a thing out of question Certainly the French cannot doubt of it who by such a kinde of striking would have had themselvs heretofore acknowledged Lords of our Sea but in vain That is to say they were as much over-seen in the former Age in setting forth two Edicts or Ordinances to require and ratifie such a kinde of striking Sail to themselvs by all Foreiners as they were in so rashly vindicating the Sea-Dominion of the King of England Concerning those Edicts wee spake before in the former Book Neither of which was received as valid in any Court of Justice according to a decision made in the supreme Court of Parlament which wee have observed also in that place Yea and here I shall set down the very words used by Ludovicus Servinus Advocate general to the King of France to magnifie the Autoritie of those Edicts or Ordinances at
the time of that Decision The one of them beeing set forth by King Henrie the Second of France or in the year MDLV the other by Henrie the Third or in the year MDLXXXIV they were both objected by those who required a striking of Sail to them in the name of the French King even without the bounds of France for the words of the Edicts did not relate onely to the Sea confining upon France upon which ground also they offer'd violence to certain Hamburgers who refused to do this and seized them as guiltie of contempt against the dignitie and Dominion of the French by Sea But as to this thing saith Servinus it may bee said on the contrarie That the Edicts or Ordinances of the Realm making injunction to strike and com aboard have not been observed and are not to this day And it doth not appear that of the year 1555. hath been verified in the Court of Parlament but the Defendants do report onely an extract out of the Register of Broüage which indeed is evident enough when that Edict is objected by the same man Moreover it was an old obsolete Law and that which prove's it is the new Ordinance of the year 1584. For there had been no need of a new Law if the old one had been kept And notwithstanding that the last hath not been verified simply but as it was promoted by persons in Power at that time it did not pass without resistance but was Registred and Published with the Qualification required by the Procurator General at the charge of the Executor according to the antient Forms and such as the Officers of the Admiraltie had made in former time without doing any thing anew The former Edict which was objected was never admitted by the Estates of the Realm for nothing of that matter is to bee found in the Records of Parlament which is the proper place for a Testimonie of its admission But the later was indeed admitted though as to any effect of a Law either at that time to bee enacted or introduced or as received before into Custom it was plainly rejected and that at the instance of the King's Procurator who desired it might bee so qualified as you see that what was grounded upon antient Custom it onely might bee ratified even after this Edict was so admitted in favor of som great Ones Which was discreetly don seeing both the Edicts were extremely contrarie to the Custom of their Neighbors yea and of all Foreiners But as to the business of striking sail which they would have to bee a special Sign or Pledg of their Soveraigntie and Dominion in those Edicts which notwithstanding upon second thoughts were rejected afterwards in Law as hath been shewn truly it having been usually and perpetually acknowledged due for so many Ages to the English and performed accordingly both by stranger and by the French themselvs as a matter grounded upon long prescription can bee no slight argument among the French to confirm that Dominion of the English whereof wee treat Moreover it is affirmed by all that are used to the Sea as a thing out of Question that this intervenient Law or Custom of striking sail hath been very usual to the English and other Nations And that it is very antient and received for above four hundred years appear's by this that at Hastings a Town situate upon the Shore of Sussex it was decreed by King John in the second year of his Reign or of our Lord MCC with the assent of the Peers that if the Governor or Commander of the King's Navie in his Naval Expeditions which were all in that Age upon the Southern Sea shall encontre sur la mer so the words run in the Norman Tongue aucunes Nefs ou vesseaulx charges ou voide qui ne vevillent avaler abeisser leurs triefs au commandement du Lieutenant du Roy ou de l' Admiral du Roy ou son Lieutenant mais combatant encontre ceulx de la flote que silz puent estre pris quils soient reputez come enemies leurs Ness vesseaulx biens pris forfaits come biens des enemies tout soit que les Maistres ou possessours d' iceulx voudroient venir apres alleguer mesmes les Nefs vesseaulx biens estre des amies du Roy nostre seigneur que la menye estant en iceulx soient chastiez per emprisonement de leur corps pur leur rebelleté par discretion That is to say shall meet any Ships whatsoëver by Sea either laden or empty that shall refuse to strike their Sails at the command of the King's Governor or Admiral or his Lievtenant but make resistance against them which belong to his Fleet That then they are to bee reputed enemies if they may bee taken yea and their Ships and Goods bee confiscated as the Goods of Enemies And that though the Masters or Owners of the Ships shall allege afterward◠that the same Ships and Goods do belong to the friends and Allies of our Lord the King But that the Persons which shall bee found in this kinde of Ships are to bee punished with imprisonment at discretion for their Rebellion It was accounted Treason if any Ship whatsoëver had not acknowledged the Dominion of the King of England in his own Sea by striking Sail And they were not to bee protected upon the Account of Amitie who should in any wise presume to do the contrarie Penalties also were appointed by the King of England in the same manner as if mention were made concerning a crime committed in som Territorie of his Island A Recognition or Acknowledgment of the Sea-Dominion of the King of England made by very many of the Neighbor-Nations round about in an antient Libel publickly exhibited or in a Bill of Complaint instituted by them together with the English against Reyner Grimbald Governor of the French Navie Also touching a Recognition of this kinde implied in his Defence CHAP. XXVII THe other Testimonie concerning the Recognition of most Forein Nations in this particular is that Libel or Bill of Complaint heretofore instituted by very many Nations together wherein they unanimously declared the King of England and his Predecessors to bee Lords of teh Sea flowing about and brought them to give an acompt in a Court of Judicature who presumed to violate that Right For the well understanding whereof I shall relate the whole matter more at large A war being on foot between our Edward the First and King Philip the Fair of France it was so concluded somtimes by agreement that there might notwithstanding bee a Freedom of Commerce on both sides and so a Truce with all Merchants whatsoëver on either side but as to other things hostilitie proceeded in the mean time as it was wont betwixt both the Nations This special kinde of Truce was called Sufferentia guerrae sufferance of war and during war there were certain persons appointed by both Princes to take
cognisance of things don contrarie to this Truce and pass their Judgments according to the Law or Custom of Merchants and the Form of Sufferance After a revolution of som years wherein this kinde of Truce took place and somtimes not a League was made in the year of our Lord MCCCIII which is the one and thirtieth of Edward the first The first Article of that League is that those Kings should not onely bee at amitie with each other but also that they should defend one another in all manner of Rights against any others whomsoêver except the Church of Rome and on the part of the King of England his son in law John Duke of Brabant but on the part of the King of France Albertus King of the Romans and John Earl of Henault But the third Article thereof for the first and third is of singular use in that Libel or Bill of Complaint as will appear by and by is this Item il est accorde qe l'un ne receptera ne sustendra ne confortera ne fera confort ne aide as Enemies de l' autre ne soffera qu' ils eient confort souccors ne aide soit de gent d' armes ou de vitailes ou d' autres choses queles q' eles soient de ses terres ou de son poiar mais adiondera sur peine de forfature de corps d' avoir empeschera à tot son poair loiaument en bon foi qe les dits enemies ne soient resceipts ne confortes es terres de sa seignurie ne de son poiar ne q'ils en aient confort soccours ne aide soit gents d' armes des chevaux d' armeures de vitails ou d' autres choses queles q' eles soient which is in English to this effect that according to this contract of amitie they were neither of them in any wise to cherish the enemies of the other nor suffer any kinde of aid or relief to bee afforded them in their Territories The war beeing thus at an end becaus there arose very many complaints concerning injuries don up and down as well in the more open as in our own Sea during the special Truce afore mentioned but also it was probable that others of that kinde might arise perhaps after the League was made especially by reason of the differences at that time betwixt the French King and the Earl of Flanders therefore Commissioners were appointed by both Princes to hear and decide them And those at that time on the behalf of the King of England were Robert de Burghershe Constable of Dover Castle and John de Banquell Steward of Pontoise Baraldus de Sescas and Arnaldus Ayquein Knights on the French King's behalf were appointed the Lord Saquilly Mittonius Blanvillius Bertrandus Jordanus and Gulielmus Ralastansius Knights also To the end that they might take cognisance so it is in the King of England's Commission des enterprises mesprises forfaites en Treve ou en Sufferance entre nos le dit Roy de France d' un part d' autre es costeres de la mer d' Engleterre autres per deceâ— ausint per devers Normandie autres costeres de la mer per de la that is of encroachments injuries and offences committed on either side in time either of the League or Sufferance or of the Truce agreed on between Us and the said King of France for freedom of Commerce onely either upon the Sea-Coasts of England or any other neighboring Coasts of the Sea either towards Normandie or others more remote But the aforesaid parties were autorised by two Commissions in such manner that the one Commission contained four and the other also four an equal number beeing appointed by both the Kings They both bear date the last day of June MCCCIII To these Commissioners or others of that kinde the Libel was jointly exhibited by Procurators on the behalf of the Prelates and Peers of England also of the high Admiral of England yea and of the Cities and Towns throughout England and lastly of the whole English Nation and others subject to the King of England and how this could bee don otherwise than by autoritie of the Estates in Parlament is not to bee imagined With these in like manner were joined the Procurators of most Nations bordering upon the Sea throughout Europe as the Genoëses Catalonians Spaniards Almains Zelanders Hollanders Friâ—slanders Danes and Norwegians besides others under the Dominion of the Roman German Empire All these together instituted an Action or Complaint against Reyner Grimbald who beeing Governor of the French Navie had during the war between King Philip of France and Guie Earl of Flanders intercepted and spoiled Merchants of their Goods in this Sea that were bound for Flanders And all these Complainants jointly say that the King of England and his Predecessors have time out of minde without controversie enjoied the Soveraigntie and Dominion of the English Sea and the Isles of the same by right of their Realm of England that is to say by prescribing Laws Statutes and Prohibitions of Arms and of Ships otherwise furnished than with such necessaries as belong to Merchants and by demanding suretie and affording protection in all places where need should require and ordering all other things necessarie for the conservation of Peace Right and Equitie between all sorts of people passing through that Sea as well strangers as others in subjection to the Crown of England Also that they have had and have the Soveraign Guard thereof with all manner of Conisance and Jurisdiction in doing Right and Justice according to the said Laws Statutes Ordinances and Prohibitions and in all other matters which may concern the exercise of Soveraign Dominion in the said places To wit such matters as concern'd the office and jurisdiction of the Admirals that were wont to bee appointed by the Kings of England Then adding the first Article afore-mentioned of the League made but a little before whereby both Kings were obliged to defend one another's right they proceed in their Accusation against Grimbald saying That hee is onely Master of the Navie of the King of France but call's himself Admiral of the said Sea and pretend's that hee was autorised under that title by the King of France upon occasion of his making warr against the Flemings And that after the making of the said League and contrarie to the intent and meaning of the same hee had for above a years time unjustly assumed aâ—d usurpâ—d the office of Admiral in the said Sea by autoritie of the King of France his Commission taking the People and Merchants of England and other Nations passing through that Sea imprisoning and spoiling them of their Goods and delivering them up to the King's Officers as Goods forfeited and confiscate And whereas hee hath in a very insolent manner justified these actions of his in writing as don by autoritie of the King his Master's Commission as also according to
that Libel by so many Nations Moreover truly it is worthie observation that about the very same time to wit a little before the making of the League the King of England did homage to the French King for the Dutchie of Aquitain the Earldom of Pontois and other Provinces that hee held in France that hee was also wholly deprived of them som time before by decree of the Parlament of Paris yea and that about one hundred years before King John was outed of Normandie and yet afterward that the King of England now and then regained a possession of it and that before the time of the League and of the publication of this Libel which serv all to this end that wee may observ that when the aforesaid famous controversie arose about the use and Soveraigntie of the Sea flowing between France and Britain and the absolute Dominion thereof was asscribed by so many Nations upon a Title derived time out of minde to the King of England and his Predecessors yet in the mean time no title at all was pretended in right to their possession either of Normandie or Aquitain whereupon a Dominion of any part of the Sea might in any sort bee grounded but claimed upon the sole right of the English Empire And it appear's evident by the thing it self that the things complained of by those Nations in the Libel were don by that Governor of the French Navie chiefly in the Sea near the shores of France and Flanders which were in hostilitie with each other And so certainly they all unanimously affirm that the whole Sea whereof they speak is under the Dominion of the King of England and that upon the sole Account and right of the English Empire And as for Grimbald hee did not defend himself either by a pretence of any Dominion of the King of France or by disproving of that Prescription whereupon the English Title depend's as a thing not declared according to Truth or antient Right nor did hee at all pretend that the Right which the Kings of England had in the Sea borde ring upon France did belong to them either upon the account of Normandie or any other French Province whatsoêver as Fiduciarie Clients or Vassals of the King of France though it had been convenient and very seasonable for him to have alleged all these Particulars if the Truth had been so indeed Whereby also that is not a little confirmed whereof wee discoursed before about taking the names of the shore over against us in the later Commissions of the Office of high Admiral of England for limits onely of the Sea-Dominion of the Kings of England and of the Province thereof under their protection Moreover also about seven years before the exhibiting of the aforesaid Libel to the Commissioners when as the King of France by reason of divers heinous injuries don to his Subjects by the English in this Sea required that the King of England as hee was the Fiduciarie Client or Vassal becaus of Aquitain and other Provinces that hee held under him in France should bee questioned not onely for wrong don but also for his right to those Lands which hee held and bee summoned to appear in the Parlament of Paris the matter beeing set down at large in the Letter of Summons hee inserted nothing therein whereby hee might seem to arrogate any Sea-Dominion at all to himself or diminish that which belong'd to the King of England as you may see in I lorilegus who hath set down an entire Copie of them in his Annals The same Autor also speaking of the same Time saith At that time there was neither Lord nor Law over the Sea men but what every man was able to catch or snatch hee called his own which plainly denote's an extraordinarie Licence or of Depredation and infesting the Sea yet so to bee understood that in the mean time the incomparable power of the English in Shipping which guarded their Dominion by Sea according to the Custom of their Ancestors was chiefly signified thereby the King very freely permitting his Subjects to use depredations by Sea as long as the war continued For Florilegus himself relate's that great numbers both of French and Spaniards were then taken at Sea by the English Yea and about that time Thomas of Walsingham write's that either a French or Norman Navie of two hundred Sail which roved about this Sea to rob the English were overcom by a Fleet of sixtie English Ships and brought into England There is also another antient Autor of the same time when these affairs were acted who saith That in the Month of May MCCXCIV there fell out a Quarrel between the Sea-men of the Cinque-Ports of England and the Sea-men of France and it was determined by a fight at Sea wherein the English with a Fleet of one hundred Sail took two hundred Ships of France and drowned or killed almost all the Sea-men of France for which caus Philip King of France endeavored to take away Gascoign from the King of England Others there are likewise that have other expressions touching these things whereby it is easie to collect what is meant by that of Florilegus when hee saith that there was neither Lord nor Law over Sea-men at that time that is to say the King of England had let the reins loos to his Subjects as Moderator of this Sea and this hee did that they might not onely restrain his enemies but them also that should reliev his enemies in any manner whatsoêver or that should use the Sea otherwise than at his pleasure who was Lord thereof But as concerning the like acknowledgment made singly and apart by the Flemings of the Dominion of the Kings of England over the Sea I shall Treat by and by after that I have in the next place set before you the Libel it self in its own that is the Norman Tongue as it stand's recorded in the Tower of London A Copie or Transcript of the Libel or Bill of Complaint mentioned in the former Chapter CHAP. XXVIII IN the Archives of the Tower of London where Records of above four hundred years are kept there is a bundle of Parchments which contein som affairs relating to the times of Henrie the Third and of Edward the First and Third The first contein's an agreement made between Edward the First and Guy Earl of Flanders touching their Ships bearing of Colors about this Sea to the end that they might bee the more easily known Then there are annexed three either Originals or Copies of the said Libel written at the same time For as it seem's the several Procurators of those Nations that were parties in the Complaint had their several Libels though expressed in the name of all together So that one is endorsed thus De Baiona as if that Libel had been exhibited singly by the men of Bayonne but the title run's thus De Superioritate Maris Angliae Jure Officii Admirallatûs in eodem
that is Of the Superioritie or Soveraigntie of the Sea of England and the right of the Office of Admiraltie in the same as it is also in the said agreement between the King and the Earl of Flanders Also in one of the Libels to those words is added retinendis confirmandis All beeing very plainly written in the usual Character of that Age whereunto the matter relate's And there can bee no scruple touching the realitie and truth of them to any one that seeth them who is but a little acquainted with the antient writing and such kinde of Records I gave you the whole sens yea and partly the words before but now have thought fit to set down an entire Copie of the Libel as it was written at that time in the French or Norman Tongue which run's after this manner A vous Seigneurs Auditours Deputez per les Rois d' Engleterre de France a redresser les dammages faits as gentz de lour Roiaulmes des altres terres subgitz a leur seignuries per mier per terre en temps de Pees Trewes monstrent les Procurors des Praelatz et Nobles del Admiral de la mier d' Engleterre des Comminalties des Citties des Villes des Marchaunz Mariners Messagiers Peleringes de tous autres du dit Roiaulme d' Engleterre des autres terres subgits a in segnurie du dit Roy d' Engletterre d' aillours si comme de la Marine de Genue Cateloigne Espaigne Alemaigne Seland Hoyland Frise Denemarch Norway de plusours autres lieux del Empire que come LES ROYES D' ENGLETERRE PAR RAISON DU DIT ROYALME DU TEMPS D' ON T IL NY AD MEMOIRED DU CONTRARIE EUSSENT ESTE EN PAISIBLE POSSESSION DE LA SOVUEREIGNE SEIGNURIE DE LA MIER D' ENGLEIERRE ET DES ISLES ESTEAUNS EN YCELLE par ordinance establisement des lois estatutes defenses d armes des vesseaux autrement garnies que vesseaux de Marchandise et de seurté prendre et savegarde doner en tous cas que mestier serra et par ordinance de tous autres faits necessaries a la garde des pees droiture et equite entre toute manere des gentz taunt d' autre seignurie come leur propre par illeque's passanz et par soveraigne guarde et tote manere de conisance et Justice haute et basse sur les dites lois estatuts ordinances et defenses et par toutz aultres faitz queux à le governement de soveraigne seignurie appertenir purront es lieux avant ditz Et A. de B. Admirall de la dite mire deputez per le Roy de Engleterre et touz les autres Admiralls per meisme celui Roy d' Angleterre et ses Auncestres jadis Rois d' Engleterre eussent este in paisible possession de la dite soverein garde ove la conisance et Justice et toutz les aultres apertenances avantdites forspris en cas d' appell et de querele fait de eux à lour sovereigns Roys d' Engleterre de deffault de droit ou de malvais juggement et especialment par empechement metere et Justice faire seurte prendre de la pees de toute manere des gentz usaunts armes en la dite mier uo menans niefs aultrement apparallez ou garniez que n' appartenoit au nief Marchande et en toutz aultres points en queux home peut aver reasonable cause de suspection vers eaux de robberie ou des autres mesfaits Et come les Maistres des Neifs du dit Royalme d'Engleterre en absence des dits Admiralls eussent este en paisible possession de conustre et jugger des touz faicts en la dite mire entre toute manere des gentz solonâ— les lois estatuts et les defenses et Custumes Et come en le pimier article de l' Alliance nadgairs faite entre les dits Roys en les traitz sur la darrain pees de Paris soient comprises les paroles que â—ensujent en un cedule annexe à yâ—este At non in schedulâ annexâ sed in eâdem membranâ descriptum est quod sequitur unde non tam ipsos libellos qui cognitoribus edebantur quà m sive formulas eorum archetypas sive exemplaria descripta haec esse conjiciendum fortè est utì etiam ex eo quòd Admiralli Angliae nomen aliter ac per A. de B. non inseratur quae prima elementa non sunt nominis alicujus tunc temporis Angliae Admiralli in sacris Scriniis reperti Primierement il est traict accord entre nous les messagers les procurers susdits en nom des dits Roys que iceux Roys serront l'un à l'autre desores enavant bons vrayes loyaux amys eydans contre tout home sauve l' Esglise de Rome en tiele manner que si ascun ou plusieurs quicunques ils fuissent voloient depointier empescher ou troubler les dits royes es franchises es liberties privileges es drois es droitures eu es custumes de eux de leur royalmes q'ils seront bons loyaux amys aydans contre tout home que puisse viure morir à defendre gardir maintenir les franchises les liberties les privileges les droitures et les custumes desusdites Except pur le dit Roy d' Angletterre Monsieur Johan Duâ— de Braban en Brabant et ses heirs dessendans de lui et de la fille le roy d' Angleterre et excepte pur le dite nostre seigneur â—e roy de France l' excellent Prince Monsiur Aubert Roy d' Alemaigne et ces heirs royes d' Alemaine et Monsieur Johan Count de Henau en Henau Et que l'un ne serra en consail ne en aide ou l' autre perde vie membre estate ou honor Monsieur Reyner Grimbaltz Maistre de la Navie du dit Roy de France In English it run's thus To you our Lords Auditors deputed by the Kings of England and France to redress the wrongs don to the People of their Kingdoms and of other Territories subject to their Dominion by Sea and by Land in time of Peace and Truce The Procurators of the Prelates Nobles and of the Admiral of the Sea of England and of the Commonalties of Cities and Towns and of the Merchants Mariners Messengers Inhabitant strangers and all others belonging to the said Realm of England and the other Territories subject to the Dominion of the said King of England and of others under the Iurisdiction of the same As also of divers other Nations Inhabitants of the Sea-Costs of Genoa Catalonia Spain Almaign Zeland Holland Friesland Denmark and Norway and of divers other places of the Empire do declare That whereas THE KINGS OF ENGLAND By Right OF THE SAID KINGDOM FROM TIME TO TIME WHEREOF
Sea That the Kings of England never had prohibited Navigation and Fishing in the Irish Sea between England and Ireland as if they would have had it proved from thence that the Dane ought not to bee prohibited Fishing or Navigation between Island and Norway becaus neither were Lords of the Sea but had possessed the Shores onely on both sides by an equal Right There were other particulars also no less rashly spoken touching a communitie of the Sea as wee observed before Concerning Navigation and Fishing in the Norwegian Sea I shall add more by and by But as it was ill don of those Commissioners in that Treatie to make use of an Argument drawn from a necessarie communitie of the Sea so there is no truth in that which they let fall concerning the Irish Sea For wee know that not onely those pettie Potentates bordering near the Sea heretofore that were in Rebellion and had usurped the Kings Right in many places of Ireland did exact grievous Tributes of Foreiners for the very libertie of Fishing but also it was expressly provided by Act of Parlament that no Foreiner should Fish in the Irish Sea without leav first obteined to this purpose from the Lord Lievtenant or som other lawsul Deputie or Officer of the King of England yea and that all Foreiners should pay yearly for every Fisher-boat of XII Tons or upward thirteen shillings and four pence and for everie lesser Vessel two shillings upon pain of forfeiting their Vessels Furniture and all Goods whatsoëver if so they refused this kinde of paiment or did not acknowledg this Soveraignite of the Lord of the Sea But I shall insert the whole Act touching this business that wee may understand what was the most received Opinion of all the Estates of Ireland touching this Right here of the King Item at the requeste of the Commons that where divers vessels of other landes fro one daie to other goynge to fish amongst the kings Irish enemies in divers partes of this sayd land by which the kings said enemies bee greatlye advanced and strengthened aswell in vitualles harneys armor as dyvers others necessaries also great tributes of money given by every of the said vessells to the said enemies from day to day to the great augmentation of their power and force against the King's honor and wealth and utter distruction of this said land thereupon the premisses considered it is enacted and ordeined by aucthoritie of the said Parliament that no manner vessell of other landes shall bee no time nor season of the yeere from henceforth from the feast of the Nativity of our Lord Jesus Christs next comming go in no part of the said land betwixt the said Irish enemies to no manner fishing without one special licence of the Lieutenant his deputy or Justice of the land for the time being or licence of another person having the kings power to grant such licence upon paine of forfaiture of the shippe and goods to the king And that whatsoever person or persons that find or impeche any of the said vessells rumpants or forfaites against this act by the auctoritie of the same it bee lawfull to them so making any claime in behalfe of the King and approving the said forfaytures by any of the said vessels to be made that the king shall have th' one moitye of the said forfeyture and the said person or persons shall have th' other without anye impechment and that all manner vessells of other lands comming in the said land of Ireland a fishing being of the burden of twelue tunnes or lesse haveing one Drover or boate everye of them to paye for the maintenance of the Kings warres there xiii s. iiii d. by the yeer And all other small vessells as scarfes or boates not haveing Drover nor lighter being within the said burden of twelve runnes every of them shall paye twoe shillings goings a fishing in the like manner Provided alwayes that no vessell fyshing in the North parte of Wicklo be charged by reason of this art and that the Lieutenant his deputy or Justice of the land for the time being shall have the foresaid summes and duties of mony so paid to be imployed in the Kings warres for the defente of the said land and that the Customers and Collectors of the same summes shall accoumpt before the said Justice Lieutenant or Deputy for the time being or such Auditors that shall be for the same appointed by the king or them and not before the Barons of th'exchequer in the said lande and that none of the saide vessels so comming from other parts in the saide lande shall not depart out of the saide lande till every of them pay their said duties upon pain of forfeiture of the vessels and goods to the King There are som also who affirm that the King of Spain obteined leav by request from our Queen Marie for XXI years to fish in the more Northerly part of the Irish Sea and that thereupon a Revenue of one thousand pounds per annum was advanced to the Exchequer in Ireland A Proclamation also was set forth by James King of great Britain prohibiting any foreiner without leav first obteined to fish in this Irish Sea But as to what concern's that Controversie about the Isle of Man although it bee remember'd by Giraldus who wrote in the Reign of Henrie the Second nevertheless it is to bee conceived that it arose in the more antient times of the English-Saxons when all that lie's betwixt England and Ireland was in subjection either to the Kings of Ireland or Britain that is when both of them had in this Sea distinct Territories of their own whose Bounds were in question Certain it is as Beda write's that Edwin the most potent King of the Nortbumbrians or rather of all the English-Saxons subdued the Mevanian Isles to the Dominion of England about the year DCXXX That is to say both that Mevanian which wee call Anglesey the other also which is Man whereof wee discoursed But in the later time of the Anglo-Saxon Empire the Norwegians or Danes who exceedingly infested both this and the North-east Sea with very frequent Robberies at length seized both this Isle and the Hebrides and held them almost two hundred years So that in the mean time this of Man could not in a Civil sens bee ascribed either to Ireland or Britain But that the Kings thereof were at that time Lords as well of the neighboring Sea as of the Isles may bee collected out of their Annals where we find that Godred whose sirname was Crovan King of Man in the year of our Lord MLXVI brought Dublin and a great part of Laynster under his subjection And so throughly subdued the Scots that no man who built a Ship durst drive in more than three Nails So that hee gave both limitation and Law to the Shipping of his Neighbors which is all one as to enjoy the very Dominion of the Sea as I have shewn in
what hath been alreadie spoken And from hence perhaps it is that the more antient Arms of the Kings of Man were a Ship with a Sail folded together and this Inscription added Rex Manniae Insularum King of Man of the Isles as M r Camden observ's from their Sails For the three legs of humane shape now every where known are but of later time But afterwards when Ireland was subdued by Henrie the Second and King John and Reginald King of Man brought into the power of King John the English possessing this Sea at that time with a very numerous Navie there is no reason at all to doubt but that the neighboring Sea round about was taken also into the Dominion of the English For in that Age the King of Man was no absolute Prince but beeing subdued hee paid homage to the King of England yielded under his subjection But in a short time after Alexander the Third King of Scots annexed it to the Dominion of Scotland and put in a Governor who was to assist him upon occasion with thirteen Gallies five hundred Seamen Hee recover'd the Hebrides also by driving out the Norwegians transmitted it to his posteritie Then Man returned again to the English who enjoied Ireland a long time together with it that sea-territory But the Kings of the Hebrides and of Scotland enjoied the Northern part of this Western Sea after that they had expell'd the Norwegians who were Lords here of the Sea And from hence it is that as Scotland England this Isle of Man the Hebrides and Ireland with other adjacent Isles so even the Vergivian and Deucaledonian Sea it self washing the West of Scotland and surrounding these Isles with windings and turnings ought now also to bee accounted the antient Patrimonie of the King of great Britain But there is moreover in the more Westerly part of this open and main Sea another Right belonging to the King of Great Britain and that of a verie large extent upon the Shore of America Whenas S r Humfery Gilbert Knight did by Autoritie of Queen Elisabeth transport a Colonie into the New World with design to recover certain Lands in the East parts of the Northern America which of Right belong'd to the English Dominion the Queen was by him as her Procurator put into a possession for ever to bee held by her and her heirs both of the Port called by the name of S t John which is in the Island of Baccalaos and also of the whole Sea as well as Land on every side for the space of six hundred miles Then hee received this new Kingdom of the Queen as her Beneficiarie having a Branch and a Turf deliver'd in his hands according to the usual cerimonie of England in transferring the Ownership of Lands and Possessions Nor truly was it necessarie that hee should otherwise get the Possession from whence this Dominion of the Queen and her Posteritie had its Original For as Paulus saith well there is no necessitie that hee who intend's to take possession of a Field should walk about the whole but t is sufficient if hee enter any part of that Field so long as hee doth it with a minde thought and intent to possess the Field to its utmost extent and bound Which saying may relate to Seas as well as Lands that were never taken into possession So that as Siculus Flaccus Treating of Occupatorie Lands saith Men did not possess so much land as they were able to till but they reserved as much as they were in hope they might bee able to till the like also may bee said of a Sea so taken into possession Look how much was reserved in hope of using and enjoying so much also was bounded But perhaps the first original of the Dominion of this main Sea of America did not proceed from the Possession that was acquired by Gilbert Hee rather restored and inlarged the Right of the Crown here For that Island called Baccalaos was added to the English Empire by Sebastian Chabot in the time of Henrie the Seventh And it is certain that afterwards it grew to be a Custom for the Officers belonging to the High Admiral of England in whose charge are all the Seas subject to the King of England and Ireland as King of England and Ireland to demand Tributes of such as fish't also in this Sea which was I suppose a most evident token of the King's Dominion But it was provided by an Act of Parlament in the Reign of Edward the Sixth that no Tributes of that kinde to the grievance of Fishermen should bee paid any longer How far our English Colonies lately transported into America have possessed themselvs of the Sea there I have as yet made but little enquirie Touching the Dominion of the King of Great Britain in the Scotish Sea especially toward the East and North. CHAP. XXXI THose particulars which were cited before out of the Proclamation of James King of Great Britain about the Prohibition of Fishing relate as well to the Scotish Seas on every side from whence also you must acknowledg their possession hath been reteined together with an antient Sea-Dominion That is to say all Foreiners were prohibited to Fish in these Seas without leav first obteined at Edenburgh And in those Scotish Acts of Parlament they are not so much new Laws made as old ones revived wherby it was ordeined That all manner of Fischeres that occupies the Sea and vtheres persons quhat sumever that happenis to slay Hering or quihte Fish upon the Coast or within the Iles or out with the samen within the Frithes bring them to free Ports c. where they may bee sold to the Inhabitants of the same kingdom quhairby his Maâ—esties Customes bee not defrauded and his Hienes Lieges not frustrat of the Commoditie appointed to them be God under the pain of confiscation and tynsel of the veschelles of them that cumes in the contrair hereof and escheiting of all their movable guddes to our soveraine Lords use So that use and benefit is claimed hence by a special right in that Sea otherwise truly that use and bene fit would of right no more appertein either to the King of Scotland or his Subjects than to any other whomsoêver But the Law was made concerning all Fisher-men as well strangers as Scotch-men as beeing ordeined by all the Estates of that Kingdom who so well understood both the King 's Right and also their own as subordinate to the King's by Tradition from their Ancestors or by long-continued possession and Dominion that there remained not the least ground of scruple touching that business And a Scotish Lawyer speaking about Fishing in the Eastern Sea of Scotland I cannot saith hee omit to tell you that in the past Age after a most bloudie quarrel between the Scots and Hollanders about occasions belonging to the Sea the matter was composed after this manner that in time to
com the Hollanders should keep at least fourscore miles distance from the Coasts of Scotland And if by accident they were driven near through violence of weather they paid a certain Tribute at the Port of Aberdene before their return where there was a Castle built and fortified for this and other occasions and this was duly and really paid still by the Hollanders within the memorie of our Fathers until that by frequent dissentions at home this Tribute with very many other Rights and Commodities came to nothing partly through the negligence of Governors and partly through the boldness of the Hollanders So you see how limits were by agreement prescribed heretofore in this Sea to the Fishing of Foreiners But the more Northerly Sea which lie's against Scotland was for the most part in subjection heretofore to the Norwegians and Danes who were Lords of the Isles there So that the people of the Orcades speak the Gothish Language to this day Robertus de Monte tell 's us that hee who was called King of the Isles was possest of XXXII Islands in that Sea above four hundred and sixtie years ago paying such a Tribute to the King of Norway that at the succession of every new King the King of the Isles present's him ten marks in Gold and make's no other acknowledgment to him all his life long unless another King succeed again in Norway And Giraldus Cambrensis writing of these things saith that in the Northern Sea beyond Ulster and Galloway there are several Islands to wit the Orcades and Inchades or Leucades which som would have to bee the Hebrides and many other over most of which the Norwegians had Dominion and held them in subjection For although they lie much nearer to other Countries yet that Nation beeing more given to the Sea usually preferr's a Piratick kinde of life above any other So that all their Expeditions and Wars are performed by Sea Fight This hee wrote in the time of Henrie the second So that somtimes those Sea-Appendants of the Dominion of Britain in the Northern parts were invaded by Foreiners Hence also it is that Ordericus Vitalis speaking of Magnus the son of Olaus King of Norway saith hee had a great power in the Isles of the Sea which relate's unto the time of William the Second King of England The same Ordericus also saith that the Orcades Finland Island also and Groênland beyond which there is no other Countrie Northward and many other as far as Gothland are subject to the King of Norway and wealth is brought thither by shipping from all parts of the world So wee have here a clear description of the Dominion of the Norwegians heretofore as well in this neighboring Sea of Scotland as in the more open But in after time when as by agreement made between Alexander the third King of Scots and Magnus the fourth of Norwaie as also between Robert Bruce King of Scotland and Haquin of Norwaie it was concluded touching these Isles that they should bee annexed to the Scotish Dominion this could not bee don but there must bee a Cession also of that Sea-Dominion which bordered round upon the Coast of Norwaie Yet the Norwegian King possessed it for the most part and afterwards the Dane by an union of the two Kingdoms of Denmark and Norwaie until that Christiern the first King of Norwaie and Denmark upon the marriage of his daughter Margarite to James the third King of Scotland made an absolute Surrender of these Islands and in the year of our Lord MCDLXX transferr'd all his right both in the Isles of Orcades and Shetland and the rest lying in the hither part of the Northern Sea upon his Son in law and his Successors And as concerning this business I shall here set down the words of Joannes Ferrerius who was indeed Native of Piedmont but supplied with matter of Historie out of the Records of Scotland by Henrie Sainclair Bishop of Ross. Moreover in the Deucaledonian Sea toward the North-East there are the Isles of Orcades seated next to the Coast of Scotland whereof onely twentie eight are at this daie inhabited and above an hundred miles beyond the Orcades towards Norway are the Shetland Isles in number eighteen which are at this daie inhabited and in subjection to the King of Scotland concerning which there was a great quarrel in former Ages between the Scots and Danes yet the Dane kept possession All these Islands did Christiern King of Denmark peaceably surrender together with his daughter in marriage to James King of Scots until that either hee himself or his posteritie paid to the Scotish King or his Successors in lieu of her Dowrie the summe of fiftie thousand Rhenish Florens which were never discharged to this daie For so much I my self have seen and read in the Deeds of marriage betwixt Ladie Margarite daughter of the King of Denmark and James the third King of Scotland drawn up and fairly signed with the Seals of both Kingdoms Anno Dom. 1468. c. But afterwards when Ladie Margarite beeing Queen had been delivered of ber eldest son James Prince of Scotland the Danish King willing to congratulate his daughter's good deliverie did for ever surrender his right in the Islands of the Deucaledonian Sea to wit the Isles of Orcades Shecland and others which hee deliver'd in pledg with his daughter upon her marriage to the Scotish King I hear the deeds of this surrender are kept among the Records belonging to the Crown of Scotland And so at length those Isles and the Dominion of this Sea returned to the Kings of Scotland which they enjoy at this day The Kings of Scotland have a pledg of Dominion also in this Sea that is to say Tributes or Customs imposed upon Fisher-men for Fishing of which by the way you may read in their Acts of Parlament Touching that Right which belong's to the King of Great Britain in the main and open Sea of the North. And the Conclusion of the Work CHAP. XXXII COncerning that Neighboring Sea which is a Territorie belonging to the Scots I have spoken in the former Chapter But I must not omit to treat here of that Sea which stretcheth it self to a very large extent toward the North washing the Coasts of Friesland Island and other Isles also under the Dominion of the King of Denmark or of Norway For even this Sea also is asscribed by som to the King of Great Britain Albericus Gentilis applying that of Tacitus The Northern Coasts of Britain having no Land lying against them are washt by the main and open Sea you see saith hee how far the Dominion of the King of Great Britain extend's it self toward the South North and West As if almost all that which lay opposite to the Isles of Britain in the open Sea were within the Dominion of the King of Great Britain And concerning the Northern Sea also which reacheth there to parts unknown the very same
thing in a manner was acknowledged by a subject of the King of Denmarks no mean man in a Letter that hee wrote som years since to a friend of his in England his name is Gudbrandus Thorlacius Bishop of Hola in Island who in a Letter sent hither Anno MDXCV to Hugh Branham Pastor of Harwich call's the Britains almost Lords there of the whole Sea There is saith hee a report now at this day that you of Britain whom I had almost called Lords of the Sea have Negotiations every Year in Groenland But the Kings of Denmark deny it here and this more Northerly Sea which belong's to Island they challenge to themselvs as they are Kings of Norway and that by antient right if not unjustly pretended To this purpose let us observ that passage which I finde in a speech of the Ambassadors of Erricus the tenth King of Norway and Denmark delivered unto our Henrie the fift which run's to this effect Most victorious King of England may it pleas your Majestie to understand that our most gratious Lord the King of Norway c. aforesaid hath certain Islands to wit Island Jeroy Hietland and manie more belonging to his Kingdom of Norway whereunto of old no persons were wont to repair out of other Countries upon any occasions whatsoëver either of Fishing or Merchandisiâ—g under peâ—il of life and limbs nor might the men of the Kingdom of Norway more than those of other Countries without special licence from his Majestie Nor might they after Licence obteined set forth out of any other place than the Citie of Bergen nor return to the same place but upon inevitable necessitie or when they ought to paie Customs and other Duties to the King's Exchequer according to the most antient Custom of Norway which hath been constantly observed time out of minde in that Kingdom Also in the year MCCCCXLV Christophor King of Denmark and Norway granted the Inhabitants of Zirickzee in Zealand a freedom of Navigation into his Kingdom Island and other Isles beeing excepted and prohibited which are the very words of the Grant Moreover out of the League made at Koppenhagen in the year of our Lord MCDXXXII between our Henrie the sixt and the same Erricus King of Norwaie and Denmark the Commissioners of the King of Denmark who held a Treatie at Bremen with the Commissioners of our Queen Elisabeth in the year MDC II about the free use of this Sea alleged this Article almost to the same sens It is provided that all Merchants and all other men whatsoëver in subjection to the King of England and France do not presume hereafter under peril of loss of life and goods to visit the Countries of Island Finmarck Halghaland or anie other prohibited places and unlawful Ports whatsoëver in the Kingdoms of Denmark Sweden and Norway Yea and som years before the use of this Sea was prohibited both to Merchants and Fisher-men unless they were bound with Merchandise to North-barn the most eminent Town of Traffick under the King of Norwaie And touching that particular there is an Act of Parlament of Henrie the sixt whereby such a kinde of Prohibition continued in force for certain years in favor of the King of Norwaie So that there were many Letters Patents afterwards granted by our Kings to their subjects of England whereby they had Licence to go unto Island Finmark and other Dominions of the King of Norway and Sweden But that Statute the rigor whereof was dispensed with at the King's pleasure by such kinde of Grants became repealed at the beginning of the Reign of King Henrie the eight And Joannes Maior making mention of that time saith A Fleet of English went everie year to Island beyond the Arctick Circle to catch Fish But what manner of determination soêver ought to bee made touching the Dominion of this more Northerly Sea yet certain it is such a perpetual servitude at least was by several agreements betwixt the Kings of England and Norwaie imposed upon it that to this day also the subjects of England enjoy a perpetual right of sailing unto Island and of using and enjoying this sea For by a League made at Koppenhagen in the year MCDXC betwixt Henrie the seventh of England and John the second King of Denmark and Norwaie it was concluded that all Merchants and Liege-men Fisher-men and any other persons whatsoëver beeing subjects of the King of England and France might for ever in time to com sail freely to the Island Tyle that is to saie Island for in that age it was generally taken for Thule as it is now also by som thither to have recours and to enter with their ships and goods and merchandise victuals and any other commodities whatsoever upon occasion of buying selling fishing or merchandising and there to abide and convers after the manner of Merchants and from thence freely to return as often as they pleas without any Prohibition molestation or impediment of Us or our heirs and successors in the Kingdoms of Denmark and Norway or of any of our Officers they paying the due rights and usual Customs as well in that Island as also in the Ports belonging to the same where they shall happen to arrive Provided alwaies that seven years immediately after the date of these presents they do Petition to renew their Licence from us and our successors Kings of Denmark and Norway to the end that so from seven years to seven years Merchants and all otheâ— persons aforesaid may for ever acknowledg us and our successors Kings of Denmark and Norway in the renewing of their Licence But that this League was not limited by any time but concerned the heirs and successors of both the parties appear's not onely in part by what hath been alleged alreadie but by the very form of the Preface which I thought meet to add in this place VVee John by the Grace of God King as aforesaid by the unanimous advice and consent of our beloved Counsellors and others the Lords and Nobles of our Kingdom of Denmark have caused a Treatie to bee had with the Orators of the most illustrious Prince Henrie by the Grace of God King of England and France our most dear Brother James Hutton Doctor of the Civil Law Thomas Clarentieux King of Arms Thomas Carter and John Beliz Merchants of Lyn about the restoring of peace and establishing a perpetual concord between our Kingdoms which Counsellors of ours and the Orators autorised in our Citie of Koppenhagen by special Commission of the afore named King of England our most dear Brother and with full power whereof wee are assured by the Letters of the said King of England have concluded that between us our heirs and successors well willers friends and allies and the most illustrious Prince Henrie King of England and France our most dear Brother his heirs and successors well willers friends and allies there bee and shall bee for ever in time to com
to bee renewed by petition from seven years to seven years as a thing which for very many was not omitted Wee answer that the fault of its omission proceeded not from the English but from the Danes For that seven years Licens was petitioned for till the time that King Christiern was expelled about the year of our Lord MDXX But afterward it ceased to bee renewed becaus of the uncertaintie to whom the succession of the Kingdom did lawfully belong And since the time of the said expulsion of King Christiern neither King Frederick your great Grandfather nor Christiern your Grandfather nor Frederick your Highnesse's Father ever urged any such petition for Licens But concieving former Treaties sufficient which were made between the Kings and Kingdoms they would not innovate any thing after a prescription of verie manie years seeing they were otherwise sufficiently secure that the same thing would never bee attempted which was the first occasion of ordaining such a Licens And to this end the Letters of King Frederick your Highnesse's Father written to Us and bearing date the fourth of May Anno MDLXXXV were shewn to Doctor Craig purporting that if the English absteined from doing injuries they should enjoy the wonted libertie and favor without any mention or requiring of a Petition for Licens whereas nevertheless Wee offer'd you that our Merchants should hereafter petition you from seven years to seven years according to the antient and long continued Custom which offer Wee understand your Highness would not admit For the most excellent Queen would not otherwise acknowledg the Jurisdiction and Empire of the King of Denmark and Norway in this Sea than that the whole servitude or right of fishing afore-mentioned there established as afore-said might as a considerable part of the antient Patrimonie bee reteined to her and her Successors There were other Letters and Treaties also about this business in the year MDCII But the Controversie beeing deferred nothing was concluded But it appear's the King of Great Britain hath Empire and Dominion also in the Sea which lie's far more Northerly than Island To wit in that of Groënland For this Sea having never been enter'd by occupation nor used in the Art and Exercise of Fisherie was first in the memorie of our Fathers rendred very gainful through a peculiar fishing for Whales by those English Merchants of the Moscovie-Companie who â—ailed that way The use of a Sea never enter'd by Occupation and such a kinde of profit beeing first discover'd doth according to the manner of the claim give a Dominion to the discoverer who claim 's it in the name of another as here in the name of the Soveraign of England as well by a corporal as intentional possession no otherwise than doth the first both natural and civil possession of any other things whatsoever that were never yet possessed Upon which ground it was that King James in his Letters of creâ—ence given to the worthie and most accomplished S Henrie Wotton Knight his Ambassador in Holland and others emploied by him to treat about that business did verie justly call the Fishings in the North Sea near the Shores of Groenland acquired for Us onely and Ours by right But that wee may at length conclude whatsoever hath been discoursed hitherto touching the Right and Sea-Dominion of the Kings of Great Britain and the antient extent of their Royal Patrimonie in the Sea give mee leav to sum up the whole in certain Verses of the most excellent Hugo Grotius of whose Law-writings so far as they concern either a private Dominion of the Sea or a Communitie wee have spoken in the former Book which were very elegantly written heretofore to K. James upon his Inauguration in the Kingdom of England Saith hee Tria sceptra Profundi In Magnum coiere Ducem Three Scepters of the Deep their pow'rs do bring To make a Trident for a mightie King And then addressing his Speech to the Sea that is wont to receiv its motion from the Moon Sume animos à Rege tuo meliore levatus Sidere nec cela populos quocunque calentes Sole per immensum quem circumvolveris orbem Quis det Jura Mari. Take courage from thy Roâ—al Governor As by the influence of a better Star And in thy cours about the World explain To all mankinde who t is that rule 's the main And in another place licèt omnia casus Magna suos metuant Jacobo promissa potestas Cum Terris Pelagóque manet Though all great things a fall do fear Yet James his power must stand Beeing enlarged and compos'd Both of the Sea and Land A little after also hee proceed's thus Rerum Natura creatrix Divisit populos metas ipsa notavit Sic juga Pirenae sic olim Rhenus Aspes Imperiis mensura suit Te flumine nullo Detinuit nullâ nimbosi verticis arce Sed Totum complexa parens hic terminus ipsa Substitit atque uno voluit sub limite claudi Te tibi seposuit supremo in gurgite Nereus Finis hic est qui Fine caret Quae meta Britannis Litera sunt aliis Regnique accessio tanti est Quod ventis velisque patet Nature her self the mistress of mankind Hath sever'd Nations and their bounds design'd So the Pyren'ean Tops Aspes and Rhine As bounds to Empires Shee did once assign Yet Thee Shee with no River-hath confin'd Nor loftie Tow'er that dare's the stormie wind But having thrown her wide imbraces round The Univers here fix't her self thy bound And mean't one limit should you both contain Thee Nereus hath secluded in the main This bound unbounded is Great Britain stand's Confined by the Shores of other lands And all that may by Winds and Sails bee known Is an accession of so great a Crown And without question it is true according to the Collection of Testimonies before alleged that the very Shores or Ports of the Neighbor-Princes beyond-Sea are Bounds of the Sea-Territorie of the British Empire to the Southward and Eastward but that in the open and vast Ocean of the North and West they are to bee placed at the utmost extent of those most spacious Seas which are possest by the English Scots and Irish. FINIS Prais and Glorie bee to God our Saviour ADDITIONAL EVIDENCES Concerning the RIGHT OF SOVERAIGNTIE and Dominion of ENGLAND in the SEA Collected Out of certain publick Papers relating to the Reigns of K. JAMES and K. CHARLS LONDON Printed by William Du-Gard An. Dom. 1652. ADDITIONAL EVIDENCES Concerning the RIGHT OF SOVERAIGNTIE and Dominion of ENGLAND in the SEA Collected Out of certain publick Papers relating to the Reigns of K. JAMES and K. CHARLS THE Learned Autor having fully evinced the Right of this Island in the Sea and that from all Antiquitie it were superfluous to seek after any farther Testimonies relating to elder times wherein hee himself hath been so abundant and alreadie set down the most material And therefore it is conceived
requisite to add a few such Evidences onely as are found among several Papers of publick Transaction which are still to bee produced and will serv to shew how that claim which hath been made successively by all our Kings of the English Race was continued down to the present Times by the two Princes of the Scotish Extraction In the seventh year of the Reign of King James this Right was stoutly asserted by Proclamation and all persons excluded from the use of the Seas upon our Coasts without particular Licence the Grounds whereof you have here set down in the Proclamation it self A Proclamation TOUCHING FISHING JAMES by the Grace of God King of Great Britain France and Ireland Defendor of the Faith c. To all and singular persons to whom it may appertein Greeting Although Wee do sufficiently know by Our Experience in the Office of Regal Dignitie in which by the favor of Almightie God Wee have been placed and exercised these many years as also by the observation which Wee have made of other Christian Princes exemplarie actions how far the absoluteness of Soveraign Power extendeth it self and that in regard thereof Wee need not yield accompt to any person under God for any action of Ours which is lawfully grounded upon that Just Prerogative Yet such hath ever been and shall bee Our care and desire to give satisfaction to Our Neighbor-Princes and friends in any action which may have the least relation to their Subjects and Estates as Wee have thought good by way of friendly premonition to declare unto them all and to whomsoever it may appertain as followeth Whereas Wee have been contented since Our coming to the Crown to tolerate an indifferent and promiscuous kinde of libertie to all Our Friends whatsoever to Fish within Our Streams and upon any of Our Coasts of Great Britain Ireland and other adjacent Islands so far forth as the permission or use thereof might not redound to the impeachment of Our Prerogative Roial nor to the hurt and damage of Our loving Subjects whose preservation and flourishing Estate Wee hold Our self principally bound to advance before all worldly respects So finding that Our continuance therein hath not onely given occasion of overgreat encroachments upon Our Regalities or rather questioning for Our Right but hath been a means of daily wrongs to Our own People that exercise the Trade of Fishing as either by the multitude of strangers which do pre-occupie those places or by the inâ—uries which they receiv most commonly at their hands Our Subâ—ects are constrained to abandon their Fishing or at least are becom so discouraged in the same as they hold it better for them to betake themselvs to som other cours of living whereby not onely divers of Our Coast Towns are much decayed but the number of Mariners daily diminished which is a matter of great consequence to Our Estate considering how much the strength thereof consisteth in the power of Shipping and use of Navigation Wee have thought it now both just and necessarie in respect that Wee are now by God's favor lineally and lawfully possessed as well of the Island of Great Britain as of Ireland and the rest of the Isles adâ—acent to bethink Our selvs of good lawful means to prevent those inconveniences and many others depending upon the same In consideration whereof as Wee are desirous that the world may take notice that Wee have no intention to denie Our neighbors and allies those fruits and benefits of Peace and Friendship which may bee justly exspected at Our hands in honor and reason or are afforded by other Princes mutually in the point of Commerce and Exchange of those things which may not prove prejudicial to them so becaus som such convenient order may bee taken in this matter as may sufficiently provide for all these important considerations which do depend thereupon Wee have resolved first to give notice to all the world that Our express pleasure is That from the beginning of the Month of August next coming no person of what Nation or Qualitie soever beeing not Our natural born Subject bee permitted to Fish upon any of Our Coasts and Seas of Great Britain Ireland and the rest of the Isles adjacent where most usually heretofore any Fishing hath been until they have orderly demanded and obteined Licenses from Us or such Our Commissioners as â—ee have autorised in that behalf viz. at London for Our Realms of England and Ireland and at Edenborough for Our Realm of Scotland which Licenses Our intention is shall bee yearly demanded for so many Uessels and Ships and the Tonnage thereof as shall intend to Fish for that whole year or any part thereof upon any of Our Coasts and Seas as aforesaid upon pain of such chastisement as shall bee fit to bee inflicted upon such wilful Offendors Given at our Palace of Westminster the 6 day of May in the 7 th year of Our Reign of Great Britain Anno Dom. 1609. Notwithstanding this Proclamation the Netherlanders proceeded still in their way of encroachment upon our Seas and Coasts through the whole Reign of that King and were at length so bold as to contest with him and endeavor to baffle him out of his Rights pretending becaus of the long connivence of himself and Queen Elisabeth that they had a Right of their own by immemorial possession which som Commissioners of theirs that were sent over hither had the confidence to plead in Terminis to the King and his Council And though the King out of his tenderness to them insisted still upon his own Right by his Council to those Commissioners and by his Ambassador to their Superiors yet they made no other use of his Indulgence than to tire out his whole Reign and abuse his Patience by their artificial delaies pretenses shifts dilatorie addresses and evasive Answers And all that the King gained by the tedious disputes overtures and dispatches to and again was in conclusion onely a verbal acknowledgment of those Rights which at the same times that they acknowledged they usually designed to invade with much more insolence than before But you have the main of what passed in those daies in this particular with their insolent demeanor lively described in these following Collections taken out of several Dispatches that passed betwixt Secretarie Naunton and Dudley Carlton Lord Ambassador from the King to the States of the United Provinces In a Letter of Secretarie Naunton's to the said Ambassador dated at White-Hall the 21 of December 1618. I finde these passages I Must now let your Lordship know that the State 's Commissioners and Deputies both having attended his Majestie at New-Market and there presented their Letters of Credence returned to London on Saturday was a sevennight and upon Tuesday had Audience in the Council-Chamber where beeing required to communicate the points of their Commission they deliver'd their meditated Answer at length The Lords upon perusal of it appointed my Lord Bining and mee to attend his Majestie for
by your own Instructions you may fully understand But withal considering that Peace must bee mainteined by the arm of power which onely keep 's down War by keeping up Dominion his Majestie thus provoked finde's it necessarie even for his own defence and safetie to re-assume and keep his antient and undoubted Right in the Dominion of these Seas and to suffer no other Prince or State to encroach upon him thereby assuming to themselvs or their Admirals any Soveraign command but to force them to perform due homage to his Admirals and Ships and to pay them acknowledgments as in former times they did Hee will also set open and protect the free Trade both of his Subjects and Allies And give them such safe Conduct and Convoie as they shall reasonably require Hee will suffer no other Fleets or Men of VVar to keep any guard upon these Seas or there to offer violence or take prizes or booties or to give interruption to any lawful intercours In a word his Majestie is resolved as to do no wrong so to do Justice both to his Subjects and Friends within the limits of his Seas And this is the real and Roial design of this Fleet whereof you may give part as you finde occasion to our good neighbors in those parts that no Umbrage may bee taken of any hostile act or purpose to their prejudice in any kinde So wishing you all health and happiness I rest Your assured friend and Servant JOHN COOK Whitehall 16 April 1635. our style In this Letter you see first how it was held for an undeniable principle that the King was King by Sea as well as by Land That neither the honor nor safetie of this Island and Ireland could bee maintained but by preserving the Dominion by Sea and that it is an argument that they that encroach upon us by Sea will do it also by Land when they see their time Hee declare's also how our unthankful neighbors are risen to this hight and insolence partly by grant partly by connivence but principally through their many injurious abuses of our Patience and Indulgence And lastly you may observ here what resolutions were then taken to prevent the lilâ—e injuries and preserv our English Interest in time to com But how those Resolutions were followed in the succeeding part of his Reign I shall not stand to examine onely it sufficeth here to take notice that the Claim of Sea-Dominion was made by him as well as by his Father and for a time strenuously asserted though afterward hee slackned his hand in the prosecution whereof the Netherlanders taking advantage and of our late commotions which were their Halcyon-daies and time of Harvest are now advanced to such a monstrous pitch of pride malice and ingratitude that they dare bid defiance to those antient Rights which wee have received from all Antiquitie and justifie their actions by a most unjust and bloudie war in the view of all the world What remain's then but that the Parlament and People of England should lay these things to heart with an indignation answerable to so prodigious violations and invasions They have now an opportunitie and strength given them by God O let not hearts bee wanting to make good the Claim and accomplish that work of establishing our Interests by Sea beyond the possibilitie of future impeachments Let it not bee said that England in the state of Monarchie was able to hold the Soveraigntie of the Seas so many hundred years and then lost it in the state of Libertie It is as now established with its Appendants the greatest and most glorious Republick that the Sun ever saw except the Roman God hath made it so by Land and will by Sea for without this the Land is nothing It was ever so apprehended by Kings yea by the last and worst of our Kings And shall the Founders of this famous structure of Government now in beeing who have cashiered Kings and vindicated the Rights and Liberties of this Nation upon his head and his whole posteritie and partie not assert them against perfidious Neighbors It were unpardonable in any to harbor a thought of that nature or to yield that such a blemish should bee brought upon all those glorious actions and atchievements whereby God hath freed and innobled our Land and Nation But that the people of England may bee excited to a valuation maintenance and improvement of their interest by Sea it is necessarie to let them understand what advantages are to bee made thereby and are made by others who of Usufructuaries by permission have in design now to make themselvs absolute Lords of the Fee And therefore it is very convenient here to set down an excellent Discours which was written in the time of the late King and presented by the following Title The inestimable Riches and Commodities of the British Seas THE Coast of Great Britain do yield such a continual Sea-harvest of gain and benefit to all those that with diligence do labor in the same that no time or season in the year passeth away without som apparent means of profitable imploiment especially to such as apply themselvs to Fishing which from the begining of the year unto the latter end continueth upon som part or other upon our Coasts and therein such infinite sholes and multitudes of Fishes are offered to the takers as may justly move admiration not onely to strangers but to those that daily bee imploied amongst them The Summer-Fishing for Herring beginneth about Midâ—ommer and lasteth som part of August The Winter-Fishing for Herring lasteth from September to the mid'st of November both which extend in place from Boughones in Scotland to the Thame's mouth The Fishing for Cod at Alamby Whirlington and White Haven near the Coast of Lancashire from Easter until VVhitsontide The Fishing for Hake at Aberdenie Abveswhich and other places between VVales and Ireland from VVhitsontide to Saint James tide The Fishing of Cod and Ling about Padstow within the Land and of Severn from Christmas to Mid-Lent The Fishing for Cod on the West part of Ireland frequented by those of Biscay Galicia and Portugal from the begining of April until the end of June The Fishing for Cod and Ling on the North and North-East of Ireland from Christmas until Michaëlmas The Fishing for Pilchers on the West coast of England from Saint James-tide until Michaëlmas The Fishing for Cod and Ling upon the North-East of England from Easter until Midsummer The Fishing of great Staple-Ling and many other sorts of Fish lying about the Island of Scotland and in the several parts of the British Seas all the year long In September not many years since upon the Coast of Devonshire near Minigal 500 Ton of Fish were taken in one day And about the same time three thousand pound worth of Fish in one day were taken at S t Ives in Cornwal by small Boats and other poor provisions Our five-men-Boats and cobles adventuring in a calm to launch out amongst the
hundred thousand pound Their Fortifications also both for number and strength upon which they have bestowed infinite summes of monie may compare with any other whatsoëver 5. Encreas of power abroad SUch beeing then the number of the Ships and Mariners and so great their Trade occasioned principally by their Fishing they have not onely strengthned and fortifieed themselvs at home to repel all Forein Invasions as lately in the war between them and Spain but have likewise stretched their power into the East and West-Indies in many places whereof they are Lords of the Sea-Coasts and have likewise fortified upon the main where the Kings and people are at their devotion And more then this all Neighbor-Princes in their differences by reason of this their power at Sea are glad to have them of their partie So that next to the English they are now becom the most re-doubted Nation at Sea of any other whatsoëver 6. Encreas of publick Revenue MOreover how mightie the publick Revenue and Customs of that State are encreased by their fishing may appear in that above thirtie years since over and above the Customs of other Merchandise Excises Licences Waftage and Lastage there was paid to the State for Custom of Herring and other salt-Fish above three hundred thousand pound in one year besides the tenth Fish and Cask paid for Waftage which cometh at the least to as much more among the Hollanders onely whereunto the tenth of other Nations beeing added it amounteth to a far greater summe Wee are likewise to know that great part of their Fish is sold in other Countries for readie monies for which they commonly export of the finest gold and silver and coming home recoin it of a baser allay under their own stamp which is not a small means to augment their publick treasure 7. Encreas of private Wealth AS touching their private wealth if wee consider the abundant store of Herrings and other fish by them taken and the usual prices that they are sold for as also the multitude of Tradesmen and Artizans that by reason of this their Fishing are daily set on work wee must needs conclude that the gain thereof made by private men must of necessitie bee exceeding great as by observing the particulars following will plainly appear During the wars between the King of Spain and the Hollanders before the last Truce Dunkirk by taking spoiling and burning the Busses of Holland and setting great ransom upon their Fisher-men enforced them to compound for great summes that they might Fish quietly for one year whereupon the next year after the Fisher-men agreed amongst themselvs to pay a doller upon every last of Herrings towards the maintenance of certain Ships of War to waft and secure them in their Fishing by reason whereof there was a Record kept of the several lasts of Herrings taken that year and it appeared thereby that in one half year there were taken thirtie thousand lasts of Herrings which at twelv pound per last amounteth to 3600000 and at sixteen twentie thirtie pound the last they are ordinarily sold then transported into other Countries it cometh at least to 5000000 l. Whereunto if wee add the Herrings taken by other Nations together with the God Ling Hake and the Fish taken by the Hollanders and other our neighbors upon the British Coasts all the year long the total will evidently arise to bee above 10000000 l. The great Trade of Fishing imploying so many men and ships at Sea must likewise necessarily maintain as great a number of Tradesmen and Artizens on Land as Spinners and Hemp-winders to Cables Cordage Yarn-twine for Nets and Lines Weavers to make Sail-Cloaths Cecive Packers Tollers Dressers and Cowchers to sort and make the Herring lawful merchandise Tanners to tan their Sails and Nets Coopers to make Cask Block and Bowl-makers for ships Keel-men and Laborers for carrying and removing their Fish Sawyers for Planks Carpenters Ship-wrights Smiths Car-men Boat-men Brewers Bakers and a number of others whereof many are maimed persons and unfit to bee otherwise imploied Besides the maintenance of all their several wives and children and families And further every man and maid-servant or Orphant having any poor stock may venture the same in their Fishing-Voiages which afford's them ordinarily great encreas and is duly paid according to the proportion of their gain 8. Encreas of Provisions AND to conclude it is manifest that Holland only affording in it self som few Hops Madders Butter and Chees aboundeth notwithstanding by reason of this Art of Fishing in plentiful manner with all kinde of provisions as well for life as in Corn Beef Muttons Hides and Cloths as for luxury in Wines Silks and Spices and for defence as in Pitch Tar Cordage Timber All which they have not onely in competent proportion for their use but are likewise able from their several Magazines to supply their Neighbor-Countries The premisses considered it maketh much to the ignominie and shame of our English Nation that God and Nature offering us so great a treasure even at our own doors wee do notwithstanding neglect the benefit thereof and by paying monie to strangers for the Fish of our own Seas impoverish our selvs to make them rich Insomuch that for want of industrie and care in this particular two hundred twentie five Fisher-Towns are decaied and reduced to extreme povertie whereas on the contrarie by diligent endevoring to make use of so great a blessing wee might in short time repair these decaied Towns of the Kingdom and add both honor strength and riches to our King and Countrie which how easily it may bee don will appear by som few observations following By erecting two hundred and fiftie Busses of reasonable strength and bigness there will bee emploiment made for a thousand Ships and for at least ten thousand Fisher-men and Mariners at Sea and consequently for as many Tradesmen and Laborers at land The Herrings taken by the Busses will afford his Majestie two hundred thousand pound yearly custom outward and for commodities returned inward thirtie thousand pound and above Wee have Timber sufficient and at reasonable rates growing in our own Kingdom for the building of Busses every Shire affordeth hardie and able men fit for such emploiment who now live poorly and idle at home Wee have victuals in great plentie sold at easie rates without paiment of Excises or Impost Our shores and harbors are near the places where the Fish do haunt For drink or nets salting and packing our Fish and for succor in stress of weather wee may bring our Fish to land salt and pack it and from som part of his Majestie 's Dominions bee at our Markets in France Spain or Italy before the Hollanders can arrive in Holland Wee have means to transport our Fish into som Northern Countries where the Hollanders seldom or never com And though wee had as many Busses as the Hollanders yet is there vent for all or more for in the East and Northern Countries and in many other