that the Doctor sayes is this that as the University of Cambridge was of a later foundation then Oxford was so it was long before it grew into esteem that is to say to such a measure of esteem at home or abroad before the building of Kings Colledge and the rest that followed but that the King might use those words in his discourse with the Bishop of Winchester And for the Narrative the Doctor whom I have talked with in this businesse doth not shame to say that he borrowed it from that great Treasury of Academical Antiquities Mr. Brian Twine whose learned Works stand good against all Opponents and that he found the passage justified by Sir Isaack Wake in his Rex Platonicus Two Persons of too great wit and judgement to relate a matter of this nature on no better ground than common Table-talk and that too spoke in merriment by Sir Henry Savil. Assuredly Sir Henry Savil was too great a Zealot for that University and too much a friend to Mr. Wake who was Fellow of the same Colledge with him to have his Table-talk and discourses of merriment to be put upon Record as grounds and arguments for such men to build on in that weighty Controversie And therefore when our Author tells us what he was told by Mr. Hubbard Mr. Hubbard by Mr. Barlow Mr. Barlow by Mr. Bust and Mr. Bust by Sir Henry Savil. It brings into my minde the like Pedegree of as true a Story even that of Mother Miso in Sir Philip Sidney telling the young Ladies an old Tale which a good old woman told her which an old wise man told her which a great learned Clerk told him and gave it him in writing and there she had it in her Prayer-book as here our Author hath found this on the end of his Creed Not much unlike to which is that which I finde in the Poet Quae Phaebo Pater omnipotens mihi Phoebus Apollo Praedixâ—t vobis Furiarum ego maxima pando That is so say What Iove told Phoebus Phoebus told to me And I the chief of Furies tell to thee Fuller The controversie betwixt us consists about a pretended Speech of King Henry the sixth to Bishop Wainfleet perswading him to found a Colledge at Oxford To whom the King is said to return Yea rather at Cambridge that if it be possible I may have two Universities in England A passage pregnant with an Inference which delivereth it self without any Midwifry to help it viz. that till the time of King Henry the sixth Cambridge was no or but an obsâ—ure University both being equally untrue The Animadvertor will have the speech grounded on good Authority whilest I more than suspect to have been the frolick of the fancie of S. Isaack Wake citing my Author for my beliefe which because removed four descents is I confesse of the lesse validity Yet is it better to take a Truth from the tenth than a Falshood from the first hand Both our Relations ultimately terminate in Sir Isaack Wake by the Animadvertor confessed the first printed Reporter thereof I confess S. I. Wake needed none but Sr. Isaack Wake to attest the truth of such thing which he had heard or seen himself In such Case his bare Name commandeth credit with Posterity But relating a passage done at distance some years before his great Grandfather was rockt in his Cradle we may and must doe that right to our own Iudgement as civily to require of him security for what he affirmeth especially seeing it is so clog'd with such palpable improbabilitie Wherefore till this Knights invisible Author be brought forth into light I shall remain the more confirmed in my former Opinion Rex Platonicus alone sounding to me in this point no more than Plato's Commonwealth I mean a meer Wit work or Brain-Being without any other real existence in Nature Dr. Heylin But to proceed Fol. 190. This was that Nevil who for Extraction Estate Alliance Dependents Wisdome Valour Success and Popularity was superiour to any English Subject since the Conquest Our Author speaks this of that Richard Nevil who was first Earl of Warwick in right of Anne his Wife Sister Heir of Henry Beauchamp the last of that Family and after Earl of Salisbury by discent from his Father a potent and popular man indeed but yet not in all or in any of those respects to be match'd with Henry of Bullenbrook son to Iohn of Gaunt whom our Author must needs grant to have lived since the time of the Conquest Which Henry after the death of his Father was Duke of Lancaster and Hereford Earl of Leicester Lincoln and Darby c. and Lord High Steward of England Possessed by the donation of King Henry the third of the County Palatine of Lancaster the forfeited Estates of Simon de Montfort Earl of Leicester Robert de Ferrars Earl of Darby and Iohn Lord of Monmouth By the compact made between Thomas Earl of Lancaster and Alice his Wife of the Honor of Pomfret the whole Estate of the Earl of Lincoln and a great part of the Estates of the Earl of Salisbury of the goodly Territories of Ogmore and Kidwelly in Wales in right of his descent from the Chaworths of the Honor and Castle of Hartford by the grant of King Edward the third and of the Honor of Tickhill in Yorkshire by the donation of King Richard the second and finally of a Moity of the vast Estate of Humphry de Bohun Earl of Hereford Essex and Northampton in right of his Wife So royal in his Extraction that he was Grandchilde unto one King Cousin-german to another Father and Grand-father to two more So popular when a private person and that too in the life of his Father that he was able to raise and head an Army against Richard the Second with which he discomfited the Kings Forces under the command of the Duke of Ireland So fortunate in his Successes that he not onely had the better in the Battail mentioned but came off with Honor and Renown in the War of Africk and finally obtained the Crown of England And this I trow renders him much Superior to our Authors Nevil whom he exceeded also in this particular that he dyed in his bed and left his Estates unto his Son But having got the Crown by the murther of his Predecessor it stai'd but two descents in his Line being unfortunately lost by King Henry the sixth of whom being taken and imprisoned by those of the Yorkish Faction our Author telleth us Fuller It never came into my thoughts to extend the Parallel beyond the line of Subjection confining it to such as moved only in that Sphere living and dying in the Station of a Subject and thus far I am sure I am â—ight that this our Nevil was not equal'd much lesse exceeded by any English-man since the Conquest As for Henry Duke of Lancaster his Coronet was afterwards turned into a Crown and I never intended comparison with one who became a
was made Knight of the Bath at the Coronation of King Iames Anno 1603. and afterwards created Lord Montague of Boughton in the nineteenth year of that King Anno 1621. which honourable Title is now enjoyed by his Son another Edward Anno 1658. And thirdly though I grant that Dr. Iames Montague Bishop of Winchester the second Brother of the four was of great power and favour in the time of King Iames. Thus far Dr. Heylin out of his Advertisements written in correction of Mr. Sandersons History of the Reign of King Iames. To rectifie this heap of Errors not to be paralleled in any Author pretending to the emendation of another I have here plainly set down the Male-pedegree of this Noble Numerous and successfull Family 1 Sir Edward Montague Lord Chief Justice in the Reign of King Henry the eighth 2 Sir Edward Montague a worthy Patriot in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth Sir Walter Montague Knight second Son died without Issue Sir Henry Montague third Son Earl of Manchester Lord Chief Justice Lord Treasurer c. Edw. Montague now Earl of Manchester besides other Sons 3 Sir Edward Montague made Knight of the Bath at the Coronation of King Iames never a Martialist and created by Him Baron Montague of Boughton dying in the beginning of the Civill Warres William Mountague Esq of the Middle-Temple second Son 4 Edward now Lord Montague of Boughton Ralfe Montague Esq second Son Edward Montague Esq eldest Son Christopher Montague third Son died before his Father being a most hopefull Gentleman Sir Charles Montague fourth Son who did good service in Ireland and left three Daughters and Co-heirs Iames Montague fifth Son Bishop of Winchester died unmarried Sir Sidney Montague sixth Son Master of the Requests Edward Montague now Admirall and one of the Lords of the Councel I presume the Animadvertor will allow me exact in this Family which hath reflected so fauourably upon me that I desire and indeed deserve to live no longer than whilest I acknowledg the same THE FOURTH BOOK From the first preaching of Wickliffe to the beginning of the Reign of King Henry the eighth Dr. Heylin OUR Author begins this Book with the Story of Wickliffe and continueth it in relating the successes of him and his followers to which he seems so much addicted as to Christen their Opinions by the name of the Gospel For speaking of such incouragements and helps as were given to Wickliffe by the Duke of Lancaster with other advantages which the conditions of those times did afford unto him he addeth That Fol. 129. We must attribute the main to Divine Providence blessing the Gospel A name too high to be bestowed upon the Fancies of a private man many of whose Opinions were so far from truth so contrary to peace and civil Order so inconsistent with the Government of the Church of Christ as make them utterly unworthy to be look'd on as a part of the Gospel Or if the Doctrines of Wickliffe must be call'd the Gospel what shall become of the Religion then establisht in the Realm of England and in most other parts of the Western World Were all but Wickliffes Followers relaps'd to Heathenism were they turn'd Jews or had imbrac'd the Law of Mahomet If none of these and that they still continued in the faith of Christ delivered to them in the Gospels of the four Evangelists and other Apostolicall Writers Wickliffes new Doctrines could not challenge the name of Gospel noâ— ought it to be given to him by the Pen of any But such is the humor of some men as to call every separation from the Church of Rome by the name of Gospel the greater the separation is the more pure the Gospel No name but that of Evangelici would content the Germans when they first separated from that Church and reformed their own And Harry Nichols when he separated from the German Churches and became the Father of Familists bestows the name of Evangelium Regni on his Dreams and Dotages Gospels of this kinde we have had and may have too many quot Capita tâ—t Fides as many Gospels in a manner as Sects and Sectaries if this world goe on Now as Wickliffes Doctrines are advanc'd to the name of Gospel so his Followers whatsoever they were must be called Gods servants the Bishops being said fol. 151. to be busie in persecuting Gods servants and for what crime soever they were brought to punishment it must be thought they suffered onely for the Gospel and the service of God A pregnant evidence whereof we have in the story of Sir Iohn Oldcastle accused in the time of King Harry the fifth for a design to kill the King and his Brethren actually in Arms against that King in the head of 20000 men attainted for the same in open Parliament and condemn'd to die and executed in St. Giles his Fields accordingly as both Sir Roger Acton his principal Counsellor and 37 of his Accomplices had been before For this we have not onely the Authority of our common Chronicles Walsingham Stow and many others but the Records of the Tower and Acts of Parliament as is confessed by our Author fol. 168. Yet coming out of Wickliffes Schools and the chief Scholar questionlesse which was train'd up in them he must be Registred for a Martyr in Fox his Calendar And though our Author dares not quit him as he sayes himself yet such is his tendernesse and respect to Wickliffes Gospel that he is loath to load his Memory with causlesse Crimes fol. 167. taxeth the Clergie of that time for their hatred to him discrediteth the relation of T. Walsingham and all later Authors who are affirm'd to follow him as the Flock their Belweather and finally leaves it as a special verdict to the last day of the Revelation of the righteous Iudgements of God Fuller First I fain would know whether the Animadvertor would be contented with the Condition of the Church of England as Wickliffe found it for Opinions and Practise and doth not earnestly desire a Reformation thereof I am charitably confident that He doth desire such an Emendation and therefore being both of us agreed in this Point of the convenience yea necessity thereof in the second place I would as fain be satisfied from the Animadvertor whether He conceived it possible that such Reformation could be advanced without Miracle all on a sodain so that many grosse Errors would not continue and some new one be superadded The man in the Gospel first saw men walking as trees before he saw perfectly Nature hath appointed the Twilight as a Bridge to passe us out of Night into Day Such false and wild opinions like the Scales which fell down from the Eyes of St. Paul when perfectly restored to his sight have either vanished or been banished out of all Protestant Confession Far be it from me to account the rest of England relapsed into Atheism or lapsed in Iudaism Turcism c. whom I behold as Erronious Christians
Soveraign having learnt primum in unoquoque Genere est excipiendum The Animadvertor hath here taken occasion to write much but thereof nothing to confute me and little to informe others He deserved to be this King Henry's Chaplain if living in that Age for his exactnesse in the distinct enumeration of all his Dignities and Estate before he came to the Crown Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 190. That States-men do admire how blinde the Policy of that Age was in keeping King Henry alive there being no such sure Prison as a Grave for a Capâ—ive King whose life though in restraint is a fair mark for the full Aim of mal-contents to practise his enlargement Our Author might have spar'd this Doctrine so frequently in practise amongst the worldly Politicians of all times and ages that there is more need of a Bridle to holde them in than a Spur to quicken them Parce precor stimulis fortiùs utere loris had been a wholesome caveat there had any friend of his been by to have advis'd him of it The murthering of depos'd and Captive Princes though too often practised never found Advocates to plead for it and much lesse Preachers to preach for it untill these latter times First made a Maxim of State in the School of Machiavel who layes it down for an Aphorisme in point of policy viz. that great Persons must not at all be touched or if they be must be made sure from taking Revenge inculcated afterwards by the Lord Gray who being sent by King Iames to intercede for the life of his Mother did underhand solicite her death and whispered nothing so much in Queen Elizabeths eares as Mortua non mordet if the Scots Queen were once dead she would never bite But never prest so home never so punctually appli'd to the case of Kings as here I finde it by our Author of whom it cannot be affirm'd that he speaks in this case the sense of others but positively and plainly doth declare his own No such divinity preach'd in the Schools of Ignatius though fitter for the Pen of a Mariana than of a Divine or Minister of the Church of England Which whether it passed from him before or since the last sad accident of this nature it comes all to one this being like a two-hand-sword made to strike on both sides and if it come too late for instruction will serve abundantly howsoever for the justification Another note we have within two leaves after as derogatory to the Honour of the late Archbishop as this is dangerous to the Estate of all Soveraign Princes if once they chance to happen into the hands of their Enemies But of this our Author will give me an occasion to speake more in another place and then he shall heare further from me Fuller My words as by me laid down are so far from being a two-handed sword they have neither hilt nor blade in them only they hold out an Handle for me thereby to defend my self I say States-men did admire at the preserving King Henry alive and render their reason If the Animadvertor takes me for a Statesman whose generall Judgement in this point I did barely relate he is much mistaken in me Reason of State and Reason of Religion are Stars of so different an Horison that the elevation of the One is the depression of the other Not that God hath placed Religion and Right Reason diametrically opposite in themselves so that where-ever they meet they must fall out and fight but Reason bowed by Politicians o their present Interest that is Achitophelesme is Enmity to Religion But the lesse we touch this harsh string the better musick Dr. Heylin Now to goe on Fol. 197. The Duke requested of King Richard the Earldome of Hereford and Hereditary Constableship of England Not so it was not the Earldom that is to say the Title of Earl of Hereford which the Duke requested but so much of the Lands of those Earls as had been formerly enjoy'd by the House of Lancaster Concerning which we are to know that Humphry de Bohun the last Earl of Hereford left behinde him two Daughters onely of which the eldest called Eleanor was married to Thomas of Woodsâ—ock Duke of Gloster Mary the other married unto Henry of Bullenbrook Earl of Darby Betwixt these two the Estate was parted the one moity which drew after it the Title of Hereford falling to Henry Earl of Darby the other which drew after it the Office oâ— Constable to the Duke of Gloâ—ester But the Duke of Glocester being dead and his estate coming in fine unto his Daughter who was not able to contend Henry the fifth forced her unto a sub-division laying one half of her just partage to the other moity But the issue of Henry of Bullenbrook being quite extinct in the Person of Edward Prince of Wales Son of Henry the sixth these three parts of the Lands of the Earls of Hereford having been formerly incorporated into the Duchy of Lancaster remained in possession of the Crown but were conceiv'd by this Duke to belong to him as being the direct Heir of Anne Daughter of Thomas Duke of Glocester and consequently the direct Heir also of the House of Hereford This was the sum of his demand Nor doe I finde that he made any suit for the Office of Constable or that he needed so to doe he being then Constable of England as his Son Edward the last Duke of Buckingham of that Family was after him Fuller The cause of their variance is given in differently by several Authors Some say that at once this Duke requested three things of King Richard 1. Power 2. Honor 3. Wealth First Power to be Hereditary Constable of England not to hold it as he did pro arbitrio Regis but in the right of his descent Secondly Honor the Earldome of Hereford Thirdly Wealth that partage of Land mentioned by the Animadvertor I instanced onely in the first the pride of this Duke being notoriously known to be more than his covetousnesse not dâ—nying but that the Kings denyal of the Land he requested had an effectual influence on his discontent Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 169. At last the coming in of the Lord Stanley with three thousand fresh men decided the controversie on the Earls side Our Author is out in this also It was not the Lord Stanley but his Brother Sir William Stanley who came in so seasonably and thereby turn'd the Scale and chang'd the fortune of the day For which service he was afterward made Lord Chamberlain of the new Kings Houshold and advanc'd to great Riches and Estates but finally beheaded by that very King for whom and to whom he had done the same But the King look'd upon this action with another eye And therefore when the merit of his service was interposed to mitigate the Kings displeasure and preserve the maâ— the King remembred very shrewdly that as he came soon enough to win
of parchment out of his bosome and gave it to the Lord Keeper Williams who read it to the Commons four severall times East West North and South fol. 123. Thirdly the Lord Keeper who read that Scrole was not the Lord Keeper VVilliams but the Lord Keeper Coventry the Seal being taken from the Bishop of Lincoln and committed to the custody of Sir Thomas Coventry in October before And therefore fourthly our Author is much out in placing both the Coronation and the following Parliament before the change of the Lord Keeper and sending Sir Iohn Suckling to fetch that Seal at the end of a Parliament in the Spring which he had brought away with him before Michaelmas Term. But as our Author was willing to keep the Bishop of Lincoln in the Deanry of Westminster for no less then five or six years after it was confer'd on another so is he as desirous to continue him Lord Keeper for as many months after the Seal had been entrusted to another hand Fuller This also is an errour I neither can nor will defend the Lord Keeper Williams put for the Lord Keeper Coventry which hath betrayed me to some consequentiall incongruities I will not plead for my self in such a Suit where I foresee the Verdict will go against me Onely I move as to mitigation of Costs and Dammages that greater slips have fallen from the Pens of good Historians Mr. Speed in his Chronicle first Edition page 786. speaking of Henry eldest son to King Henry the eighth maketh Arch-Bishop Cranmer mistaken for Warham his God-father twenty four years before Cranmer ever sat in that See I write not this to accuse him but in part to excuse my self by paralleling mine with as evident a mistake I hope my free confession of my fault with promise of emendation of It and the Appendants thereof in my next Edition will meet with the Reader 's absolution And let the Animadvertor for the present if so pleased make merry and feast himself on my mistake assuring him that he is likely to fast a long time hereafter Dr. Heylyn Our Author proceeds f. 122. The Earl of Arundel as Earl Marshal of England the Duke of Buckingham as Lord high Constable of England for that day went before his Majesty in that great Solemnity In this passage and the next that follows our Author shewes himself as bad an Herald in marshalling a Royal Show as in stating the true time of the creation of a noble Peer Here in this place he placeth the Earl Marshall before the Constable whereas by the Statute 31 H. 8. c. 10. the Constable is to have precedency before the Marshall Nor want there precedents to shew that the Lord High Constable did many times direct his Mandats to the Earl Marshall as one of the Ministers of his Court willing and requiring him to perform such and such services as in the said Precepts were expressed Fuller My Heraldry is right both in Place and Time The Earl of Arundel as Earl Marshall went after the Duke of Buckingham as Lord High Constable though going before him For Barons went in this Royall Procession at the Kings Coronation before Bishops Bishops before Viscounts Viscounts before Earls the meaner before the greater Officers of State Thus the Lord Constable though the last was the first because of all Subjects nearest to the person of the Soveraign It seemeth the dayes were very long when the Animadvertor wrote these causless cavills which being now grown very short I cannot afford so much time in confuting them This his cavilling mindeth me of what he hath mistaken in his Geography For the younger son of an English Earl comming to Geneva desired a Carp for his dinner having read in the Doctor 's Geography that the Lemman Lake had plenty of the Fish and the best and biggest of that kind The people wondred at his desire of such a dainty which that place did not afford but told him That they had Trouts as good and great as any in Europe Indeed learned Gesner doth observe that the Trouts caught in this Lake sent to and sold at Lions are mistaken for Salmons by strangers unacquainted with their proportions It seems the Animadvertor's Pen is so much given to cavilling that he turned Trouts into Carps though none of them so great as this his CARP at me for making the Lord Marshall to go before the Lord Constable at the King's Coronation Dr. Heylyn Our Author proceeds Ibid. That the Kings Train being six yards long of Purple Vâ—lvet was held up by the Lord Compton and the Lord Viscount Dorcester That the Lord Compton was one of them which held up the Kings Train I shall easily grant he being then Master of the Robes and thereby challenging a right to perform this service But that the Lord Viscount Dorcester was the other of them I shall never grant there being no such Viscount at the time of the Coronation I cannot say but that Sir Dudley Carlton might be one of those which held up the Train though I am not sure of it But sure I am that Sir Dudley Carlton was not made Baron of Imber-court till towards the latter end of the following Parliament of Anno 1606. nor created Viscount Dorcester untill some years after Fuller It is a meer mistake of the Printer for Viscount Doncaster son of and now himself the Earl of Carlile whose Father having a great Office in the Wardrobe this place was proper for him to perform All will presume me knowing enough in the Orthography of his Title who was my Patron when I wrote the Book and whom I shall ever whilst I live deservedly honour for his great bounty unto me Dr. Heylyn Our Author proceeds fol. 122. The Lord Arch-bishop did present his Majesty to the Lords and Commons East West North South asking their minds four severall times if they did consent to the Coronation of King Charls their lawfull Soveraign This is a piece of new State-doctrine never known before that the Coronation of the King and consequently his Succession to the Crown of England should depend on the consent of the Lords and Commons who were then assembled the Coronation not proceeding as he after telleth us till their consent was given four times by Acclamations Fuller I exactly follow the Language of my worthy Intelligencer a Doctor of Divinity still alive rich in Learning and Piety present on the place and an exact observer of all passages and see no reason to depart to depart from it I am so far from making the Coronation of the Soveraign depend on the consent of his Subjects that I make not the Kingly power depend on his Coronation who before it and without it is lawfull and effectuall King to all purposes and intents This was not a consent like that of the Bride to the Bride-groom the want whereof doth null the Marriage but a meer ceremoniall one in majorem Pompam which did not make but manifest not constitute but
and Author's Joynt-desires might have taken Effect there had been no difference about this passage in my Book Tuque domo proprià nos Te Praesul Poteremur Thou hadst enjoy'd thy house and we Prelate had enjoyed Thee But alas it is so He is still and still when all other Bishops are released detained in the Tower where I believe he maketh Gods Service his perfect freedom My words as relating to the time when I wrote them containe too much sorrowfull truth therein Dr. Heylyn Fourthly Archbishop Williams after his restoring unto liberty â—ent not into the Kings Quarters as our Author saith but unto one of his own houses in Yorkshire where he continued till the year 1643. and then came to Oxford not that he found the North too cold for him or the War too hot but to solicit for renâ—wing of his Commendam in the Deanry of Westminster the time for which he was to hold it drawing towards an end Fuller Nothing false or faulty The Arch-bishop of York stayed some weeks after his enlargement at Westminster thence he went privately to the house of Sir Thomas Hedley in Huntingon shire and thence to his Palace at Caâ—ood nigh York where he gave the King a magnificent Intertainment King James setled the Deanry of Westminster under the great Seal on Dr. Williams so long as he should continue Bishop of Lincoln Hinc illa Lacrimae hence the great heaving and hussing at Him because He would not resigne it which was so signal a Monument of his Master's favour unto him Being Arch-bishop of York King Charls confirmed his Deanry unto him for three years in lieu of the profits of his Arch-bishoprick which the King had taken Sede vacante So that it is probable enough the renuing that Tearm might be a Joynt-Motive of his going to Oxford But I see nothing which I have written can be cavilled at except because I call Yorkshire the King's Quarters which as yet was the Kings WHOLE when the Arch-bishop first came thither as being a little before the War began though few Weeks after it became the King's Quarters Such a Prolepsis is familiar with the best Historians and in effect is little more then when the Animadvertor calleth the Gag and Appello Caesarem the Books of Bishop Montague who when they were written by him was no though soon after a Bishop Dr. Heylyn Our Author proceeds fol. 196. Some of the aged Bishops had their tongues so used to the language of a third Estate that more then once they ran on that reputed Rock in their speeches for which they were publickly shent and enjoyned an acknowledgment of their mistake By whom they were so publickly shent and who they were that so ingenuously acknowledged their mistake as my Author telleth us not so neither can I say whether it be true or false Fuller I tell you again It is true The Earl of Essex and the Lord Say were two of the Lords though this be more then I need discover who checked them And of two of those Bishops Dr. Hall late Bishop of Norwich is gone to God and the other is still alive Dr. Heylyn But I must needs say that there was small ingenuity in acknowledging a mistake in that wherein they had not been mistaken or by endeavouring to avoid a reputed Rock to run themselves on a certain Rock even the Rock of Scandall Fuller Their brief and generall acknowledgment that they vvere sorry that they had spoken in this point vvhat had incurred the displeasure of the Temporall Lords was no trespass on their own ingenuity nor had shadovv of scandall to others therein I confess men must not bear fals-witness either against themselves or others nor may they betray their right especially when they have not onely a personall concernment therein but also are in some sort Feoffees in trust for Posterity However vvhen a predominant Power plainly appears which will certainly over-rule their cause against them without scandall they may not to say in Christian prudence they ought to wave the vindication of their priviledges for the present waiting wishing and praying for more moderate and equall times wherein they may assert their right with more advantage to their cause and less danger to their persons Dr. Heylyn For that the English Bishops had their vote in Parliament as a third Estate and not in the capacity of temporal Barons will evidently appear by these reasons following For first the Clergy in all other Christian Kingdoms of these Northwest parts make the third Estate that is to say in the German Empire as appears by Thuanus the Historian lib. 2. In France as is affirmed by Paulus Aemilius lib. 9. In Spain as testifieth Bodinus in his De Repub. lib. 3. For which consult also to the Generall History of Spain as in point of practise lib. 9 10 11 14. In Hungary as witnesseth Bonfinius Dec. 2. l. 1. In Poland as is verified by Thunus also lib. 56. In Denmark as Pontanus telleth us in Historia rerum Danicarum l. 7. The Swedes observing antiently the same form and order of Government as was us'd by the Danes The like we find in Camden for the Realm of Scotland in which antiently the Lords Spirituall viz. Bishops Abbots Priors made the third Estate And certainly it were very strange if the Bishops and other Prelates in the Realm of England being a great and powerfull body should move in a lower Sphere in England then they do elsewhere But secondly not to stand onely upon probable inferences we find first in the History of Titus Livius touching the Reign and Acts of King Henry the fifth that when his Funerals were ended the three Estates of the Realm of England did assemble togeâ—her and declared his Son King Henry the sixth being an Infant of eight months old to be their Soveraign Lord as his Heir and Successor And if the Lords Spirituall did not then make the third Estate I would know who did Secondly the Petition tendred to Richard Duke of Glocester to accept the Crown occurring in the Parliament Rolls runs in the name of the three Estates of the Realm that is to say The Lords Spirituall and Temporall and the Commons thereof Thirdly in the first Parliament of the said Richard lately Crowned King it is said expresly that at the request and by the consent of the three Estates of this Realm that is to say the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and Commons of this Land assembled in this present Parliament and by Authority of the same it be pronounced decreed and declared That our said Soveraign Lord the King was and is the very and undoubted King of this Realm of England c. Fourthly it is acknowledged so in the Statute of 1 Eliz. cap. 3. where the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and the Commons in that Parliament assembled being said expresly and in terminis to represent the three Estates of this Realm of England did recognize the Queens Majesty to be their true
THE APPEAL OF Iniured Innocence UNTO The RELIGIOUS LEARNED and INGENUOUS READER In a CONTROVERSIE betwixt the Animadvertor Dr. PETER HEYLYN AND The Author THOMAS FULLER 1 King 5.7 See how he seeketh a Quarrel against me Terent. in Eunucho Responsum non dictum est quia laesit prior LONDON Printed by W. Godbid and are to be sold by Iohn Williams at the Crowne in St. Paul's Church-yard M. DC LIX To the Right Honorable GEORGE BERKELEY L. Berkeley Moubray Segrave and Bruce my most Bountiful and most Exemplary Patron SIR MY Church-History was so far from prostituting her Self to Mercenary Embraces She did not at all Espouse any Particular Interest but kept her self a Virgin However a Dragon is risen up with much Fiercenesse and fury threatning this my Virgins destruction Your Name is GEORGE and for you it is as easie as Honourable to protect Her from violence If any Material Falshood or Forgery be found in my Book let LIAR be branded in my face But oh suffer not my Injured Innocence to be over-born in such things which I have truly clearly and warily written Thus shall you encourage Me leaving off such Controversal deviations from my Calling to PREACH and to perform in my Ministerial function somewhat worthy of the Honour to be Your Lordships most oblieged Servant and Chaplain THOMAS FULLER Cranford Moat-house March the 21 th THE APPEAL OF INJUR'D INNOCENCE CHAP. I. That it is impossible for the Pen of any Historians writing in as our's a divided Age to please all Parties and how easie it is to Cavil at any Author SUch as lived after the Flood and before the Confusion of Tongues were happy in this particular that they did Hear to Understand and Speak to be Understood with all persons in their Generation Not such their Felicity who lived after the Confusion of Languages at the Tower of Babel when the Eloquence of the Best was but Barbarisme to all save a few Folk of his owne Familie Happy those English Historians who wrote some Sixty years since before our Civil Distempers were born or conceived at leastwise before there were House-burnings though some Heart-burnings amongst us I mean before Mens latent Animosities broke out into open Hostility seeing then there was a generall right understanding betwixt all of the Nation But alass Such as wrote in or since our Civil Wars are seldome apprehended truely and candidly save of such of their owne perswasion whilest others doe not or what is worse will not understand them aright And no wonder if Speeches be not rendred according to the true intent of the Speaker when Prejudice is the Interpreter thereof This I foresaw when I entred upon my Church-History but comforted my self with the counsel of Erasmus Si non possis placere Omnibus place to Optimis If thou canst not please all please the best In order whereunto I took up to my self this Resolution to Stere my course betwixt the two Rocks of Adulation and Irritation though it seems I have run upon both if the Animadvertor may be beleeved whereof hereafter As it is impossible in distracted Times to please all so is it easie for any at any time to Cavil at the best Performance A Pigmey is Giant enough for this purpose Now Cavils may be reduced to these two heads Cavils Without Cause Without Measure Causeless Cavils are such as the Caviller himself doth create without any Ground for the same such find a Knot in a Bulrush because they themselves before had ty'd it therein and may be compared to Beggers who breed Vermine in their owne bodies and then blow them on the cloaths of others Cavils without measure are when the anger and bitterness of the Caviller exceedeth due proportion and the demerit of the Fault as when he maketh Memorie to be Iudgement-mistakes Casual to be Voluntary Errors the Printers to be the Authors faults And then brags every Foil to be a Fall and Triumpheth at the Rout of a small Party as at the Defeat of the whole Army This Distinction is here premised whereof hereafter we shall make use as we see just occasion CHAP. II. Why the Author desired and hoped never to come under the Pen of the Animadvertor in a Controversal Difference IT was ever my Desire â—nd Care if it were possible not to fall under the Pen of the Animadvertor having several reasons thereof to my self which now I publickly profess 1. I knew him a Man of able Parts and Learning God sanctifie both to his Glory and the Churches Good 2. Of an Eager spirit with him of whom it was said Quicquid voluit valde voluit 3. Of a Tart and Smart Style endevouring to down with all which stood betwixt him and his Opinion 4. Not over Dutiful in his Language to the Fathers of the Church what then may Children expect from him if contrary in Judgment to him Lastly and chiefly One the Edge of whose keenness is not taken off by the Death of his Adversary witness his writing against the Archbishops of York and Armagh The Fable tells us that the Tanner was the Worst of all Masters to his Cattle as who would not onely load them soundly whilest living but Tan their Hides when dead and none could blame one if unwilling to exasperate such a Pen which if surviving would prosecute his Adversary into his Grave The premises made me though not servilely fearful which I praise God I am not of any Writer yet generally cautious not to give him any Personal provocation knowing that though Both our Pens were Long the World was Wide enough for them without Crossing each other As I desired so I partly hoped that my Church-History would escape the Animadvertor First because a Gentleman came to me sent from him as I supposed informing me That had not Dr. Heylin been visited with blindness he had been upon my bones before Then I desired him to return this Answer That as I was sorry for the Sad Cause the Doctors Blindness I was glad of the Ioyful Effect my owne Quiet Nor hearing any more for many moneths after I conceived my self secure from any wind in that corner It increased my Confidence because I conceived Dr. Heylin neither out of Charity or Policy would write against one who had been his Fellow-Servant to and Sufferer for the same Lord and Master King Charles for whose Cause I lost none of the worst Livings and one of the best Prebends in England Onely thus happy I was in my very unhappiness to leave what was taken away from the rest of my Brethren In a word seeing no Birds or Beasts of Prey except Sharp-set indeed will feed on his own Kind I concluded Dr. Heylin would not write against me who conceived my self to be One of his owne Party But it seems I reckoned without my Host and now am call'd to a Rear-account I cannot say with Iob The thing that I feared but The thing that I feared not is faln upon me
Practise fell far short of his Precepts witness his inserting of this false passage opposite to the very Letter of the Old Testament speaking of Iehojakaim King of Iudah 2 King 24.9 And he did what was evil in the sight of the Lord according to all that his Father had done Iosephus Ant. Iud. lib. 10. cap. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This man being merciful and just by his nature c. But because it is not my Work to accuse Iosephus whom I cannot praise and prize enough but to defend my self against the Animadvertor let us proceed Dr. Heylyn There is another rule which he bound himself to that is to say Neither to omit any thing through ignorance nor to bury any thing in forgetfullness And all these cautions well observed make a perfect History Fuller Here is the Elixir indeed of Historical perfection Let a Glorified Saint write such an History of the Church-Triumphant that so there may be a just proportion betwixt the Author and his Subject both being Perfect I have met with this Distick made by reverend Bernard Gilpin upon such Sectaries as require exactness in our Church of England Optant ut careat maculis Ecclesia cunctis Praesens vita negat vita futura dabit Thus Englished by Bishop Carleton Men wish our Church no blemish had at all It cannot be so here in Heaven it shall This is true both of our Church and all Church-Histories whereof none without faults and they the best which have the fewest Dr. Heylyn But on the contrary there are some who do spend themselves on the style and dresse as if their business rather were to delight the ear then inform the judgement Others so byassed by self-ends and private interesse that they seem rather Advocates to plead for some growing party then true Reporters of affairs as they be before them Some who endevouring to be copious clap all together in a huddle which is offered to them without relation to the Ornaments and Attire of Language and others with like carelesness as unto themselves but greater inconvenience as unto the Reader examine not the truth and certainty of what they write so they write somewhat which they think may inform the Reader Betwixt these Truth is oftentimes irrecoverably lost the Reader led aside from the wayes of Verity into the crooked lanes of Error and many times conducted to such dangerous precipices as may prove destructive to himself and of ill consequence to all those which are guided by him The Errors of the Understanding in matters which may possibly be reduced to Practise are far more mischievous then those which do consist in the niceties of Speculation and advance no farther which moved the Orator not onely to honour History with the Attribute of Testis Temporum but to style it also by the name of Magistra Vitae Fuller I remember when the reverend Vice-master of Trinity College in Cambridge was told that one of the Scholars had abused him in an Oration Did he said he name me Did he name Thomas Harrison And when it was returned that he named him not then said he I do not believe that he meant me Although it is very suspicious that I am the mark aimed at in this discourse yet being not conscious of such faults to my self and because I am not named by him I will not understand my self intended till he toucheth me with more personal particularities Dr. Heylyn These things considered as they ought hath made me wonder many times at the unadvisedness of some late Writers in this kind whose Histories are composed with so much partiality on the one Side and so much inadvertency on the Other that they stand more in need of a Commentator to expound the Truth and lay it clear and open to the view of the Reader than either the dark words of Aristotle or any other obscure Piece of the ancient Writers I speak of Histories not Libels of which last sort I reckon Weldon's Pamphlet called The Court of King Iames and Wilson's most infamous Pasquil of the Reign of that King in which it is not easie to judge whether the Matter be more false or the Stile more reproachful in all parts thereof Certain I am we may affirm of them as Cremutius Cordus doth of the Epistles of Antonius and the Orations of Brutus Falsa quidem in Augustum probra sed multa cum acerbitate habent that is to say that they contained not only false and disgraceful passages against the honour of Augustus but were apparelled also in the habit of scurrilous language With such as these I shall not meddle at the present leaving their crimes unto the punishment not of an Index but an Ignis Expurgatorius as most proper for them Fuller I am not concerned at all in this Paragraph Onely let me add this in the honour of the deceased Robert Earl of Warwick who told me at Beddington that when Wilson's Book in Manuscript was brought unto him he expunged out of it more than an hundred offensive passages My Lord said I you have done well and you had done better if you had put out one hundred more Dr. Heylyn But as for those whom either the want of true intelligence or inadvertency in not weighing seriously what they were to do or the too much indulgence to their own affections have made more capable of being bettered by correction I have thought it more agreeable to the Rules of justice to rectifie their mistakes and reform their Errors than absolutely to condemn and decry their Writings Fuller REFORMING of Errors is a specious and glorious Designe especially when proportionable means are used in order thereunto But of late the word REFORMATION is grown so thredbare it hath no nap left it thereunder to cover foul acts to attain a fair end I much suspect the Animadvertor will prove such a Deforming-Reformer as our Age hath produced too many of them Dr. Heylyn At this time I have Two before me whom I conceive to stand in need of such Observations by which the truth may be preserved and the clear face of things presented to the Readers eye the one of them an Authour of Ecclesiastical the other of some Civil Histories Fuller I commend the valour of the Animadvertor to combate with Two at once odds on which Hercules himself durst not adventure I also am to deal with two the Animadvertor and Dr. Cosins but not as a Challenger but in the notion of a poor Defendant and if one be assaulted by two hundred he may and must guard himself against them as well as he can Dr. Heylyn In both I find the Truth much injured and in one the Church The Errors of the one tend not to the subversion of any publick interesse but being Errors may misguide the Reader in the way of his knowledge and discourse and therefore I have rectified him with some Advertisements not taking notice of such passages as have been made the subject of some
but Prudence in me to believe my self above such Trifles who have written a Book to Eternity Fourthly I regreat not to be Anvile for any ingenious Hammer to make pleasant musick on but it seems my Traducer was not so happy Lastly I remember a speech oâ— Sir Walter Rawleighs If any saith he speaketh against me to my face my Tongue shall give him an Answer but my back-side is good enough to return to him who abuseth me behind my back Dr. Heylyn In the next ranck of Impertinencies which are more intrinseall part of the substance of the work I account his Heraldry Blazons of Arms Descents of noble Families with their Atchivements intermingled as they come in his way not pertinent I am sure to a Church-Historian unless such persons had been Founders of Episcopal Sees or Religious-Houses or that the Arms so blazoned did belong to either Fuller I answer in generall Those passages of Heraldry are put in for variety and diversion to refresh the wearied Reader They are never used without asking of leave before or craving pardon after the inserting thereof and such craving is having a request in that kind with the Ingenious Grant it ill manners in the Author not to ask it is ill nature in the Reader not to grant so small a suit Mr. Camden in his description of Oxfordshire hath a prolixe though not tedious poeme of the marriage of Thame and Isis which he ushereth in with Si placet vel legas vel negligas read or reject either set by it or set it by as the Reader is disposed The same though not expressed is implied in all such Digressions which may be said to be left unprinted in Effect to such as like them not their Ploughs may make Balks of such deviations and proceed to more serious matter Dr. Heylyn Our Author tells us lib. 9. fol. 151. that knowledge in the Laws of this Land is neither to be expected or required in one of his profession and yet I trow considering the great influence which the Laws have upon Church-matters the knowledge of the Law cannot be so unnecessary in the way of a Clergy-man as the study of Heraldry But granting Heraldry to be an Ornament in all them that have it yet is it no ingredient requisit to the composition of an Ecclesiastical History The Copies of Battle-Abbey Roll fitter for Stow and Hollinshead where before we had them can in an History of the Church pretend to no place at all though possibly the names of some may be remembred as their Foundations or Endowments of Churches give occasion for it The Arms of Knight-Errant billeted in the Isle of Ely by the Norman Conqueror is of like extravagancy Such also is the Catalogue of those noble Adventurers with their Arms Issue and Atchievements who did accompany King Richard the first to the War of Palestine which might have better serv'd as an Appendix to his History of the Holy War then found a place in the main Body of an History of the Church of England Which three alone besides many intercalations of that kind in most parts of the Book make up eight sheets more inserted onely for the ostentation of his skill in Heraldry in which notwithstanding he hath fallen on as palpable Errors as he hath committed in his History Fuller Mr. Fox in his Acts and Monuments hath done the like presenting the names of such who came over at the Norman Conquest I have only made their Catalogue more complete And seeing it was preserved in Battle-Abbey the very addition of Abbey doth dye it with some Ecclesiastical tincture The Arms of the Knights of Ely might on a threefold title have escaped the Animadvertor's censure First they was never before printed Secondly the Wall whereon they were depicted is now demolished Lastly each Knight being blended or as I may say empaled with a Monk a Moiety of that Mixture may be construed reducible to Church-History As for the Arms of some signal persons atchieved in the HOLY-WAR If the Sirname of WAR be secular the Christian name thereof HOLY is Ecclesiastical and so rendred all actions therein within the latitude of Church-History to an ingenuous Reader Dr. Heylyn For besides those which are observed in the course of this work I find two others of that kind in his History of Cambridge to be noted there For fol. 146. he telleth us That Alice Countess of Oxford was Daughter and sole Heir of Gilbert Lord Samford which Gilbert was Hereditary Lord Chamberlain of England But by his leave Gilbert Lord Samford was never the hereditary Chamberlain of the Realm of England but only Chamberlain in Fee to the Queens of England betwixt which Offices how vast a difference there is let our Authour judge Fuller I plead in my own defence according to my last general Answer that I have charged my Margin with my Authoâ— Mr. Parker Fellow of Caius College in Cambridge one known for a most abâ—â— Antiquary but especially in Heraldry and I thought that he had lighten on some rare Evidence out of the ordinary road but seeing he was mistaken I will amend it God willing in my next Edition Dr. Heylyn And secondly The Honor of Lord Chamberlain of England came not unto the Earls of Oxford by that Marriage or by any other but was invested in that Family before they had attained the Title and Degree of Earls Conferred by King Henry the first on Aubrey de Vere a right puissant Person and afterwards on Aubrey de Vere his Son together with the Earldome of Oxford by King Henry the second continuing Hereditary in that House till the death of Robert Duke of Ireland the ninth Earl thereof and then bestowed for a time at the Kings discretion and at last setled by King Charls in the House of Lindsey Fuller This is nothing Confutatory of Me who never affirmed that the High-Chamberlainship accrued to the House of Oxford by any such match Dr. Heylyn But because being a Cambridge Man he may be better skill'd in the Earls of that County let us see what he saith of them and we shall find fol. 162. That Richard Plantagenet Duke of York was the eighth Earl of Cambridge Whereas first Richard Duke of York was not Earl of Cambridge Fuller He was he was he was as presently God willing will appear beyond all doubt and contradiction Dr. Heylyn And secondly If he had been such he must have been the seventh Earl and not the eighth For thus those Earls are marshalled in our Catalogues of Honor and Books of Heraldry viz. 1. William de Meschines 2. Iohn de Hainalt 3. William Marquess of Iuliers 4. Edmond of Langley D. of York 5. Edward D. of York 6. Richard de Conisburgh younger Brother of Edward 7. Iames Marquess Hamilton c. Fuller Indeed they are thus reckoned up in a late little and useful Book entituled The Help of History made as I am credibly informed by the Animadvertor himself and therefore by him wel
the Reader 's Discretion as also in the Animadvertor's Ingenuity expecting he will deal as candidly with me as I have done with him when such though unconfessed Errata's do occur And because my hand is now in I request such as have my Church-history to delete these words Book 2. p. 129. l. 21. A Title till his Time unknown in England For I profess I know not by what casualty these words crept into my Book contrary to my intent PART I. Dr. Heylyn IN order to the first conversion of the British Nation our Author takes beginning at the sad condition they vvere in before the Christian Faith was preached unto them And in a sad condition they were indeed as being in the state of Gentilism and consequently without the true knowledge of the God that made them Fuller The Author takes beginning vvhere Dr. Heylyn himself had he writ the Church-History of Brittain I believe would and I am sure should have begun And seeing he concurreth vvith the Author in the same expression that the Brittains were in a sad condition he might have spared himself and his Reader the trouble of the following impertinency Dr. Heylyn But yet they were not in a worse condition then the other Gentiles c. Fuller Nor did I ever say they vvere Had I said so the Doctor 's carping had had a handle to hold on vvhereas novv his teeth and nails must bite and scratch a fastning for themselves Dr. Heylyn But yet not in a vvorse condition then the other Gentiles vvho vvere not onely darkened in their understanding but so deprav'd also in their affections as to work all manner of uncleanness even with greediness Not so effeminate in their conversation as the Asiaticks nor so luxurious as the Greeks nor branded with those filthy and unnaturall lusts which St. Paul chargeth on the Romans and were in ordinary practise with most Eastern Nations Fuller What of all this It is said of King Ioram He wrought evill in the sight of the Lord but not like his father and like his mother It is said of King Hoshea He did that which was evill in the sight of the Lord but not as the Kings of Israel that were before him It doth not follow that these Kings were good because less bad then others So that my words stand an un-shakened truth that the Brittains before their conversion were though not so debauched as other Heathens Idolaters in a sad condition Dr. Heylyn And though they were Idolaters yea and foul ones as our Author hath it yet neither c. Fuller If they were Idolaters they must be foul ones except as one hath fancied a tale of a fair Aethiopian any could make a truth of fair Idolaters Dr. Heylyn Yet neither were their gods of so brutish and impure a nature as the Priapus Cloacina and Stercutia amongst the Romans or as their Venus Flora Lupa common Harlots All of vvhich and such like other gods the old Fathers tell us that they vvere not nomina Colendorum sed crimina Colentium Nor vvere they so immodest and obscene in their rites and ceremonies as were the Greeks and Romans in the Sacrifices to their Cybele or Berecynthia vvhom they call the mother of the gods described by Arnobius Lactantius and others of the antient Writers in such lively colours as no chaste eye can look upon them without detestation Fuller Well may the Doctor run apace drawing an empty Cart after him What is all this to confute my position that the unconverted Brittains foul Idolaters were in a sad condition It seems he had a mind to tell the world of the foulest Idolls amongst the Romans and if so let them thank him for his intelligence who knew it not before Dr. Heylyn And for the number of their gods they fell extreamly short of that infinite multitude which St. Augustine finds amongst the Romans our Author naming onely three which he calls gods paramount that is to say BELINUS ANDATE and DIANA Fuller If they had onely three gods they had two too many However it will appear that these were onely as the Author phraseth them Paramount That they fell not to use the Doctor 's words extreamly short a virtuous extream of the Romans in their Idolatry may thus be proved They that had Idolls almost exceeding the Aegyptians in number fell not much short of the Romans But the antient Brittains almost exceeded the Aegyptians in number of Idolls Therefore they fell not much short of the Romans The Major is plain in Scripture often complaining of the Idols of Aegypt as also in human Writers Iuvenal jeering the Aegyptians for being over-stocked with such kind of cattle whose gods Leeks and Onyons did commonly grow in their Gardens The Minor are the very words of grave Gildas the most antient Brittish Writer flourishing Anno Domini 580. Portenta pene numero Aegyptiaca vincentia Where in few words we have the Numerosity and Monstrosity of the Brittish Idols Numerosity almost exceeding the Aegyptians Monstrosity called Portents mishapen Anticks of prodigious deformity Dr. Heylyn When therefore Gildas telleth us of the antient Brittains that in the number of their gods they had almost exceeded Aegypt Portenta pene numero Aegyptiaca vincentia in that Author's language it must be understood with reference to the Times in which he lived when all the Roman Rabble had been thrust upon them and not as speaking of the time of their first Conversion Fuller Satis pro Imperio MUST is for a King and seeing the Doctor and I are both Kings alike I return He MUST NOT be so understood as to any judicious and indifferent Reader will appear For the clearing hereof I will present and translate the words of Gildas with what precedeth and followeth them conducing effectually to the true understanding of this clause controverted I use the first and best printed Edition set forth by Polydore Virgil 1523. and Dedicated to Cuthbert Tonstall then the learned Bishop of London Onely because I suspect that some Readers will be out of breath in going along with the long-winded style of Gildas the excusable fault of the Age he lived in I crave leave to divide his long and entire Sentence for the better understanding thereof into severall parcells without the least addition thereto or alteration thereof Gildas Folio primo Igitur omittens priscos illos communesque cum omnibus gentibus errores quibus ante adventum Christi in carne omne humanum genus obligabatur adstrictum Nec enumerans PATRIAE PORTENTA ipsa diabolica pene numero Aegyptiaca vincentia quorum nonnulla lineamentis adhuc deformibus intra vel extra deserta moenia solito more rigentia torvis vultibus intuemur Neque nominatim inclamitans Montes ipsos aut Colles vel Fluvios olim exitiabiles nunc vero humanis usibus utiles quibus divinus Honor à caeco tunc populo cumulabatur Et tacens vetustos immanium Tyrannorum Annos qui in aliis longe positis
principal Articles and main branches of it Fuller It is an hard question and yet perchance more dangerous than difficult to answer but the reason I dare alledge is this Even so Father because it pleased thee Let me add that such conscientious observers thereof which have proved unsuccessefull may esteem their losses as Sweet-Bryar and Holy-Thistle and more cordially comfort themselves in such sanctified afflictions than the Infringers of their Charter could content themselves in their successefull oppression I cannot part from this point till I have inserted that Sir Robert Cotton one who had in him as much of the Gentleman Antiquarie Lawyer good Subject and good Patriot as any in England was the Author in his short view of the long reign of King Henry the third who made the observation of those most successefull Kings by whom the Grand-Charter was most conscienciously observed Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 88. The poor Jews durst not goe into France whence lately they had been solemnly banished but generally disposed themselves in Germany and Italy The poor Iews are more beholding to our Author for his commiseration than the high Royalists as he cals them in the former passage But poor or rich they might have passed safely into France had they been so minded For though he tell us that they had been solemnly banished out of France before this time yet either such banishment was repealed or temporary only or as I rather think not so much as sentenced Certain I am our learned Brerewood upon a diligent enquiry hath found it otherwise than our Author doth letting us know That the first Countrey in Christendome whence the Jews were expelled without hope of return was our Countrey of England whence they were banished Anno 1290. by King Edward the first and not long after out of France Anno 1307. by Philippus Pulcher. Not out of France first out of England afterwards as our Author would have it Fuller I wonder any good Christians would be offended with me for pittying them by the name poor Iews If any High royalist as I fear there is too many be in low Estate would it were as well in my power to relieve as to pitty them Till when they shall have my prayers that God would give them patience and support them in their deepest distresse The Author will find that though the Great General and Final banishment of the Jews out of France was Anno 1307. under Philip the Fair yet formely there had been Edicts for their Exile thence Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 100. Thus men of yesterday have pride too much to remember what they were the day before An observation true enough but not well applyed The two Spencers whom he speaks this off were not men of yesterday or raised out of the dirt or dunghill to so great an height but of as old and known Nobility as the best in England insomuch that when a question grew in Parliament whether the Baronesse de Spencer or the Lord of Aburgaveny were to have precedency it was adjudg'd unto de Spencer thereby declar'd the ancientest Barony of the Kingdome at that time then being These two Hughâ—he â—he Father was created Earl of Winchester for term of life and Hugh the Son by marrying one of the Daughters and co-heirs of Gilbert de Clare became Earl of Glocester Men more to be commended for their Loyalty than accused for their pride but that the King was now declining and therefore it was held fit by the prevalent faction to take his two supporters from him as they after did Fuller The two Spencers fall under a double consideration and are beheld in History for their extraction either as Absolutely in themselves Comparatively with others Absolutely they were of honourable parentage and I believe the Elder might be born a Baron whose Baronry by the Heir general is still extant in Mildmay Fane Earl of Westmorland and from the younger House of a Male Heir the Lord Spencer of Wormelayton now Earl of Sunderland doth as I have seen in his Pedigree derive himself Comparatively So were they far inferiour to most of those great persons over whom they insulted being originally Earls and some of them of Royall extraction Again the Two Spencers may and ought by an Historian to be considered as to be 1. Commended for their Loyalty 2. Condemned for their Insolency On the first account they deserve just praise and it is probable enough that they finde the lesse Favour from some Pens for being so Faithfull to so unfortunate a Soveraigne The latter cannot be excused appearing too plain in all our Histories Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 113. The Lord Chancellor was ever a Bishop If our Author by this word ever understands 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 most commonly or for the most part he is right enough but then it will not stand with the following words viz. as if it had been against equity to imploy any other therein And on the other side if he take the word ever in its proper and more natural sense as if none but Bishops had ever been advanced unto that office he doth not onely misinform the Reader but confute himself he having told us fol. 31. of this present book that Thomas Becket being then but Archdeacon of Canterbury was made Lord Chancellor and that as soon as he was made Archbishop he resign'd that office But the truth is that not onely men in holy Orders but many of the Laity also had attained that dignity as will appear to any who will take the pains to consult the Catalogue of the Chancellors and Keepers of the Great Seal in the Glossary of Sir Henry Spelman in which appear not onely some of inferior dignity as Deans Archdeacons House-hold Chaplains but many also not dignified with any Ecclesiastical Title or Notification and therefore in all probability to be looked on as meer Lay-men Counsellors and Servants to the Kings in whose times they lived or otherwise studied in the Laws and of good affections and consequently capable of the place of such trust and power Fuller May the Reader take notice that this complaint was made by the Commons in the 11th of Edward the 3d Anno 1336. Now Ever I here restrain to the oldest man alive then present in Parliament who could not distinctly remember the contrary from the first of King Edward the first who began his Reign 1272. so that for full 64. years an uninterrupted series of Bishops except possibly one put in pro tempore for a moneth or two possessed the place of Chancellors This complaint of the Commons occasioned that the King some three years after viz. in the fifteenth year of his reign conferred the Chancellors place on a Layman But it was not long before things returned to the old channel of Clergy-men and so generally for many years continued with some few and short interpositions of Lay-men Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 116. This year viz. 1350.
the Victory so he staid long enough to have lost it Fuller Though a courteous Prolepsis might salve all the matter yet to prevent exceptions in my next Edition the Lord shall be degraded into Sir William Stanley THE FIFTH BOOK Relating to the time of King Henry the Eight Dr. Heylin WE are now come to the busie times of King Henry the Eight in which the power of the Church was much diminisht though not reduced to such ill terms as our Author makes it We have him here laying his foundations to overthrow that little which is left of the Churches Rights His super-structures we shall see in the times ensuing more seasonable for the practise of that Authority which in this fifth Book he hammereth onely in the speculation Fuller I deny and defie any such Designe to overthrow the foundations of the Churches right If the foundations be destroyed what can the righteous doe Iâ— my Back could butterresse them up it should not be wanting However I am not sensible that any such invasion was made on the true property of the Church but that the King resumed what by God was invested in him and what by the Pope was unjustly taken from him though none can justifie every particular in the managery of the Reformation Dr. Heylin But first we will begin with such Animadversions as relate unto this time and story as they come in our way leaving such principles and positions as concern the Church to the close of all where we shall draw them all together that our discourse and observations thereupon may come before the Reader without interruption And the first thing I meete with is a fault of Omission Dr. Newlen who succeeded Dr. Iackson in the Presidentship of Corpus Christi Colledge in Oxford Anno 1640 by a free election and in a statutable way being left out of our Authors Catlogue of the Presidents of C. C. C. in Oxford fol. 166. and Dr. Stanton who came in by the power of the Visitors above eight years after being placed therein Which I thought fit though otherwise of no great moment to take notice of that I might doe the honest man that right which our Author doth not Fuller Would the Animadvertor had given me the Christian as well as the Sirâ—name of the Doctor that I may enter it in my next Edition But I will endeavour some other wayes to recover it Such and greater Omisions often attend the Pens of the most exact Authors Witnesse the Lord Stanhop created Baron of Harington in Narthampton-shire â—ertio Iacobi left out in all the Editions Latine and English of the Industrious and Judicious Mr. Camden though his junior Baron the Lord Arundel of Wardour be there inserted This his omission proceeded not from the least neglect as I protest my Innocence in the casual preterition of Dr. Newlen Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 168. King Henry endeavoured an uniâ—ormity of Grammer all over his Dominions that so youths though changing their School-Masters might keep their learning That this was endeavoured by King Henry and at last enjoyned I shall easily grant But then our Author should have told us if at least he knew it that the first hint thereof proceeded from the Convocation in the year 1530 in which complaint being made Quod multiplex varius in Scholis Grammaticalibus modus esset docendi c. That the multiplicitie of Grammers did much hurt to learning it was thought meet by the Prelates and Clergy then assembled Ut una eadem edatur formula auctoritate hujus sacrae Synodi in qualibet singula Schola Grammaticali per Cantuariensem Provinciam usitanda edocenda that is to say that one onely form of teaching Grammar should be enjoyned from thenceforth by the Authority of the Convocation to be used in all the Grammar Schools of the Province of Canterbury Which being so agreed upon Lilly then Schoolmaster of St. Pauls School was thought the fittest man for that undertaking and he performed his part so well that within few years after it was enjoyned by the Kings Proclamation to be used in all the Schools throughout the Kingdom But here we are to note withall that our Author anticipates this businesse placing it in the eleventh year of this King Anno 1519. whereas the Convocation took not this into consideration till the eighth of March Anno 1530. and certainly would not have medled in it then if the King had setled and enjoyned it so long before Fuller The Animadvertor discovers much indiscretion in cavelling at a well-timed truth in my Book and substituting a falshood in the room thereof The endeavor of Henry the eight for uniformity of Grammar throughout all his Dominions begun as I have placed it one thousand five hundred and nineteen William Lillie being the prime person imployed for the composure thereof Indeed it met not with universal Reception for some years babits not being easily deposed and therefore the Convocation concurring with the Kings pleasure therein added their assistance in the year 1530. as the Animadvertor observeth and soon after by the Kings Proclamation the matter was generally effected But whereas he sayth That after that time 1530. William Lillye was thought the fittest man for that undertaking Let me tell him That a man dead five if not eight years before was not fit to make a Grammar I appeal to Bale and Pitts both which render William Lillye to dye in the year 1525. but mistaken herein For indeed he dyed three years before if the Epitaph on his Monument made by his sonne George Lillye may be believed in a brass plate near the great North dore of St. Pauls Gulielmo Lilio Paulinae Scholae olim Preceptori Primario Agneti Conjugi in Sacratissimo hujus Templi coemiterio hinc à tergo nunc destructo consepultis Georgius Lillius hujus Ecclesiae Canonicus parentum memoriae piae consulens Tabellam hanc ab amicis conservatam hic reponendam curavit Obiit ille G. L. Anno Dom. 1522. Calend. Mart. Vixit annos 54. Wherefore this unnecessary Animadversion to correct what was right before might very well have been spared Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 168. Howsoever it is probable some other Gardiner gathered the Flowers made the Collections though King Henry had the honor to wear the Posie I am not ignorant that the making of the Kings Book against Martin Luther is by some Popish Writers ascribed to Dr. Iohn Fisher then Bishop of Rochester But this Cavil was not made till after this King had rejected the Popes Supremacy and consequently the lesse credit to be given unto it It is well known that his Father King Henry the seventh designed him for the Archbishoprick of Canterbury and to that end caused him to be trained up in all parts of learning which might enable him for that place But his eldest brother Prince Arthur dying and himself succeeding in the Crown though he had laid aside the thoughts of being
Parliament saith he did notifie and declare that Ecclesiastical Power to be in the King which the Pope had formerly unjustly invaded Yet so that they reserved to themselves the confirming power of all Canons Ecclesiastical so that the person or property of Refusers should not be subjected to temporal penalty without consent of Parliament But certainly there is no such matter in that Act of Parliament in which the submission of the Clergy and the Authority of the King grounded thereupon is notified and recorded to succeeding times nor any such reservation to themselves of a confirming power as our Author speaks of in any Act of Parliament I can knowingly and boldly say it from that time to this Had there been any such Priviledge any such Reservation as is here declared their Power in confirming Ecclesiastical Canons had been Lord Paramount to the Kings who could have acted nothing in it but as he was enabled by his Houses of Parliament Nor is this onely a new and unheard of Paradox an Heterodoxie as I may call it in point of Law but plainly contrary to the practise of the Kings of England from that time to this there being no Synodical Canons or Constitutions I dare as boldly say this too confirmed in Parliament or any otherwise ratified than by the superadding of the Royal assent For proof whereof look we no further than the Canons of 603 and 640 confirmed by the two Kings respectively and without any other Authority concurring with them in these following words viz. We have therefore for Us our Heirs and lawfull Successors of our especial Grace certain knowledge and meer motion given and by these presents doe give our Royal assent according to the form of the said Statute or Act of Parliament aforesaid to all and every of the said Canons Orders Ordinances and Constitutions and to all and every thing in them contained And furthermore we doe not onely by our said Prerogative Royal and Supreme Authority in causes Ecclesiastical ratifie confirm and establish by these our Letters Patents the said Canons Orders Ordinances and Constitutions and all and every thing in them contained as is aforesaid But doe likewise propound publish and straightly enjoyn and command by our said Authority and by these our Letters Patents the same to be diligently observed executed and equally kept by all our loving Subjects of this our Kingdome both within the Province of Canterbury and York in all points wherein they doe or may concern every or any oâ— them according to this our Will and Pleasure hereby signified and expressed No other Power required to confirm these Canons or to impose them on the People but the Kings alone And yet I trow there are not a few particulars in which those Canons doe extend to the propertie and persons of such Refusers as are concerned in the same which our Author may soon finde in them if he list to look And having so done let him give us the like Precedent for his Houses of Parliament either abstractedly in themselves or in cooperation with the King in confirming Canons and we shall gladly quit the cause willingly submit to his ter judgement But if it be objected as perhaps it may That the Subsidies granted by the Clergy in the Convocation are ratified and confirmed by Act of Parliament before they can be levied either on the Granters themselves or the rest of the Clergy I answer that this makes nothing to our Authors purpose that is to say that the person or property of Refusers should not be subjected to temporal penalty without consent of Parliament For first before the submission of the Clergy to King Henry the 8. they granted Subsidies and other aids unto the King in their Convocations and levied them upon the persons concerned therein by no other way than the usual Censures of the Church especially by Suspension and deprivation if any Refuser prove so refractary as to dispute the payment of the sum imposed And by this way they gave and levied that great sum of an Hundred thousand pounds in the Province of Canterbury onely by which they bought their peace of the said King Henry at such time as he had caused them to be attainted in the Praemunire And secondly there is a like Precedent for it since the said Submission For whereas the Clergy in their Convocation in the year 1585. being the 27 year of Queen Elizabeth had given that Queen a Subsidy of four shâ—llings in the pound confirmed by Act of Parliament in the usual way thâ—y gave her at the same time finding their former gift too short for her present occasions a Benevolence of two shillings in the pound to be raised upon all the Clergy by virtue of their own Synodical Act onely under the penalty of such Ecclesiastical Censures as before were mentioned Which precedent was after followed by the Clergy in their Convocation An 1640. the Instrument of the Grant being the same verbatim with that before though so it hapned such influence have the times on the Actions of men that they were quarreld and condemned for it by the following Parliament in the time of the King and not so much as checkt at or thought to have gone beyond their bounds in the time of the Queen And for the ratifying of their Bill by Act of Parliament it came up first at such times after the Submission before mentioned as the Kings of England being in distrust of their Clergy did not think fit to impower them by their Letters Patents for the making of any Synodical Acts Canons or Constitutions whatsoever by which their Subsidies have been levied in former times but put them off to be confirmed and made Obligatory by Act of Parliament Which being afterwards found to be the more expedite way and not considered as derogatory to the Churches Rights was followed in succeeding times without doubt or scruple the Church proceeding in all other Cases by her native power even in Cases where both the persons and property of the Subject were alike concerned as by the Canons 1603 1640 and many of those past in Queen Elizabeths time though not so easie to be seen doth at full appear Which said we may have leisure to consider of another passage relating not unto the Power of the Church but the wealth of the Churchmen Of which thus our Author Fuller I conceived it Civil to suffer the Animadvertor to use his own phrase parler le tout to speak all out in this long Discourse which although it consisteth of several Notes yet because all treat of the same subject and because a Relative strength might result thereby to the whole I have presented it intire Yet when all is said I finde very little I have learnt thereby and lesse if any thing which I am to alter These my two preparatory Rules as the Animadvertor terms them I have formerly stated and proved and here intend no repetition It is no Beame and but a Moat-fault at most if
to a more pleasant tune from barking for food to the blessing of those who procured it Now let any censure this a digression from my History for though my Estate will not suffer me with Job to be eyes to the blind and feet to the lame I will endeavor what I can to be a tongue for the Dumbe Let the Reader judge betwixt me and the Animadvertor whether in this particular matter controverted I have not done the poor Clergy as much right as lay in my power and more than consisted with my safety Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 357. But this was done without any great cost to the Crown onely by altering the Property of the place from a late made Cathedral to an Abbey Our Author speaks this of the Church of Westminster which though it suffered many changes yet had it no such change as our Author speaks of that is to say from a Cathedral to an Abbey without any other alteration which came in between c. Fuller I said not that it was immediatly changed from a Cathedral to an Abbey but that it was changed and that without any great cost to the Crown so my words want nothing but a candid Reader of them Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 359. Nor can I finde in the first year of Queen Elizabeth any particular Statute wherein as in the reign of King Henry the eight these Orders are nominatim suppressed c. But first the several Orders of Religious Persons were not suppressed nominatim except that of St. Iohns by a Statute in the time of King Henry the eighth Secondly if there were no such Statute yet was it not because those Houses had no legal settlement as it after followeth Queen Mary being vested with a power of granting Mortmains and consequently of founding these Religious Houses in a legal way Thirdly there might be such a Statute though our Author never had the good luck to see it and yet for want of such good luck I finde him apt enough to think there was no such Statute Et quod non invenit usquam esse putat nusquam in the Poets language c. Fuller I could not then finde the Statute and I am not ashamed to confesse it Let those be censured who pretend to have found what they have noâ— and so by their confidence or impudence rather abuse Posterity Since I have found a Copy thereof in Sr. Thomas Cottons Library with many Commissions granted thereupon for the dissolution of such Marian foundations Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 369. Jesuits the last and newest of all Orders The newest if the last there 's doubt of that But the last they were not the Oratorians as they call them being of a later brood The Iesuites founded by Ignatius Loyola a Spaniard and confirmed by Pope Paul the third Anno 1540. The Oratorians founded by Philip Merio a Florentine and confirmed by Pope Pius the fourth Anno 1564. By which accompt these Oratorians are younger Brethren to the Iesuits by the space of four and twenty years and consequently the Iesuites not the last and newest of Religious Orders Fuller Writing the Church-History of Britain I herein confined my expression thereunto The Iesuites are the last and newest Order whose over-activity in our Land commends or condemns them rather to publick notice Idem est non esse non apparere The Oratorians never appeared in England save an handfull of them who at Queen Maries first arrival from France onely came Hither to goe hence a few moneths after THE SEVENTH BOOK Containing the Reign of King Edward the sixth Dr. Heylin WE are now come unto the Reign of King Edward the sixth which our Author passeth lightly over though very full of action and great alterations And here the first thing which I meet with is an unnecessary Quaere which he makes about the Injunctions of this King Amongst which we finde one concerning the religious keeping of the Holy-dayes in the close whereof it is declared That it shall be lawfull for all people in time of Harvest to labour upon Holy and Festival dayes and save that thing which God hath sent and that scrupulosity to abstain from working on those dayes doth grievously offend God Our Author hereupon makes this Quaere that is to say fol. 375. Whether in the 24 Injuâ—ction labouring in time of Harvest upon Holy-dayes and Festivals relateth not onely to those of Ecclesiastical Constitution as dedicated to Saints or be inclusive of the Lords-day also Were not our Author a great Zelot for the Lords-day-Sabbath and studious to intitle it to some antiquity we had not met with such a Quaere The Law and practise of those times make this plain enough c. Fuller It is better to be over doubtfull than over confident It had been much for the credit and nothing against the Conscience of the Animadvertor if he had made quaeries where he so positively and falsly hath concluded against me Now my Quaere is answered And I believe that the Lords Day was included within the numbâ—r of holy dayes and common work permitted thereon This maketh me bespeak my own and the Readers justly suspecting that the Animadvertor will not joyn with us herein on this account thankfulnesse to God That the Reformation since the time of King Edward the sixth hath been progressive and more perfected in this point amongst the Rest in securing the Lords-day from servile imployments Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 386. In the first year of King Edward the sixth it was recommended to the care of the most grave Bishops and others assembled by the King at his Castle at Windsor and when by them compleated set forth in Print 1548. with a Proclamation in the Kings name to give Authority thereunto being also recommended unto every Bishop by especial Letters from the Lords of the Councel to see the same put in execution And in the next year a penalty was imposed by Act of Parliament on such who should deprave or neglect the use thereof Our Author here mistakes himself and confounds the businesse making no difference between the whole first Liturgy of King Edward the sixth and a particular form of Administration c. Fuller Iâ— the Reader by perusing this Note of the Animadvertor can methodize the Confusion charged on me I shall be right glad thereof And I wish that the nice distinction of the Liturgie and the form of Administration may be informative unto him more than it is to me The close of this Animadversion whether this Book brought under a Review much altered in all the parts and offices of it be unto the better or unto the worse Leaves it under a strong suspition of the negative in the Judgement of the Animadvertor And now I shall wonder no more at the Animadvertors falling foul on my Book who as he confesseth am not known unto him by any injurie Seeing such distance in our judgements that he conceiveth the
God and that Diana was none of their originall Deity What if I stumbled yea and should fall too Hath not the Animadvertor read Rejoyce not against me O mine enemy when I fall I shall rise again Dr. Heylyn Having placed King Charls on the Throne our Author saith fol. 117. On the fourteenth day of May following King James his Funeralls were performed very solemnly in the Collegiat Church at Westminster Not on the fourteenth but the fourth saith the Author of the History of the Reign of King Charls and both true alike It neither was on the fourth nor on the fourteenth but the seventh of May on which those solemn Obsequies were performed at Westminster Of which if he will not take my word let him consult the Pamphlet called The Observator observed fol. 6. and he shall be satisfied Our Author's Clock must keep time better or else we shall never know how the day goes with him Fuller I will take his word without going any further and this erroneous Date in my next Edition shall God-willing be mended accordingly That Clock which alwaies strikes true may well be forfeited to the Lord of the Manour though mine I hope will be found to go false as seldom as another's Dr. Heylyn Our Author saith As for Dr. Preston c. His party would perswade us that he might have chose his own Mitre And some of his party would perswade us That he had not onely large parts of sufficient receipt to manage the Broad Seal it self but that the Seal was proffered to him fol. 131. But we are not bound to believe all which is said by that Party who looked upon the Man with such reverence as came near Idolatry Fuller I do not say they do perswade but they would perswade us And here the common expression takes place with me Non persuadebunt etiamsi persuaserint Grant I do not believe all which is said by his Party yet I believe it was my duty as an Historian to take notice of so remarkable a passage and to report it to Posterity charging my Margin as I have done with the name and place of the Author wherein I found it related Dr. Heylyn His Principles and Engagements were too well known by those which governed affairs to venture him unto any such great trust in Church or State and his activity so suspected that he would not have been long suffered to continue Preacher at Lincolns-Inne As for his intimacy with the Duke too violent to be long-lasting it proceeded not from any good opinion which the Duke had of him but that he found how instrumentall he might be to manage that prevailing Party to the King's advantage But when it was found that he had more of the Serpent in him than of the Dove and that he was not tractable in steering the Helm of his own Party by the Court-Compass he was discountenanced and laid by as not worth the keeping He seemed the Court-Meteor for a while raised to a suddain height of expectation and having flasht and blaz'd a little went out again and was as suddainly forgotten Fuller This is onely Additionall and no whit Opposite to what I have written and therefore I am not obliged to return any answer thereunto Dr. Heylyn Our Author proceeds fol. 119. Next day the King comming from Canterbury met her at Dover whence with all solemnity she was conducted to Somerset-House in London where a Chappel was now prepared for her Devotion with a Covent adjoyning of Capuchin-Fryers according to the Articles of her marriage In all this nothing true but that the new Queen was conducted with all solemnity from Dover to London For first although there was a Chappel prepared yet was it not prepared for her nor at Somerset-house The Chappel which was then prepared was not prepared for her but the Lady Infanta built in the Kings house of St. Iames at such time as the Treaty with Spain stood upon good tearms and then intended for the Devotions of the Princess of Wales not the Queen of England Secondly the Articles of the Marriage make no mention of the Capuchin-Friers nor any Covent to be built for them The Priests who came over with the Queen were by agreement to be all of the Oratorian Order as less suspected by the English whom they had never provok'd as had the Iesuits and most other of the Monastick Orders by their mischievous practises But these Oratorians being sent back with the rest of the French Anno 1626. and not willing to expose themselves to the hazard of a second expulsion the Capuchins under Father Ioseph made good the place The breach with France the action at the Isle of Rhee and the losse of Rochel did all occur before the Capuchins were thought of or admitted hither And thirdly some years after the making of the Peace between the Crowns which was in the latter end of 1628. and not before the Queen obtain'd that these Friers might have leave to come over to her some lodgings being fitted for them in Somerset-house and a new Chappel then and there built for her Devotion Fuller Here and in the next Note the Animadvertor habet confitentem reum And not to take covert of a Latine expression in plain English I confess my mistake which is no originall but a derivative errour in me who can if so pleased alledge the printed Author who hath misguided me Yet I will patiently bear my proportion of guilt and will provide God-willing for the amendment in the next Edition Thus being so supple to confesse my fault when convinced thereof I therefore may and will be the more stiff in standing on the tearms of mine own integrity when causlesly accused But if the Animadvertor be too Insulting over me let him remember his own short view of the life of King Charls vvhere he tells us of the three Welch Generals that they submitted to mercy which they never tasted naming Laughern Powel and Poyer whereas two of them did find mercy a little male-child being taken up who did cast Lots at White-hall and by Providence ordering Casualty Laughern and Powel were pardoned and lately if not still alive But I forgive the Doctor for this errour being better then a truth two Gentlemen gaining their lives thereby Dr. Heylyn Our Author proceeds f. 121. The Bishop of Lincoln Lord Keeper was now daily descendant in the Kings favour who so highly distasted him that he would not have him as Dean of Westm. to perform any part of his Coronation As little truth in this as in that before For first the Bishop of Lincoln was not Lord Keeper at the time of the Coronation Secondly if he had been so and that the King was so distasted with him as not to suffer him to assist at his Coronation how came he to be suffered to be present at it in the capacity of Lord Keeper For that he did so is affirmed by our Author saying That the King took a scrowl
how neare this second arrow went to his heart Dr. Heylyn Our Author goeth on Fol. 137. My pen passing by them at present may safely Salute them with a God-Speed as neither seeing nor suspecting any danger in the Designe Our Author speakes this of the Feoffees appointed by themselves for buyingâ—in such Impropriations as were then in the hands of Lay-persons I say appointed by themselves because not otherwise authorised either by Charter from the King Decree in Chancery or by Act of Parliament but only by a secret combination of the Brother-hood But secondly this will further appear by their proceedings in the businesse not laying the Impropriations by them purchased to the Church or Chappelry to which they had antiently belonged nor setling them on the Incumbent of the place as many hoped they would That had been utterly destructive to their main design which was not to advantage the Regular and established Clergy but to set up a new body of Lecturers in convenient places for the promoting of the Cause And therefore having bought an Impropriation they parcelled it out into annual Pensions of 40 or 50 l. per annum and therewith salared some Lecturers in such Market-Towns where the people had commonly lesse to do and consequently were more apt to Faction and Innovation than in other places Our Author notes it of their Predecessors in Cartwrights dayes that they preached most diligently in populous places it being observed in England that those who hold the Helm of the Pulpit alwayes steer peoples hearts as they please Lib. 9. fol. 195. And he notes it also of these Feoffees that in conformity hereunto they set up a Preaching Ministry in places of greatest need not in such Parish-Churches to which the Tithes properly belonged but where they thought the Word was most wanting that is to say most wanting to advance their project Thirdly if we behold the men whom they made choice of and employed in preaching in such Market-Towns as they had an eye on either because most populous or because capable of electing Burgesses to serve in Parliament they were for the most part Non-conformists and sometime such as had been silenced by their Ordinary or the High-commission for their Factious carriage And such an one was placed by Geering one of the Citizen-Feoffees in a Town of Glocestershire a fellow which had been outed of a Lecture neer Sandwich by the Archbishop of Canterbury out of another in Middlesex by the Bishop of London out of a third in Yorkshire by the Archbishop of York out of a fourth in Hartfordshire by the Bishop of Lincoln and finally suspended from his Ministry by the High-Commission yet thought the fittest man by Geering as indeed he was to begin this Lecture Fourthly and finally these Pensions neither were so setled nor these Lecturers so well establisht in their severall places but that the one might be withdrawn and the other removed at the will and pleasure of their Patrons if they grew slack and negligent in the holy cause or abated any thing at all of that fire and fury they first brought with them Examples of which I know some and have heard of more And now I would fain know of our Author whether there be no danger to be seen or suspected in this design whether these Feoffees in short time would not have had more Chaplains to depend upon them than all the Bishops in the Kingdom and finally whether such needy fellowes depending on the will and pleasure of their gracious Masters must not be forced to Preach such Doctrines onely as best please their Humours And though I shall say nothing here of their giving under-hand private Pensions not onely unto such as had been silenced or suspended in the Ecclesiasticall Courts but many times also to their wives and Children after their decease all issuing from this common-stock yet others have beheld it as the greatest piece of Wit and Artifice both to encourage and encrease their Emissaries which could be possibly devised If as our Author tels us fol. 143. The Design was generally approved and that both discreet and devout men were doleful at the ruine of so pious a Project it was because they neither did suspect the danger nor foresee the mischiefs which unavoidably must have followed if not crusht in time Fuller The Feoffees being now all Dead save one I may say that in this Suit all the Councell is for the Plantiffe and none allowed the Deâ—endaâ—t Were any number of them still alive probably they might plead something in defence of their Proceedings However I believe this Narrative of the Animadvertor hath very much of Truth therein and seeing it is not Opposite but Additional to what I have written my Answer is not required thereunto Onely the close thereof treadeth on the Toes of my History and that but lightly too the Animadvertor not denying that discreet and Devout men were dolefull at the ruine of so pious a Project And seeing he went so far with my words would he had gon a little farther and added that such Good men were desirous of a Regulation of this Designe it being pitty that so fair a Tree should be rent up Root and Branch for bearing bad which might and would have born better fruit with a little good digging about it and well husbanding thereof Dr. Heylyn Our Author proceeds fol. 148. However there was no Express in this Declaration that the Ministers of the Parish should be pressed to the publishing Our Author doth here change his style He had before told us That on the first publishing of the Declaration about lawfull Sports on the Lords Day no Minister was de facto enjoyned to read it in his Parish lib. 10. fol. 76. and here he tells us that there was no express order in the Declaration when reviv'd by King Charls that the Minister of the Parish should be prest to the publishing of it adding â—ithall that many thought it a more proper work for the Constable or Tithing-man than it was for the Minister But if our Author mark it well he may easily find that the Declaration of King Iames was commanded to be published by order from the Bishop of the Diocess through all the Parish-Churches of his Jurisdiction And the Declaration of King Charls to be published with like order from the severall Bishops through all the Parish-Churches of their severall Diocesses respectively The Bishop of the Diocess in the singular number in the Declaration of King Iames because it principally related to the County of Lancaster The Bishops in the plurall number in that of King Charls because the benefit of it was to be extended over all the Realm In both the Bishops are commanded to take order for the publishing of them in their severall Parishes and whom could they require to publish them in the Parish Churches but the Ministers onely The Constable is a Lay-Officer meerly bound by his place to execute the Warrants and Commands of the Iustices but
some of the Kings Councill learned in the Laws of this Realm caus'd the said Canons to be read and considered of the King being then present By all which upon due and mature deliberation the Canons were approv'd and being so approv'd were sent back to the Clergy in the Convocation and by them subscribed And certainly it had been strange that they should pass the approbation of the Judges and learned Lawyers had they contained any thing against the fundamentall Laws of the Land the Property of the Subject and the Rights of Parliament or been approv'd of by the Lords of his Majesties Councill had any thing been contained in them derogatory to the Kings Prerogative or tending to faction and sedition So that the foundation being ill laid the superstructures and objections which are built upon it may be easily shaken and thrown down To the first therefore it is ansvvered that nothing hath been more ordinary in all former times than for the Canons of the Church to inflict penalties on such as shall disobey them exemplified in the late Canons of 1603. many of which extend not onely unto Excommunication but even to Degradation and Irregularity for which see Can. 38.113 c. To the second that there is nothing in those Canons which determineâ—h or limiteth the Kings Authority but much that makes for and defendeth the Right of the Subject for which the Convocation might rather have expected thanks then censure from ensuing Parliaments To the third That when the Canon did declare the Government of Kings to be founded on the Law of Nature it was not to condemn all other Governments as being unlawfull but to commend that of the Kings as being the best Nor can it Logically be inferr'd that because the Kingly Government is not receiv'd in all places that therefore it ought not so to be or that the Government by this Canon should be the same in all places and in all alike because some Kings do and may lawfully part with many of their Rights for the good of their Subjects which others do and may as lawfully retain unto themselves To the fourth That the Doctrine of Non-Resistance is built expresly on the words of St. Paul Rom. 13. v. 2. and therefore to condemn the Canon in that behalf is to condemn the Word of God upon vvhich it is founded Finally to the fifth and last That the Statute of 5 6 Edw. 6. declaring that the daies there mentioned shall be kept for Holy-daies and no other relates onely to the abolishing of some other Festivalls which had been formerly observ'd in the Realm of England and not to the disabling of the Church from ordaining any other Holy-dayes on emergent causes in the times to come Fuller DORMIT SECURUS Dr. Heylyn Assuredly that able Lawyer would have spoke more home unto the point could the cause have born it Eloquentem facit causae bonitas in the Orator's language And therefore looking on the heads of the Arguments as our Author represents them to us I must needs think that they were rather fitted to the sense of the House than they were to his own Fuller I now begin to awake and rub my Eyes hearing somewhat wherein I am concerned as if I had unfaithfully related these Arguments I confesse it is but a Breviat of them accommodated to the proportion of my Book and had they been at large much lustre must be lost whilst related seeing none but Mr. Mainard can repeat the Arguments of Mr. Mainard to equal advantage However I had them from as observant and judicious a Person as any in house of Lords and if I should name Him the Animadvertor would believe me herein Dr. Heylyn What influence these Arguments might have on the House of Peers when reported by the Bishop of Lincoln I am not able to affirm But so far I concur with our Author that they lost neither life nor lustre as they came from his mouth who as our Author sayes was a back friend to the Canons because made during his absence and durance in the Tower A piece of ingenuity which I did not look for Fuller There are some Pens that if a Man do look for Ingenuity from them he may look for it Dr. Heylyn The power of Convocation being thus shaken and endangered that of the High Commission and the Bishops Courts was not like to hold the one being taken away by Act of Parliament and the other much weakned in the coercive power thereof by a clause in that Act of which our Author tell us that Fol. 182. Mr. Pim triumphed at this successe crying out digitus Dei it is the finger of God that the Bishops should so supinely suffer themselves to be surprised in their power And well might Mr. Pim triumph as having gain'd the point he aim'd at in subverting the coercive power and consequently the whole exercise of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction But he had no reason to impute it to the finger of God or to the carelesnesse of the Bishops in suffering themselves to be so supinely surpris'd For first the Bishops saw too plainly that those general words by which they were disabled from inflicting any pain or penalty would be extended to Suspension Excommunication and other Ecclesiastical censures But secondly they saw withall that the stream was too strong for them to strive against most of the Lords being wrought on by the popular party in the House of Commons to passe the Bill Thirdly they were not without hope that when the Scots Army was disbanded and that Nation satisfied by the Kings condescensions to them there might be such an explication made of those general words as to restrain them unto temporal pains and civill penalties by which the censures of the Church might remain as formerly And fourthly in order thereunto they had procured a Proviso to be entred in the House of Peers That the general words in this Bill should extend onely to the High Commission Court and not reach other Ecclesiastical jurisdiction for which consult our Author fol. 181. Having thus passed over such matters as concern the Church we will now look upon some few things which relate to the Parliament And the first is that Fuller I said not Mr. Pim had just cause to triumph yea somewhat followeth in my History to the contrary shewing He had no reason to rejoyce and condemn the Bishops herein seeing not Supinesse but Prudentiall condescention for the time made them rather sufferers then surprized herein Onely I say there are many alive who heard him sing aloud this his Victoria and the Eccho thereof it still soundeth in their Eares The Animadvertor himselfe sometimes triumpheth over my mistakes and carrieth me away in his own conceit whilst still I am sensible of my owne Liberty that I am in a free condition Dr. Heylyn Fol. 174. Dr. Pocklinton and Dr. Bray were the two first that felt the displeasures of it the former for preaching and printing the latter for licensing two Books
a thing incredible I cannot beleeve saith he Hist. Camb. fol. 38. what I have read in the Querela Cantabrigiensis That three or four hundred pounds worth of Timber brought to Clare-hall for the repair of that House was lately taken away that is to say inverted to the use of some private persons vvhom our Author hath befriended vvith this incredulity Fuller I did not aggravate the fact nor heavily lean on my Pen in relating this Passage nor layed more vveight thereon than meerly to make it cast Inke The Animadvertor hath more bitternesse vvrapped up in this one vvord RAPINE than I have stretched out in all my relation of this accident Dr. Heylyn Nay so extreamly favourable he is to his friends in Cambridge as to profess that had he seene it he would not have beleeved his own eyes vvhich is the highest poynt of partiality and most invincible unbelief that I ever met vvith Fuller Herein the Animadvertor is highly-just to say no more unto me Is it not cruelty to such as vvrite in distracted times and are as desirous to impart dangerous Truths to posterity so also to secure themselves as vvho can blame them as vvell as they may to hunt them out of the Covert of any figurative or vvary expression but none so deaf as He who will not hear I mean as to understand The Animadvertor knevv my Expression pointed at some too high for me safely to reach Knovv Reader that vvhat Need as pleaded in time of War took from Clare-hall that Conscience in the same person hath since restored to the full as Dr. Dillingham my vvorthy friend and Master of the Colledge hath enformed me Novv though Oxford challengeth antiquity to go before Cambridge yet herein let her not disdain to come after her and to follow so good an Example of Restitution for though I have heard and partly believe that Dr. Wilkinson did with might and main oppose the Seisure on that Gold and though they say it appeared vvhen seriously examined by the visitors that it vvas not so foul a fact as generally it is represented yet it cannot in all particulars be excused and therein concur vvith the Animadvertor So that Iacob's counsel to his Sons may here be seasonably prescribed Carry the Money back again peradventure it was an over-sight Dr Heylyn There remains nothing now to conclude these Animadversions but some passages relating to Archbishop Williams in which I must confesse my selfe not willing to meddle but that I think it is as much against the Rule of distributive Justice to give one man too much as to give another man too little Let us see therefore what he saith of this Prelate and how far he saith truth the whole truth and nothing but the truth And first saith he c. Fuller The Truth hereof will soon appear by the Sequele For if the Animadvertor shall inflame his smoaking faults hollow in the Ears of every Dormant Suspition to awaken it against the memory of this Prelate yea and hang the weight of his greatest Guiltinesse on the wyers of the slenderest proofe then notwithstanding this his plausibility to the contrary premised He will plainly appear to have a Pike the sharpnesse whereof his Death hath not blunted against Him When one was to Preach the Funeral Sermon of a most vitious and generally hated Person all wondered what He would say in his praise the Preachers friends searing his foes hoping that for his fee â—e would force his Conscience to flattery For one thing said the Minister this man is to be spoken well oâ— by all and for another thing He is to be spoken ill of by none The first is because God made Him the second because He is dead Now seeing besides the premises common to all Christians yea to all men many worthy works have been done by the Bishop and especially seeing known Animisities were betwixt him and the Animadvertor which with Ingenuity is an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 super-over-commanding motive to silence the Animadvertor had better forborn all which followeth in my judgement and in the Judgement of as many learned and Religious men of all orders and degrees in both Universityes as ever sollicited him to write against my Church-history Dr. Heylyn Fol. 227. He sueth to the Parliament for favour and obtained it whose General in a manner he becomes in laying siege to the Town and Castle of Abercon-way c. This is the truth but whether it be the whole truth or not I do more then doubt His suing for and obtaining pardon from the Parliament precedeth in the order of time his being their General and therefore it is not to be thought but that he had done some special service to the Parliament to prepare the way for such a favour Before his commitment to the Tower about the Bishops Protestation he was grown as odious to the Commons as before he had been honoured by them He had liv'd some time with the King at Oxford and is said to have done him good services in Wales and which is most he had a fair temporall Estate able to yeeld some thousands of pounds for Composition in Gold-smiths hall So that there must be somewhat in it more then ordinary which occasioned that he neither came under Fine nor Ransome as the rest of the Kings party did But what that was whether he serv'd them with intelligence when he was at Oxford or by inhibiting his Tenants and Neighbours to pay their accustomed Taxes to the Kings Forces when he liv'd in Wales I determine not Certain it is that before his redintegration with them he had been in a manner besieged in his House of Penrin by the Lord Byron for the prohibiting of sending in such provisions as had been required and that observing with what carelâ—ssenesse the Kings Souldiers did attend that service he caus'd a sally to be made out of the House and slew many of them Upon the merit of which service and the promise of greater it is no wonder if such Ministers and Sollicitors of his as were imploy'd in that businesse compounded for him without fine though not without money That which our Author tells us of his being their General seems to have been fore-signified some five or six years before the siege of Conway Castle For I remember that about such time as he was prisoner in the Tower with the rest of the Bishops his picture was sold commonly in black and white in his Episcopal Roabs with a squaâ—e Cap on his head a Rest in his hand a Musket on his shoulder and a Bandeleir about his neck For which fancy at that time I could learn no reason though he came up to it at the last Fuller This is not Contradictory but Additory to what I have written an Additory only of Suggestions and Suspitions no Probations The Animadvertor's arrow coming off without a Pile when he saith I DETERMINE NOT. I had thought when this DOCTOR CATHEDRAE for Historicall Matters had
Pope Adrian the fourth from paying of Tithes and why p. 283. ¶ 4. their freedome somewhat confined by the Lateran Councell ¶ 5. CLARE HALL founded by Elizabeth Countesse of Clare Hist. of Camb. p. 37. ¶ 41. The Masters Benefactours Bishops c. thereof ibidem anciently called Soler Hall p. 38. ¶ 44. ruinous and lately re-edified ¶ 45. Four hundred pounds worth of timber reported taken from it in these troublesome times which the Authour of this Book will not believe ibid. CLAUDIA mentioned by St. Paul 2. Tim. 4.21 probably a British Convert C. 1. ¶ 9. notwithstanding Parsons his Cavils to the contrary ¶ 10. CLUNIACK Monks being reformed Benedictines b. 6. p. 266. ¶ 2. Elianor COBHAM Dutchess of Glocester accused for a Sorceress by some made a Confessour by M. Fox b. 4. p. 171 c. COIFY a Pagan Priest his remarkable speech C. 7. ¶ 41. COLCHESTER claimeth Constantine to be born therein C. 4. ¶ 18. Augustinean Monks had there their prime residence b. 6. p. 268. ¶ 6. COLLEDGES not in the Universities but for superstitious uses given to the King b. 6. p. 350. ¶ 3 4 5. John COLLET Dean of St. Pauls b. 5. p. 167. ¶ 13. soundeth Pauls School ¶ 14. making the Mercers overseers thereof ¶ 15. out of provident prescience ¶ 16. Tho. COMBER Master of Trinity Colledge in Camb. highly commended by Morinus History of Camb. p. 123. ¶ 20. High COMMISSION arguments for and against it b. 9. p. 183. CONSTANTINE the first Christian Emperour proved a Britan by bâ—rth C. 4. ¶ 15. tâ—e obiections to the contrary answered ¶ 16. richly endoweth the Church ¶ 19. CONSTANTIUS CHLORUS the Roman Emperour and though no Christian a favourer of them C. 4. ¶ 12. buried at York and not in Wales as Florilegus will have it ¶ 13. CONVENTICLE the true meaning thereof b. 9. p. 102. ¶ 4. CONVENTS some generall conformities used in them all b. 6. p. 287 c. CONVOCATIONS three severall sorts of them b. 5. p. 190 191. they complain of erroneous opinions p. 209 210 c. CORPUS CHRISTI COL in Camb. See Bennet Colledge CORPUS CHRISTI COLL. in Oxford founded by Bishop Fox b. 5. p. 166. ¶ 11. called the Colledge of three Languages ibid. the worthies thereof ibid. Masse quickly set up therein in the first of Q. Mary b. 8. p. 8. ¶ 10 11. Dr. John COSEN charged with superstition his due praise b. 11. p. 173. ¶ 34 c. The Scotish COVENANT the form thereof b. 11. p. 201. ¶ 13 c. exceptions to the Preface and six Articles therein 203 204 205 206. never taken by the Authour of this Book p. 206. ¶ 30. Will. COURTNEY Bishop of London his contests about Wickliffe with the Duke of Lancaster b. 4. ¶ 135. ¶ 19. Arch-bishop of Canterbury p. 142. ¶ 24. COURTS SPIRITUALL began in the Reign of King William the first when severed from the Sherifs Courts b. 3. ¶ 10. Their contesting with the Common Law how to be reconciled ¶ 11. Richard COX Dean of Christs Church accused t is hoped unjustly for cancelling Manuscripts in Oxford Library b. 7. p. 392. ¶ 19 20. flies to Frankford in the Reign of Queen Mary b. 8. p. 30. ¶ 3. where he headeth a strong party in defence of the English Liturgie p. 31 32. made Bishop of Ely b. 9. p. 63. his death and Epitaph p. 111. ¶ 34. Thomas CRANMER employed by King Henry to the Pope b. 5. p. 179. ¶ 9. to prove the unlawfulnesse of the Kings marriage ¶ 18. thence sent into Germany ¶ 22. made Arch-bishop of Canterbury against his will ¶ 27. defended against the cavils of Papists and Mr. Prin ¶ 28 c. his death b. 8. p. 203. ¶ 32. CREKELADE or GREEKLADE an ancient place where Greek was professed C. 9. ¶ 29. CROWLAND Monks massacred by the Danes C. 9. ¶ 19. Thomas CROMWELL first known to the World for defending his Mr. Card. Wolsey b. 5. p. 177 ¶ 1. as the Kings Vicar in Spiritualibus presidenteth it in the Convocation p. 206. ¶ 21. falls into the Kâ—ngs dâ—spleasure p. 231. ¶ 20. deservedly envyed ¶ 11. his admâ—rable parts ¶ 22. with the History of his death c. ¶ 23 c. Chancellour of Cambridge Hist. of Cambridge p. 108. ¶ 53. Richard CROMWEL alias Williams Knâ—ghted for his valour at a solemn tilting b. 6. p. 370. ¶ 11. giveth a Diamond Râ—ng in his Crest on an honourable occasion ¶ 12. CUTHBERT Arch-bishop of Canterbury by the Kings leave first brings Bodyes to be buried in the Church b. 2. p. 103. ¶ 27. D. DANES their first arrivall in England B. 2. p. 103. ¶ 29. why their countrâ— â—ormerly so fruitfull is lately so barren of people ¶ 30 31 32. the sad Prognosticks of their coming hither ¶ 33. make an invasion into Lincolnshire C. 9. ¶ 18. massacre the Monks of Crowland C. 9. ¶ 19. and burn the Monastery of Medeshamsted ¶ 20 21. why their fury fell more on Convents then Castles C. 10. ¶ 48. after sixty years absence re-invade England ibidem A dear peace bought with them ¶ 50. to no purpose ¶ 52. their Royall line in England suddenly and strangely extinct C. 11. ¶ 10. no hostile appearance of them in England ¶ 13. Thomas L. DARCY beheaded B. 6. p. 313. ¶ 5. his Extraction vindicated from the causelesse Aspersion of King Henry the eighth page 324 325. John DAVENANT sent by King James to the Synod of Dort B. 10. p. 77. ¶ 63. made Bishop of Salisbury B. 10. p. 91. ¶ 35. questioned for his Sermon at Court B. 11. p. 138. ¶ 14 15. relates all the passages thereof in a Letter to Dr. Ward ¶ 16. his opinion about the suspension of Bishop Goodman p. 170. ¶ 23. his death p. 176. ¶ 53. St. DAVID a great advancer of Monastick life C. 6. ¶ 4. one of his paramount Miracles ¶ 5. St. DAVIDS or Menevia in Wales once an Arch-bishoprick B. 3. p. 24. ¶ 25. contesteth with Canterâ—ury ibidem but is overpowered ¶ 26. DEANES and CHAPTERS defended in the House of Commons by an excellent speech of Doctour Hackets B. 11. p. 177 178 179. Edward DEERING his death and praise B. 9. p. 109. ¶ 22. Sr. Anth. DENNIE his extraction issue death and Epitaph Hist. of Walt. p. 12 13. DERVVIANUS sent by Eleutherius Bishop of Rome to King Lucius to instruct him in Christianity C. 2. ¶ 8. DEVONSHIRE commotion begun out of superstition heightned with cruelty supprest by Gods blessing on the valour of the Lord Russell B. 7. p. 393 394 c. The DIRECTORY compiled by the Assembly of Divines B. 11. p. 221. ¶ 1. commanded by the Parliament ¶ 6. forbidden by the King to be generally used ¶ 7. it and the Liturgy compared together p. 223 224. DISSENTING BRETHREN B. 11. ¶ 35 why departing the Land ¶ 36. kindly entertained in Holland ¶ 37. their chief ground-works ¶ 39 40. manner of Church-service ¶ 41. Schism betwixt
years after p. 147. ¶ 43. PSALMS of David by whom translated into English meeter b. 7. p. 406. ¶ 31. the mean doing thereof endeavoured to be defended ¶ 32. PURGATORY not held in the Popish notion before the Conquest b. 2. p. â— how maintained in the Mungrell Religion under King Henry the eighth b. 5. p. 223. a merry Vision thereof b. 4. p. 107. PURITANS when the word first began in that odious sense b. 9. ¶ 67. vide Non-conformists The Arch-bishop of Spalato the first who abused the word to signifie the Defenders of matters Doctrinall Conformable Puritans by whom complained of b. 11. p. 144. ¶ 31. Q. QUEENS COLL. in Oxford founded by R. Eglesfield b. 3. p. 114 115. QUEENS COLL. in Cambridge founded by Q. Margaret History of Cambridge p. 80. ¶ 31. finished by Q. Elizabeth wife to King Edward the fourth ¶ 33. The Masters Benefactours Bishops ibidem R. READING a pleasant story between the Abbot thereof and King Henry the eighth b. 6. p. 299. ¶ 12 13. RECUSANTS for Papists when the name in England first began b. 9. p. 98. ¶ 29. Our REFORMATION under King Henry the eighth cleared from the aspersion of Schisme b. 5. p. 194 and 195. William REGINALD or Reinolds a zealous Papist his death and character b. 9. p. 224. ¶ 12. John REINOLDS against Conformity in Hampton-Court conference b. 10. p. 7 8 9 c. his death p. 47. ¶ 3. admirable parts and piety p 48. ¶ 5. desireth absolution at his death ¶ 6. RELICTS their abominable superstition and Forgery b. 6. p. 331. ¶ 10 11 c. RENT-CORN by statute reserved to Colledges History of Cambridge p. 144. ¶ 6. procured by Sr. Tho. Smith ¶ 7. to the great profit of both Universities ¶ 8. R. Lord RICH his servants sad mistake b. 7. p. 408. ¶ 40. which cost his master the losse of his Chancellours place ¶ 41. King RICHARD the first endeavoureth to expiate his undutifulnesse by superstition b 3. p. 40. ¶ 8. dearly ransomed p. 44. ¶ 28 29. made better by affliction p. 45. ¶ 30. his death burial and Epitaph ¶ 32 c. King RICHARD the second b. 4. p. 137. ¶ 12. his loose life p. 152. ¶ 51. conspired against by Duke Henry ¶ 52. forced to depose himself or be deposed p. 153. ¶ 53. his death ibid. King RICHARD the third his pompous double Coronation b. 4. p. 196. ¶ 4. barbarously murthered his brothers Sons ¶ 5. endeavoureth in vain to be Popular p. 197. ¶ 6 and 7. unjustly commended by a Modern Writer ¶ 8. beaten and killed in the Battel of Bosworth p. 194. ¶ 14. RIPPON Collegiat Church endowed by King James b. 10. p. 29. ¶ 16. their Land since twice sold ¶ 17. John ROGERS prime Patron of Non-conformity b. 7. p. 402. martyred b. 8. p. 23. ¶ 32. Thomas ROGERS writeth on the Articles of the Church of England b. 9. p. 172. ¶ 22. first opposeth the opinion of the Sabbatarians bitterly enough p. 228. ¶ 22. ROME COLLEDGE for English fugitives b. 9. p. 86. The ROODE what is was and why placed betwixt the Church and Chancell History of Walt. p. 16. in the first item S. The SABBATH the strict keeping thereof revived by Doctour Bound b. 9. p. 227. ¶ 20. learned men divided therein p. 228. ¶ 21 c. liberty given thereon by King James his Proclamation in Lancashire b. 10. p. 74. ¶ 58 59. reasons pro and con whether the same might lawfully be read p. 74. ¶ 56. ministers more frighted then hurt therein p. 76. ¶ 62. no reading of it enforced on them ibidem controversie revived in the Reign of King Charles b. 11. p. 144. ¶ 13 c. SAINTS Numerous and noble amongst the Saxons C. 8. ¶ 6. ridiâ—uously assigned by Papists to the Curing of sundry diseases and patronage of sundry professions b. 6. p. 33. ¶ 13. SAMPSON an ancient British Bishop made fine Tiâ—ulo C. 6. ¶ 9. Thomas SAMPSON Dean of Christ-Church in Oxford the first that I find outed his place for Puritanisme b. 9. p. 77. ¶ 72. Edwin SANDYS Bishop of Worcester b. 9. p. 63. ¶ 31. Arch-bishop of York his death p. 197. ¶ 25. his Sermon before the Duke of Northumberland at Cambridge Hist. of Camâ— p. 131. ¶ 40. his ill usage for the same ¶ 43. SARDIS some representation of the British at the Generall Councill kept therein C. 4. ¶ 20. SARUM secundum usum thereof its originall and occasion b. 3. ¶ 23. William SAWTREE b. 4 p. 156. Articles against him ibidem degraded p. 157. ¶ 5. and the first man burnt for his Religion p. 158. SAXONS the first mention of them in Brit. C. 5. ¶ 9. unadvisedly invited over by King Vortiger ¶ 16. erect seven Kingdomes in Britain ¶ 17. The rabble of their Idols C. 6. ¶ 6. willfully accessorie to their own ruine by the Danes C. 9. ¶ 17. SCHISME unjustly charged on the English Church in their Reformation and returned on Rome b. 5. p. 194. and 195 SCHOOL-MEN nine eminent all of England most of Merton Colledge C. 14. p. 94 95. their needlesse difficulties p. 98. ¶ 24. barbarous Latine ¶ 25. divisions in judgement ¶ 26. why their Learning lesse used in after ages ¶ 28. SCOTLAND challenged by the Pope as his peculiar C. 14. ¶ 1. stoutly denied by the English ¶ 2. SCOTCH Liturgie the whole story thereof b. 11. p. 160. ¶ 95 c. John SCOTUS Erigena his birth-place C. 9. ¶ 32 33 34. miserably murthered by his Scholars ¶ 35. unmartyred by Baronius ¶ 36. causlesly confounded with Duns Scotus ¶ 37. John DUNS SCOTUS why so called C. 14. p. 96. ¶ 19. his birth claimed by three Kingdomes ibidem SEATER a Saxon Idol his shape and Office b. 2. C. 6. ¶ 6. SECULAR Priests their contesting with Monks C. 8. p. 133 134. John SELDEN setteth forth his Book against Tithes b. 10. p. 70. ¶ 39 40. puzleth the Assembly of Divines with his queries b. 11. p. 213. ¶ 54. Richard SENHOUSE preacheth King Charles his Coronation and his own funerall b. 11. ¶ 18. Edward SEIMOUR Duke of Somerset Lord Protectour b. 7. p. 372. ¶ 3. his tripartite accusation p. 407. ¶ 36. imprisoned yet restored p. 408. ¶ 38. afterwards impeached of Treason ¶ 42. and executed p. 409. ¶ 43. unjustly saith a good Authour ¶ 44. though King Edward was possessed of his guiltiness as appeareth by his letter ibidem his character and commendation p. 410. ¶ 45. SIDNEY SUSSEX Colledge founded Hist. of Camb. p. 153. ¶ 23 c. SIGEBERT King of the East-Angles his Religion and Learning C. 7. ¶ 45. reputed founder of the University of Camb. ¶ 46. the Cavils to the contrary answered ¶ 49 c. SIGEBERT the pious King of the East-Saxons C. 7. ¶ 81. SIMON ZELOTES made by Dorotheus to preach in Britain C. 1. ¶ 8. SIVIL COLLEDGE in Spain for English fugitives b. 9. p. 88. Mr. SMARTâ—ernted â—ernted proto-Martyr of England b. 11.
Colledge TRINITY COLL. in Cambridge founded by King Henry the eighth Hist. of Cambridge p. 121. ¶ 17. enriched by Queen Mary p. 122. ¶ 18. and enlarged by Dr. Nevile ¶ 19. the Masters Bâ—shops Benefactours c. thereof ibidem States-men Divines Criticks p. 123. ¶ 20. James TURBER VILL Bishop of Exeter no active persecutor b. 8. S. 2. ¶ 2. findeth fair usage after his deprivation b. 9. ¶ 19. TURNAMENTS their ill effects History of Camb. p. 11. ¶ 39. forbidden within five mile of Camb. ¶ 40 c. Wat TYLER his rebellion b. 4. p. 138. ¶ 18 c. parallelled with Judas of Galilee p. 140. ¶ 21. the Wicklivites defended from having any hand in causing his Rebellion p. 141. ¶ 23. see Jack Straw William TYNDAL his story at large b. 5. p. 224 225. TUYSC a Saxon Idol his shape and office b. 2. C. 6. ¶ 6. William TWISSE prolocutor in the Assembly b. 11. p. 199. ¶ 4. his death p. 213. ¶ 53. V. VALLADOLIT COLL. in Spain for English fugitives b. 9. p. 87. Richard VAUGHAN Bishop of London his death b. 10. p. 49. ¶ 11. Master UDAL King James his letter for him b. 9. p. 203. ¶ 30. arraigned and condemned p. 221. ¶ 1. Richard VINES his argument at Vxbridge treaty to prove the sufficiency of ordination by Presbyters b. 11. p. 215. ¶ 65. Polydore VIRGIL Collector of Peter-Pence in England b. 5. p. 198. ¶ 51. Benefactour to the Church of Wells malefactour to the Church of England ¶ 52 53. Eight forrain UNIVERSITIES conclude it unlawfull to marry a Brothers Wife b. 5. p 183. ¶ 19. UNIVERSITY COLL. in Oxon founded by King Alfred C. 9. ¶ 30. the maintenance paid out of the Kings Exchequer ¶ 38. exhibitions allowed to the Scholars thereof why detained by William the Conqueror b. 3. ¶ 16. re-founded and endowed p. UNIVERSITY Hall in Cambridge founded by Richard Badew Hist. of Cam. p. 37. ¶ 40. burnt down ibidem see Clare Hall Conradus VORSTIUS his dangerous opinions b. 10. p. 60. opposed by King James p. 61. in his letter to the States ¶ 3 c. K. VORTIGER his incestuous match condemned by Germanus C. 5. ¶ 13. calleth in the Saxons ¶ 16. burning in lust is burnt to Ashes ¶ 27. URSULA her fabulous Martyrdome at Colen with 11000. Virgins attending her confuted C. 5. ¶ 21. USURPERS how far they are to be obeyed in the case of King Stephen b. 3. p. 25 26 27. UXBRIDGE treaty the fruitlesse fruits thereof b. 11. p. 214. ¶ 61. Conference about Church-matters therein ¶ 63. c. W. WADHAM COLLEDGE in Oxford founded by Nicholas Wadham b. 10. p. 68. ¶ 29 30. Peter of WAKEFIELD prophesied against K. John b. 3. p. 50. ¶ 12. hanged p. 52. ¶ 16. whether justly or unjustly disputed ibidem WALTHAM ABBEY why so named Hist. of Walt. p. 5. ¶ 2. the scituation thereof ¶ 3. excused for its bad aire p. 6. ¶ 1. the Town first founded by one Tovy ¶ 2. but Abby by Earle Harold ¶ 4. refounded by King Henry the second p. 7. Nicholas abbot of WALTHAM most eminent Hist. of Wal. p. 20. toward the end John de WALTHAM keeper of the privy seale to K. Richard the second Hist. of Wal. p. 30. near the end Roger de WALTHAM a great Scholar Hist. of Wal. p. 20. at the bottome William WARHAM Arch-bishop of Canterbury his death and character b. 5. p. 184 ¶ 26. John WARNER Bishop of Rochester chosen to sollicite the Bps. cause when charged with a premunire b. 11. p. 183. ¶ 7. pleadeth stoutly for their votes in Parliament p. 194. ¶ 25. William WATSON a Secular Priest his notorious railing against the Jesuites b. 10. ¶ 5 6. his Treason against K. James ¶ 14. and silly plea at his Execution ¶ 17. WEASEL the English Exiles under Q. Mary why quickly removing thence b. 8. S. 2. ¶ 41. WELCH two grand mistakes therein b. 11. p. 170. ¶ 21. committed to Welch Bps. to amend it ibidem WESTMINSTER pretends to a Massacre of primitive Monks therein Cent. 4. ¶ 9. a Church therein built by Edward the Confessor said to be consecrated by St. Peter himself C. 11. ¶ 22. five alterations in St. Peters therein within 30. yeares b. 9. p. 70. ¶ 43. Herbert WESTPHALING Bishop of Hereford sâ—â—dome seen to laugh b. 10. ¶ 10. WEST-SAXONS their Kingdome when begun how bounded C. 5. ¶ 17. William WHITACRE Master of St. Johns in Camb. kindly resents are proofe from one of the fellowes Hist of Camb. p. 97. ¶ 18. his sicknesse and death p. 151. ¶ 18. his sad solemn funerall ¶ 19. John WHITE swalloweth Simony to get the Bishoprick of Winchester b. 8. S. 3. ¶ 42. preacheth a satyricall yet flattering Sermon at the Funeralls of Q. Mary ¶ 52. stirred against Q. Eliz. b. 9. ¶ 17. Sr. THO. WHITE Lord Maior of London foundeth St. Ionns Colledge in Ox. b. 8. S. 3. ¶ 44. Iohn WHITGIFT Dr. of D. after much clashing with Mr. Cartwright Hist. of Camb. p. 140. expelleth hâ—m ibid. his Letters when Archb. of Cant. to the L. Burleigh and other Lords in defence of Conformity â— 9. p. 145. c. his death b. 10. p 25. ¶ 2. just defence against the exceptions of Mr Pâ—in ¶ 2 3 4 c. William WHITTINGHAM head of the English non-conformists at Frankford b. 8. S. 2. ¶ 7. with whom he departeth to Geneva ¶ 10. a fierce Non-conformist though Dean of Durham in the beginning of Q. Eliz. b. 9. ¶ 71. John WICKLIFF his parentage learning and opinions b. 4. p. 130. ¶ 3. c. marvelously spread and why p. 142. ¶ 25. his quiet death ¶ 26. Richard WIGHTWICK an eminem Benefactor to Pembrook Colledge in Oxford b. 11. ¶ 41. Edward WIGHTMAN burnt for a Heretick b. 10. p. 64. ¶ 13. WILFRIDE a Champion for the Romish Easter C. 7. ¶ 90. his prevailing argument ¶ 91. envyed by Theodorus Arch-bishop ¶ 97. converteth the South-Saxons ¶ 98 c. persecuted by King Alfride C. 8. ¶ 1. appealeth to Rome ¶ 2. dyeth ¶ 3. WILLIAM the first conquereth King Harold in sight C. 11. ¶ 40. rebateth his conquering sword with composition ¶ 41. calleth a Synod of his Bishops at Winchester b. 3. ¶ 4. is civill to the Pope ¶ 5. yet so as he is true to his own interest ¶ 6. refuseth to do fealty to Pope Gregory the seventh ¶ 7 8. suffers none of his Barons to be excommunicated without his consent ¶ 9. divides the jurisdiction of the Bishops from the Sheriffs ¶ 10 11. quits the Crown by Conquest but kept it by composition ¶ 13. his death and buriall ¶ 25. WILLIAM Rufus crowned b. 11. p. 10. ¶ 27. his covetuousness ¶ 28 29. contests with Anselme p. 11. ¶ 3. John WILLIAMS Bishop of Lincoln made Lord keeper b. 10. p. 89. ¶ 24 25 c. preacheth King James his funerall Sermon b. 11. ¶ 3. exceptions thereat ¶ 4. excluded attendance at the
in the following Parliament we are to follow him to that Parliament for our satisfaction And there we find that Mr. Maynard made a Speech in the Committee of Lords against the Canons made by the Bishops in the last Convocation in which he endeavoured to prove c. Fuller Diogenes being demanded what one should give him to strike on the head as hard as he could Give me sayed he but an Helmet Well fare my Helmet the seasonable interposition of the word ENDEAVOURED which hath secured me from the blowes of the Animadvertor and perchance his hand thereby retunded Besides I have a double Helmet Master now Serjeant Mainard no lesse eminently known for his skill in Law than for his love to the Clergy by pleading so effectually in his success as well as desire for their Tithes Wherefore being weary with this long contest I resolve for a while even to take my naturall rest and will quietly sleep untill Iogged by that which particularly concerneth me Dr. Heylyn Endeavoured to prove that the Clergy had no power to make Canons without common consent in Parliament because in the Saxon's times Lawes and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall had the confirmation of Peers and sometimes of the People to which great Councills our Parliaments do succeed Which Argument if it be of force to prove that the Clergy can make no Canons without consent of the Peers and People in Parliament it must prove also that the Peers and People can make no Statutes without consent of the Clergy in their Convocation My reason is Because such Councels in the times of the Saxons were mixt Assemblies consisting as well of Laicks as of Ecclesiasticks and the matters there concluded on of a mixt nature also Laws being passed as commonly in them in order to the good governance of the Common-wealth as Canons for the regulating such things as concern'd Religion But these great Councels of the Saxons being divided into two parts in the times ensuing the Clergy did their work by themselves without any confirmation from the King or Parliament till the submission of the Clergy to King Henry the Eighth And if the Parliaments did succeed in the place of those great Councells as he saies they did it was because that antiently the Procurators of the Clergy not the Bishops onely had their place in Parliament though neither Peers nor People voted in the Convocations Which being so it is not much to be admired that there was some checking as is said in the second Argument about the disuse of the generall making of such Church-Laws But checking or repining at the proceeding of any Superiour Court makes not the Acts thereof illegall for if it did the Acts of Parliaments themselves would be reputed of no force or illegally made because the Clergy for a long time have checkt and think they have good cause to check for their being excluded Which checking of the Commons appears not onely in those antient Authors which the Gentleman cited but in the Remonstrance tendred by them to King Henry the Eighth exemplified at large in these Animadversions lib. 3. n. 61. But because this being a Record of the Convocation may not come within the walk of a Common Lawyer I shall put him in mind of that memorable passage in the Parliament 51 Edw. 3d. which in brief was this The Commons finding themselves aggrieved as well with certain Constitutions made by the Clergy in their Synods as with some Laws or Ordinances which were lately passed more to the advantage of the Clergy then the Common People put in a Bill to this effect viz. That no Act nor Ordinance should from thenceforth be made or granted on the Petition of the said Clergy without the consent of the Commons and that the said Commons should not be bound in times to come by any Constitutions made by the Clergy of this Realm for their own advantage to which the Commons of this Realm had not given consent The reason of which is this and 't is worth the marking Car eux ne veulent estre obligez a nul de vos Estatuz ne Ordinances faitz sanz leur Assent Because the said Clergy did not think themselves bound as indeed they were not in those times by any Statute Act or Ordinance made without their assent in the Court of Parliament But that which could not be obtain'd by this checking of the Commons in the declining and last times of King Edward 3. was in some part effected by the more vigorous prosecution of King Henry 8. who to satisfie the desires of the Commons in this particular and repress their checkings obtained from the Clergy that they should neither make nor execute any Canons without his consent as before is said so that the Kings power of confirming Canons was grounded on the free and voluntary submission of the Clergy and was not built as the third Argument objecteth on so weak a foundation as the Pope's making Canons by his sole power the Pope not making Canons here nor putting his Prescripts and Letters decretory in the place of Canons but onely as a remedy for some present exigency So that the King's power in this particular not being built upon the Popes as he said it was it may well stand That Kings may make Canons without consent of Parliament though he saith they cannot But whereas it is argued in the fourth place that the clause in the Statute of Submission in which it is said that the Clergy shall not make Canons without the Kings leave doth not imply that by His leave alone they may make them I cannot think that he delivered this for Law and much less for Logick For had this been looked on formerly as a piece of Law the Parliaments would have check'd at it at some time or other and been as sensible of the Kings enchroachments in executing this power without them as antiently some of them had been about the disuse of the like generall consent in the making of them Fuller DORMIT SECURUS Dr. Heylyn Fol. 180. In the next place our Author tells us that Mr. Maynard endeavoured also to prove that these Canons were against the King's Prerogative the Rights Liberties and Properties of the Subject And he saith well that it was endeavoured to be proved and endeavoured onely nothing amounting to a proof being to be found in that which followes It had before been Voted by the House of Commons that the Canons are against fundamentall Laws of this Realm against the Kings Prerogative Property of the Subject the Right of Parliament and do tend to faction and sedition And it was fit that some endeavours should be used to make good the Vote But this being but a generall charge requires a generall answer onely and it shall be this Before the Canons were subscribed they were imparted to the King by the Arch-bishop of Canterbury and by the King communicated to the Lords of the Councill who calling to them the assistance of the Judges and