the Irish Papists against us How frequently do we hear them tell us That though we continue to Injure them Rob and Destroy them yet they must Trust in us and be True and Faithful to us c. These are the Words of the Doctor 's Letter and I suppose will be thought but an over good Retortion of this Author's Objection viz. of the Spoil and Plunder committed by King James's Army Whose Discipline and good Government the Dr. in that same Letter does commend exceedingly above that of King William's Army And now as to the other Point viz. My Lord Tyrconnel's haste in sending that Army into the North I suppose our Author intends this for Politicks and upon that head without medling with the Goodness or Badness of the Cause I think my Lord Tyrconnel was rather too slow to suffer the Protestants in the North to be Arming Inlisting Associating against the Government actually Assaulting the Kings Forts and Garrisons Disarming his Souldiers and killing some of them at last publickly renouncing the King and proclaiming a Foreign Prince for their King and acting in his Name and by his Commission and all this was a doing and visibly carrying on from September to March which truly in Politicks was rather too long to suffer it to run And if that Army had not gone down when it did against the Associators in the North it wou'd never have been able to reduce them as it did which appears by the Defence a few of them made afterwards at Derry and Eniskillen And therefore I do not see any ground to blame my Lord Tyrconnel for sending that Army so soon considering that he thought it a good Cause in which he was engag'd But especially considering that our Author himself calls him a Fool for not dealing more briskly with the North in time He laughs at the Lord Deputy for leaving Derry so ill guarded as that they were able to seize it It proceeded says this Author c. 3 â— 8. n. 6. p. 103. from his the Lord Deputies own Ignorance or Negligence who had left that Garrison the only one of any considerable Strength in Ulster where most Protestants lived without one Soldier to guard it This is the Thanks be got for giving them that Opportunity which they had and they cry out upon him as a bloody-minded Man because he would not give them longer time then above three Months after their first seizing of Derry for it was so long before he sent the Army against them It was the 7th or 8th of December 88. that the Protestants seized Derry the first time and the Irish Army did not come to Drommore in the North till the 14th of March following tho all that time the Protestants were improving their Opportunity and every day committing Insults upon that small part of the Army only two Regiments which was Quartered among them But as our Author says in the same Page the Lord Deputy bethought himself too late of his Error but could never retrieve it Mr. Boyse's Narrative p. 13. says That my Lord Tyrconnel deferr'd the sending down his Army twenty days after it had been first resolved on in Council I have another Account which confirms all this viz. The Earl of Granard upon his leaving Dublin about the beginning of Feb. 88. to go to Castle Forbes desired a Person who went with him as far as Chappelisard to pretend some Business with my Lord Deputy on purpose to find out whether he designed to send the Army against the North and that Person went to the Lord Deputy that same day and asked him why he would suffer a Rabble in the North to affront the Government seeing a few of the Army would disperse them the Lord Deputy adswered That he was unwilling to ingage in Blood hoping they would of themselves reflect and come to a better temper But that now since General * This was a Son of the Lord Massereen's whose Souldiers assaulted the King's Forces at Tuam Scevington had made the first Rupture by falling upon and killing some of the Souldiers at Tuam he would send with what Expedition he could to Quash the Rebellion and let them blame themselves for the Consequence This I have from that Person himself and yet the Army did not go to the North till the 11th or 12th of the March following But this Author says as above c. 3. § 8. n. 10. that if he had delayed a little longer till King James had come then in all Probability if King James himself appeared amongst them and offered them Terms they would have complied with him at least so far as to submit Quietly to his Government If the Author thinks this I confess he is the first Protestant of Ireland that ever I found of that Opinion And the issue did pretty well prove it For after when the Associators were beaten at Drumore at Colerain at Clady and driven into Derry and Enneskillen and when King James appeared amongst them and offered them what Terms they pleased they value themselves upon refusing all Terms and holding out But may be this Author thinks That if they had beaten King James's Army they would have been better disposed to have received Terms from him But pray The Author's Character of K. J. how does all this agree with the Character which this Author raises of K. J. in this Book Wherein he represents him as a faithless merciless and bigotted Tyrant who designed to destroy all the Protestants and went as far in it as he could and employed Persons most inclined and fitted to do it and that no Trust was to be given to his Word or to his Oath c. And yet this is the Man whom in all probability this Author says the Protestants in Ireland would have submitted to if he had but appeared amongst them and offered them Terms But I must tell the Author That as to K. J. in his own Person there is another Man has given his Character who had more reason to know him than this Author and is at least as good a Judge that is the Lord Danby stil'd at present Lord Marquess of Carmarthen who in the Speech he made to the Gentlemen assembled in Yorkshire Lord Danby's Character of K. J. in the Infancy of this Revolution represented K. J. to them under as fair a Character as could be given of a great Prince and a good Man and that no Nation in the World would be happier in a King if he were but rescued from the evil Counsel of the Priests and Jesuits c. And I never heard any about his Person say but that he was a very good natur'd Man Even his Enemies charge his Miscarriages to his Zeal for Religion A very singular fault in these Times And even as to his Carriage in Ireland K. J. oppâ—â—â— thâ— Act of Attainder 〈◊〉 Repeal of 〈◊〉 Acts of Settlement I have heard not a few of the Protestants confess That they owed their Preservation and Safety
he has not put it in his Appendix Therefore I have annexed it to this No. 15. I will give you a farther Proof of K. James's Zeal to preserve the Acts of Settlement It is well known that the Address of the Lord Chief Justice Keating in behalf of the Purchasers under the Acts of Settlement and Explanation and the Lord Bishop of Meath's Speech set down at large in this Author's Appendix were subsequent to several Conferences K. J. had with several of the Members of the House of Commons and with a Committee of that House in Presence of the Lord Chief Justice Nugent Lord Chief Baron Rice Judge Daily and Attorney-General Neagle and others of the Privy Council where K J. plainly laid before them the Unreasonableness of their Proceedings That it was not proper to enter upon so great a matter as the destroying the said Acts in time of War when all Parties could not be heard and some of the Roman Catholick Judges declared not only to the King but to the said Committee and to several of both Houses of Parliament and of the Privy Council That it was unjust to break the Acts and destroy Purchasers Widows Orphans Merchants and all Traders on pretence to relieve Widows and Orphans And one of the Roman Catholick Judges did reduce this into Writing and shewed it to the Lord Chief Justice Keating who had a Copy of it as appears under his hand and that the Lord Bishop of Meath had the Perusal of it and as I am credibly informed had a Copy of it All which was before the said Address and Speech and though shotter is as full for the Preservation of the Settlement as the said Address and Speech And it appears plainly by what Duke Powis said from the King to the Earl of Granard c. that K. J. did encourage the Protestant Lords of Parliament to oppose the Repeal of the Acts of Sertlement and therefore their appearing in this matter ought by no means to be made an Objection against K. J. but in truth is an Argument of the pains he took to oppose the Repeal and it would be a Scandal to doubt but that these Protestant Lords meant it at that time sincerely for King James's Service which is farther demonstrable from the Loyal zeal which carried the Lord Bishop of Meath so far as to desire leave from K. J. to attend upon his Majesty to the Boyne to assist him against his Enemies But Achish excused David with Commendations of his Fidelity 1 Sam. 29. His Lordship was likewise one of the Lords Spiritual mentioned in the Address of the Parliament of Ireland to K. J. on the 10th of May 89. which was Printed with K. James's Speech and is here annexed No. 1. In this Address they abhor the unnatural Usurpation of the Prince of Orange and the Treason of those who joyned with him in England and Ireland and profess to K. J. with Tongue and Heart That they will ever assert his Rights to his Crown with their Lives and Fortunes against the said Usurper and his Adherents and all other Rebels and Traytors whatsoever These are the Words of the Address as you may see in the Appendix Now whether the Trotestant Bishops for no other sat in that Parliament did enter their Protestation against this Address which was made in their Names or whether they did not give their Votes to it themselves know best If they say that they durst not shew their dissent to it for fear of the Irish who would have called it Treason in them I will not argue now how just an Argument Fear is to justifie publick Lying Pâ—rjury and Treachery But if Fear had so great an impression upon themselves how could they at the same time have so little consideration for K. James's Circumstances as to lay such a load upon him for passing the Acts of Attainder and repeal of the Acts of Settlement when they saw him struggle with all his might against it and that the Irish had so little compassion for him not to name Loyalty that they threatned to lay down their Arms and leave him to his Enemies if he did not then immediately pass these Acts and yet they knew that it was highly prejudicial to his Service and consequently if they had thought aright to their own Interest But they were violent found the King was in their Power and made their Advantage of it to the best of their Understandings It is a Melancholy Story if true which Sir Theobald Butler Solicitor General to K. J. in Ireland tells of the D. of Tyrconnel's sending him to K. J. with a Letter about passing some Lands for the said Duke he imploying Sir Theob in his Business gave him the Letter open to read which Sir Theob says he found worded in terms so Insolent and Imposing as would be unbecoming for one Gentleman to offer to another Sir Theob says he could not but represent to the Duke the strange surprise he was in at his treating the King at such a rate and desired to be excused from being the Messenger to give such a Letter into the King's Hands The Duke smiled upon him and told him he knew how to deal with the King at that time that he must have his Business done and for Theobald's scruple he sealed the Letter and told him now the King cannot suppose you know the Contents only carry it to him as from me Sir Theob did so and says he observed the King narrowly as he read it and that His Majesty did shew great Commotion that he changed Colours and Sighed often yet ordered Tyrconnel's Request or Demand rather to be granted Thus says Sir Theobald Many particulars of the like Insolence of these Irish to K. James might be shewn but I would not detain the Reader what I have said is abundantly sufficient to shew how far it was from his own Inclinations either to suffer or do such things as were thus violently put upon him by the Irish in his Extremity Yet nothing of all this it seems has weighed any thing with these Irish Protestants at least with this Author to have any milder Thoughts of K. J. or to confess to the World what they very well know viz. That King James opposed the Passing of the Act of Attainder and Repeal of the Acts of Settlement all that he could and made use of the Protestants who now accuse him to help him in it And this Truth is so apparent that it forces it self sometimes out of their Mouths who endeavour to conceal it This Author c 3. s 9. n. 12 p. 150. says That K. J. made use of them the Protestant Bishops to moderate by way of Counterpoise the madness of his own Party and yet at another time all the madness of that Party must be charged upon the King And K. J. as this Author in the Heads of his Discourse c 3. s 12. n. 20. division 2. undertakes to prove would not hear the Protestants at the Bar
Security from the Members of the Church of England more than from either Popish or Presbyterian Dissenters That when either of these two last-nam'd take Arms against the King for the Propagation of their Religion they act pursuant both to the Principles and Practice of their Churches but no true Church-of-England man can take Arms against the King in Defence of his Religion Liberty Property or any pretence whatsoever without at the same time renouncing the Principles of his Church or in Dr. Burnet's words turning Renegado and Apostate from it and from the constant Practices of its true Professors to this present Age. And though God has sifted Her and discovered Her unsound Members most of whom were Phanaticks grafted contrary to Nature yet we may perceive by the Remnant He has left that it will end in rendring her more Pure and Glorious after she has past the Refiner's Fire These Considerations have taken me a little out of the Road if it be out of the Road of the present Business I will return to the Author We have seen his Sincerity in the Original Matter of Fact and Mother of all the rest viz. Who were the Aggressors in the late miserable Revolution of Ireland for they were answerable for all that followed Matter◠of Fact set down by this Author at random But there are many other Particulars besides those to which I have spoken wherein the Author shews great variety of prevarication And tho he pretends to so great exactness which any one would believe by his Method yet it is visible that he set down things at random meerly for want of pains to examin them C. 3. S. 12. at the end p. 165. he pretends to compute what the Estates of all the Jacobites in England and Scotland are worth But this may pass more innocently than where it reflects upon any particular Persons Reputation in these Cases it is not only uncharitable but unjust to say any thing at a venture If we know not the thing to be true we are to err on the charitable side and not mention what may reflect upon another but if we do we must be sure to set down our Vouchers so as to leave no umbrage to suspect the Truth This our Author I am afraid has not so punctually observed through all this Book particularly in the Characters which he takes upon him to give of so many persons C. 3. S. 3. he accuses the Judges particularly the Lord Chief Justice Nugent ibid. n 5. p. 61. of down-right Bribery That he went sharer in Causes before him and not only appeared for them on the Bench but also secretly encouraged and fomented them I have heard others say who are no Admirers of that Judge That they are confident this is a rank Slander and Calumny and that no such thing can be proved against him However an Accusation of so heinous a Nature ought not to have been exhibited especially in Print without some Proofs along with it This Nugent says the Author was pitch'd on by K. J. to judge whether the Outlawries against his Father and his Fellow Rebels should be reversed Now I am assur'd That his Father viz. the Earl of Westmeath was not Outlawed which if so this is such another careless Mistake as this Author makes ibid. n. 3. pag. 60. where he calls Felix O Neil a Master of Chancery in King James's time Son of Turlogh O Neil the great Rebel in 41 and Massacrer of the Protestants That Turlogh O Neil was Brother to the Famous Sir Phelom O Neil and was not Father to this Felix O Neil I have been told by Men of Ireland That this Felix O Neil's Father's Name was Phelom and that he was so far from being a bloody Masacrer in 41. that he was civil to the Protestants in those times particularly to 〈…〉 Guilliam Father to Meredith Guilliam now a Major in K. W's Army whom he obliged by his civil Usage of him when he was Prisoner with the Irish and the same Guilliam's Relations do still acknowlege it But as to the Reversing of these Outlawries this Author has not done right to K. J. For upon the Representation made to his Majesty by the Earl of Clarendon then Lord Lieutenant of Ireland of the ill Consequences of the Reversal of these Outlawries particularly the Jealousie it gave of encroaching upon the Acts of Settlement which you will see more at large in King James's Letter of the Third of May 86. to the Earl of Clarendon and his Lordships proceedings thereupon which are hereunto annexed No. 20 His Majesty did not press that matter any farther and so there was a stop put to these Reversals during the Government of my Lord Clarendon in Ireland and for any thing I can hear afterwards till this Revolution So that this seems rather an Imposition upon the K. as there were many by my Lord Tyrconnel and those of his Party than a thing that sprung immediately from the King 's own Breast or that he pitcht upon Judge Nugent on purpose to carry it on violently as this Author sets it out in his Guesses at Random and would have it pass for some mighty Matter To this Class will justly belong what I have before mentioned of this Author 's bold and positive Politicks upon foreign Princes and States and likewise of the P. of W. Fr. League c. which he had from the same Intelligence and avers with the same Assurance By Innendoes wherein his groundless and unjust Reflection upon the E. of Clarendon He has likewise an Art of making many things pass by Innendo's whose Falshood would have appeared if they had been plainly related For Example c. 3 s 12. p. 144. telling of the assurances sent over by King James to Ireland by the Earl of Clarendon Lord Lieutenant and Sir Charles Porter Lord Chancellor he says These Declarations gained belief from the credulous Protestants especially that made by Sir Charles who behaving himself with Courage and Integrity in his Office went a great way to persuade them which being the Ground of their being persuaded by him more especially than by my Lord Clarendon plainly insinuates as if my Lord Clarendon had not behaved himself with Courage and Integrity in his Office there This Author is the first Irish Protestant I have heard give my Lord Clarendon an ill word as to his Government in Ireland On the contrary they all speak exceeding things of him particularly of his Zeal and Pains for Supporting the Protestant Interest in that Kingdom which gain'd their hearts to as great a degree if not more than most Chief Governours had ever been there they never parted with any Chief Governour with so much regret and as I have been told none courted him more when he was there than this Author who was admitted one of his Excellency's Chaplains but now thinks fit that should be forgotten at least kept for a more seasonable Juncture But C 2. S. 4 n. 1. p. 19. he
Numbers of them they could Master I 〈◊〉 the Judgment of the Reader And yet I have heard many Irish Protestants who live in the County of Down and near it say That they have not heard of any Rapes upon the Protestant Women there as this Author speaks even by the Rapparees for that Country being thick planted with Protestants the Rapparees durst not be too bold Which you will easily believe when you find what Opposition they were able to give even to the King's Army But to go on with the Story There was one Henry Hunter a Servant to Sir George Atchison in the County of Ardmagh in the North of Ireland who was made a Captain by the Associators Their Forces being beaten and dispersed at Drommore the 14th of March 1688. this Hunter was taken Prisoner near Antrim from whence he made his Escape about the middle of April following and came into the Barony of Ardes in the County of Down where they had all taken Protections from King James and lived Peaceably there being but one Company quartered in that whole Barony which is almost wholly Scots Protestants viz. Captain Con Mac-Gennis his Company Hunter coming thither got a great Rabble of these poor People to follow him and about the 15th of April 1689. they had a Scuffle with this Company of Captain Mac-Gennis and what other Irish came to their Assistance at Kinnin-Burne two Miles from New-Town Hunter's Rabble routed them stript and wounded many I know not if any kill'd but he drove them out of that Barony This occasioned Lieutenant-Colonel Mark Talbot to march from Carrickfergus with about an hundred Musqueteers the 15th of April to Belfast and the 16th to Newtown But finding the Matter over and some say fearing the Scots who were in great Numbers and rolling about he returned the 17th to Carrickfergus This Commotion gave great Disturbance to the Countrey People leaving their Ploughs and flying to Arms the Wiser sort dreading the Consequence of this wild Uproar after they had taken Protection from the King Sir Robert Maxwell then living in the Castle of Killileagh in the said County of Down and near the Barony of Ardes where this Insurrection began sent one John Stuart an Apothecary in the Town of Down with a Letter to Captain Patrick Savage a Captain in the Regiment of the Lord Iveagh to invite him to bring his Company to quarter in the Town of Killileagh for their Security from the Rabble in this Confusion Accordingly Captain Savage came and finding these People increase after Hunter and fearing he might be surprized quartering with his Men in the open Town he desired Sir Robert to permit him to keep his Guard in the Gate-house or Stables of the Castle Sir Robert was not willing but took two days to consider of it and in these two days he sent one Gawen Irwin twice to Hunter to bring him thither who accordingly came with his Rabble seized Captain Savage and his Lieurenant in their Quarters fell upon the Guard killed three Men and wounded six or seven Captain Savage complained that Sir Robert had betray'd him and Mr. Clulo Episcopal Minister of the place did resent the Barbarity of the Action and apprehending some further mischief to Captain Savage took him to his own House where though a Prisoner he had greater Accommodation and Safety The Lord Iveagh wrote to Sir Robert Maxwell to send him his Captain and Lieutenant whom he kept Prisoners This Letter Hunter took upon him and Sir Robert permitted him to answer and the Answer was That he would fight his Lordship and accordingly marched out against my Lord with what part of his Lordship's Regiment he had near Killileagh and other Countrey-people of the Irish who joined him The Lord Iveagh retired but endeavoured to make a Stand at Ceyle-bridge near the Town of Down Hunter forced his Passage and drove my Lord and his Men over the Strand of Dun-Drum into the upper and Mountainous parts of the County for which his Lordship's Regiment was broke by King James Hunter entred Down Triumphant and used those Pretetestants who would not joyn with him as ill as the Irish committed great Disorders and Irregularities in that Countrey and Governed Arbitrarily during his short Reign For now the Insurrection was come to that Head that it was fit for the Government to take notice of it Major-General Buchan whom this Author calls Bohan was commanded against Hunter he took with him Detachements out of the Duke of Tyrconnel's Regiment of Foot the Earl of Antrim's Regiment of Foot Colonel Cormock O Neil's Regiment of Foot and a Troop of Horse of the Lord Galmâ—y's Regiment and Colonel Cormock O Neil's Troop of Dragoons which he had with his Regiment of Foot and Captain Fitz Gerald's Troop of Dragoons These Forces were then at Carrickfergus Antrim and Lisburn The Major-General marched with the Horse and Dragoons and left the Foot to follow with what Dispatch they could who marched in one day viz. the 30th of April 1689. from Lisburn to Killileagh which is sixteen long Irish Miles they joyned the General about Five at Night who being then within two Miles of the Enemy marched directly upon them Being come within sight of them he sent a Trumpet to them desiring their Leader or some of the Chief of them to speak with him not doubting but upon the gracious Offers he was impowered by His Majesty to make to them he would have been able to bring back these deluded People to their Duty without shedding of Blood on either side But they fired upon the Trumpeter and refused all Parley so they engaged Hunter was beaten and fled and his Party dispersed I cannot learn the exact Number of Hunter's Army or of the Slain Some say he had three or four Thousand Men. Others not above four Hundred which may be reconciled some computing the whole Rabble which followed him others only those that charged in form against Buchan but not those upon the Hills and at greater distance Some who pretend to have viewed the Field and helped to bury the Dead say there were but sixty One of Hunter's Men killed and others say a great many more However that makes nothing to our present Dispute How many were killed in Battle is not the Question But our Author says That Major-General Buchan Massacred five or six Hundred in cold Blood for several Days together The contrary of which appears from these two Matters of Fact known to all the Country First That the Major-General was very Merciful even on the Day of Battle Secondly That he marched off his Men early next Morning and so did not stay to Massacre for several Days together As to the First He stopped Execution as soon as the Enemy were broke and out of Danger of Rallying And tho' several Shot were made against him out of the Castle of Killileagh as he was in pursuit of the Enemy part of Colonel Mark Talbot's Wigg was shot off by a Bullet from the
And therefore to be Lov'd by the People and kept Great and Inviolable as their Greatest Security and Glory The Author's Conclusion Protestation of his Sincerity It is now time to come to a Conclusion If I have not tyred you I am sure I have my self I will therefore Close this Discourse with a small Reflection upon this Authors Conclusion p. 239. Wherein he protests before God That he has not Aggravated or Mis-represented the Proceedings against us out of Favour or Affection to a Party c. By this he would seem as equal to the Irish as to the English to the Papist as to the Protestant For which I must Refer you to what has been already said But if this had been his Principle why would he lay such Loads upon a Popish King for choosing to trust Papists in his Army and even to prefer them to the Protestants Is it not the same reason as for a Protestant Prince to desire a Protestant Army And if in such a Case you could not sind persons so Qualify'd as you desire would you not take the best you could get and give them time and opportunities farther to Accomplish themselves This Author knows very well this was King James's Case with the Irish That there was not a Gentleman among them but was employ'd My Lord Chief Justice Keating in his Letter to Sir John Temple 29. Decemb. 88. sayes The Roman Catholick Nobâ—â—â—â—y and Gentry of the Kingdom are Vniversally concerned in the present Army and in that which is to be rais'd p. 351. of this Authors Book But he King James was forc'd to take in the Scum likewise to make up an Army Yet this Author makes it one of the Heads of his Discourse p. 25. The insufficiency of the persons Employ'd by King James And Improves that to an Argumnnt for his Abdication I am very sensible of the many ill Steps were made in K. James's Government and above all of the Mischievous Consequence of the Lord Tyrconnel's Administration which the most of any one thing brought on the Misfortunes of his Master But when by what means soever things were brought to that pass that K. James was deserted by England and the Protestants in Ireland no Man in his Senses can blame him for making use of the Irish nor my Lord Tyrconnel for Arming Inlisting Arraying them c. In doing whereof considering the great Trust reposed in him no man of Honour or Moral Honesty can truly blame him Says my Lord Chief Justice Keating as inserted by this Author p. 349. And this Author knows very well that Lord Chief Justice Keating was a firm Protestant and a Man of Sense And this Author does Confess p. 101. n. 5. That these new made 〈◊〉 were set on Foot partly on the first Noise of the P. of Orange's descent and partly in the beginning of Decem. 88. Now at this time to hinder K. James to raise an Army of Irish to assist him is the Argument our Author had undertaken and for which he blackens K. James to the utmost He says p. 166. That without any Necessity at all he K. James threw himself upon these People he Encourag'd them he Armed them gave Commissions even to those that had been Torys c. Some such perhaps he might Employ I have known a High-way-Man an Officer in the Army in K. Charles II. time and no Notice taken of it but it was because he could get no better as is said above But to say he had no Necessity at all to raise these Men cannot have common Sence in it unless this Author thinks that at that time the Protestants of Ireland would have Fought for K. James against the P. of Orange and so that he had no need of the Irish If that be our Authors meaning I hope he will Explain himself And likewise whether he does not a little Aggravate the Case which he protest before GOD he does not when he assures us p. 15. That K. James did Prosecute the same if not worse Methods towards the Protestants in Ireland than the K. of France did with the Hugonots in his Dominions Why Was there any Dragooning in Ireland such as we have heard of in France Yes Our Author tells us C. 3. § 8. n. 15. p. 112. This was perfect Dragooning to the Protestants Terrible Dragooning Pray what was this It must raise a Dismal Apprehension in the Reader some Exquisit Torture Protestant Bridles or some-thing like Amboina Parturiunt Montes The whole matter was Disarming the Protestants in Dublin 24. Feb. 88. But what Occasion was there for this Disarming What Reason had the Government to be Apprehensive of these Protestants All the Protestants Generally in Vlster Connoght and Munster in all Ireland except Dublin and other Parts of Linster whom the. Lord Deputy kept in Awe with what Forces he had were then actually in Armes in Opposition to the Government and had enter'd into Associations to carry on their War But may be these Protestants in Dublin were more Loyal than the other Protestants of Ireland What Reason had the Lord Deputy to Suppose that But this Author tells us in the same Section p. 97. That they had a Plot to Seize my Lord Deputy himself and the Castle of Dublin with the Stores Ammunition c. But when was this It was says the Author when the News came that K. James had sent Commissioners to Treat with the P. of Orange This was very early And what if the â—râ—nce had Aâ—cepâ—â—d of a Treaty How did they know but the King and Prince might have Agreed But they were resolv'd to Anticipate all this And not to wait even the Princes Commands They were for Supererogation and to shew Zeal Extraordinary But after all if their Numbers were not Considerable in Proportion to the Kings Army or if they were not well Arm'd the Government might have over look'd their Rashness and let them alone In Answer to this our Author tells in the same Place That they K. Jame's Army were but a Handful to the Protestants there being Men and Arms Enough in Dublin alone to have dealt with them And p. 111. That they the Protestants had Arms enough to make the Papists Afraid and to beat them too if they had had a little Assistance and Encouragement of Authority to Attempt it And they knew how to Supply the want of Authority another way Now let any one Judge in the point of Reason Is there a Man in his Senses that had to do with these People in the Circumstances they and the rest of the Protestants of Ireland stood but would have Disarm'd them if he could And for our Author to Equal this to the French Dragooning is betraying of his Cause It is rendring the whole Suspected To Aggravate things beyond the Truth does not make them more but nothing at all What Notion does this give us of the French Persecution Had that King as much to say against the Hugonots as K. James had against
hereby declare that as soon as the War shall be ended they may again return to their former Habitations And as We shall take care that all such Papists that shall in compliance with this our Proclamation remove shall be civilly treated as other their Majesties Subjects and have the Countenance and Protection of the Government whilst they behave themselves as becometh So We hereby declare that all such Papists that from and after the fourteenth day of October next shall presume to dwell or shall at any time afterwards be found within ten miles of any of their Majesties Frontier Garisons as aforesaid or within ten miles of the River Shannon that they and every of them shall be looked upon as Spies and persons corresponding with their Majesties Enemies And shall be prosecuted accordingly Given at their Majesties Castle of Dublin 26th of September 1690. in the second year of their Majesties Reign John Davis Numb 5. By the Lord Deputy and Council A PROCLAMATION Tyrconnel FOrasmuch as several persons in the Province of Vlster and Town of Sligo in this His Majesty's Kingdom have entered into several Associations containing no less offence than High Treason and thereupon formed themselves into several Parties dividing and Marshalling themselves into several Regiments Troops and Companies marching well Armed up and down the Countrey to the great terror of the King's Leige People in manifest breach of the Law and of the Peace of this Realm And having resolved within Our selves to prevent the effusion of blood as long as it was possible by using all peaceable means to reduce the said Malefactors to their Obedience have of late issued out a Proclamation setting forth the said disorders requiring all the said Parties to disperse and repair to their several Habitations and Callings assuring every of them of His Majesty's Pardon and Protection And whereas We see the said Offenders instead of complying with our said Proclamation still do persist in their wickedness by continuing in actual Rebellion breaking of Prisons and discharging of Prisoners secured by due course of Law for Robberies Fellonies and other hainous Crimes by seizing upon His Majesty's Arms and Ammunion imprisoning several of His Majesty's Army disarming and dismounting them killing and murdering several of His Majesty's Subjects pillaging and plundering the Countrey and daily committing several other acts of Hostility and finding no other way to suppress the said Rebellion We the Lord Deputy have caused a Party of His Majesty's Army under the Command of Lieutenant General Rich. Hamilton to march into the Province of Vlster to reduce the Rebels there by force of Arms the consequence whereof cannot but be very fatal to that Country and the Inhabitants thereof and will inevitably occasion the total Ruine and Destruction of that part of His Majesty's Kingdom The consideration whereof hath given Us great disquiet and trouble of mind that a Countrey well planted and inhabited should now by the insolency and traiterous wickedness of its own Inhabitants be brought to ruine and desolation which we are still willing to prevent if any spark of Grace be yet remaining in the Hearts of those Conspirators hereby declaring notwithstanding the many affronts by them put upon His Majesty's Government notwithstanding the several Acts of Hostility by them hitherto Committed that if they will now submit and become dutiful Subjects His Majesty's Mercy shall be extended to them excepting the persons hereafter excepted and in order thereunto We the Lord Deputy and Council do strictly charge and command all such persons in Arms in Vlster or the Town of Sligo forthwith to lay down their Arms and that the principal persons among them now in the North do forthwith repair to Leiutenant General Richard Hamilton and deliver up to him their Arms and serviceable Horses and to give him Hostages as an assurance of their future Loyalty and Obedience to His Majesty and that all their adherents do deliver up their Arms and serviceable Horses to such person or persons as he the said Lieutenant General Richard Hamilton shall appoint to receive them And We do also farther charge and command all the principal persons of other Commotions and Insurrections in Sligo to repair forthwith either to Us the Lord Deputy or to Collonel Mac Donnald at the Boyle and deliver up their Arms and serviceable Horses and to give Hostages as security for their future peaceable deportment and their adherents to lay down their Arms to be delivered up together with their serviceable Horses to the said Collonel Mac Donnald We the Lord Deputy hereby giving safe conduct to such of them as will submit according to this Our Proclamation And we do hereby farther declare That such of the said persons as shall give obedience to these our Commands except the persons hereafter excepted shall have His Majesty's Protection and Pardon for all past offences relating to the said Commotions and Insurrections but in case they shall be so unhappy as to persist in their wicked designs and treasonable practices We the Lord Deputy do hereby command all His Majesty's Forces to fall upon them wherever they meet them and to treat them as Rebels and Traitors to His Majesty yet to the end the innocent may not suffer for the Crimes of the nocent and that the committals of inhumane acts may be prevented We do hereby strictly charge and command His Majesty's Army now upon their march to the North and all other his Majesty's Forces that they or either of them do not presume to use any violence to Women Children aged or decrepid Men Labourers Plow-men Tillers of the ground or to any other who in these Commotions demean themselves inoffensively without joining with the Rebels or aiding or assisting them in their traiterous actings and behaviours But in regard Hugh Earl of Mount-Alexander John Lord Vicount of Mazareen Robert Lord Baron of Kingstone Clothworthy Schevington Esq Son to the Lord Vicount Mazareen Sir Robert Colvill Sir Arthur Rawden Sir John Magil John Hawkins Robert Sanderson and Francis Hamilton Son to Sir Charles Hamilton have been the principal actors in the said Rebellion and the persons who advised and fomented the same and inveigled others to be involved therein We think fit to except them out of this Proclamation as persons not deserving his Majesty's mercy or favour Given at the Council-Chamber of Dublin March 7. 1688. A. Fytton C. Granard Limrick Bellew Will. Talbot Tho. Neucomen Rich. Hamilton Fran. Plouden Numb 6. The Declaration of William and Mary King and Queen of England Scotland France and Ireland To all the People of this our Kingdom of Ireland whom it may concern William R. AS it hath pleased Almighty God to bless our Arms in this Kingdom with a late Victory over our Enemies at the Boyn and with the possession of our Capital City of Dublin and with a general dispersion of all that did oppose us We are now in so happy a prospect of our Affairs and of extinguishing the Rebellion of this
heard but as they came nigh to it they perceived it surrounded and heard Guns discharged and People shrieking whereupon being unarm'd and totally unable to rescue their Father they preserved their own Lives in hopes yet to serve their King and Countrey and see Justice done upon those Hell-hound treacherous Murtherers the Shame of their Countrey and Disgrace of Mankind I must not forget to tell you that there were two of these Officers who had given their Paroll of Honour to Mac-jan who refused to be concerned in that brutal Tragedy for which they were sent Prisoners to Glascow where if they remain not still I am sure they were some Weeks ago Thus Sir in obedience to your Commands I have sent you such account as I could get of that monstrous and most inhumane Massacre of the Laird of Glenco and others of his Clan You desire some Proofs for the Truth of the Storyâ—s for you say there are many in England who cannot believe such a thing could be done and publick Justice not executed upon the Russians For they take it for granted that no such Order could be given by the Government and you say they will never believe it without a downright Demonstration Sir As to the Government I will not meddle with it or whether these Officers who murdered Glenco had such Orders as they pretended from the Government the Government knows that best and how to vindicate their own Honour and punish the Murtherers who pretended their Authority and still stand upon it But as to the Matter of Fact of the Murther of Glenco you may depend upon it as certain and undeniable It would be thought as strange a thing in Scotland for any Man to doubt of it as of the Death of my Lord Dundee or with you that the Duke of Monmouth lost his Head But to Put you out of all doubt you will e'er long have my Ld. Argyle's Regiment wity you in London and there you may speak with Glenlyon himself with Drummond and the rest of the Actors in that dismal Tragedy and on my Life there is never a one of them will deny it to you for they know that it is notoriously known all over Scotland and it is an admiration to us that there should be any one in England who makes the least doubt of it Nay Glenlyon is so far from denying it that he brags of it and justifies the Action publickly He said in the Royal Coffee-house in Edinburgh that he would do it again nay that he would stab any Man in Scotland or in England without asking the cause if the King gave him orders and that it was every good Subject's duty so to go and I am credibly informed that Glenlyon and the rest of them have address'd themselves to the Council for a Reward for their good Service in destroying Glenco pursuant to their Orders There is enough of this mournfull Subject If what I have said satisfie you not you may have what Proof and in what manner ye please to ask it Sir Your humble Servant N. B. That the Gentleman to whom this Letter was sent did on Thursday June 30. 1692. when the Ld. Argyle's Regiment was quartered at Branford go thither and had this Story of the Massacre of Glenco from the very Men were the Actors in it Glenlyon and Drummond were both there The Highlander who told him the Story expressing the Guilt which was visible in Glenlyon said Glenco hangs about Glenlyon Night and Day and you may see him in his Face I am told likewise that Sr. John Lawder refused to accept of the Place of Ld. Advocate of Scotland unless he might have liberty to prosecute Glenlyon and the rest of the Murtherers of Glenco which not being granted James Stuart who was forfeited for Treason by K. C. 2. and since Knighted by K. W. has now the Place Numb 20. King James's Letter May 3. 1686. for Reversing two Outlawries with the Earl of Clarendon's Proceeding thereupon Signed James Rex RIght Trusty and Right Well beloved Cousin and Counsellour We greet you well Whereas Our Right Trusty and Well beloved Cosins Jennico Viscount Gormanstowne and James Viscount Ikerin have by their humble Petition represented unto Us that their Ancestors were indicted and outlawed in the Rebellion in that Our Kingdom begun in or about the Year 1641. and have humbly prayed Us that they might be admitted to sue out Writs of Error for reversing the said Outlawries and the Attainders thereupon We have thought fit upon Consideration of the Matter to gratifie them in their humble Requests And accordingly Our Will and Pleasure is and We do hereby direct and require you upon receipt of these our Letters forthwith to give orders to our Chancellor of that our Kingdom to grant unto the said Viscount Gormanstowne and Viscount Ikerin Writs of Errour in order to Reverse the said Outlawries and Attainders and also to direct our Attorney General of our said Kingdom for the time being to admit them to have Copies of the said several Indictments and Outlawries and to require our Judges of our Court of King's Bench there and our said Attorney to admit them the said Viscount Gormanstowne and Viscount Ikerin to reverse the said Outlawries upon Errors appearing in the Records of the same and the Attainders thereupon any Law Stature Custome or Order to the contrary notwithstanding And for so doing this shall be as well unto you as unto all other our Officers and Ministers there whom it may concern a sufficient Warrant And so we bid you heartily farewell Given at Our Court at Whitehall the third day of May 1686. in the second Year of our Reign By His Majesty's Command Sunderland P. Entred at the Signet-Office the 20th of May 1686. John Gauntlett To Our Right Trusty and Right Well beloved Cosin and Counsellor Henry Earl of Clarendon Our Lieutenent General and general Governour of Our Kingdom of Ireland and to Our chief Governor there for the time being The Lord Lieutenant's Order to the Attorney and Sollicitor General touching the Reversion of the Outlawries Clarendon WE send you herewith a Copy of his Majesty's Letters unto Us in behalf of the Right Honorable Jennico Viscount Gormanstowne and James Viscount Ikerin bearing date the 3d of May last concerning their Ancestors being indicted and outlawed in the Year 1641. and we refer it unto you calling to your Assistance the rest of his Majesty's Counsel learned in the Laws of this Kingdom to consider the Matter and report to Us what is fit to be done therein for the relief of the Petitioners Given at his Majesties Castle of Dublin the 12th day of June 1686. Paul Rycaut To Our Trusty and well beloved his Majesty's Attorney and Sollicitor general of this Kingdom The Attourney and Sollicitor General and the King's Counsel at Law their Report touching the Outlawries May it please your Excellency IN obedience to your Excellency's Order bearing date the 12th day of this Instant June we have considered
and the Fall but they are kept to strickt Discipline You will I doubt not take care to make you and me easie in this matter of the Sheriff Shew no body this Letter but you may the other I am Your affectionate Servant J. H. For Mr. Thomas Pottinger Sovereign of Belfast at his Lodging at the Boot near St. Mary Abby in Dublin Numb 26. To the Kings most Excellent Majesty the humble Address of the Clergy of the Church of Ireland now in Ulster June 1690. Great Sir We your Majesties loyal Subjects out of the deepest Sense of the Blessing of this day with most joyful Hearts congratulate your Majesty's safe Landing in this Kingdom And as we must always praise God for the Wonders he hath already wrought by your Majesty's Hand so we cannot but admire and applaud your remarkable Zeal for the Protestant Religion and the Peace of these Kingdoms We owe all imaginable Thanks to God and Acknowledgment to your Majesty for the Calm and Safety we have enjoyed by the Success of your Arms under the happy and wise management of his Grace the Duke of Schonberg And we do not doubt but God will hear the Prayers of his Church and crown your Majesties Arms with such Success and Victory that these happy beginnings of our Joy may terminate in a full Establishment of our Religion and our Peace and with lasting Honors to your Majesty May Heaven bless and preserve your Majesty in such Glorious Undertakings give Strength and Prosperity to such generous Designs that all your Enemies may flee before you that your Subjects may rejoice in your easie Victory and that all the World may admire and honour you Give us leave great Sir after the most humble and gratefull manner to offer our selves to your Majesty and to give all assurance of a steady Loyalty and Duty to your Majesty of our Resolution to promote and advance your Service and Interest to the utmost of our Power and that we will always with the most hearty Importunity pray that Heaven may protect your Royal Person from all Dangers that we may long enjoy the Blessings of your Government and Victories And that after a long and peacefull Reign here God may change your Lawrels into a Crown of Glory FINIS THE INDEX Page 2. THE Division of this Answer into the Principles and Matters of Fact of the Author First for his Principles They are hard to be Collected because they are not clearly asserted nor set down in any Method His Principles are the old Exploded Common wealth and Rebellious Principles which he indeavours to conceal Page 4. He derives the Ecclesiastical Authority from the People Page 5. His Interpretation of that Law which declares it not to be Lawful upon any pretence to take Arms against the King c. Page 7. The several Schemes of Government which are set up Page 8. The Case of one Prince Interposing betwixt another Prince and his Subjects Page 9. This Author's Defence of his Principles from Reason Page 10. I. Reason of a King designing to destroy his whole People Ibid. II. A part of his People Page 11. III. Invading their Property Page 12. IV. To disarm them Page 13. The Author's Rule for Abdication considered Page 14. V. Of Dissolving Oaths of Allegiance Page 16. VI. The Question Who shall be judge Page 19. Apply'd to Parliaments and States Page 20. Compared with Kings Page 20. Of Jealousies and Fears Page 21. Instances in the French League Page 22. Prince of Wales Page 24. Earl of Essex Page 26. King Charles I. Bishop Laud. Page 27. Moses Page 28. Of Evils not Tolerable Page 28. Of Evils not Universal Page 30. A Passage our Author quotes out of Faulkner and misapplies Page 31. The Evils of Tyranny compar'd Page 31. The Evils of Civil War compar'd Page 33. Our Authors Remedy for Tyranny to kill half the Nation Page 36. Religion the worst pretence for Rebellion Page 45. VII A King designing to destroy our Religion Page 48. Some Instances of our Author's manner of Argumentation Page 50. This Author's defence of his Principles from Authority From Scriptures Page 52. Disproved from Scripture 1. The Jews in Egypt Page 53. 2. In Babylon 3. Under the Romans Page 54. 4. Under Ahasuerus 5. The Gibeonites 6. Our Saviour Christ Primitive Christians Page 55. From Jovian Page 58. From Homilies Page 63. From Grotius Page 65. From Hammond Page 66. From Hicks Page 68. From Faulkner Page 71. The Protestants under Q. Mary Page 72. Matters of Fact of our Author The principal Matter of Fact Page 73. Viz. Who were the Aggressors in the Revolution in Ireland 1688. shewn in many notorious and undeniable Instances Page 95. Of Lord Tyrconnel's haste to run the Nation into Blood Ibid. The Protestants in Ireland worse treated by K. W's Army than by K. J's Page 99. Character of K. J. from This Author Page 99. Character of K. J. from Lord Danby Ibid. 99. K. J. opposed the Act of Attainder and the Repeal of the Acts of Settlement Ibid. He encouraged the Protestant Lords to speak against them in Parliament Page 105. This Author Guilty of Treason against K. J. while under his Protection and Favour Page 108. The gross Hypocrisie of the Irish Protestant Clergy in praying for K. J. and the P. of W. Page 113. This Author formerly a zealous Man for Passive Obedience even in the beginning of this Revolution Page 117. Dr. Tillotson's Extent of Loyalty in his Sermon 2 Apr. 80. before K. Charles II. Page 118. And 5 Nov. 78. before the House of Commons Page 123. The behavour of the Clergy in taking the Oaths Ibid. Of the Deprived Clergy Page 124. Roman Catholick Loyalty Particularly of the Irish Page 126. Of the Roman Catholicks of England Page 127. Non-Jurors of the Church of England Ibid. Presbyterian Loyalty Page 128. Popish Principles which are embraced Page 129. Church of England vindicated Page 130. Matters of Fact set down by this Author at Random Page 132. By Inuendo's wherein his groundless and unjust Reflection upon the E. of Clarendon Page 134. Incredible Matters of Fact wherein is told the Story of Mr. Bell. Page 139. Contradictory Matters of Fact Especially with Relation to King James whom he does not treat with common Decency giving him the Lye c. Page 141. The Case of Mr. Brown and Sir Thomas Southwell Page 145. Of K. J. keeping his Protections Page 152. The Massacre of the Laird of Glen-coe with others of his Clan Page 153. An abominable Misrepresentation of this Author in relation to the Protestants in the County of Down Page 161. The breach of Articles charged upon K. J. upon the Surrender of the Fort of Culmore refuted Retorted in the Notorious Breach of the Articles upon the Surrender of Carick fergus and of Drogheda Page 162. Of Cork and Limerick and the cruel Usage of the Prisoners Page 166. Of K. J's letting the English Fleet decay with the Author's Recantation considered Page 173. The Insincerity of this Author in Quoting K. J's Answer to the Petition of some Lords for a Parliament 17 Novemb. 88. Page 175. And in some Quotations out of Grotius Page 176. He confesses that the Irish Papists were not the Aggressors in the late Revolution and gives Reasons why they were not so Page 178. This Author wounds the present Government in the Person of King James and the Papists Page 186. He renders the King's Prerogative hateful to the People and inclines them to a Common-wealth Page 187. The Authors Conclusion and Protestation of his Sincerity Page 189. In representing King James to be worse than the French King Page 194. Or the Great Turk and according to the Dublin Address than Pharaoh or the Devil APPENDIX Numb 1. King James's Speech to both Houses of Parliament in Ireland 10 May 1689. with their Address to his Majesty Numb 2. Dr. Gorge Secretary to General Schomberg in Ireland his long Letter Apr. or May 90. relating to the Affairs then in Ireland Numb 3. Mr. Osborn's Letter to Lard Massareen 9. Mar. 88. Numb 4. Three Proclamations in Ireland 26 Sept. 90. Numb 5. Proclamation 7 March 88. of the Lord Deputy of Ireland and Council Numb 6. King VVilliam's Declaration in Ireland 7th of July 90 and Proclamation 31 July 90. Numb 7. Resolution of the Judges of Ireland to the Queries of the Grand-Jury of Dublin 21 Novemb. 90. Numb 8. Two Speeches of the Lord Bishop of Meath one to King James the other to King VVilliam Numb 9. The Sea-mens Address to King James Numb 10. Sir Peter Pett's Speech to King James Numb 11. A short Abstract of Mr. Pepy's Account of the Navy Numb 12. A List of the Ships that have been lost or damaged since the Year 1688. to the 13th of Nov. 1691. Numb 13. The Oath of Allegiance given by the Irish Officers to the Protestants in Cork Limerick and some of their Garrisons when K. J. drew out the Souldiers from these Garrisons into the Field Numb 14. Dr Tillotson's Letter to the Lord Russel Numb 15. Earl of Sunderland's Letter 23 March 89. Numb 16. Reasons tendered to the Parliament Octob. 90. to examine into the Birth of the Prince of Wales with Mr. Ashton's Paper Numb 17. Some Passages taken out of two Observators of August 1682. Numb 18. A Commission from the Prince of Orange Numb 19. A short Account of the Bloody Massacre of the Laird of Glencce and others of his Clan in Scotland the 13th of Feb. 1692. Numb 20. K. James's Letter 3 May 86. for Reversing two Outlawries with the Earl of Clarendon's Proceedings thereupon Numb 21. King James's Speech to the Lord Mayor c. upon his quitting of Dublin soon after the Action at the Boyne July 2. 1690. Numb 22 The Address of the Lord Mayor c. of Dublin to K W. 9 July 1690 Numb 23. K. J's Protection to the inhabitants of Belfast 3 June 1689. Numb 24. Lord Melfort's Letter to Mr. Pottinger Sovereign of Belfast 9 July 1689. Numb 25. Colonel Hill's Letter to Mr. Pottinger Sovereign of Belfast May 1689. Numb 26. The Address of the Protestant Clergy of Ulster to King William when he landed in Ireland June 1690. The End of the INDEX
as Nevil Pain c. their Clergy Barbarously Rabbled and Episcopacy Abolished Though they say that the Prince of Orange in his Declaration to Scotland Dated at the Hague 10. Octob. 88. Promises to preserve their Church as then Established among them From any Alteration And makes that the chief End and Design of his then intended Expedition Then they tell of the many wicked and illegal Courses which were taken to overturn the Foundations of Church and State in that Kingdom That when the Meeting of the Estates of Scotland was called by the Prince of Orange's Circular Letters in March 89. none were sent to several Royal Brughs in the North which is the most Episcopal and consequently the most Loyal part of Scotland And therefore such sent no Representatives That at the first Meeting of the Estates they refused when it was moved to adjourn for eight Days as they did in England to give time to the Members from the remote parts of the North to get to Edenbrugh But did precipitate Matters before they came That the Oaths required by Law to be taken by all the Members of Parliament or any Judicature before they can sit or vote there were without Law laid aside By which means the Anti-Monarchical and Fanatical Party were let into the House That several Noble-men and Gentle-men who had been Forefaulted for Treason and so had no Property nor Interest in Scotland were admitted as Members of this Convention before their Forfeitures were Rescinded even by this Convention and so were made the King's Judges to pass Sentence of Forefaulture against him for the Injuries which they pretended he had done to them And that one of these viz. the Earl of Argyle was sent with the tender of the Crown of Scotland to the Prince and Princess of Orange by Act of Convention 24 Apr. 89. before his Forefaulture was taken off which was not done till 1 Aug. 89. by the 4th Act of the first Session of the first Parliament of William and Mary That by these Means the Fanatical Party in that Convention were the most Numerous And framed such a Committee of Elections as for any or no Cause turn'd out any Episcopal Member who came in Competition with one of their own That by their Act 4 July 90. they rescinded all the Forefaultures since the year 1665. and Monmouth by name and Richard Rumbold an English-man who was to have Assassinated King Charles II. at Rye-house and in publick Proclamations in Scotland was taken notice of as the supposed Executioner of King Charles I. That within this Act of Grace were included all that were concerned in the publick and open Rebellions of Pentland-hills Bothwell-brig Monmouth and Argyle and the very Assassinates of the Lord Archbishop of St. Andrews those Furies incarnate were all as many as were alive enabl'd to be Members of Parliament and to pass Sentence of Forefaulture against their King That King William by his additional Instructions to his Commissioner Duke Hamilton dated the 17th of July 89. empowers him to pass Acts for Rescinding all Foresaultures since 1660. But this exceeded the Modesty even of that Parliament They would not expresly own that no Treason could be committed against K. C 2. or K. J. 2. at the same time that they Deprived and Foresaulted so many on the behalf of K. W. That the Fanatical Mob who had Rabbled the Episcopal Clergy were Armed and made the Guard of that Convention and resolved to sacrifice any who durst oppose their Designs witness Sir George Mackenzy that great Ornament of his Nation and Profession who was forced to fly from their Fury to save his Life it being made appear they had laid Plots to murder Him and Others They tore Episcopal Ministers Gowns off their backs in the streets of Edinburgh where the Convention sate and attacked the Lord Archbishop of Glasgow there That the Bishops who are the First of the Three Estates of Parliament were excluded from sitting in that Parliament before they were a Parliament by vertue of Instructions sent from King William to his Commissioner Duke Hamilton dated 31 May 89. in these words You are to pass an Act turning the Meeting of Estates into a Parliament and that the Three Estates are to consist of the Noblemen Barons and Burgesses Accordingly the Meeting of Estates wherein the Bishops sate was turned into a Parliament 5 June 89. the Bishops being first excluded which the Jacobites think a material Objection against the validity of all the Acts of that Parliament particularly that of 22 July 89. abolishing Prelacy and the Act 7 June 90. setling Presbyterian Church-Government Whence the Jacobite Episcoparians desire us to take a view of the Methods how their Church was over-turned They first tell us That the major part of Scotland and much the greater part of the Nobility and Gentry are Episcopal and therefore that Episcopacy would carry it in any fair and free Convention of the Estates in Scotland That several Reasons are given above why it was not so in the late Convention there That the Presbyterian Managers did instigate and set on their Rabble to fall upon the Episcopal Clergy and drive them by violence from their Churches and that the Presbyterian Ministers who had preached in those Parishes by a Toleration from King James should take possession of them before the Meeting of the Estates where they would endeavour to excuse the Rabble and continue the Possession and likewise make use of this as an Argument That Episcopacy was contrary to the inclinations of the people That the Rabbling began in December 88. and to make way for it a Report was industriously spread abroad as in England That some Thousands of Irish were landed in Galloway and marching forward with Fire and Sword Upon which the Fanaticks took Arms and fell upon the Episcopal Clergy with a Violence that is hardly credible That they drove them from their Churches plundered their Houses assaulted their Persons pricking some with Bodkins c. till they have gone distracted in which miserable condition a Gentleman told me he met an old Companion of his at the College an Episcopal Clergy-man who had been thus served by that Rabble That they turned the Wives and Children of the Episcopal Clergy out of their Houses to shift as they could upon which many of their Children dy'd and their Wives miscarried A Presbyterian but who abhorr'd the Brutality of these Proceedings told me that he was at the Rabbling at Air and saw an Episcopal Minister's Wife who had been but three or four days delivered turned out with her Children into the Streets and all People shut their Doors upon them insomuch that this Gentleman mov'd with so lamentable a Spectacle bestirr'd himself in Compassion to them and that it was Eleven at Night before he could get a poor Cabbin to give them shelter That they used to lead the Ministers about in Triumph tearing their Gowns which they called the Rags of the Whore and burning the
Book of Common Prayer where-ever they could find it calling it the Mass in English This was the Western Fanatick Rabble who began their Work upon Christmas Day to be witty in their Malice That at Edinburgh it self the Tumult was so high that the Mob forced the King's Palace rifted the Chancellor's Lodgings gutted the Chappel designed for the Order of the Knights of St. Andrew carried the King's Picture to the Mercat-Cross and there publickly stabb'd and tore it with the like Indignities as some ungrateful and bruitish Villains express'd in the rancor of their Hearts against the King's Statue at Newcastle and Glocester That upon these violent Disorders the King being gone from England and no settled Government in the Nation the College of Justice at Edinburgh took Arms and kept Watch and Ward to secure the Peace of the City and their Clergy from being Rabbled That then a Proclamation came from the Prince of Orange commanding all persons to lay down their Arms That the College of Justice did thereupon lay down their Arms but the Fanaticks did not for they said that they knew the Order was not intended against them and they proceeded to greater Insults against the Episcopal Clergy and fell upon those they had not medled with before and a Tumult was raised at Glasgow and those of the Rabbled Clergy who thought themselves protected by the Prince's Proclamation and thereupon returned to their Churches and Livings were much more rudely treated than before and particular Favours were granted to the Town of Glasgow by 15 Act of 2 Sess of 1 Parl. of W. and M. for the Zeal of the Community of the said City who were the principal Rabblers for the Protestant Religion as it is expressed in the Act. That the Rabbled Clergy made application to the P. of O. for Protection from this Outrage and sent Dr. Scot Dean of Glasgow who assisted by Dr. Fall Principal of the College of Glasgow did represent their deplorable Condition to his Highness who gave them no other Answer than to refer them to the Meeting of the Estates which did not assemble till 14 March following That they suffering unspeakable Hardships and Indignities all that time from December to March made the same Request for Protection from the Rabble to the Meeting of Estates then convened In answer to which That the Meeting of Estates by their Act 13 Apr. 89. excluded from the Protection of the Goverument all the Ministers who had been Rabbled before that day and were not then in Possession of their Churches And being turned into a Parliament by their Act 7 June 90. declared That these Rabbled Ministers had Deserted their Churches and therefore adjudged them to be Vacant and ordered those Presbyterian Ministers who without any Law had taken possession of them when the Incumbents were driven away by the Rabble to continue their possession and have Right to the Benefices and Stipends according to their entry in the Year 89. viz. when the Incumbents were Rabbled And to this being an Act of Parliament the Royal Assent was given That these Ministers Rabbled before 13 Apr. 89. and for that only reason declared to have abdicated by the Parliament were about 300. That the foresaid Act 13. Apr. 89. obliged all that remained to Pray for K. W. and Q. M. as King and Queen of Scotland and read a Proclamation publickly from their Pulpits against the owning of King James And that they might not have too long time to consider of it it was to be read under pain of Deprivation the next day viz. 14 Apr. 89. by all the Ministers of Edinburgh the 21st by all on that side the River Tay on the 28th by all be-north Tay which was hardly time to have the Proclamation transmitted to them all At Edinburgh the Proclamation came not from the Press till late on Saturday night and it was to be read at Morning-Service next day so that many of them it is supposed had not an hours time to resolve That this severe Act was more severely executed by the Earl of Crawford then President of the Council and other Presbyterian Lords and that near as many were turn'd out by the Rabble within doors as the Field-Rabble had done That Matters being thus prepared for total Abolition of Episcopacy all haste was made to do it An Act was framed for that purpose and Instructions were sent to the Commissioner in these words You are to Touch the Act already passed Abolishing Episcopacy as soon as you can and to Rescind all Acts inconsistent therewith That the haste required was observed for these Instructions were signed by King William at Whitehall the 17th of July 89. and the Act was Touched at Edinburgh the 22d of the same month Thus fell Episcopacy in Scotland Two Months and eleven Days after King William and Queen Mary took upon them the Crown of that Kingdom which was the eleventh of May 89. That those Presbyterian Ministers who were ejected by Law Anno 1662. upon the Restoration of Episcopacy were restored to the Churches they had before by Act of this Parliament 25 April 90. without any Provision made for those who were ejected That they did not pretend to that Regard to any who should be Deprived as the Parliament of England seemed to do by allowing Twelve of the Clergy who should refuse the Oaths the Third of their Bishopricks or Livings during their Life and left it to K. W. to apply it to which Twelve of them he thought fit But that he has applied it to none lest they should fare better than their Deprived Brethren in Scotland That not only those Presbyterian Ministers who were outed by the Bishops Anno 1662. but even those who had been Deposed and put under Censure as Incendiaries and wicked Men by their own Presbyterian Synods Anno 1660 and 1661. without being released from those Censures by any Synod or Ecclesiastical Authority of their own were Restored Anno 1690. by Act of Parliament That these as being most violent were most esteem'd and one of them Mr. Hugh Kennedy was made Moderator of the General Assembly Anno 1690. while he lay under the Censure of their own Kirk which was not taken off till the end of that same Assembly That thus their Church was established by Men thrust out of their Church as the State by Men Forefaulted by the State That by Act of their Parliament 7 June 90. Setling Presbyterian Church Government the whole Church-Government and Authority is placed in the hands of those Presbyterian Ministers outed since the first of January 1661. who were not then above Fifty or Sixty in number and such as they should admit exclusive of all other Presbyters which was a greater Superiority settled in one Presbyter above another than that which they Abolished in the Bishops as an insupportable Grievance And these new-modell'd Presbyters invested with Episcopal Power in Opposition to Episcopacy did exercise it with a Tyranny and Lordliness the Bishops had never
Account of which he may be deprived of c. And pag. 23. he says of these Principles That they have poisoned the very Springs and Fountains of Government and so deeply tinctur'd Mens Minds that he prays God we may not still live to see the miserable Effects of it Thus Dr. Sherlock even since his Conversion But you may say how does it appear that this Author now sets up these Principles You shall be Judge Pag. 49. he says That it is ill trusting any one any King with such a Power This is in his c. 3. s 1. n. 8. Again c. 1. n. 10. p. 11. he expresses himself in these Words viz. The antient Government with which he the King was intrusted p. 41. he falls upon those who stopt the Bill of Exclusion with this wholsome Advice Never to trust Men of King James's Principles and Religion with a Power that may destroy us Here the King's Power is onely what the People please to trust him with Pag. 57. He says That it is not the King's Money that pays the Soldiers but the Kingdoms and thence it will follow that they are not the King's Soldiers but the Kingdoms 67. He says That every Law is certainly a Compact between the King and the People wherein by a mutual Consent they agree on a Rule by which he is to govern and according to which they oblige themselves to pay him Obedience That therefore the People may as lawfully dispence with their Allegiance to the King 68. as the King dispence with the Execution of a Law That the Subjects have no other Security for their Liberties 77. Properties and Lives except the Interest they have of chusing their own Representatives in Parliament Whereby he will exclude by very much the greatest part of the Nation from having any security for their Lives c. i. e. all but the Electors of Parliament men for none other have any Vote in chusing their own Representatives But the Author makes them amends by giving every one of them a power to dispence with their Allegiance to the King when ever they think that the King dispences with the Execution of any Law He makes them all Popes to dispence with Oaths or any other Duty when they think it reasonable And as he gives them Power over their Oaths of Allegiance so he does over the King's Treasury and Army It is Their Mony Their Army and why should not They command them The King himself acts but by their Commission and by all Rule and Right every Man is accountable to him from whom he has his Commission But now our Author is upon the Rode you shall see how he improves He derives the Eccles Authorily from the People p. 206. he stops at nothing And since he is a granting to the People they shall have all even the Ecclesiastical Authority which is trusted in the Crown shall be derived from the People and transferrable by them to whom they think fit For he makes King James's breach of trust in the Ecclesiastical Authority a provoking temptation to his People to think of transferring it to some other Person This will gratify the Phanaticks as well as Commonwealth-men That even the Ecclesiastical Authority is derived from the People His Interpretation of its not being Lawful upon any Pretence to take Arms against the King c. pag. 221. n. 3. And now to Crown all He gives as large and loose an Interpretation of that famous Principle of the Ch. of England viz. of it s not being Lawful upon any Pretence whatever to take Arms against the King c. as Bradshaw Rutherford Bellarmin or Mariana could desire viz. He says it was only meant That private Men should not take up the Sword or resist the King upon any Pretence that is says he upon any Pretence of private Injury or Wrong done to them in particular Beyond this none of the Republicans Phanaticks and Jesuits in the World could go So that this was no very distinguishing Principle of the Church of England as we us'd to call it But if you will allow the same Parliament which enacted the abovesaid Principle of Non-Resistance to the King c. to understand their own Meaning or think that the declared Sense of the Legislators is the true Sense of the Law then our Author has widely mistaken his Mark and misinterpreted this Law For 12 Car. 2. c. 30. it is declared That neither the Peers nor Commons nor both together nor the People Collectively nor Representatively in Parliament or out of Parliament nor any other Persons whatsoever have any Coercive Power over the Kings of England Now judge whether all this is meant only of Private Men as our Author would make you believe And take Notice that this is not to be taken as a Grant from that Parliament It is a Recognition wherein they declare what was the Law before them And they vouch that this Prerogative of the King to be exempt from all Coercive Power is by the undoubted and fundamental Laws of this Kingdom And that neither Lords nor Commons nor any other Persons not only now have not or hereafter shall not have any such Power over the King but that they never had or ever ought to have such Power I hope our Author will confess That this is somewhat a greater Authority and ought to have greater Weight with us than his single Opinion which he has taken up but of late And to confound that Distinction of the Parliament being Coordinate with the King and making the King but one of the three Estates which would imply their having something to do with the Sword which is the Supreme Power of Government joyntly with the King and therefore in some Cases might restrain him by Force which was the Pretence in 41. to obviate all this the Militia which is the Sword of England is by Act of Parliament put in the Hands of the King alone And it is declared in express Words 13 Car. 2. That the Sword is solely in the King's Power and that neither one nor both Houses of Parliament can or Lawfully may Raise or Levy any War offensive or defensive against his Majesty c. The Title of this Section p. 221. is King James and his Party endeavoured to destroy the Protestant Religion by misrepresenting the Persons and Principles of Protestants But it is not in the Power of Jesuit or any you can imagine to misrepresent the Protestant Principles more than this Author in this same Section as you have seen that is if you will allow that the Protestants did ever represent them Right before And whereas he Objects in the foremention'd Place That by it the abovesaid Principle of Non-Resistance it was never intended to give up the Constitution of the Government or to part with the Liberties and Privileges of the Kingdom The Answer is very easy for by the Judgment of what he calls the Constitution of the Government viz. King and Parliament
proceed We have now seen our Author's Principles and how he has supported them from Reason and Scripture and other Authority I should now shew you how widely these are different from his former Principles but I will leave that till we have occasion to give an Account of him together with others of his Brethren The Matters of Fact related by this Author We will go now to consider his Matters of Fact Errors in Judgment may befall good Men but any wilful Mistake in Matters of Fact is past all Excuse and is not reconcilable to an honest Intention especially where we protest before God as this Aâ—thor does pag 239. That we have not aggravated nor misrepresented any thing against our Adversaries Before I enter upon this Disquisition I desire to obviate an Objection I know will be made as if I were about wholly to vindicate all that the Lord Tyrconnel and other of K. J's Ministers have done in Ireland especially before this Revolution began and which most of any thing brought it on No I am far from it I am sensible that their Carriage in many particulars gave greater occasion to K. J's Enemies than all the other Male-Administrations which were charged upon his Government But after K. J. came in Person into Ireland there was no Act which could properly be called his that was not all Mercy and Goodness to the Protestants and as many of them as do retain the least sense of Gratitude do acknowlege it Of which you will see several Instances in clearing the Matters of Fact which this Author Produces And I must do that Justice even to the Lord Tyrconnel that I have heard several Irish Protestants say That the Objections they had against him were for his Carriage towards them before the beginning of this Revolution but that afterwards he manag'd with Moderation and Prudence and more Favour to the Protestants than they expected And that he was against repealing the Acts of Settlement I cannot say I have examined into every single Matter of Fact which this Author relates I could not have the Opportunity But I am sure I have the most material and by these you will easily judge of his Sincerity in the rest which could not all come to my Knowlege But this I can say That there is not one I have enquired into but I have found it false in whole or in part aggravated or misrepresented so as to alter the whole face of the Story and give it perfectly another Air and Turn Insomuch that though many things he says are true yet he has hardly spoke a true Word that is told it truly and nakedly without a Warp Wh◠〈◊〉 the Aâ—grâ—â—sâ—rs 〈…〉 But let us come to the Test I will begin with that Matter of Fact which is of most Importance that is who were the Aggressors in Ireland in that miserable Destructâ—on which was brought upon that Kingdom and begun Anno 16â—8 Because the Aggressor is not only answerable for the Mischief he does to another but for what hâ— receives himself And this Author positively avers c 3. 〈◊〉 8. n 3. p. 9â— That it was the unanimous Resolution of all the Protestants â—n the Kingdom of Ireland that they would not be the Aggressors and that they held stedfastly to their Resolution And yet in the same Sect. n. 9. p. 104. he tells of those who did not keep to that Resolution and that by way of an Excuse He pleads in behalf of these Protestants That the Shutting up of Derry against the Earl of Antrim's Regiment was all that was done by any Protestant in Ireland in Opposition to the Government till K. J. deserted England except what was done at Eneskillen where they refused to Quarter two Companies sent to them by the Lord Deputy This was modestly worded for they not only refused to quarter them but marched out in Arms against them to the number of 200 Foot and 150 Horse and drove them away before they came near the Town as we are told by Mr. Hamilton in his Actions of the Eneskillen-men p. 3. who was himself one of them and then present in the Action But what does he mean by saying That this was all that was done by the Protestants was not this enough To seize the King's Forts to Enlist and Array Soldiers and march in Arms against the King's Forces Did our Author reflect what Construction the Law puts upon all this Was this keeping stedfastly to their Resolution of not being the Aggressors Was this the so deep a Sense of Loyalty and mighty Veneration to the very Name of Authority which made them abhor any thing that lookt like an Insurrection against the Government as this Author just before in the same Sect. n. 2. expresses it And yet he confesses that this was acting in Opposition to the Government For he says That this was all that was done by any Protestant in Opposition to the Government till K. J. deserted England and yet as above That ALL the Protestants in Ireland held stedfastly to their Resolution of not being the Aggressors But he proposes some Advantage by adding this Qualification That this was all done before K. J. deserted England Here he would bring in the Point of Abdication which he by this supposes did commence upon K. J's going out of England and thereby he would justifie all that was done after that time in Ireland First He has by this yielded the Cause against himself for he confesses that Derry and Eneskillen had opposed the Government in Arms before that time and I will shew you by and by many more Instances besides those of Derry and Eneskillen Secondly This Author will not venture for these Reasons to limit K. J's Abdication to his leaving England for as I have quoted him before p. 14. he avers That K. J. by endeavouring to destroy us in that very Act did Abdicate I will not repeat what I have said before upon that Point of Abdication That even in the Sense this Author and some others take it it ought to be declared by their own Principles in some Convention Parliament or Judicial manner before private Men can lawfully act upon it And the Abdication was not determined in the Convention till February 1688. long before which time the Irish Protestants were in Arms. But take it as this Author here puts it to refer to the time of K. J's going out of England His first leaving Whitehall when he went to Feversham was the 11th of Dec. 88. but he came back to London and did not go out of England till Dec. 23. 88. And it was a good while after before they knew of it in Ireland This therefore can be no excuse for what the Protestants in Ireland had done long before But to come home to our Authors Assertion Was there nothing done by any Protestant in Ireland in opposition to the Government till K. J. deserted England except that of Derry and Eneskillen I am told by persons who say they
which was carried to the Earl of M. discovering the said Massacre intended The foolish but artificial Alarm of the few Disbanded Irish cutting all our Throats in England did not fly more Incredibly to be in all Parts of England on the self same Night than this of the Letter found at Cumber flew through Ireland and wrought Prodigious Effects upon a People fitted for such an Impression When this News arrived in Dublin as the faithful History before quoted tells us pag. 8. It so alarm'd the City that above 5000 Protestants appeared in Arms that same night and many Hundred Families embarqued from all Parts in such confusion that they left every thing but their Lives behind them and yet all this as this Historian says he is very well assured was only a contrivance devised as the readiest means to engage the E. of M. who till then was deaf to all arguments for entring into their Association and to animate a dejected People who of themselves were backward to all Arguments of that nature Thus the Historian and that Letter did attain its desired end for not only the said E. of M. did heartily engage and after took upon him to be General of the Association in the North but the generality of the People as if all set on fire at one How to their Arms as readily as they could be commanded so that the whole North of Ireland appeared on the sudden all in one Blaze all in Arms all Marching up and down and all in confusion as themselves give the Account It was this made Derry shut their Gates and was the occasion of all the confusion that followed The Man they first pitcht upon for their General was the E. of Granard who was upon all accompts more competent for that Imployment than any amongst the Associators Pursuant to this Resolution Mr. Hamilton of Tollimore went to Dublin to Represent to his Lordship the number and posture of the Protestants in the North and to invite his Lordship to put himself upon the Head of their Troops But that Noble Lord would not suffer himself to be perswaded by the seeming Advantages of appearing so early and in so considerable a Post for the P. of O. wherein he might by all humane reckoning have turn'd the Ballance of that Kingdom For he wisely considered that tho the Protestants in the North were numerous and arm'd and of Resolution and Courage to excess yet they were Undiciplin'd all Voluntiers and consequently not Party for a form'd Army he told Mr. Hamilton that he did not know what it was to command a Rabble But besides that he had lived Loyal all his Life and would not depart from it in his old age and he was resolved That no Man should write Rebell upon his Gravestone this was his very expression and he pursu'd it for he not only refused to Command the Associators in the North but persuaded them to leave off their mad Enterprise told them they would be ruin'd as it came to pass and Sign'd several Proclamations declaring them Rebels and summoning them to lay down their Arms. Now this Alarme of the intended Massacre and Mr Hamilton's Invitation to the E of Granard to Command the Army of the Northern Association was in the beginning of December 88. about the 6th or 7th and therefore before K. James left England and before the shutting up of Derry against the E. of Antrims Regiment and before Eneskillen refused to quarter the two Companies sent to them by the Lord Deputy which was the 16th of December 88. as you will see in Hamiltons actions of the Eneskillen Men p. 3. So much has the Authors Information fail'd him when he avers without any hesitation That the shutting up of Derry Gates and this of Eneskillen as avovesaid was all that was done by any Protestant in Ireland in opposition to the Government till King James deserted England Though as I have shown before it would not have served much to the use for which our Author brought it if it had been done after the King went away or any time before the Convention declared his Recess to be an Abdication c. But now here is a more material Thing coming and that is The Descent of King James's Army into the North of Ireland in March 1688. Our Author would make us believe That it was wholly Causeless as to any Provocation given by the Protestants but that it was only a Design of my Lord Tyrconnel's to involve the Kingdom in Blood and that therefore he made all the haste he could to send down that Army and that no Perswasions would prevail upon him to defer fending it till the King should come lest there should be any Terms proposed or accepted by the People in the North and so that Country escape being Plundered and Undone This is in his num 10. § 8. of ch 3. p. 106 which has this Title in the Heads of his Discoure viz. Lord Tyrconnel hastned to run them into Blood before King James's Coming In the num before p. 104 105. he tells us there was no Provocation or not Sufficient given for the Descent of that Army and here p. 106. what was the true Cause of it We will Examine both For the first he asserts p. 105. They the Protestants were not so much as summoned by him the Lord Deputy This shows the unreasonable haste and precipitancy of the Lord Deputy To send an Army and enter into Blood without so much as summoning the offending Party But our Author goes on Nor did they the Protestants enter into any act of Hostility or Association or offend any till assaulted But finding that continual Robberies and Plunderings were committed by such as the Lord Deputy had intrusted with Arms and Employments The Gentlemen in the North to prevent their own Ruin entered into Associations to defend themselves from these Robbers their Associations did really reach no farther than this nor did they Attempt any thing upon the Armed Robbers except in their own Defence when Invaded and Assaulted by them Insomuch that I could never hear of one act of Hostility committed wherein they were not on the Defensive This was all the Reason the Lord Deputy and Council had to call them Rebels and to charge them in their Proclamation dated March the 7th 1688 with actual Rebellion and with Killing and Murthering several of his Majesties Subjects and with Pillaging and Plundering the Country whereas it was notorious they never kill'd any whom they did not find actually Robbing And for Plundering it is no less notorious that they Preserved the whole Country within their Associations from being Pillaged when all the rest of Ireland was Destroyed And their great Care of themselves and their Country was the Crime which truly provoked the Lord Deputy and made him except from pardon Twelve of the principal Estated Men in the North when he sent down Lieut. General Hamilton with an Army which he tells us in the same Proclamation would
inevitably occasion the total Ruin and Destruction of the North. This is his Charge and in his own Words In Answer to which I will not take Advantage of his misquoting this Proclamation which we may suppose for that Reason he forgot to Print among the very many Papers of far less Consequence which fill up his Appendix But we have it Printed in one of the late Irish Protestant Pamphlets called An Apology for the Protestants of Ireland c. and I have annexed it to this that you may see it the Author calls the excepted Persons Twelve whereas in the Proclamation there are but Ten. I lay no great stress upon that difference of Number it will not inhaunce the matter much But it shâ—ws that the Author has not been so exact in his Vouchers as he ought Of which or something worse it is a much greater Proof that in reciting the Causes which that Proclamation names for the Descent of that Army he does not keep to the Words of the Proclamation which instances Particulars this Author could not deny as Breaking of Prisons Discharging of Prisoners Seizing upon his Majesties Arms and Ammunition Imprisoning several of his Majesties Army Disarming and Dismounting them c. But the Author wisely avoids naming any of these least he should be oblig'd to disprove them only says in general as you have heard That the Proclamation charges them with Rebellion Killing Plundering c. Which he manfully denies every Word of it Therefore let us fairly Examine what I have before Quoted our of him And that we may fix his loose and artificial way of Dealing in Generals sliding unperceivably from one Matter to another and huddliug many Things together to distract the Reader I will reduce his Charge to these Heads First That before the Descent of the Army with whom came the Proclamation dated the 7th of March 1688. the Lord Deputy did not so much as summon the Associators in Ulster Secondly I will Examine who those great Robbers were in the North who Plundered the Protestants there And thirdly We will see whether the Northern Associators gave no other Provocation to the Government than to defend themselves against these Robbers For the First We are furnished with a Confutation of him from the very Proclamation he Quotes viz. That of the 7th of March 1688. which mentions a former Proclamation requiring the Associators to disperse and promising them Pardon There was one of this Nature I know not if there were any more dated the 25th of January 1688. which was sign'd by several Protestants of the Council as the Earl of Granard Lord Chief Justice Keting c. Besides this Mr. Osborn was sent down to the North by my Lord Deputy before the March of the Army to use all Perswasions to them to lay down their Arms to tell them the very Day the Army would March and he kept it That though Ten were excepted in the Proclamation yet he would insist but upon Three and if it should appear that they took up Arms meerly for Self-preservation then he would Pardon even the said three Persons also That he demanded no more of them than to deliver up their Arms and serviceable Horses as you may see in Mr Osborn's Letter to the Lord Mazereene of the 9th of March 1688. which I have taken out of the abovesaid Apology for the Protestants in Ireland and affixed to this n. 3. Add to this the offers which my Lord Deputy sent to the Gentlemen in the North by Sir Robert Colvill viz. That if his Country-men would continue Quiet in their respective Habitations they should be only Charg'd with the Incumbrance of two Regiments This is told in the Faithful History p. 10. and this was long before the March of that Army to the North. I have heard of several other Messages and even Arts that my Lord Tyrconnel used to Quiet the Disturbances in the North of which he was at the beginning very Apprehensive and used his utmost Endeavours to appease them as all the Accounts the Irish Protestants have Printed here do with one Consent declare And I have heard some of them say That they dreaded nothing so much as that Tyrconnel durst not send an Army against them and that the Irish would submit without any Opposition and so they would get no Forfeitures so much they overvalued and their Enemies feared the strength of the North though both lived to see themselves mistaken Let this suffice as to the first Point viz. That my Lord Tyrconnel did not forget to summon the North before he sent down the Army against them in March 1688. If repeated Proclamations and Messages may be called Summons As to the second of the great Robbers in the North. We do not speak now of the common Robberies of High-way-men That has always been and will be in all Countries more or less but of such Armed Bands of Robbers as forc'd the whole North to Arm and Regiment themselves and enter into Associations and Confederacies and a formal War to defend themselves against these Robbers who he says were Men intrusted by the Lord Deputy with Arms and Employments so not common Robbers And by the Account of all that came from the North this was so far from being true that the Irish there were in mortal Fear of the Protestants and commonly durst not sleep in their Houses but lay abroad in the Fields least they should fall upon them No Irish were suffered to live in the Country who did not take out Protections from such of the Protestant Gentry as were allowed by the Associators to grant such Protections Nor durst they Travel from their own Houses without Passes The Protestants made them contribute equally at least with themselves in all their new Levies and forced them to work upon their new Fortifications at their Pleasure which they did without grudging and any thing to please those who were absolutely their Masters and in whose hands they reckoned their Lives to lye every moment and many Insults and Threatnings they bore from the Commonality of the Protestants who made full use of their finding themselves at Liberty from all Government and to domineere over those who were intirely at their mercy The Faithful History p. 9. says Amidst those Convulsions Robberies in other Parts the North only remained undisturbed Our Author himself in what I have already quoted says plainly That the Protestants kept the whole Country within their Associations from being Pillaged Where then were these great Robberies he speaks of He may say In other Parts of Ireland But that is not our present subject but only the Condition of the North. And the Author places the Scene there when he says That they the Gentlemen in the North did not attempt any thing upon these Armed Robbers except in their own defence when Invaded and Assaulted by them nor killed any but whom they found actually Robbing So that all this must be in the North where many Witnesses attest and the
was a Roman-Catholick and her Husband a Colonel in Carrickfergus which they were going to Besiege Mr. Dunkin thinking he might have some Interest among them at least for his Character endeavoured to perswade them from such a brutal Action but they looked upon him as an Enemy because he was in the King's Service and they not only Robb'd him and besides what was his own took from him a Silver Bowl belonging to the Colonel but stript him and his Man and one Arthur Dobbing a Gentleman attending upon the Lady and would have broke into the House to have Robb'd her if not worse had not Mr. White violently interpos'd and had that Credit with them to preserve the Lady who was half dead with fear and could hardly be led into her Coach But Mr. White went with her himself till he brought her near Shanes-Castle the House of the Lady Marchioness of Antrim to whom Mrs. O Neil fled for Protection and where she had a great fit of Sickness occasioned by these Frights The Associators having let her thus Escape thought fit to Plunder her House which they did effectually leaving nothing they could find belonging to the Colonel or to her Was this Lady was Mr. Dunkin were the Servants of the Colonel's House or his Stock Goods and Furniture actually Assaulting and Robbing these Associators Had they read the Comminations of that Day in the Service of the Church they might have found what Thanks they deserv'd at God's hands and what Blessings these Nations were to expect for what Things they were a doing that Day The Anniversary of which Day was Celebrated with the Sacrifice of Glenco in Scotland 13 Febr. 1692. But to Return to our History The Associators did proceed and resolved to Besiege Carrickfergus of which you have a pleasant Account in the Faithful History p. 27. to 31. They first ordered such Provisions us were design'd for that Place to be intercepted and amongst others Colonel Edmunston by command from the Grand Council of the Association seiz'd on a Boat laden with Provision at Broad Island which was intended for my Lord Antrim's private Family They do not pretend they sound this Boat a Robbing or that it Invaded or Assaulted them In short they actually Besieged Carrickfergus about the 20 Febr. 1688 it is true they did not take it The Misfortunes of that Siege I leave to the Chronicle But it is not to be doubted they had prevail'd if they had had either Cannon Mortar or Scaling Ladder for the Men upon command Marcht up and Fired their Musquets against the Walls and after they were Saluted by the Cannon from the Castle they went back again The truth is They thought to have Surprised it but it would not do Therefore on the 21st February 1688. they consulted how to come off with Honor and enter'd into Articles not to Surrender the Town but to Raise the Siege And these Articles were made to consist with the Reputation of the Confederate Generals of the Association One was That Colonel Cormock O Neil should Disband his Regiment which was not in his Power to do Another That the Earl of Antrim should be Permitted to take such and such Provisions into Carrickfergus and Permitted to send such Letters to Dublin as he should shew to the Earl of Mount-Alexander and other of the Confederate Nobility and Gentry This was Great It was taking something more upon them than meerly to Defend themselves from Robbers when actually Assaulted by them which our Author says was all they did But it not being likely that these Articles should be kept therefore as a Salvo for the future Breach of them it was put in the eighth Article That these Articles should continue in force whilst no more Popish Forces were Sent into or Raised in the Province of Ulster The Confederate Associators would not be stinted from Raising what Forces they pleas'd But they would Limit the King that he should Raise no more This was not very likely to hold And therefore these Articles were not long liv'd But they serv'd to grace the Retreat of the Confederate Army from before Carrickfergus The same unfortunate Stars prevented their several Designs upon the Garisons of Newry and Charlimont So that though they often attempted nothing succeeded with them except my Lord Blaynie's surprising a Troop of Dragoons at Ardmagh whom they disarm'd took their Horses from them and made the Officers Prisoners Did they find these Men actually Robbing whom they surprised in their Beds or cureless in their Guard-house They were not so lucky in their Design upon Sir Thomas Newcomen's Regiment at Lisburn though several of the Officers of the Regiment were upon the Plot as Captain Leighton Captain Brimingham Lieutenant Barnes Lieutenant Tubman c. And though as the Faithful History tells you pag. 12. Gaptain Leighton engaged to disarm the whole Garison with the Assistance only of as many Men as might serve to bring off their Arms and that Sir Arthur R. was advanced with 500 Men within five Miles of the Town to make good the Attempt yet it miscarry'd the Plot was discovered and Sir Thomas marched away his Regiment only those Officers who had ingaged to betray the Guard and deliver the Arms thought fit to stay behind and run the Fate of the Association Take notice here that this was one of the two Regiments which by my Lord Tyrconnel's Ingagement were to be the Quota of the North to free them from all fear or a possibility of their being either Assassinated or Plundered by the Army among them who by this means were so few as to be perfectly in the Power of the Country and Sir Thomas who commanded one of them was a Protestant The other Regiment was my Lord Antrim's and both these as the Faithful History tells p. 11. hapâ—ed at this time to be Garison'd in Lisburn Belfast Carickfergus and other adjacent Places When upon a solemn Debate by a Committee of such as had Subscribed the Association it was concluded that both these Regiments should be disarm'd and the Castle of Carrickfergus secured in which were Arms for two Regiments more Upon the strength of this Attempt they purposed to have opposed Tyrconnel upon equal Terms and by putting a Garison into the Newry they hoped to have stop'd that Pass and thereby to have secur'd the two Counties of Downe and Antrim for the Protestant Interest These are the Words of the History And let our Author judge if this was only Acting upon the Defensive never Attempting any thing but in their own Defence when Invaded and Assaulted by Robbers Which he asserts as a notorious Truth At a Place called Killough in the County of Downe The Associators seized some Barrels of Gun-powder which the Lord Deputy was sending to Londonderry Long before this Sir Gerard Irwin a Protestant whose Estate lies near Eneskillen carrying Arms by order of the Government to some of the King's Forces in the North was set upon in the County of Cavan
by Gentlemen of the Association all the Arms were taken from him and made use of to Arm their own Men. They did not find him actually Robbing nor did he Invade or Assault them All these things our Author has to Answer And many more Instances might be given They tell me that hardly a Day past in the North without something of this Nature The Prison at Cavan was broken open by the Associators and the Prisoners set at Liberty The like was done in other Northern Counties for ought I know in all Of this the Lord Deputy complains in that same Parliament which our Author quotes of the 7th of March 88. Our Author should have considered whether these Prisoners or their Creditors were actually Robbing and Assaulting these Associators or whether this was no Offence against the Government at their own hand and without Law to release Debtors Fellons Thieves and Murderers and how he will bring this about to be meerly Acting on the Defensive As likewise their ordering the Collectors of the Revenue most of whom if not all in the North joyn'd with them to bring in to them the King's Money after the Example of their Friends in England being for their Majesty's Service But their Reign was so short that I think their Accompts amounted to no great matter But to make an end of this Head viz. Whether the Northern Associators gave no other Provocation to the Government before the Descent of the Army in March 88. than to defend themselves against Robbers Before this Army came down they had received Commissions from the Prince of Orange even before he was declared King in England for his Commissions bore date before that time viz. Feb. 5.88 as you will see by one of the subaltern Commissions which was shewn to me the Copy of which I have annexed numb 18. These Commissions were brought over by Captain Leighton whom the Associators sent to the Prince to manage their Business and procure thess Commissions which I am told his Highness was very unwilling to grant thinking it rash and unseasonable but was over-powered by their Importunity In short they not only acted by these Commissions but proclaimed the Prince for their King before the Descent of that Army This you will allow to be somewhat of a higher nature than bare Self-defence against Robbers And now judge whether as our Author says this viz. Defending themselves against Râ—â—â—â—â— was all the reason the Lord Deputy and Council had to call them Rebels c. and to send that Army to Reduce them Yet this Author from p. 111. to 117. inveighs bitterly against the Government 's disarming the Protestants in Dublin 24 Feb. 88. and again by King James's Proclamation dated 20 July 89. and makes this no less a Tyranny than the French Dragooning and a plain Design to rob them of all their Estates and Property and put them to a Massacre But because he must foresee how horribly ridiculous even to madness it wou'd appear to make all these Declamations for disarming ones Enemies which none but Fools would neglect he brings himself off thus C. 3. s 8. n. 20. p. 116. It may perhaps be imagined says he by those who are Strangers to our Affairs that we had abus'd our Arms to oppress or wrong our Neighbours or to oppose the King and therefore deserv'd to lose them But it is observable that it doth not appear that any one Protestant in Ireland before this disarming had us'd his Arms to injure any Roman Catholick nor did they hurt any that was not either actually Robbing them of their Goods or Assaulting their Persons no not in the North where they refus'd to give up their Arms they kept even there on the Defensive and offended no Man but when first assaulted so that there was not the least Reason or Colour to disarm us Thus our Author and a great deal more to the same purpose You have heard what the Protestants did before the first Disarming 24 Feb. 89. But the second which was 20 July 89. was in the very heat of the War 'twixt King James and the Northern Associators Kirk was come from England and Riding with his Ships in Lough Foyle for the relief of Derry This Disarming was but ten days before Lieutenant-General Mack Carty was defeated and himself taken Prisoner at Eneskillen and but eleven days before the Relief of Derry which was the first of August and the other the last of July 8â— and a Month after Schomberg landed with the whole English Army Yet all this notwithstanding our Author is very sure that not one Protestant in Ireland before this Disarming no not in the North had oppos'd King James so that there was not the least Reason or Colour to Disarm them This Author knows very well that long before this the People of Derry took out their Pardon for shutting their Gates against the Earl of Antrim's Regiment which was a confession of some sort of Guilt Though none could imagine he had ever been inform'd of these things It is true he was in Dublin at that time and so might not know if you can think that possible But he has been since in the North where his Friends and Relations live and is now in a great Post there even in Derry and was a considerable while before he wrote this Book and if his Intelligence can be so bad where he pretends it is capable of knowing most we may justly suspect him in other matters and where he assumes to pass Judgment upon the Arcana of all the States of Europe as if he had been of the Cabinet Council to all the Governments in Christendom He tells you p. 9 where King Charles the Second mistook his Measures and if he had taken the Author's Advice wou'd in all probability have humbled that French Monarch to the advantage of all Europe And p. 14 and 15. he reads the same Politicks to France Savoy the Emperor c. and tells them their true Interest and what may ruin their Countries But this is so familiar with him and you will meet with it so often that I will not trouble you with Quotations you may trace him by the Observator Thus much for what he asserts n. 9. p. 105. viz. That there was no Provocation given by the Protestants in the North for the Lord Deputy to send down an Army against them in March 1688. All this concerns the North where this Author then was not but to shew that the Protestants even in Dublin where the Author was were not idle he tells p. 97. and 98. of a Plot they had no less than to seize the Lord Deputy himself with the Castle of Dublin where the Stores of Arms and Ammunition lay And this he takes pains to demonstrate to have been very feasible and discovers plainly a regret and disdain at their Loyalty who hinder'd it He in a witty Sarcasm lays the blame upon that mighty Veneration to the very Name of Authority in which the
Protestants had been educated and particularly he says Lord Mountjoy laboured to prevent this Plot as if he himself had been to perish in it That was for his Pains he needed not to have been so fierce But though their not agreeing among themselves and their being yet tender and unacquainted with Rebellion and therefore started at the first Sin like fearful Sinners tho they had not got rid of the Slavish Non-Resistance Doctrine I believe our Author himself was not quite got off it then yet they had made such Progress at that very Beginning that none discovered this Plot and it may be we should not have known it at this distance if our Author had not oblig'd us with the Discovery for I never heard of it before and he tells us that this was long before K. James deserted England It was when he sent Commissioners to treat with the Prince of Orange But I think under favour that our Author did not do well to make this publick because it does justifie the Suspicion which the Government had of the Protestants there from the beginning But this Author has sometimes a strange faculty of Forgetfulness for in the very next Words after telling of this Plot of the Protestants in Dublin and how prevented p. 98. he says The truth is it was an unanimous Resolution of all the Protestants in the Kingdom that they would not be the Aggressors and they held stedfastly to their Resolution as you have heard The matter is in every Paragraph he is too intent to carry the Point he is upon to the utmost lest it should lose by his telling therefore sometimes he may slip as to the exactness of Truth This is the reason he so often seems to contradict himself and builds that up in one place which he throws down in another Who would not think he had been in earnest p. 226. where telling how Julian the Apostate put off the Primitive Christians Petitions for Justice by telling them their Master advised them to be patient and pronounced them blessed when persecuted And we says this Author did exactly follow this Advice though given in raillery and did not make the least step to right our selves by Force till God's Providence appeared signally for these Kingdoms in raising them up a Deliverer and putting the Crown on their Majesties Heads Thus our Author This was to let People think if they pleased that the Protestants in Ireland did not make the least step to right themselves by Force against King James till the Coronation of K. W. and Q. M. But if that will not pass then our Author saves himself by saying he did not mean that but till God raised them up a Deliverer And when was that I suppose as soon as they knew of the P. of Orange's Design to come and help them and that was as soon as King James himself does charge them with it This Author means they would not take Arms till they thought to do some good with them But why did he joyn these two Terms of the Prince's first Design and his Coronation so close together with the Copulative And as if he had been speaking of the self same Action It was to give you leave to take it for the same it you did not mind it But all this while where is this suffering Persecution which this Author says they did so exactly follow He means they suffered while they could not help it But let us go on to some more of his Matters of Fact Of Lord Tyrconnel's haste to run the Nation into Blood The next Paragraph c. 3. § 8. n. 10. p. 106. he says That the War was wholy imputable to my Lord Tyrconnel who could not be prevailed with to defer sending the Army to the North till King James should come who was then soon expected but that he hasted to make the Parties irreconcileable by engaging them in Blood and by letting loose the Army to Spoil and Plunder That my Lord Tyrconnel stood in fear of the North instead of provoking it I have shewn and is to be more at large seen in the above Quoted Narratives But in the next place as to letting loose his Army to Spoil and Plunder The Protestants in Ireland worse treated by K. William's Army than by K. James's I am sorry we have it to say that they treated the Protestants in the North after all the above said Provocations with much greater Humanity whether then put on or natural I will not dispute than their Fellow-Protestants used them when Scomberg went over about the end of August 1689. who as I am informed by undeniable Vonchers committed ten times more Devastations and Barbarities upon the Protestants in a Month than the Irish did from March to August when all the North except the Towns of Derry and Enneskillen were absolutely in their Power I suppose you will admit Dr. Gorge as a good Evidence in this Case who was at that time Secretary to the General Schâ—mberg and therefore had best reason to know Besides in 〈◊〉 Letter directed to Colonel Hamilton which I have inserted 〈◊〉 2. Appendix he appeals to him whose Estate lies in that Country and it was notorious to all the Protestants there In this Letter the Dr. tells how it was Resolved to treat the Irish Protestants of Ulster rather as Enemies than Friends that the Goods and Stocks of the Protestant Inhabitants once seized by the Enemy were Forfeited and ought not to be Restor'd but given as encouragement to the Soldiers that their the Protestants Oaths and Complaints were neither to be Believed nor Redress'd that so an easier and safer approach might be made to invade the little left them by the Irish That free Quartering was the least Retaliation that Protestants could give for being Restored to their former Estates If you add to these the Pressing of Horses at pleasure Quartering at pleasure Robbing and Plundering at pleasure Denying the People Bread or Seed of their own Corn though the General by his publick Proclamation requires both and some Openly and Publickly contemning and scorning the said Proclamation whereby Multitudes of Families are already reduced for want of Bread and left only to Beg and Steal or Starve These being the Practices and these the Principles and both as well known to you as to me it cannot be wondered that the oppress'd Protestants here should report us worse than the Irish May be you may think that these poor Protestants had provok'd the Army some way No says the Dr. To me it seems most strange but yet it is true that notwithstanding all the Violence Oppression and Wrong done by these the Enneskillen and Derry Forces and other of our Army on the Impoverished Oppressed and Plundered Protestant Inhabitants of this Province Ulster and the little Encouragement and great Discouragements they have had from us yet you know what I esteem as a great Presage of future Good they continue and remain as Firm and Faithful to us as
next under God chiefly to the Clemency of K. J. who restrained all he could the Insolence and Outrage of their Enemies of which I can give you some remarkable Instances and good Vouchers I appeal to the E. of Granard whether Duke Powis did not give him Thanks from K. J. for the Opposition he made in the House of Lords to the passing the Act of Attainder He encouraged the Protestant Lords â—o spâ—â—â— against it 〈◊〉 Paâ—liaâ—â—â— and the Act for Repeal of the Acts of Settlement and desired that he and the other Protestant Lords should use their Endeavours to obstruct them To which the Lord Granard answered That they were too few to effect that but if the King would not have them pass his way was to engage some of the Roman Catholick Lords to stop them To which the Duke replied with an Oath That the King durst not let them know that he had a mind to have them stopt And yet this Author c. 2. s 5. n. 3. p. 23. would have us believe That the Duke used his Interest with the King to put a stop to them but was not able to do it I farther appeal to that noble Lord the E. of Granard whether the same day that the News of the driving the Protestants before the Walls of Derry come to Dublin as his Lordship was going to the Parliament House he did not meet K. J. who asked him where he was going His Lordship answered to enter his Protestation against the Repeal of the Acts of Settlement Upon which K. J. told him That he was fallen into the hands of a People who ramm'd that and many other things down his Throat His Lordship took that occasion to tell his Majesty of the driving before Derry The King told him that he was grieved for it That he had sent immediate Orders to discharge it and that none but a barbarous Moscovite so he stiled General Rosen who commanded that driving who thereby it seems was bred or born in Moscovy could have thought of so cruel a Contrivance Let me add to this Testimony of my Lord Granard's what I had from the Mouth of a Scots Clergyman who being in King James's Army the 26th of June 1690. the Thursday before the Boyne asked Major-General Maxwell a Roman Catholick how K. J. came to pass the Act of Attainder and the Repeal of the Acts of Settlement being at that time so visibly against his Interest The General replied Sir if you did but know the Circumstances the King is under and the Hardships these Men the Irish put upon him you would bemoan him with Tears instead of blaming him But what would you have him to do All his other Subjects have deserted him this is the only Body of Men he has to appear for him he is in their hands and he must please them Yet this Author affirms confidently c. 3. s 12. n. 20. p. 163. That K. J. of his own accord was the first who motioned the Repealing of the Acts of Settlement in his Speech at the opening of the Parliament in Dublin But the Author has not annexed that Speech in his long Appendix where many other Papers of greater Bulk less Consequence and much harder to be procured are inserted at large But no doubt he had a Reason for it therefore I have annexed it to this No. 1. and there you will see not a Word of what this Author avers but rather the contrary viz. That the King did not desire a Repeal of the Acts of Settlement but only a Relief to such as had been injured by those Acts which may happen in the justest Acts in the World especially of the Settlement of a whole Nation after such a Rebellion and terrible Revolution as that of 41. And K. J. there desires no farther for them than may be consistent with Reason Justice and the publick Good of his People All the Words of his Speech which relate to the Acts of Settlement are these I shall also most readily consent to the making such good and wholsom Laws as may be for the general Good of the Nation the Improvement of Trade and the Relieving such as have been injured by the late Acts of Settlement as far forth as may be consistent with Reason Justice and the Publick Good of my People These are his Words and if our Author had set them down he would have thought it a hard Task to have found fault with them I never heard any Protestant say but that there were many hard Cases and even unjust in the Acts of Settlement But they excuse it by saying that it is impossible to be otherwise in so general and great a Settlement where so many thousands are concerned and that it is better to bear with that than to unsettle a Nation which may have worse Consequences and fall into the like Mistakes again and again And this seems to be King James's Sense of that Matter all along But will any say that such as shall appear to be injured ought not to be redressed if a way can be found agreeable to Reason Justice and Publick Good This would be to plead expresly against Reason and Justice and likewise against the Publick Good I am told that King James's meaning was to have a Sum of Money raised for such as had been injur'd by the Acts of Settlement but by no means to encroach upon the Acts And what Fault could our Author have found with this unless he thinks that Justice ought not to be done to the Irish or not to be executed against Protestants which may be the Reason why in all his Railings at the cruel Act of Attainder he has forgot to give one Reason why Rebels should not be attainted or why these Irish Protestants should not have been so dealt with supposing them to be Rebels as K. J. and that Parliament did certainly suppose But was it not very cruel to attaint so many To this they will reply was it not as cruel and more criminal that so many should be Rebels But this is said only for Arguments sake for it is most certain that K. J. did not propose nor was inclined either to this Act of Attainder or to the Repeal of the Acts of Settlement as this Author slanderously reports of him but with exceeding ill luck as to his Vouchers of which he gives another Instance c. 3. s 12. n. 2. p. 145. where he says it is certain Chief Justice Nugent and Baron Rice succeeded in their Design when they came over to England in Spring 88. to concert the methods of Repealing the Acts of Settlement Whereas all here upon the place know that K. J. did then positively refuse to consent to it which my Lord Sunderland does witness in his Letter of the 23 of March 89. and says that the King was resolved not to think of that year and perhaps never And yet this Author confidently quotes that very Letter in this same place as a Voucher on his side but
against the Repeal In his Book where he comes to prove this he only says that the Protestants were denied to be heard at the Bar of the Lords House and an Order made that nothing should be offered in their Favour First This is only his saying he produces no such Order nor any Vouchers Secondly If the Lords made such an Order What is that to the King They did many Things against His Will as I have shewn the Repeal it self to be and this Author knows it yet he charges all upon K. J. himself Well! God forgive this Author he has written every Word with the Spirit of Malice against his much injur'd Sovereign to whom he had sworn who fell by other Mens Faults rather than His own and being down all press upon Him and try who can wound Him deepest even those who Flattered Him Addressed to Him and were obliged by Him when in Power This Author was guilty of Treason against K. J. when under His Protoction and Favor Nay I have been told That the Author owes it to King James's Mercy that he now lives to thank him for his Goodness Was not be accused for holding Correspondence and giving Intelligence to the Rebels as they were then called both in England and the North of Ireland And was it not true Did he not give frequent Intelligence to Schomberg by one Sherman and keep constant Correspondence with Mr. Tollet and others in London He knows this would have been called Treason in those days and a bloody-minded Tyrant would have found another Remedy for it than a short Imprisonment And you may see by the vast number of Papers which he kept and Entries of all that past to K. J's Disadvantage that he all along intended him the Kindness he has now pay'd I suppose he will not deny it He makes no Secret of it but plainly justifies it c. 3. s 20. n. 6. p. 224. Nor can any reasonable man say she blame those amongst us who desired or assisted in this Deliverance and to their utmost power laboured to procure it One would reasonably ask upon this How it came to pass that so very few Protestants lost their Lives in Ireland under K. J. being so universally involved in Treason against him Our Author in answer to this c. 3. s 3. p. 179. but it is falsly pag'd it ought to be p. 187. among other Reasons gives this for one That they the Protestants were so true to one another Which this Author repeated and further explain'd soon after the Revolution there in a Letter to an Irish Protestant Bishop then in London wherein he said That tho it was in almost every Protestants Power to hang the rest yet they were so true to one another they did not discover it This shews how generally they were guilty of Treason against K. J. Add to this what I have been told by Protestants then in Dublin That K. J. had once so good an Opinion of this Author that he had him frequently in private and trusted him in his Affairs till at last he found him out and his old Friend the Lord Chief-Justice Herbert was so far mistaken in him that he vouched for him at the Council-Table with so much zeal as to say That he was as Loyal a Man as any sat at that Board which did retrieve this Author from some Inconveniencies that then lay upon him and continued him some time longer in the King 's good Opinion There is another Passage very surprizing I know a Person to whom this Author wrote about Sept. 88. when the News was hot of the Prince of Orange's intended Descent into England and before the Depositions concerning the P. of Wales were published and this Author did in his Letter mightily bemoan that there was no care taken to make some proof of his Birth to stop the Stories were every where spread about it without any Answer to them which made some give the more Credit to them If said this Author any thing of this sort were done to satisfie rational Men of the Birth of the Prince I am confident the Church of England would once more as in the Bill of Exclusion venture to oppose the Current of the Nation and stand by the Truth Accordingly when all this was done by the Depositions which were published in October 88. we heard of no more Objections from this Author as to the P. of W. and suppose he was satisfied of which no Man could doubt with any tollerable Charity for a Man of this Author's Character considering that till the Battel of the Boyne he did acknowlege this same P. of W. as P. of W. in his solemn Addresses to God in the face of the People Nay even after the Boyne a Gentleman told me that this Author did mightily complain to him That the Parliament in England had neither proved the Imposture of the Prince of Wales nor the French League with which the Nations had been so allarmed and that it was imposing upon the Nation to think to make them swallow these things without Proof And yet all this notwithstanding in his Thanksgiving Sermon 16 Novemb. 90. for the. Victory of the Boyne c. he speaks of that League with as much Assurance as if he had transacted it himself and makes it the chief head of his Declamations against K. J. and the great Reason for our Abdicating of him a Taste of which I have given you before And of the P. of W. he says in the same Sermon p. 16. That it was not so much as a well contrived Cheat. And p. 5. We all are satisfied says he that this Popish Contrivance was the only Womb that conceived a P. of W. for us and gave him a Birth He tells us not what new Light he had got in these Particulars but you ought to suppose that he was very well assured of them before he brought them into the Pulpit and yet being so well assured as this Author himself perhaps if not others of his Brethren will tell you now That he with the rest of the Dublin Clergy pray'd daily for this ill contrived Cheat The gross Hypocrisie of the Irish Clergy in Praying for K James and the Prince of Wales as P. of W. and for his Father too That God would give him Victory over all his Enemies when that was the thing they least wisht and confess that they laboured all they could against it Good God! what Apprehension what Thought had these Men of their publick Prayers bantring God Almighty and mocking him to his Face who heard their Words and saw their Hearts Is not Atheism a smaller Sin than this since it is better to have no God than to set up one to laugh at him I am not able to spare them in this Before the Association in the North of Ireland Septemb. 88. they prayed for K. J. The beginning of March following they proclaimed the P. of O. King and prayed for him The 14th day King James's Army
broke their Forces at Drommore in the North of Ireland and reduced all but Derry and Eneskillen Then they prayed again for K. J. That God would strengthen him to vanquish and overcome all his Enemies August following Schomberg went over with an English Army Then as far as his Quarters reacht they returned to pray the same Prayer for K. William the rest of the Protestants still praying for Victory to K. J. and for the P. of W. and yet now they tell us That all that while they all meant the same thing four times in one Year Praying forward and backward point blanck contradictory to one another And one would believe that they never thought of it or considered whether it was a Fault or not For as if there had been no such thing they tell K. W. in their Address to him No. 26. Appendix We do not doubt say they but God will hear the Prayers of His Church and Crown your Majesties Arms with Success c. And so they go on most Loyally to make him a Present of their Prayers and assure his Majesty That with the most hearty Importunity they would pray for him This I suppose was put in that he might not think they would pray for him as they did for K. J. that is Hypocritically and against their own Heart to that Degree that the Bishop of Meath in his Speech at the head and in the name of the Dublin Clergy No. 8. Append. takes pains to clear himself and them to K. W. from having been so much as Trimmers towards K. J. while he was there among them that is they were his inveterate Enemies This was about a Week after this Bishop offered his Service to K. J. to attend upon him to the Boyne and their Praying for him all that time was only matter of Form to please him It was at once both innocent and necessary to keep to the Bishop's Words and fit to be observed to a Power that was able to Crush us far worse than it did Who would stick out for a little praying God knew their Heart that they did not mean a Word of what they said even while they received the Sacrament where they pray'd for K. J. at the very Altar as they do now for K. W. and in the Collect after the Ten Commandments they did acknowlege before God That K. J. was His Minister and had His Authority and prayed for His Grace faithfully to serve honour and humbly obey King James in God and for God according to his Blessed Word and Ordinance and yet at that time they thought him not God's Minister nor to have His Authority were not resolved nor thought it their Duty to serve or obey him nay not so much as to Trimm on his side They thought him not their lawful King but that K. W. was their King and had God's Authority and that they were obliged to obey K. W. in God and for God according to God's Blessed Word and Ordinance whom yet in their Address to K. J. they call an unnatural Usurper Was there ever such broad hardened Affronting God to his Face What did these Divines or others think when they received the Sacrament with such a Lye in their Mouths It makes ones Hair stand on end O God look not upon this forgive the Iniquity of our holy things Will this Method persuade Men to have Regard to your Prayers or your Principles But nothing of all this touches upon our Author he is still very confident p. 238. That they were not guilty of any servile or mean Compliances or as the Bishop of Meath words it of no Compliances but such as were at once both innocent and necessary What will our Adversaries say to this Excuse Was it both innocent and necessary in them to abhor and detest K. W. whom they thought their only true and lawful King as an unnatural Usurper and all those as Rebels and Traytors who took his part and to plight their Faith and promise their Allegiance as they do in the abovesaid Address of Parliament with one Voice Tongue and Heart to K. J. whom they thought to be no longer their King but to have Abdicated And yet they did thus endeavour to persuade him into an intire Confidence and Dependance upon their Loyalty to him making him a Tender of their Lives and Fortunes against the said Usurper the P. of O. and his Adherents and all other Rebels and Traytors whatsoever If these were not servile or mean Compliances I desire the Author to tell us what can be so Most solemn and Parliamentary Lying upon Record in the Face of the World and to all Posterities Perjury Dissimulation and Treachery to the last Degree persuading that Prince to trust them whom they at the same time were resolved to destroy And that no humane Eye should discover them they carried on their Hypocrisie even to pray solemnly to God every day in their Churches for Victory to K. J. when now they all tell us that in their hearts they wisht it to K. W. If to deceive Men was neither servile nor mean was it both innocent and necessary thus to mock God Was there not may Papists say just Grounds for what this Author tells of K. J. c. 3. s 20. n. 4. p. 222. That he gave Advice to the Earl of Salisbury's Brothers to beware of the Company of Protestants but above all says this Author he forbad them conversing with the Bishops and Clergymen for said he they are all false to me and will pervert you to Disloyalty and Treason This the Author calls loading the Protestants with the most odious Calumnies and Misrepresentations But suppose K. J. or any of his Friends should ask this Author whether one Word of it was false Will he say that they were true to K. J. or did pray sincerely for him what they daily repeated in their Common Prayers And consequently that they gave no manner of Ground but were perfectly innocent of the Charge with which this Author says the Papists loaded them viz That they had no Religion at all that they only pretended to it but were Atheists and Traytors in their Hearts It is true indeed they treated K. J. with all imaginable Demonstrations of Loyalty and Affection but how sincere themselves will tell you now wherever he came the Bishops and Clergy were the first to make their Court. He Landed on Tuesday the 12th of March 1689 at Kinsale next Morning the Vicar Mr. Thoms went to the Fort to kiss His Majesty's Hand being introduc'd by the Lord Bishop of Chester as he tells in his Journal and says he on Thursday the 14th of March we came to Cork and lodg'd at the Bishop's Palace and I brought the Bishop and the Clergy to the King who receiv'd them very kindly Friday the 15th I went with the Bishop of Cork to the King 's Levee and tarried at Court till I saw the Rebels of Bandon at His Feet and the Minister in an Elegant Speech begging their
the Bishop of Derry Hopkins who was then there did protest against their shutting out the King's Forces and refused to joyn with those who did it for which and other Reasons this Author then gave he was against any Bodies going to the North or joyning with them as being a joyning in Rebellion About the Year 86. or 87. After his going from Wexford Waters to several of the Bishops of Munster he wrote a Letter to a Person of undoubted Credit giving an Account of what happened in his Journey and of the Substance of what he Discoursed with the Bishops of Waterford Corke and Cloyne he wrote That among other things he advised them as the only way to prevent the Dangers that were imminent to a steaddiness in their Loyalty and Religion and that he asserted that if the King and our Temporal Governors should enact unjust Laws that the Subject has no Remedy but Patience against whom we allow no other Weapons but Prayers and Tears and that it was a most unlawful thing for any to call in a Foreign Force or erect a New Government to redress unjust Laws And adds That it is a sad thing that it is not observed that Rebellions in the State and Schisme in the Church arise from this one Principle to wit That Subjects may in some Cases resist or seperate from their Lawful Governors set over them by God Whereas the Principle of Non Resistance is a steady Principle of Loyalty and it will be found no easier Matter to shake either the Church or State that is settled on it And he repeats it again That it is intolerable for the Members of any State to flee to Foreign Succors out of Pretence that their own Governors have made Laws against Reason Conscience and Justice and foolish to allege in their Defence That all Mankind is of one Blood and bound to help one another Which now he has made his great Argument in this Book Chap. 1. Sect. 5 What is above-written I have from the Person to whom he wrote it and more to the same purpose and if he desire it his Letters shall be produced The same Person told me that about the beginning of this Revolution he was in Company with the Author and another Gentleman I think it was Dr. Dun who blamed the preaching of Passive Obedience so high as the cause of what had befallen us whom this Author smartly reproved and vindicated the Doctrine of Passive Obedience to the highth But that Zeal and Courage has left him with his Principles or while he counterfeits his Principles there is a difference of assurance in defending some Causes which makes him now shun all those who knew his former Principles and have not changed as well as himself He refused to see all the time he was in London last August and September a Deprived Bishop with whom he was as intimate as any Man and had contracted a great Friendship and when he was minded of it to see his Old Friend he would not said they should fall into Heats And beginning of this last October 1692 being in Oxford on his Road to Ireland Mr. Hudson of University-College was with this Author in the Schools-Quadrangle at the very time Mr. Dodwell his admired Acquaintance was going up to the Library and Mr. Hudson asking whether he should call after him our Author forbad him saying He knew Mr. Dodwell would be angry with him If he thought that Mr. Dodwell was in an Error he ought to have endeavoured to convince him No he knew that Mr. Dodwell stood upon the same Ground where he left him and that it was he himself had Prevaricated and forsaken his first Love and therefore was ashamed to meet with the Man who knew his Principles so well before and who had stuck close to them in the Day of Tryal The very sight of such a Man is an upbraiding of their Cowardise and Unconstancy who have deserted their Principles and raises Guilt in their Faces which their Eyes would discover though they were hardened against a Blush Heu quantum mutatus ab illo From the well reputed and deserving Dr. K. who honoured and admired and loved Mr. Dodwell above most Men would have gone far to see him and was proud of corresponding with him and now shuns his sight as Guilty Sinners would the Face of Heaven O if this Author had retained his Integrity how much greater would he have appeared in the Friendship Esteem and Fellow-Suffering of this Great Man then in his Guilty Purple But Deserters must shew their Zeal and discover their own Shame Behold now how he starts and quotes it as a full Proof of King James's Arbitrary Designs That it was Enacted in their Act of Recognition in Ireland That the Decision in all Cases of a misused Authority by a Lawful Hereditary King must be left to the sole judgment of God Indeed I was amazed to see him quote this as so strange a thing which is over and over to be found in the Acts both of England and Scotland and Ireland as if he had not only forsaken but quite forgot what he had formerly taught He has got new Principles and a new Language p. 182. it ought to be 190. for it is false Printed he says K. J. was ungrateful to the Irish Protestant Clergy This is very familiar but what was the King's Ingratitude Because if they had been disloyal in Monmouth or Argile's Rebellion they might have made an Insurrection c. So that this Author thinks the King is in their Debt for not Rebelling And I suppose this is all the way that they brought him to the Throne as this Author says in the same place It seems these Irish Clergy have been mighty Men and we have not known it But he says that by their Zeal for King James they lost the Affections of their People This is a Scandal I verily believe upon the Irish Protestants They were I hope better Men I have known some of them and this Author ought to know them better I have not heard that any of the Irish Protestants took Offence at that Passage which this Author Printed in the Preface to a Sermon of the Lord Bishop of Kilmore's preached in the Author's Church of St. Warborrough's in Dublin in March 1684. the first year of King James's Reign It was entituled St. Paul's Confession of Faith There in a Letter of this Author 's to the Lord Bishop which is Printed in the Preface he avers positively in these words viz. It is impossible for any one of our Communion to be disloyal without renouncing his Religion This past better with the Irish Protestants Dr. Till Extent of Loyalty in his Serm. 2 Apr. 80 before K. C. 2. than that Super-Loyal Strain of our famous Dr. Tillotson which he Preached before the King at Whitehall Apr. 2. 1680. upon Josh 24.15 did please the Church of England men here other than those who took the Court for the Standard of their
of K. James II. when he came among them sacrificing his Interest to the carrying on of their own Designs did justly deserve that Judgment which fell upon them in the Issue of that War We have done with their Loyalty at least their Mouths are stopt against the Defection of so many of the Church of England Of the Roman Catholicks of England And I think the Roman Catholicks of England too are not to insult For though the Oaths be not come to them and therefore we cannot say certainly whether they will Swear or not yet there lies this against them viz. in their publick Chapels here in London they pray for K. W. and Q. M. which some of their Communion told me I hear that all the Protestant Non-Jurors say There is the same Argument against praying as swearing And of all their number none did allow himself to pray but Dr. Sherlock alone who as he tells in the Preface to his Recantation stood single among the Non-swearing Clergy upon this account and you see he did not stay with them But the same Principle that led him to pray brought him to swear too rather than stick out Therefore let not these Roman Catholicks be high-minded because others have fallen but rather fear lest having gone already Dr. Sherlock's length of Praying they may come to Swear like him if they should be pinch'd as he was Nay I have heard several of them argue for the Lawfulness of it only they would keep from it as long as they could I say not that this does conclude upon others who do not so but it may make them more modest in rejoycing over our Fall Non-Jurors of the Church of England Upon the whole I must say That there are none have cleverly stuck to the Principles they profess'd but the Non-jurors of the Church of England For as they profess'd them all along in the same sense they have stuck to them now and have given that demonstration of their being in earnest that they are content to lose all rather than deviate from them And this is one Discovery among the rest that this Revolution has made It has discovered the inflexible Loyalty of these Men whom neither personal Injuries nor Attempts upon their Religion Liberty or Property can move from that Duty to the King which they think a Principle of their Religion and this is a high Vindication of their Religion and a Recommendation of it But now we are upon the Discovery let us not forget to do Justice to all We cannot forget the Rise and Source of our Disease whence all these Evils we now feel and foresee have come upon us and that is our wicked Presbyterian Rebellion against K. C. 1. which banished his Children into Popish Countries God thereby fulfilling a just Judgment upon these Unchristian Rebels Presbyterian Loyalâ—y permitting his Son to suck in the Principles of Roman Catholick Religion of which these Hypocrites against their own Consciences accus'd his Father and on that pretence instigated his deluded Subjects to Rebell against him Therefore it is plainly the Presbyterians we have to thank for K. J's being a Roman Catholick and all the ill Consequences which depend upon it God often in his All-wise Providence suffers Rebellion to bring on those same Evils for prevention of which we chose to Rebell as the Jews crucified Christ lest the Romans should come Joh. 11.48 and his Death brought the Romans who did take away their Place and Nation This had been an Application more befitting a Divine and to have warn'd us of those Sins which have provok'd God to send his Judgments amongst us rather than to bite the Stone not minding the Hand that threw it to lay all upon K. J. if it had been true But to tell down-right Untruths of him or to misrepresent the Truth to appear other than really it is which is likewise Lying and perhaps the more wicked of the two being harder to be discovered and so more apt to impose upon unwary and unthinking People This is direct Diabolical the Office and the Denomination of the Adversary and false Accuser Popish Principles which are embraced It had been a more proper and serviceable Undertaking of this Author to justifie himself and others of his complection from this Imputation and several other things formerly rail'd at against Popery as the Deposing Doctrine Dispensing with Oaths Jesuitical Equivocations and Mental Reservations Not keeping Faith with Hereticks c. where we own we must have kept the same Promises made to another and all this or any other Falsity or Immorality to be allow'd for the Good of the Church If to preserve the Protestant Religion will excuse us to dispense with God's Commands as much as we say the Papists have done to preserve their Church we must expect that the Protestant Religion will grow as hateful to all good Men as the Church of Rome is to the most Bigotted against it or the Jewish Doctrine of Corban which dispenses with the fifth Commandment upon the same Pretences viz. for the Good of the Church to enrich the Treasury of the Temple or the Phanatick Confession of Faith That Dominion is founded in Grace But all these have the Advantage of our Church of England Clergy The Jews had the Tradition of their Elders to plead and the Church of Rome have their Great Council of Lateran for the Deposing Doctrine the Council of Constance for Violating Faith to Hereticks c. and they have their Traditions too for the Benefit of the Church and the Presbyterian has his Solemn League and Covenant But the Church of England Clergy are destitute of all these Helps There is nothing of these but the direct contrary in all her Articles Homilies Canons Rubricks or any Constitutions of her Church The Church of England Vindicated And the Metropolitan of all England with a Quorum of Bishops and several hundreds of the Inferiour Clergy have adhered to the Doctrine of their Church and suffered themselves to be Deprived rather than act or teach contrary to it Therefore this cannot be called a Defection of the Church of England but only of particular Persons who have done it in opposition to their Superiors in the Church as well as in the State and let them answer for it but let the Reputation of the Church be preserved It has already received both a Testimony and a Vindication from the Mouth of K. J. himself who as some present have told when an Irish Lord at Dublin attending upon His Majesty at Supper began to reproach the Church of England for her Apostacy from her former Principles of Loyalty c. The King reply'd They are the Church of England who have kept to the Principles of the Church of England The Lord made Answer But Sir how few are they in comparison with the rest The King said They are more than Christ had to begin Christianity with And all Rightful Kings of England have this
much as pretend any Abuse of Privilege or Forfeiture I beseech you what was it they did pretend Was it that they had not forfeited Was that the Reason they gave for bringing a Quo Warranto But the Author says they did not so much as pretend any Reason He may say what he pleases I do not question but there might be many Abuses in the manner of bringing those Quo Warranto's and of managing them But that there should not be so much as a pretence of Forfeiture against any one and yet all be forfeited in a Form of Law and pleading in a Court must pass at best for that way of representing things in this Book to excess at random no matter so it be ill enough I have heard good Lawyers say That few Charters of Corporations could stand against a Quo VVarranto if they were throughly examined So far is it from a possibility of believing that all the Charters of Ireland could defend themselves from any breach or abuse of Privilege Contradictors mattere of Fact Though these and many other of his Relations are very incredible yet that is not so bad as contradictory Into which Excess he often runs himself in his Zeal to pursue his Adversary even to the Gates of Hell as the Saying is Especially with relation to K. J. The first Example I will shew of this shall be in his manner of treating King James's Person which surely ought to be with Civility and good Manners from this Author for the Relation he bears to those who are now on the Throne Whom he does not treat with common deâ—â—cy giving him the Lye c. But these notwithstanding our Author thinks fit flatly to give him the Lye c. 2. s 2. n. 1. p. 15. The Representation says he made by him K. J. was no less False than his Promises were unsincere He says of K. J's Answer c. 3. s 18. p. 211. n. 6. That the whole was a piece of Deceit a mere Collusion But this was the Justice we looks for and constantly met with from him He might have learnt more Breeding from what he relates of King James c. 3. s 11. p. 141. n. 13. That the next day after the Boyne speaking of the P. of Orange he call'd him a merciful Prince This if true shewed a great Command of Passion and Resentment for none could be under greater and fresher Provocations But leaving these Matters of Form you shall see this Author's Passion transporting him to that degree that he forgets himself even to a Contradiction When he is inveighing against the Irish he makes them force K. J. to all the ill he did and then K. J. is a good natur'd and a merciful Man and seeks to save the Protestants from the Cruelty of the Irish But when a Section comes wherein K. J. is to be loaded then he is fifteen times worse than the Irish then the Irish oppose his wicked Designs and he cannot bring them to his pitch of Wickedness You would think this impossible to befal any Author of common Consideration but you shall be judge c. 4. n. 1. p. 225. He owns K. J's natural Compassion and merciful Disposition c. 3. s 1. p. 49. n. 8. He tells you of his good Nature his natural Clemency and perhaps says he if He K. J. alone had been to have had the disposal of them our Lives and Liberties and would have followed his natural inclinations we should not so much have feared to have trusted him but whilst he had such Ministers about him c. Here the fault is in the Ministers who would not suffer the King to follow his natural inclinations and Clemency But c. 3. s 12. n 15. he says When it was left to K. J. entirely what hopes could any Protestant have And c. 2. s 8. n. 5. p. 67. he tells How the Irish opposed K. J's Arbitrary Proceedings to that degree that he is said to have fallen into so violent a Passion that his Nose fell a bleeding And c. 3. s 12. n. 17. d. 6. p. 159. he severely rates the Attorney-General Neagle for withstanding his Dispensing Power And c. 2. s 5. n. 3 p. 23. he says Duke Powis used his Interest with the King to put a stop to them the Acts of Attainder and Repeal of the Acts of Settlement but was not able to do it How false this is I have shewn from the Testimony of my Lord Granard and others But this is not the matter now I am not now upon disproving what he says only to shew the Contradiction of what he avers Now he puts the blame upon the King himself and makes him worse than his Ministers yet c. 3. s 13. p. 169. he turns about again and says They the Protestants knew that if the King did not interpose neither Juries nor Witnesses would be wanting to destroy them Now the Protestant Security is in K. J. to save them from the Irish C. 3. s 18. n. 11. this Author shews How K. J. appeared most zealously for the Protestants and turn'd out the Mayor of Wexford for not Restoring the Church of Wexford to the Protestants according to His Majesty's Order And c. 3. s 13. n. 3. p. 168. he tells How the King carefully examin'd and redrest the deceit of the Fryers and said in great anger That for ought he saw the Protestants were wrong'd and misrepresented unto him Yet in the same page he makes K. J. a Monster of Cruelty He says the very Irish Judges Nugent himself whom this Author makes the worst of them all were for acquitting Mr. Browne for making his escape from those who came to plunder him But after he Judge Nugent had discoursed His Majesty he proceeded vigorously against the Gentleman and procured him to be found Guilty by a Partial Jury and notwithstanding the Tears and Petitions of Mrs. Browne his Wife with 5 or 6 Children begging her Husband's Life at his feet reinforced with all the Friends and Interest she could make Yet he represents K. J. to be proof against all this and to have Mr. Browne Hang'd Drawn and Quarter'd This awakened says he all the Protestants in Ireland They suspected that Judge Nugent would act the same Part in Ireland that Chief Justice Jefferies had done in England and they knew that if the King did not interpose neither Juries nor Witnesses would be wanting to destroy them If ever there was such a Consequence as this K J. inclines the Judges to pack partial Juries and yet He was all the Security against Judges packing such Juries He says p. 170. That it was supposed that he Judge Nugent was encouraged to do it viz. to Hang Browne by K. J. himself The Case of Mr. Brown and Sir Tho. Southwell But now as to this Crime of Browne how easie it is to palliate matters this Author says it was only for making his escape from those who came to plunder him But the Story is thus as the Irish Protestants
in Ireland while King James was there will attest the Truth of what I have said I appeal to Thomas Pottinger Esq who was then Sovereign of Belfast the grearest Town of Trade in the North of Ireland whether upon his Application to King James his Majesty did not give him Protection after Protection for Belfast and the Country about And whether such Protections were not made good to them by King James's Officers and where any of the Irish offered to transgress against the said Protections they were not severely punished upon the first Application to the King or those commanding under him This is likewise attested by Colonel John Hill present Governor of Fort-William at Innerlochy in Scotland but living at that time in Belfast in his Letter from Belfast to the Sovereign of Belfast then in Dublin inserted No. 25. Appendix and which Letter he desires the Sovereign to shew to none and therefore spoke his mind in it and not to flatter the Government There he tells how well Grievances were redressed and King James's Army kept to strict Discipline I demand further Whether the said Mr. Pottinger did not upon his application to King James obtain leave for the Merchants of Belfast and of the Country about to return from Scotland and other places whither they had fled even after the time limitted by His Majesties Proclamation for their Return And whether upon a second application to His Majesty and representing that there was an Embargo on the Scots side King James did not grant them time to return without stinting them to any day while any reasonable Excuse could be made for their delay And whether he the said Mr. Pottinger did not send Notice of this to the Belfast Merchants and others then in Scotland And though few or none of them came over till after Schomberg landed in Ireland with the English Army in August 89 yet whether their Goods were not preserved for them all that time by King James's Order still expecting their Return And whether they did not accordingly find their Goods at their Return Nay ever when Schomberg landed and King James was obliged to remove from that Country and leave it to the Enemy Whether he did not give special Directions to Major-General Maxwell then Commanding in Belfast not to suffer any of the Goods of the Protestants to be plundered nor any of the Country to be burnt upon their leaving it And whether these Commands of His Majesty were not punctually observed not only at Belfast but at Lisburn Hillsborough and all that Country and even at Dundalk it self which King James left in good Order for Schomberg to encamp in and make his Frontier his first Campagne Neither will Mr. Pottinger deny That Mr. Thomas Crocker Merchant of Yoghall in the Province of Munster in Ireland and several other Merchants of Yoghall Cork and other places of that Province did complain to him That their Friends which stay'd behind in Ireland while King James was there did make no application in their behalf to King James whether out of negligence or stubbornness which if it had been done they did not doubt but they would have had their Goods preserved for them as they had at Belfast and other places in the North of Ireland indeed in all places which desired it And I likewise desire Mr. Pottinger to tell whether the several Protections he obtained for these parts of the Country about Belfast were not given gratis without any Fees And whether there was any Conditions so much as an Oath required of those who returned and took the benefit of His Majesties Grace And though their taking the Oath of Fidelity to King James was named in one of the Protections granted to Belfast and the Country about here inserted n. 23. Appendix yet whether upon Mr. Pottinger's representing to my Lord Melfort That the Oath might perhaps startle some and hinder their Return his Lordship did not allow Mr. Pottinger and the other Magistrates not to require the said Oaths And whether accordingly the Retinning Protestants and others were not received into Protection without any Oath at all required from them King James had tried the Security of Oaths before They are certain Snares and a very uncertain Security Mr. Pottinger can likewise give Attestation to the Truth of what Secretary Gorge has told in his Letter of King James's not only keeping his Protections to the Protestants in Ireland but of the extraordinary kindness he upon all Occasions expressed to the English How several English Ships which came into Belfast some from the Indies who knew not of the War others by stress of Weather or other Causes and were seized by the Irish were always Released by King James were suffered to unload and to load again and pursue their Voyage to England Mr. Pottinger can tell the Ships their Burthen aad their Masters Names Nay King James did not only release particular Ships upon their application but gave general Orders to Major-General Maxwell and others Commanding on the Sea-Coasts in the North and we suppose the like in other places That no English Ship should be disturb'd which came thither Many more Instances might be given but these are sufficient to demonstrate that King James did not only freely grant and inviolably keep his Protections to the Protestants in Ireland but extended it likewise to as many of the English as came under his Power though against their Will The French Fleet which carried King James into Ireland took some English Merchant-men while His Majesty was on board and some of the Masters were brought before King James who expecting nothing but Death fell down upon their knees begging their Lives which brought Tears into the King's Eyes and he not only restored them their Ships with all their Effects but ordered two Frigats to attend them and see them safe through all the French Fleet. Dr. Gorge has told you of some severe Examples made in Dublin to shew King James's positive Resolution to protect the Protestants and Mr. Pottinger whom I have quoted as to the North can tell how Lieutenant-General Hamilton when he marched into Lisburn after the Break of Drommore was so far from taking the Plunder of the Country that he caused a Soldier to be shot in the Streets of Lisburn for taking a Silver Spoon from one Mrs. Ellis thâ—â—â—â— Mrs. Ellis and many more of the Protestant Inhabitants did beg his Life The 15th of March 88. the day before the Break of Drommore when the Protestants were generally fled and the Irish thought the Plunder was their own the Lieutenant-General upon Mr. Pottinger's Representation sent immediately his Protection to Belfast which preserved it from 400 Men of the Garison of Carrickfergus which is but 8 miles distance who were on their march to have Plunder'd Belfast but they obeyed the Protection The 23d the Lieutenant-General gave Mr. Pottinger another Protection for Town and Country The 3d of June following Mr. Pottinger had that Protection from King
expended by Parliament and little of the Credit come to K. James Whereas in Sir Peter Petts Speech n. 10. Apendix and other Vouchers you will see That K. James expended Millâ—ons out of his own Pocket upon the Navy Then you say in the Latter End of K. James's Regin Innuendo as if he had not minded the Navy from the Beginning of his Reign The contrary to which you will see in the short Abstract of Mr. Pepys's Account of the Navy n. 11. Appendix And no doubt your Informer could have told you this as well as the rest if you had had a mind to be inform'd But the Reason you give of your former Mistake is beyond all this You say You were led into this Inference viz. Of K. James's letting the English Fleet Decay on purpose to Rume the Trade of England that the French might grow Great at Sea by hearing that the then Prince of Orange found no Opposition at Sea when he came for England Could there be no other Reason why the Prince of Orange found no Opposition at Sea but K. James's purposely letting the Ships of England Decay c What if the Prince of Orange missed the English Fleet which was the Case He found no Opposition at Salisbury neither Our Author might hence as well infer that K. James purposely let all the Pikes and Guns in England Rot and Rust c Are these Inferences fit for a Bishop upon his serious Repentance for his publick Breach of the Ninth Command and Slandering the Foot-steps of GOD's Ancinted And yet in the same Breath continuing to do it still again in Malice that grows Ridiculous with its Rage For in the next words after his Confessing his Mistake he would have you believe that K. James did own this Lye against himself But the preceding Discourses of K. James sayes the Author are exactly Related What were these Discourses You have it told in his Book in the same place where his Recantation is viz. c. 3. § 6. n. 1. Where he tells How many Roman Catholicks who pretended to know his K. James's mind confidently affirmed That he purposely let the Ships of England Decay and Râ—t that the French might grow Great at Sea and Destroy the Trade of the English And sayes the Author the King himself could not sometimes forbear words to the same purpose Now this the Author even in Penitentials Affirms to be Exactly Related And no doubt he must think his stock of Credit very great that upon his bare Word we should believe so very improbable a Story as that K. James should himself tell so great a Lye against himself to render himself the most Odious to England that could possibly be Contrived All the Aspertions which his Enemies cast upon Him put together would not Blacken him so much in the Eyes of English-men as such a Design to Ruin their Trade on purpose to let the French get it And indeed it must raise a very strange Idea of him to all People in the World that a King could have so much ill Nature so much Treachery as to Ruin and Betray his own People who were then very kind to him on purpose to bring them into the Power of their Enemies and that he should be transported with such an implacable Malice against them as to be content to Ruin himself to be Revenged on them to make himself a Vassal to France that they might become French Slaves Which our Author sayes is Evident as I have before Quoted him And that a King should be so fond of this Character as to Invent Lyes against himself on purpose to have it believed And to harden the Hearts of all English-men against Him at the same time that He was Courting them and as Dr. Gorges's Letter tells us spoke the kindest Things of them upon all Occasions and as this Author in several places of this Book that He Reckoned much upon His Friends in England And c. 3. near the end of § 13. that the Irish Papists Refrained from Massacring the Protestants in Ireland lest It should shock many of their Friends in England and Scotland from whom they expected Great Matters And that K. James depended on some Protestants in England for Succour and Assistance rather more than on the Roman Catholicks c. Judge then how probable it is that K. James should Report such things of himself as He knew must Disgust all these and indeed all Honest Men But the Author finds a Reason for it It was sayes he in his loose Recantation to incourage the Irish Nation into the Facility of Invading England And was there no other way to do it but for King James to tell so Scandalous a Lye of himself And which my Lord Tyrconnel and many others of the Irish Nobility and Gentry besides all the English knew to be false The chief Encouragement they had to come to England was what our Author tells the Friends they supposed they had especially the Protestants in England and Scotland To whom this Account of King James especially from his own Mouth would have been a strange sort of a Recommendation But if that thing in which K. James was most to be admired and took greatest Pains and which was most Visible viz. his care of the Navy can by this Author's Art be thus turn'd into the Greatest and most Invidious Objection against him what fair Representation of K. James can be expected from such an Observator as as this Or what Credit to any thing he has said Who would have you believe him because he takes God to Witness of his Sincere Representing K. James and his Party in this Book And even where he must Cenfess his Error Repents as you have seen But we have been too long upon this Pray God this Author's Repentance for this pretended Repentance and all other his Sins may be more sincere and hearty before he Dye And particularly that God may give him Grace to Repent Sincerely and Confess Honestly all the Errors Willful or Malicious Representations in this Book of his with which I now proceed C. 3. § 12. p. 148. n. 6. He Reflects upon K. Jame's Sincerity who in his Answer to the Petition of the Lords for a Parliament in England presented 17. Nov. 88. gave it as one Reason why he could not Comply because it was Impossible whilst part of the Kingdom was in the Enemies Hands to have a Free Parliament Thus he and to make you believe him very exact he qutoes the Kings Answer in the Margent But on purpose leaves out those Words which would shew the Inference he makes from it to be very Inconsequential his Inference is That the same Impossibility lay on him K. James against holding a Parliament in Ireland The Kings Words quoted in his Margent are these How is it possible a Parliament should be Free in all its Circumstances whilst an Enemy is in the Kingdom There are but a very few Words more in that Answer which are these And can
present Government Thus excellently does our Author argue Now Imagine he had such a Story as Glencoe to tell of any of King James's Officers in Ireland how easily cou'd he by his Art make it Reflect upon the King himself and absolve all those High-landers from their Allegiance and give them leave to Protect their Lives another way O what Declamations we should have had of the Bloody Irish Cut-Throats Massacrers c And what use would he have made of their giving it under their Hands that what they did was by the Kings Express Command and none Punish'd for it He would never have given K. James Liberty to Deny it or make any Defence but would have Represented to the Three Kingdoms what they were to Expect from him who could give such Orders exceeding in in Cruel Barbarity the Wild Irish or Tartars He would have made more of this than of all the Storys he has Collected in his Book if they were all true But his Zeal must be Commended p. 206. n. 8. where he reckons as a means of Destroying the Protestant Religion the Debauchery and universal Corruption of Manners that then prevail'd Take his own Words p. 207. The Perjuries in the Courts the Robberys in the Country the Lewd Practices in the Stews the Oaths â—lasphemys and Curses in the Armys and Streets c. And these indeed are a means to Destroy not only the Protestant but any Christian Religion I cannot wish as I hear one did that the Irish Army were more Guilty of this than the Protestant Army But that these are Increas'd beyond former Examples in the Protestant Army all of them that retain the least sense of Religion do bemoan with Regret but I have mentioned this already I am sure it can be no good Religion which is promoted by these Means or suffers them to secure any Interest whatsoever God does not need our Vertue much less our Vices to help him to Govern the World And he will not be serv'd by the Breach of his Commands Can we expect says Dr. Gorge in his Letter Sodom to destroy Babylon or Debauchery to destroy Popery Our Enemy says he Fights with the Principle of a Mistaken Conscience against us we against the Conviction of our Principles against them I might inlarge upon this Subject But to returne to our Author He speaks with Just Indignation p. 173. against General Rosen's Stratagem of bringing the Protestants in that Country before the Walls of Derry and to threaten to Destroy them all if the City would not receive them which would have brought a Famine into the Town and forced them to Surrender I need not take pains against the Barbarity of this design For K. James express'd his Just Resentment of it and Countermanded it upon the first notice And in his Circular Letters to the Governors of Towns and Officers Commanding in chief in the North to whom these Orders of Rosens had come he Commands them by no means to obey these Barbarous Orders of Rosen's And accordingly Rosen's Orders for the Driving were not Executed in most places in the North. This I have from the Officers to whom these Orders were sent and from several Protestants who have seen them and can produce them But our Author discovers his skill in War when he says that he never met with any thing like it in History nor do I believe says he it was ever Practis'd by any Nation unless the French have used it in their late Wars Many instances might be given him of as Barbarous Exploits in War particularly that of Reducing places by Famine But to speak Impartially Is not Starving a County or a Province as Barbarous as Starving a City And was not Crowding all the Irish Men Women and Children over the River Shannon done on purpose to reduce them to Famine And it had its effect and many of them Dyed and Women Miscarried and many were Starv'd in that Driving over the Shannon insomuch that some of the Protestant Officers who were employed on that Expedition expressed the greatest Regret to see such Lamentable Spectacles and were asham'd of their Commissions And those who were thus Driven had King William's Protections in their pockets In exposing these things our Author should take care not to Wound the Government through the Sides of the Irish But his Zeal carry'd him too far where in the Heads of his Discourse he makes this one That when the Bishop of Meath apply'd to King James concerning this Driving King James he sayes excus'd Rosen And when you turn to the Book to see this made out p. 174. All you find is that King James told the Bishop That he had sent Orders to stopt it and if he Rosen had been his own Subject he would have call'd him to Account for it This is a strange way of excusing him But it shews how sharp-sighted this Author is in finding Faults You may be sure by this that none have escaped him Nor can he spare them even where it plainly Reflects upon the present Government which he pretends to Complement But this is only by Innuendos Tho' he has brought it so near as to make the Application very easie This Author Renders the Kings Preregative Hateful to the People and Inclines them to a Common Wealth This is more pardonable than his plain and express proclaiming War against K. William and Q. Mary That is Sounding an Alarum to the Nation to beware of them and watch them narrowly as their greatest Enemies He sayes p. 4. That Certain and Infallible Destruction will be brought to England as it was to Rome and in a Great measure to Florence if ever the Prerogative do swallow up the Liberties and Priviledges of the Subject p. 77. That their choosing their own Representatives is the only Barrier they have against The Encroachments of their Governor p. 57. That it is the Kingdoms money that payes the Souldiers p. 85. That Abuses in the Kingdom proceeded from the Long Disuse of Parliaments p. 133. n. 6. He would Limit that Prerogative of the Crown of Coyning Money and by his Quotation in the Margent would take it quite away giving the King no power To change his Money nor impair nor inhanse nor make any Money but of Silver without the Assent of the Lords and all the Commons Yet he cannot forget to have heard of Leather Money Coyn'd in England and past-board in Holland Here he discovers what he would be at To Depress the Prerogative even to a Common-Wealth And this or Arbitrary Monarchy must be the Consequence of dividing the Interest of King and People and setting them up to Fight against one another to Watch and Guard against one another as the Greatest Enemies that if one prevail the other must be destroyed A Kingdom divided Mat. 12.25 This is not altogether so pleasant a prospect as the Passive-Obedience-Men afford us while they represent the Prerogative as the greatest Safe-guard of the Rights and Priviledges of the People
Christians under the Slavery of the Turk suffer Who would not expect from this Representation to hear of Protestants Gassooted in Ireland Arbitrarily thrown over Precipices Drown'd Tore in Pieces Flead Alive Staking upon the High-Way Mutes and Bowstrings And to take GOD to Witness That this is not Aggravating nor Misrepresenting The Address of the Lord Mayor Aldermen c. of Dublin to King William Printed here Anno. 1690. and Annex'd in the Appendix n. 21. Saith that the Sufferings of the Protestants there under King James Did infinitely surpass an Aegyptian servitude This is as far as words can go This is making King James worse than the Devil himself for the Devil does not Infinitly exceed Pharaoh in Wickedness They were resolved to out-do the Clergy-Addess of their own City spoke by the Bishop of Meath For there he Modestly Confesses to K. William that K. James was able to Crush the Protestants far Worse than he did But Secretary Gorge in his Letter before quoted speaks out and tells in plain English what the Bishop so Gentilely Minc'd The King King James is much avers says the Doctor to all Severity to the Protestants yet clearly sees he can make no Impression of Loyalty on them Notwithstanding as the same Letter tells us He often gave Command to his Officers That in their Engagements with the English they should be Treated as mistaken Subjects and not as obstinate Rebels Yet these were his bitterest Enemies as you have seen And themselves are forc'd to Confess that he used them with less Severity than he might or than they deserved at his hands And after all this to hear them complain of Aegyptian Servitude and cry out upon him as a Tyrant infinitely surpassing Pharaoh the Turk or the French King whom some are made to believe is the Worst of the three is Ridiculous and Wicked it is supposing us all to be Naturals to think to pass such Stuff upon us and this is the most effectual Method to Betray the Cause he pretends to Defend This is Bending a Bow till it breaks to heap up Calumnys and Aggravate them till you make the whole Incredible And the Consequence is not only Dis-believing what Pieces of Truths may be told in this Book of our Authors But if Protestants do own and Countenance it as a True Narrative of the Affairs of Ireland in this Revolution it may bring into Question their true Relations of the Horrible and Bloody Massacre of 41. Mounsieur Clauds Account of the French Persecution And whatever is Written by Protestants It is indeed a discredit to Mankind to all History and will not fail to bring Dis-reputation to whatever Party makes use of it whether Protestant or Papist How has the Legends broken and Ruin'd the Veracity of the Roman Church No Cause is long serv'd by deceit It will one time or other be Discovered Down-right Honesty is the best Policy Let us not be afraid to confess our own Faults nor desire to Enlarge those of our Enemys Humanum est Errare And no doubt there are Errors on both sides But to persist in our Error and to defend it is the Devils part Therefore in the Name of GOD let Truth prevail And let all the People say Amen An Appendix Numb 1. King James's Speech to both Houses of Parliament in Ireland Published by his Majesty's Order May 10. 1689. My Lords and Gentlemen THE exemplary Loyalty which this Nation exprest to Me at a time when others of my Subjects so Undutifully behaved themselves to Me or so basely betrayed Me and your seconding my Deputy as you did in his bold and resolute asserting my Right and preserving this Kingdom for Me and putting it in a posture of Defence made Me resolve to come to you and to venture my Life with you in the Defence of your Liberty and my Right and to my great Satisfaction I have not only found you ready and willing to serve Me but that your Courage has equal'd your Zeal I have always been for Liberty of Conscience and against Invading any Man's Property having still in my Mind the saying of Holy Writ Doe as you would be done by for that is the Law and the Prophets It was this Liberty of Conscience I gave which my Enemies both abroad and at home dreaded especially when they saw that I was resolved to have it established by Law in all my Dominions and made them set themselves up against Me though for different Reasons seeing that if I had once settled it my People in the Opinion of the one would have been too Happy and I in the Opinion of the other too Great This Argument was made use of to persuade their own People to join with them and too many of my own Subjects to use Me as they have done but nothing shall ever persuade Me to change my Mind as to that And wheresoever I am Master I design God willing to establish it by Law and to have no other Test or Distinction but that of Loyalty I expect your Concurrence in so Christian a Work and in making effectual Laws against Profaneness and Debauchery I shall also most readily consent to the making such good and wholsome Laws as may be for the general Good of the Nation the Improvement of Trade and the Relieving such as have been injured by the late Acts of Settlement as far forth as may be consistent with Reason Justice and the publick Good of my People And as I shall do my part to make you happy and rich so I make no doubt of your Assistence by enabling Me to oppose the unjust Designs of my Enemies and to make this Nation flourish And to encourage you the more to it you know with how great Generosity and Kindness the Most Christian King gave a secure Retreat to the Queen my Son and my Self when we were forced out of England and came to seek Protection and Safety in his Dominions how he embraced my Interest and gave such Supplies of all forts as enabled Me to come to you which without his obliging Assistence I could not have done This he did at a time when he had so many and so considerable Enemies to deal with and you see still continues to do I shall conclude as I began and assure you I am as sensible as you can desire Me of the signal Loyalty you have exprest to Me and shall make it my chief Study as it always has been to make you and all my Subjects happy The Parliament of Ireland's Address to the King Most Gracious Sovereign WE Your Majesty's most dutifull and loyal Subjects the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons in Parliament assembled being highly sensible of the great Honor and Happiness we enjoy by Your Royal presence amongst us do most humbly and heartily thank Your sacred Majesty for vouchsafing to come into this your Kingdom of Ireland and for your Grace and Goodness to Your Subjects in calling this Parliament and for Your Majesty's Tender and
227 Alben Howell 17 Dec. 88 Back Isle of Wight Cast away 5 Lively Prize 250 W. Tichburne Oct. 89 at Sea Retaken by the French  Fire-Ships Charles and Henry 120 W. Stone 29 Nov. 89 Plymouth Cast away  Alexander 150 Tho. Jennings 21 June 89 at Sea Burnt by accident  Eliz. and Sarah 100 28 Oct. 90 Sherenesse Sunk for securing the graving place  Hopewell 253 Tho. Warren 3 June 90 Downes Burnt  Emanuel 170 25 Feb. 89 Portsmouth Delivered to the Prize-Officers to be sold  John of Dublin 90 Portsmouth   Sampson 240 27 Oct. 89 Sherenesse Sunk for the graving pl.  Bomb-vessel Fire-Drake 202 John Votear 12 Nov. 89 at Sea Taken by the French 6 Dragon Sloop 57 Fred. Weyman 12 Jan. 89 Isle of Thanet Cast away 6 Drake 151 Thomas Spragg 90 Jamaica Cast on Survey 6 Blade of Wheat 150 25 Dec. 89 Plymouth Cast away 6 Supply Geo. Cross Delivered to her Owners 6 Dumbarton 191 Simon Row 90 Virginia Cast on Survey 6 Deptford Ketch 79 Tho. Berry 26 Aug. 89 Virginia Cast away 6 King's-Fisher Ketch 61 Rob. Audley 23 Mar. 89 at Sea Taken by the French 6 Talbot 91 Ch. Staggens 19 July 91 at Sea Taken by the French  Hulk Stadthouse 440 28 Oct. 90 Shereness Sunk for securing the graving place  Stephen 716 Woolwich Broke up SHIPS that have been Damaged by running on Shoar Rate Ships Names Tuns Captains Time and Place 2 Vanguard 1397 Richard Carter the 10th of September 1691. on the Goodwin Sands 3 Northumberland 1048 Andrew Cotton  Royal Oak 1107 George Byng  Elizabeth 1097 Henry Priestman  Warspight 892 Stafford Fairborne 3d of Septemb. 1691. at the Hamose at Plymouth  Hope 1048 Peter Pritchard  Eagle 1065 John Leake  Sterling Castle 1059 Benj. Watters Note That this List extends onely to the 13th of November 1691. There is a large List of Men of War lost since that time besides above Two Thousand Merchant-men Numb 13. The Oath of Allegiance given to the Protestants in Cork Limerick and some other Garrisons by the Officers when King James drew out the Soldiers from these Garrisons into the Field YOU shall Swear that from this Day forward you shall be true and faithful to our Sovereign Lord King James and his Heirs and Truth and Faith shall bear of Life and Member and Terrene Honour and you shall neither know nor hear of any Ill or Damage intended unto him that you shall not defend so help you Almighty God 7 E. 2. tit Avowric 211. 4 E. 3. fol. 42. 13 E. 3. and in Britton 5 E. 1. c. 29. Numb 14. A Letter written to my Lord Russel in Newgate July 20. 1683. My Lord I Was heartily glad to see your Lordship this Morning in that calm and devout Temper at the Receiving of the Blessed Sacrament but Peace of Mind unless it be well-grounded will avail little And because transient Discourse many times hath little effect for want of time to weigh and consider it therefore in tender compassion of your Lordships case and from all the good Will that one Man can bear to another I do humbly offer to your Lordships deliberate thoughts these following Considerations concerning the points of Resistance if our Religion and Rights should be invaded as your Lordship puts the Case concerning which I understand by Dr. B. that your Lordship had once received satisfaction and am sorry to find a Change First That the Christian Religion doth plainly forbid the Resistance of Authority Secondly That though our Religion be establish'd by Law which your Lordship urges as a Difference between our Case and that of the Primitive Christians yet in the same Law which establishes our Religion it is declared That it is not Lawful upon any Pretence whatsoever to take up Arms c. Besides that there is a particular Law declaring the Power of the Militia to be solely in the King And that ties the Hands of Subjects though the Law of Nature and the General Rules of Scripture had left us at liberty which I be-believe they do not because the Government and Peace of Humane Society could not well subsist upon these Terms Thirdly Your Lordships Opinion is contrary to the declared Doctrine of all Protestant Churches and though some particular Persons have taught otherwise yet they have been contradicted herein and condemned for it by the generality of Protestants And I beg your Lordship to consider how it will agree with an avowed asserting of the Protestant Religion to go contrary to the General Doctrine of Protestants My end in this is to convince your Lordship that you are in a very great and dangerous mistake and being so convinced that which before was a Sin of Ignorance will appear of much more heinous Nature as in Truth it is and call for a very particular and deep repentance which if your Lorship sincerely exercise upon the sight of your Error by a penitent acknowledgement of it to God and Men you will not only obtain forgiveness of God but prevent a mighty Scandal to the Reformed Religion I am very loath to give your Lordship any disquiet in the distress you are in which I commiserate from my Heart but am much more concerned that you do not leave the World in a delusion and false Peace to the hindrance of your Eternal Happiness I heartily pray for you and beseech your Ldship to believe that I am with the greatest sincerity and compassion in the World My Lord Your Lordship 's most faithful and afflicted Servant J. Tillotson Printed for R. Baldwin 1683. Numb 15. The Earl of Sunderland's LETTER to a Friend in London Plainly discovering the Designs of the Romish Party and others for the subverting of the Protestant Religion and the Laws of the Kingdom Licensed and Entred March 23. 1689. TO comply with what you desire I will explain some things which we talked of before I left England I have been in a Station of great Noise without Power or Advantage whilst I was in it and to my Ruine now I am out of it I know I cannot justifie my self by saying though it is true that I thought to have prevented much mischief for when I found that I could not I ought to have quitted the service Neither is it an Excuse that I have got none of those things which usually engage men in publick Affairs my Quality is still the same it ever was and my Estate much worse even ruined though I was born to a very considerable one which I am ashamed to have spoiled though not so much as if I had encreased it by indirect means But to go on to what you expect The pretence to a Dispensing Power being not onely the first thing which was much disliked since the Death of the late King but the foundation of all the rest I ought to begin with that which I had so little to doe with that I never heard it spoken of till the
time of Monmouth's Rebellion that the King told some of the Council of which I was one that he was resolved to give Employments to Roman Catholicks it being fit that all Persons should serve who could be usefull and on whom he might depend I think every body advised him against it but with little effect as was soon seen That Party was so pleased with what the King had done that they persuaded him to mention it in his Speech at the next meeting of the Parliament which he did after many Debates whether it was proper or not in all which I opposed it as is known to very considerable Persons some of which were of another opinion for I thought it would engage the King too far and it did give such Offence to the Parliament that it was thought necessary to prorogue it After which the King fell immediately to the supporting the Dispensing Power the most Chimerical Thing that was ever thought of and must be so till the Government here is as absolute as in Turkey all Power being included in that one This is the sense I ever had of it and when I heard Lawyers defend it I never changed my Opinion or Language However it went on most of the Judges being for it and was the chief Business of the State till it was looked on as settled Then the Ecclesiastical Court was set up in which there being so many considerable Men of several kinds I could have but a small part and that after Lawyers had told the King it was legal and nothing like the High Commission Court I can most truly say and it is well known that for a good while I defended Magdalen Colledge purely by Care and Industry and have hundreds of times begg'd of the King never to grant Mandates or to change any thing in the regular course of Ecclesiastical Affairs which he often thought reasonable and then by perpetual importunities was prevailed upon against his own Sense which was the very Case of Magdalen Colledge as of some others These things which I endeavoured though without Success drew upon me the Anger and ill Will of many about the King The next thing to be tried was to take off the Penal Laws and the Tests so many having promised their Concurrence towards it that his Majesty thought it fecible but he soon found it was not to be done by that Parliament which made all the Catholicks desire it might be dissolved which I was so much against that they complained of me to the King as a Man who ruined all his Designs by opposing the only thing could carry him on Liberty of Conscience being the Foundation on which he was to build That it was first offered at by the Lord Clifford who by it had done the work even in the late King's Time if it had not been for his Weakness and the Weakness of his Ministers Yet I hindred the Dissolution several Weeks by telling the King that the Parliament in Being would doe every thing he could desire but the taking off the Penal Laws and the Tests or the allowing his Dispensing Power and that any other Parliament tho' such a one could be had as was proposed would probably never repeal those Laws and if they did they would certainly never do any thing for the support of the Government whatever Exigency it might be in At that time the King of Spain was sick upon which I said often to the King that if he should dye it would be impossible for his Majesty to preserve the Peace of Christendom that a War must be expected and such a one as would chiefly concern England that if the present Parliament continued he might be sure of all the Help and Service he could wish but in case he dissolved it he must give over all thoughts of foreign Affairs for no other would ever assist him but on such terms as would ruine the Monarchy so that from abroad or at home he would be destroyed if the Parliament were broken and any Accident should happen of which there were many to make the Aid of his People necessary to him This and much more I said to him several times privately and in the hearing of others but being over-powered the Parliament was broke the Closeting went on and a new one was to be chosen Who was to get by Closeting I need not say but it was certainly not I nor any of my Friends many of them suffered who I would fain have saved And yet I must confess with Grief that when the King was resolved and there was no remedy I did not quit as I ought to have done but served on in order to the calling another Parliament In the midst of all the preparations for it and whilst the Corporations were regulating the King thought fit to order his Declarations to be read in all Churches of which I most solemnly protest I never heard one word till the King directed it in Council That drew on the Petition of my Lord the Arch Bp. of Canterbury and the other Lords the Bishops and the Prosecution which I was so openly against that by arguing continually to shew the Injustice and Imprudence of it I brought the Fury of the Roman Catholicks upon me to such a degree and so unanimously that I was just sinking and I wish I had then sunk But whatever I did foolishly to preserve my self I continued still to be the object of their Hatred and I resolved to serve the Publick as well as I could which I am sure most of the considerable Protestants then at Court can testifie and so can one very eminent Man in the Country whom I would have persuaded to come into business which he might have done to have helped me to resist the Violence of those in power but he despaired of being able to doe any good and therefore would not engage Some time after came the first News of the Prince's Designs which were not then looked on as they have proved no body foreseeing the Miracles he has done by his wonderful Prudence Conduct and Courage for the greatest thing which has been undertaken these thousand years or perhaps ever could not be effected without Vertues hardly to be imagined till seen nearer hand Upon the first thoughts of his coming I laid hold of the opportunity to press the King to doe several things which I would have had done sooner the chief of which were to restore Magdalen Colledge and all other Ecclesiastical Preferments which had been diverted from what they were intended for to take off my Lord Bp. of London's Suspension to put the Counties into the same hands they were in some time before to annull the Ecclesiastical Court and to restore entirely all the Corporations of England These things were done effectually by the help of some about the King and it was then thought I had destroyed my self by enraging again the whole Roman Catholick party to such a height as had not been seen they dispersed Libels
of me every day told the King that I betraid him that I ruined him by persuading him to make such shamefull Condescentions but most of all by hindring the securing the chief of the disaffected Nobility and Gentry which was proposed as a certain way to break all the Prince's Measures and by advising his Majesty to call a free Parliament and to depend upon that rather than upon foreign Assistence It is true I did give him those Counsels which were called weak to the last moment he suffered me in his Service then I was accused of holding a Correspondence with the Prince and it was every where said amongst them that no better could be expected from a Man so allied to Duke Hamilton and the Marquess of Halifax After this Accusations of High Treason were brought against me which with some other reasons relating to affairs abroad drew the King's displeasure upon me so as to turn me out of all without any Consideration and yet I thought I escaped well expecting nothing less than the loss of my Head as my Lord Middleton can tell and I believe none about the Court thought otherwise nor had it been otherwise if my Disgrace had been deferred a day longer All things being prepared for it I was put out the 27th of October the Roman Catholicks having been two Months working the King up to it without intermission besides the several Attacks they had made upon me before and the unusual assistence they obtained to do what they thought so necessary for the carrying on their Affairs of which they never had greater hope than at that time as may be remembred by any who were then at London But you desired that I would say something to you of Ireland which I will do in very few words but exactly true My Lord Tyrconnel has been so absolute there that I never had the Credit to make an Ensign or keep one in nor to preserve some of my Friends for whom I was much concerned from the least Oppression and Injustice though I endeavoured it to the utmost of my power but yet with care and diligence being upon the place and he absent I diverted the calling a Parliament there which was designed to altar the Acts of Settlement Chief Justice Nugent and Baron Rice were sent over with a draught of an Act for that purpose furnished with all the pressing Arguments could be thought on to persuade the King and I was offered forty thousand pound for my Concurrence which I told the King and shewed him at the same time the injustice of what was proposed to him and the prejudice it would be to that Countrey with so good Success that he resolved not to think of it that year and perhaps never This I was helped in by some Friends particularly my Lord Godolphin who knows it to be true and so do the Judges before named and several others I cannot omit saying something of France there having been so much talk of a League between the two Kings I do protest I never knew of any and if there were such a thing it was carried on by other sort of men last Summer Indeed French Ships were offered to join with our Fleet and they were refused Since the noise of the Prince's Design more Ships were offered and it was agreed how they should be commanded if ever desired I opposed to death the accepting of them as well as any Assistence of Men and can say most truly that I was the principal means of hindering both by the help of some Lords with whom consulted every day and they with me to prevent what we thought would be of great Prejudice if not ruinous to the Nation If the Report is true of Men Ships and Money intended lately for England out of France it was agreed upon since I was out of Business or without my knowledge if it had been otherwise I believe no Body thinks my Disgrace would have happened My greatest misfortune has been to be thought the Promoter of those things I opposed and detested whilst some I could name have been the Inventors and Contrivers of what they have had the art to lay upon others and I was often foolishly willing to bear what my Master would have done though I used all possible Endeavors against it I lie under many other Misfortunes and Afflictions extreme heavy but I hope they have brought me to reflect on the occasion of them the loose negligent and unthinking Life I have hitherto led having been perpetually hurried away from all good Thoughts by Pleasure Idleness the Vanity of the Court or by Business I hope I say that I shall overcome all the Disorders my former Life had brought upon me and that I shall spend the remaining part of it in begging of Almighty God that he will please either to put an end to my Sufferings or to give me strength to bear them one of which he will certainly grant to such as relie on him which I hope I do with the submission that becomes a good Christian I would enlarge on this Subject but that I fear you might think something else to be the reason of it besides a true sense of my Faults and that obliges me to restrain my self at present I believe you will repent in having engaged me to give you this Account but I cannot the doing what you desire of me Numb 16. To the Right Honourable the Lords and to the Gentlemen convened at Westminster IT 's not unknown to your Lordships c. what singular Reports have been published in Print as well as otherwise concerning the Birth of the Prince of Wales importing That the Kingdom had not a fair and usual Assurance of his being born of the Queen For notwithstanding there was an extraordinary Council called Octob. 22. 1688. before whom above forty Persons of Honour and others in close Attendance about the Queen appeared and testified upon Oath their Knowledge concerning the Birth of the Prince of Wales deposing to such Circumstances before at and after the Birth of the said Prince as they knew or conceived material to such an Enquiry as by the Depositions printed and enrolled in the Court of Chancery appears more at large Yet it so happened for Reasons not proper to be here inserted that this Expedient fell short of giving a general Satisfaction People still continuing or at least pretending to be divided in their Judgments about this Matter And since your Lordships c. upon Application are pleased to condescend to Business though of an inferiour nature it 's therefore humbly conceived that a farther Examination into the Birth of the said Prince of Wales will not be unacceptable to your Lordships c. especially if your Lordships c. shall please to consider the following Reasons 1. The Prince of Orange Octob. 10. 1688. has avowed himself dissatisfied about the Birth of the Prince of Wales to that Degree that his Highness has declared The want of sufficient Evidence in this point
one principal Motive of his Expedition into England and likewise engaged himself to refer the Enquiry into this Affair and of all things relating to it to the Hearing of a Parliament Decl. p. 12 13. 2. The King in his Majesty's Letter to the Convention dated at St. Germains Jan. 1688. conjures the Lords and the Gentlemen then met to make a thorough Examination into the Birth of the Prince of Wales Now since both Parties are so pressing to have this Matter debated by a publick Tryall since their Honour and Inclinations are so far engaged for the clearing this Point it 's humbly hoped your Lordships c. after almost two years delay may not think it improper to have it undertaken 3. It 's presumed your Lordships c. are not unacquainted how deeply the Deponents to this Affair have been censured both in Pamphlets and common Discourse as if they were Confederates to an Imposture of the most flagitious and provoking nature and contrived to impose an Heir upon these Kingdoms a Masterpiece of Wickedness which as in their Souls they abhor so they think it their great Misfortune to lie under the Scandal of so heavy an Imputation And therefore it 's the humble Desire of several of the said Deponents not doubting of the Concurrence of the rest that the Case may be re examined and the Witnesses summoned before your Lordships c. that so they may either have opportunity to rescue their Honour and Reputation which they value above all worldly Blessings from those Calumnies which are cast upon them or upon Conviction of Insincerity may undergo the Penalties due to so vile and unexempled a Perjury And that your Lordships c. may be the more inclinable to hear them in Vindication of themselves several of the said Deponents do promise That their next Testimony shall be if possible more plain particular and comprehensive than the former and that they have several Things to offer to your Lordships c. not unworthy of your Lordships c. Knowledge which before were judged unnecessary and omitted out of Modesty and Reserve 4. For a farther Motive your Lordships c. may please to take notice That Circumstances of Time are now such that it cannot with the least pretence of Reason be supposed that the Deponents are either bribed or overawed into a partial Testimony in savour of the Prince of Wales as was before objected against them by the Protestant Memorial and the Full Answer to the Depositions c. Besides as your Lordships c. know the present Posture of Affairs will afford all imaginable Encouragement for Freedom of Questions for confronting the Deponents and producing Counter-Evidences if there is any such so that the whole Matter may be laid open and cleared to the satisfaction of all Persons concerned therein 5. With all due Submission to your Lordships Judgments it 's humbly conceived That Dispatch and Expedition in this Case is a very valuable Circumstance For by this means your Lordships c. will prevent those Inconveniencies which may happen from Accidents and Mortality For notwithstanding the Evidence is enrolled in Chancery and may be inspected at any time hereafter yet if the number of the Deponents should be lessened your Lordships c. cannot enter upon the Merits of the Cause with the same Advantage nor receive that Satisfaction viva Voce which may be now had Besides there is reason to apprehend it will be too late to excâ—pt against the Testimony of the Deponents after their Decease so that if there have been any unfair Dealing the Opportunity of Discovering it will be in danger of being lost Lastly Your Lordships c. may please to consider Whether in case the Depositions are neither disproved nor the Prince of Wales owned the Consequence of such a Procedure may not prove unfortunate For since in strictness of Law there is no greater Proof required for the Legitimacy of a King's Son than for that of an inferiour Subject it 's to be feared some ill-disposed and litigious Persons will take occasion from hence to question the Birth of private Persons which possibly they will be apt to say is seldom so well attested as that of the Prince of Wales Which malitious Reflexions how far they may tend to the creating Disputes entangling Property and the dishonour of Families as your Lordships c. are the best Judges so your Quality and Fortunes make it more particularly your Lordships Interest to prevent There remains no more to trouble your Lordships c. with excepting this humble Request That provided your Lordships c. shall think it proper to wave making any farther Enquiry into this Affair an Expedient may be found out to cover the Deponents from the Aspersion of False Witness and that the Nation may have leave to believe your Lordships c. are fully satisfied with their former Evidence Octob. 1690. A true Copy of Part of that Paper which Mr. Ashton left in a Friend's Hands Together with the Letter in which he sent it enclosed The Paper begins with the Speech already published immediately after which he adds THus much is contained in the Paper that I design to leave with the Sheriff But being suddenly to give up my Accounts to the Searcher of all Hearts I think it a duty incumbent upon me to impart some things farther which neither the Interest nor Iniquity of these Times will I conclude willingly bear the publication of and therefore not fit to be inserted in the Sheriffs Paper Some time after the Prince of Orange's Arrival here when it was expected that pursuant to his own Declaration and the King's Letter to the Convention an exact Search and Enquiry would have been made into the Birth of the Prince of Wales there was a Scheme drawn up of that whole Matter and of the Proofs that were then and are still ready to be produced to prove his Royal Highness's Legitimacy but no publick Examination being ever had and the Violence of the Times as well as Interest of the present Government not permitting any private Person to move in it those Papers have ever since lain by But it being now thought advisable by some to have them printed and published and as at first they were designed addressed at their next Meeting to the Lords and Commons entreating them to enquire into that weighty Affair and call forth examine and protect for who else dares to appear the many Witnesses to the several particulars therein offered to be legally proved c. I was ordered to carry those Papers to the King my Master for his View that his Leave and Approbation might go along with the Desires of his good Subjects here and they being taken with me with some other Papers of Accounts c. in a small Trunck amongst my Linen and other private things of my own and not in the Packet my Ld. Preston being altogether a stranger to the whole Proceeding by this means fell into the hands of
of his Majesty's Letters thereunto annexed in favor of the Right Honorable Jennico Ld. Viscount Gormanstowne and James Ld. Viscount Ikerin concerning the Reversion of the Outlawries against their Ancestors and having advised with the rest of his Majesty's Counsel at Law in this Kingdom we humbly offer to your Excellency's Consideration That some time after his late Majesty's happy Restauration we find several Applications were made for the allowing of Writs of Error to be issued in order to the Reversion of Outlawries in High Treason and Attainders upon Account of the late Rebellion which being referred to his Majesty 's then Judges in this Kingdom there were several Debates then had before them whether such Outlawries could be reversed by reason of the Statute made in the 27th Year of Queen Elizabeth in this Kingdom for the Attainder of James Eustace late Viscount Baltinglass and others therein mentioned who had been lawfully and by due course of Law outlawed and attained of Treason and the Statute confirms those Outlawries and Attainders which were past any Error Insufficiency or other Defect in form or Matter in them to the contrary notwithstanding and farther enacts for the time to come that every offender thereafter being lawfully convict of Treason by Verdict or Process of Outlawry according to the due course of the Common Laws or Statutes of this Realm should forfeit all his Lands of any Estate of Inheritance and that every such Attainder according to the course of the common Laws and Statutes of this Realm should be of the same force as if it had been by Act of Parliament and by reason also that since the making of that Statute they did not find that any Outlawry or Attainder for Treason in this Kingdom had been reversed by Writ of Error especially after the death of the Party outlawed and his Lands granted from the Crown to others Whereupon the said Judges having then heard Counsel on both sides did not come to any Resolution or was any thing farther done upon those Applications We do therefore offer to your Excellencies Consideration that many of his Majesty's Subjects in England and in this Kingdom have at this time in their Possession the Lands of divers old Proprietors who in the Year 1641. and after were outlawed for Treason which Lands have been granted to them by Letters Patents upon the late Settlement of this Kingdom some of whose Titles may be weakened or prejudiced as we humbly conceive by the Reversal of such Outlawries and some parts of these two Lords Estates are now as appears by the Petition of Captain Daniel Gahan Sir William Petty and Samuel Green Esq which your Excellency hath referred unto us in their possessions who hold the same by Letters Patents from his Majesty and have thereupon humbly Petitioned your Excellency to take their Case into your Excellency's Consideration That as to such Lands as these two Lords or the Heirs of such other persons who have been so outlawed are in possession of or have been restored unto by virtue of the late Acts of Settlement they are not as we conceive disabled or any ways hindred by such Outlawries from enjoying the same Neither do we conceive that there would be any Inconvenience in restoring these two noble Lords who do well deserve his Majesty's Grace and Favour to their Blood and Honours with a Proviso that they should not thereby be entituled to any Lands out of their Possession which have been granted by Letters Patents to others as might be done by Act of Parliament but upon the reversal of any Outlawries by Writs of Error there can be no restriction in the Judgment which must by Law be general that they shall be restored to whatsoever they lost by reason of such Outlawries But whether upon the whole Matter your Excellency will think fit to issue such Warrants forthwith in order to the reversal of the said Outlawries as by his Majesty's said Letters are directed on behalf the said Lords Viscounts Gormanstowne and Ikerin or will forbear the same till his Majesty's Pleasure herein shall be farther known is humbly submitted to your Excellency's Consideration June 29. 1686. William Domvile Jo. Temple The Extract of my Ld. Clarendon's Letter to the E. of Sunderland July 6. 1686. of so much as relates to the Matter of the Outlawries My Lord AS soon as I had the King's Letters permitting the Lords Gormanstowne and Ikerin to reverse the Outlawries of their Ancestors I acquainted my Lord Chancellour and Mr. Attorney therewith But the Noise of this matter was come before the Letter for some time before Caveats were entered against the granting any such Writs of Reversal by three Persons who by virtue of the Acts of Settlement are in Possession of some Lands the ancient propriety of those Lords I referred the Matter to Mr. Attourney and Mr. Sollicitour for I could doe no less requiring them to call to their Assistence the rest of the King 's learned Counsel several of whom are Roman Catholicks and to report their opinions to me which they have done and I herewith transmit their Report to your Lordship which I beseech you to lay before his Majesty it is a thing of very great Consequence and deserves the most serious Consideration Numb 21. King James his Speech to the Lord Mayor c. upon his quitting of Dublin soon after the Action at the Boyne the 2d of July 1690. Gentlemen I Find all things at present run against Me. In England I had an Army consisting of Men stout and brave enough which would have fought but they proved false and deserted me Here I had an Army that was loyal enough but that they wanted true Courage to stand by me at the critical Minute Gentlemen I am now a second time necessitated to provide for my own Safety and seeing I am now no longer able to to protect you and the rest of my good Subjects the Inhabitants of this City I advise you all to make the best terms you can for your selves and likewise for my menial Servants in regard that I shall now have no occasion to keep such a Court as I have done I desire you all to be kind to the Protestant Inhabitants and not to injure them or this City for though I at present quit it yet I do not quit my Interest in it Numb 22. To the King 's most Excellent Majesty the humble Address of the Lord Mayor Aldermen and Sheriffs of the City and Liberty of Dublin in behalf of themselves and others the Protestant Freemen and Inhabitants thereof THus long great Sir our unparallel'd late Deliverance wrought by the hand of God the first Mover the principal Author of all our Good hath hitherto most justly employed all the Faculties of our Souls in the profound Contemplation of his mysterious and unbounded Providence receiving from us the slender Reward but necessary Sacrifice of our hearty Praise and Thanks but now to you great Sir the next recollected Thought with