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A11878 Titles of honor by Iohn Selden Selden, John, 1584-1654. 1614 (1614) STC 22177; ESTC S117085 346,564 474

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Shires and Counties but of Cities and Towns haue been and are as well Creations as the denominations of them Salisburie Chichester Bridgwater Arundel and the like shew it Although as anciently in France I doubt not but with vs heretofore chief Citeis of a Countie haue denominated the Earls which were of the whole Countie But that of Arundel hath been by ancient resolution singled out as it were for a speciall kind of Earldom the honor proceeding more from seisin of the Castle of Arundel then later Creations or Restitutions For although it had a beginning for l Camden in Regnis the ti●le from Maud the Empresse to William de Albineto to whom her son Henry II. gaue the Rape of Arundel Tenendum de eo per seruitium IXXXIV Militum dimid and that Richard I. granted to William sonne to the first William the Castle of Arundel which yet was it seems his enheritance before descended from his mother Adeliza daughter to Godfrey Duke of Lorrain and Brabant cum toto Honore de Arundel tertium Denarium de Placitis de Suffex vnde Comes est yet in Parliament in time of the Fitz-Alans to which noble Family it was transferd by marriage with a femal heire of De Albineto vpon a Petition exhibibited by Iohn Fitz-Alan then Earl it was after deliberation adiudged m Rot. Parl. 11. Hen. 6. art 32. 33. seqq that he should haue place as Possessor of the Castle without other respect Considerato qualitèr Ricardus Filius Alani consanguineus ancestor to Iohn vnus Haeredum Hugonis de Albiniaco the same with de Albineto dudum Comitis Atundel fuit seisitus de Dicto Castro Honore Dominio de Arundel in Dominico suo vt de feodo ratione possessionis suae eorundem Castri Honoris Dominij absque aliqua alia ratione vel Creatione in Comitem fuit Comes Arundel nomen statum Honorem Comitis Arundel necnon locum sedem Comitis Arundel in Parliamento Consilio Regis quandiu vixerat pacificè habuit possedit absque aliqua calumnia reclamatione vel impedimento The Petition was in this form Please au Roi nostre Souerain Seigneur d' accepter vostre humble leige Iohn Count d' Arundel ore present en vostre seruice deins v●stre Roialme de France a son lieu pur seier en v●stre Parlement come en vostre Counseil come Count d' Arundel considerant que ses ancestors Counts d' Arundel seigneurs del Castel Honour seigneurie d' Arundel ont ewe lour lieu a seier en les Parlements conseilx de vos tresnobles progenitors du temps d'ont memorie ne court per reason de la Castel Honour Seigneurie auant dits as quex le dit nom de Count ad este vnie annexe de temps suisdit des queux Castel Honour Seigneurie le dit suppliant est a present seise This was in XI Henry VI. and afterward in XXVII of the same King a great controuersie grew in Parliament about precedence twixt William Earl of Arundel brother of this Iohn and Thomas Earle of Deuonshire The matter after that Act of XI and other profes were produced on both sides was referd to the Iudges of the Common laws But they as the n Rot. Parl. 27. Hen. 6. art 18. Record speaks saien and declaren after their conceits that it is a matter of Parlement longing to the Kings Highnesse and to his Lords Spirituall and Temporall in Parlement by them to be decided and determined How bee it that the said act mencion but only that the said Iohn late Earle of Arundel brother of the said William whos heire he is shuld haue his sete Place and Preeminence in the Kings presence as well in his Parlements and Councells as elswhere as Erle of Arundel as in the same Act more openly hit appereth in which act beth not expressed in writing the heirs of the same late Erle notwithstanding that he was seised and enherited to the Castel Hononr and Lordship of Arundel whereto the said name Estate and Dignity of Erle of Arundel is and of time that no mind is hath bin vnyed and annexed and by that reason he beene and had that name and not by way of Creation as the same Iudges vnderstonde by reason of the same Acte Hereupon the King and the Lords determined that hee should haue his place in Parlament and the Kings Councell as Earle by reason of the Castell Lordship and Honour of Aru●del as Worshipfully so saies the Roll as euer did ony of his Ancestors Erles of Arundel afore this time for him and for his heires for euer more aboue the said Erle of Deuonshire and his heires For Arundel thus much As touching the formalitie of their Creations in the more ancient it seems nothing but a Charter vsually made them with vs. In King Iohns time remembrance is made of the Sword of the Countie Hee at his Coronation accinxit saith Roger of Houeden Willielmum Marescallum gladio Comitatus de Striguil Striguil is in Monmouthshire and from it were the old Earles of Penbroke so calld Gaufridum filium Petri Gladio Comitatus de Essex qui licet anteà vocati essent Comites administrationem suorum Comitatuum habuissent tamen non erant accincti gladio Comitatus ipsi illa die seruierunt ad mensam Regis accincti gladijs This forme hath ancient originall In one of o Variar Form 1. lib. 7. Cassiodor's Precedents for the Dignity of the Comitiua Prouinciae you read Tua Dignitas à terroribus ornatur quae Gladio bellico rebus etiam pacatis accingitur I imagine it was in vse before King Iohn and that it was the proper Inuestiture of that age Houeden speaks not of it as a new inuention And of them what an p Bracton de Rer. diuis lib. 1. cap. 8. §. 2. vide cum lib. 2. c. 16. §. 3. old Lawyer of England neer that time hath I transcribe Reges tales sibi associant ad consulendum Regendum populum Dei ordinantes eos in magno Honore Potestate nomine quando accingunt eos gladijs i. ringis gladiorum Ringae enim dicuntur ex eo quòd Renes gyrant circundant vnde dicitur Accingere gladio tuo c. Et Ringae cingunt renes talium vt custodiant se ab incestu luxuriae quia luxuriosi incestuosi Deo sunt abominabiles Gladius autem significat defensionem Regni Patriae And in most of the ancient Creations in Parlament the girding with a sword is the chief and onely ceremony with the Charter deliuerd So was Edmund q Rot. Parl 36. Ed. 3. memb 4. sonne to Edward III. made Earle of Cambridge and Michael de la Poole * Rot. Parl. 9. Rich. 2. Memb. 5. vnder Richard II. Earle of Suffolk whom the King Gladio cinxit prout decet as the Roll saith and before any of these Hugh
time professe or read it But when Lothar took Amalfi hee there found an old Copie of the Pandects or Digests which hee gaue as a precious Monument to the Pisans hence it was called h U. Ang. Politian lib. 10. Epist. Marquard Breisacio Litera Pisana from whom it hath been since in M. CD XC VI. translated to Florence where in the Dukes Palace it is almost with Religion preserued and neuer brought forth but with Torches Light and other Reuerence Vnder this Emperor Lothar began the Law to be profest at Bologna where i Odofredus apud Sigonium de Regno Italiae lib. 11. et 7. Irner or Werner as Conrad à Lichtenaw calls him first made Glosses on it about the beginning of Fr. Barbarossa in M. C. L. and by the fauor of this Lothar was Bologna vpon the aduise of Irner it seems constituted to bee k Verba Lotharij ap P. Merul. Cosmog part 2. lib. 4. cap. 33. Legum Iuris Schola vna sola And here was the first Time and Place of that Profession in the Western Empire But Iustinian expressely ordaind that none should teach the Ciuill Lawes except l Constit. de Iuris docendi rat §. Haec autem only in Constantinople Rome and Berytus which although Bartol interprets as of necessitie he was driuen to maintain his Profession with Nisi tempore ius Academiae sit quaesitum yet why then was Bologna no place for the Laws vnder Iustinian for they pretend there to haue been as an Vniuersitie from the Grant of Theodosius the yonger in CD XXIII Plainly vnder Iustinian who euer had taught out of one of those three Cities was Denarum librarum * About thirtie pounds of our monie auri poena plectendus and to be banisht out of the Citie where hee durst so professe Neither would the matter of being a Vniuersitie haue helpt it But before Lothar the Gouernment was by the Salique m Sigon de Reg. Ital. 4. et 8. sub A. 1007. Lombardian and Roman Laws the Roman beeing some piece of what had been vsd in Rome euerie one liuing according to either of them as hee would make choise About the same time also the two Bastard brothers by whose worth and of the third Peter Comestor their Mother thought shee should bee sau'd neither would repent but trusted to hir merit in bearing three so famous Gratian a Monk in Bologna and Peter Lombard at Paris one made the Decree the first Volume autorised for Can on Law by Pope Eugenius III and the other the Sentences Such as since haue writen on the Digests 〈◊〉 Code vntill the cleerer light of Learning began mongst our Fathers talk for the most part like Rablais his Bridoye Some most honord of later time that vnderstood their Text and studied the Laws as well because they would curiously know as bee meerely * Continuall Practisers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 haue with iudgment instructed in part of this Purpose The Margine confesses without blushing their and all other mens helps If either Enuie or Ignorance question how I bred from the bottome of Obscuritie and so farre from Court-Custome should dare at these Honors let it know I learn'd long since from a Great Clerk that Robert Bishop of Lincoln vnder Henrie III That there was in Libraries greater aid to the true vnderstanding of Honor and Nobilitie then mongst Gold and Purple outsides Hee beeing demanded by the King Vbi n Io. de Aton in Constit. Othoboni tit de Bonis Intestat verb. Baronum Moraturam didicit quâ Filios Nobilium Procerum Regni quos secum habuerat Domicellos instruxerat cum non de Nobili prosapia sed de simplicibus traxisset originem fertur intrepidè respondisse that hee was taught it in the Courts of greater Princes then the K. of England meaning of those Ancients whose Courts were represented in his Volumes of Storie In Coniectures I durst not bee too bold Where but meer fancie can direct it were ridiculous to regard them but when they seem to offer themselues they deserue the choise of Iudgment That Religious abstinence of the old Iews who referd all such Dignos vindice Nodos as were too difficult for their humanitie to Elias his resolution were good to be proportionably more obseru'd in all Learning especially by those which are and too manie are so vnfortunat in their ghesses that on the apparantly worst of diuers they often insist Malicious Censure I regard not Ingenuous I honor Reader Farewell The summe and first Pages of the Chapters The chiefe Matter only of them the particulars being in the Contents before euery Chapter Of the first Part. CHAP. I. THe beginning of a Monarchie the first King pag. 1 CHAP. II. Difference of King and Emperor and much of them the great Duke or Emperor of Muscouy or Russia pag. 18. CHAP. III. Lord. Lord of Ireland Shah and the like pag. 46. CHAP. IV. Caesar Augustus Pharaoh Most Christian King Catholike King Defender of the Faith and such like pag. 68. CHAP. V. Prester Iohn Cham or Chan. Chaliph Amir Almumenin Of the Alcoran Persian Sophi Schach Xa Saa and the like pa. 85. CHAP. VI. Particular formes of Speaking to or by great Persons Maiesty Speaking in the Abstract or Concret Worship and 〈◊〉 pag. 114 CHAP. VII Annointing of Kings Crowns A disputation against receiued opinion of Crowns Tulipant Crowns of seuerall Princer Scepters Globe and Crosse. Croissant of the Mahumedans pag. 128. Of the second Part. CHAP. 1. PRinces apparant successors Caesar. Rex Romanorum Despot Daulphin Monsieur Etheling Clyto Prince of Wales Pr. of Scotland Infanta Prince of Astura pag. 168. CHAP. II. Dukes Of them Counts and Marquesses as the names were anciently confounded Archduke Coniecture whence the seuerall formes of Crowns for subiect Princes came into these Western parts Dukes in seuerall Nations pag. 182. CHAP. III. Marquesses in seuerall States pag. 209. CHAP. IV. Counts and Earles Graffes pag. 219. CHAP. V. Counts Palatin the speciall beginnings of euery of ours in England pag. 241. CHAP. VI. Viscounts and Vidames pag. 250 CHAP. VII Barons the Notation of the word and its seuerall Notions Thanes Vauasours and diuers like p. 258 CHAP. VIII The beginning of Feuds Of the old Saxon Tenures somewhat pag. 293. CHAP. IX Knights and ancient and later formes of Knighting A Knights Fee and Furniture Ius sigilli Aureorum Annulorum Seales Aides Miles Degrading a Knight pag. 305. CHAP. X. Esquyer Armiger Peeres pag. 340. CHAP. XI Bannerets Baronets Knights of the Bath Of the Collar or the particular Orders of Knighthood with their beginnings and chiefe particulars pag. 352. CHAP. XII Turkish Dignities some of Tartarie Clarissimus Spectabilis Illustris Superillustris Patricij pa. 376. Reader At the end are some Additions which I would haue you read with the context The Pages there noted and the Lines will direct you pag. 387. Then follow I. The Faults of the Print corrected and by them
a truth no more then Eugubin's translation of it into Greek for it was extant only in Latine till that imposture to bee legitimat But Iohn of Sarisbury goes on Annulum quoque per me transmisit aureum smaragdo optimo decoratum quo fieret inuestitura iuris ingerenda h Locus deprauatus forte l. ingrediendae Hberniae Hibernia Idémque adhuc Annulus in i l. Curiali curali archio publico custodiri missus est All this was about II. Hen. II. But nothing was executed Som yeers after Dermut Mac Morrogh K. of Lemster beeing distrest by the K. of Connacht and Orereck M. C. LV. K. of Meth whose wife he had but not against hir will dishonord requested aid of the English and had it and was chiefly restord by the valour of R. Strongbow Earle of Penbroke The Earles Greatnes in litle time within the Isle grew suspicious to K. Henry To auoid that he acknowledged the Dominion of his Conquest in the King who som XVII yeers after the Popes Bull entred the Isle with an armie subdued good part of it and had homage of those petit Princes which retained as afore so after this acknowledgment the name of Kings Yet they were not Ordinati solennitate alicuius Ordinis as the k Apud D. Io. Dauies Regiū apud Hibernos Procuratorem Black book of Christ-Church in Dublin speaks nec Vnctionis sacramento nec Iure haereditario vel aliquâ proprietatis successione sed vi armis quilibet regnum suum obtinuit This K. Henry it seems following the syllables of the Bull and his successors hence titled themselues Lords of Ireland in their stile putting it before Duke of Guienne And in the Annals of Ireland you read Ioannes filius Regis Dominus Hiberniae de Dono patris venit in Hiberniam anno aetatis suae duodecimo which was the XIII yeer from the first entrance of Hen. II. and in l Ex Synod 1. 2. Cassiliens Armach ap Camd. De Pauonum pennis in texendis Coronis Consulas Paschal de Coron lib. 10. c. 13. confirmation of his title Pope Vrban III. sent him a crown of Peacocks feathers As likewise Hen. III. made Prince m Pat. 52. Hen. 3. memb 9. Edward afterward Ed. I. Lord of Ireland How King Iohn had obedience of most of the Princes there and establisht English Laws Officers and such more notes of supreme Maiestie Matthew Paris may best instruct you Plainly although some succeeding Princes wrote themselues but only Lords of Ireland yet their Dominion was meerly Royall They had their Iustices or Custodes or Lord Lieutenants or Deputies as at this day they are called of Ireland which were as Viceroy's by Patent with most large Power delegat in the very rights royall then whom no Lieutenants in Christendome as our most iudicious Antiquary obserues comes neerer Kinglike State And. Richard II. being himself but in Title Dominus yet created n Pat. 9. Rich. 2 Robert of Vere being then Earle of Oxford Duke of Ireland with Commission to execnte most inseparable prerogatiues royall Which had been ridiculous if in substance hee had not been as a most perfect King of it But in later time vnder Henry VIII in a o Stat. Hibern 33. Hen. 8. cap. 1 Parliament held at Dublin Sir Anthony Senitleger then Lord Deputie Forasmuch as the King our most gracious dread Soueraign Lord and his Graces most noble progenitors Kings of England haue been Lords of this land of Ireland hauing all manner Kingly Iurisdiction Power Preheminences and authoritie Royall belonging or appertaining to the Royall estate of maiestie of a King By the name of LORD OF IRELAND where the Kings maiestie and his most noble Progenitors iustly and rightfully were and of right oft to bee Kings of Ireland and so to be reputed taken named called it being further added that through want of vse of the iust title and name diuers attempts of disobedience had been in the Irishry it was enacted that the Kings Highnesse his heirs und successors haue the name stile title and honor of King of this land of Ireland with all manner honors preheminences prerogatiues dignities and other things whatsoeuer they bee to the Maiesty and State of a King Imperiall appertaining or belonging And that his Maiesty bee from henceforth his heires and successors named called accepted reputed and taken to bee Kings of this land of Ireland to haue hold and enioy the said stile title maiestie and honors of K. of Ireland with all manner preheminences prerogatiue dignities and all the premisses vnto the Kings highnesse his heirs and successors for euer as vnited and knit to the Imperiall Crowne of the Realme of England Thus much Pope Paul IV. afterward confirmd to K. Philip and Mary with de Potestatis plenitudine Apostolica autoritate Regnum Hiberniae perpetuò erigimus And in the stile of their Parliaments it was henceforth calld Regnum or Realm being before only Terra Hiherniae Of which enough In origination of our English name Lord whereby we and the Scots stile all such as are of the Greater Nobilitie i. Barons as also Bishops it s not easie to satisfie you In our ancient Saxon it was writen hlaforde and was a relatiue to þeow and ðeow man i. a Seruant or Bondslaue and Tenant not any Title or Dignitie To talk of Allodium or Allodius to this purpose as some do is more then idle It would be neerer our present pronunciation if you drew it from Lars or Lartes for so also is the first case vsed by p Lartes Tolumnius Philippic 9. Cicero an old Tuscan word signifying Prince or such like as a q Ios. Scalig. ad Propert. 4. great man deliuers by coniecture whence you haue Lartem Porsenam and Lartem Tolumnium in Liuy Plutarch and Halicarnasseus and Aremoricus Lars in Ausonius But Lar Lartis saith an old r Tit. Prob. Epit. de Nom. Rat. Roman praenomen est sumptum à Laribus Tuscum autem creditum est praenomen esse It were not much stranger at first sight to suppose this Lar or Lartes to be hether transferd then that Lar should yet remain as I haue seen somwhere noted a word for a chief house about Bayeux in France And many worse etymolegies make their authors proud of them But I know you cannot but laugh at this and I will so with you touching it only as ther is such communitie of name twixt it and our present idiom or rater twixt the Scottish Lairds a degree next beneath Knights among them It was afterward pronounced Lauerd and Louerd as you shall see among other testimonies in this beeing a metricall translation of the first Psalme transcribd out of the whole Psalter so turnd and fairly writen about Edward II. his time as the Character perswades which I haue Some wicked hand by cutting the first Capitall left it thus In Bibliothecâ Bodleianâ Oxonij exemplar Psalmorū huic nostro per
once saw a Petition by a Bishop to Henry v. subscribd with Your Worships Beadsman About the same time a treatise writen of the order of the Coronation hath thus After this the King shall be clothed agen with other clothes and Worshipfully shall go to the Auter of Seynte Edwardes shryne and the King is there calld Worshipfull Prince So the Monk of Bury Dan Lidgat speaking of Henry the fifts commanding him to writ the Troian Warre saith The which emprise anon I ginn shall In his Worship as for memoryall Hee vsually calls him Most worthy or worthy or Noble Prince and Soueraign Lord. And plainly worship is but an abstract from worthy and signifies as estimation properly to wuruld wurþscipe sy he þegen lage wyrþe i. To worlds worship i. in worldly estimation hee shall be in equall degree with a Thane saies a Canon of Canutus his laws speaking of a Priest that liud free from incontinencie and in those so ancient times it was a generall title but according to the person qualified In an old Saxon b Ap. Lambard in Peramb Kant tradition of their Nobilitie Then were the wisest of the people weorþscipeswyrða aelc be his maðe Eorl Ceorl ꝧegn ꝧeoden i. worshipworthy euery one in his Dignitie the Earle and Cheorl Thane Vnderthane So in later times Dukes and Earles haue had Worshipfull and Right worshipfull applied to them An Epitaph c Camden Brit. Edit Anglic. Idiomatis in Reliquijs is at Warwick in S. Maries Church there in part thus Pray Deuoutly for the Soule whom God assoile of one of the most Worshipfull Knights in his daies of manhood cunning RICHARD d Rothomagi fatis concessit A. M.CD.XXXIX BEAVCHAMPE late Earle of Warwick Lord Despenser of Burgaueny and of many other great Lordships whose Body resteth here vnder this Tomb. And his daughter the Countesse of Shrewsbury was buried in S. Faith 's vnder Paules with Here before the Image of Ihesu lieth the Worshipfull and right Noble Lady Margaret Countesse of Shrewsbury c. But now euery Gentleman of better rather richer Rank is saluted Worshipfull And on the other side what now is one of our particular Notes of Maiestie not giuen to any but the supreme I mean Soueraign Lord or Lady hath been anciently bestowed on others The preface and dedication of Alexanders life writen vnder Henry VI. by a Dominican Frier thus speaks To my souerayn Lady benigne and honorable Discrete full of wisdome of Gloucetre Duchesse I symple seruant thogh I be vnable With deuoute hert with all my besynesse Send ioye worschepp welth pess and stabylnesse Betwix you and yowre euere more to leste And so be schad widde w e grace that it neuer breste What that hater of Monarchs Buchanan hath in his malicious dislike of giuing titles and attributes of great honor to Princes I omit and leaue him to his error conuinced by the generall consent and allowance of Antiquitie But touching these it hath been e Christoph. Becman Schediasm Philologic questioned which is the more both elegant and honorable to speak in the Concret or Abstract That is whether to say Serenissime Princeps à te peto or A Serenitate Vestrâ peto And some haue thought the first forme the best because in that the Accidents and Subiects are together exprest in the other the Accidents only being the note of Honor. But howsoeuer for elegancie it seems the Abstract tastes as if it were more honorable For that quality denominats and from it inherent in the Person is the Honor giuen Now as it is inherent and not predicated of the Person its best exprest for its own Essence Neither is it otherwise as Logique teaches properly in any Predicament As Album although in a formall signification of the thing designd it expresse a Certain Ens per se yet as the formall and materiall or connotatiue signification of it is it 's f Aristot. Metaphys 7. cap. 6. text 21. Ens per accidens id est aggregatum quid ex ijs quae diuersis Praedicamentis ponuntur And Albedo is the Ens per se. Then where the quality is neerest to its own single essence exprest that is in the Abstract it seems the Person is with somwhat more honor saluted then if it were only connotatiuè as they call it For Vir excellentissime doth but connotatiuè or by way of consequent speak excellentia as indeed in euery Concret but in like form and by an accidentall consequence is both the ●●cident and the substance But this is a most friuolous disquisition which I had not spoken to if I had not seen it questiond I adde out of the Spanish Pragmatica publisht vnder Philip II. against the multiplicitie of Titles giuen both to the King and other great Men in the yeer 〈◊〉 D. LXXXVI the VIII of October at S. Lawrence that the King there would haue no other title in the beginning of any Letter to him but Senor in the subscription only his name that wrote it in the end of the Letter only God preserue your Catholique Maiestie and the superscription To the King our Lord. The petitions to the Counsells Chanceries and Tribunals might be titled with Most mighty Lord but no more The signing of Letters scedules and such like should bee only with By the King our Lord. Diuers other particulars are in it touching these kind of Titles to Other Great men which in their more due place shall succeed Annointing of Kings How Vnction in Heathenisme was vsd to sanctifie The Old Roman Prouinciall expressing what Kings were to be annointed anciently The vse of Vnction in the Eastern Empire In France Their Oile from Heauen in Britain the first King there annointed by the Pope but a coniecture against the consent of old Monks The Tale of a box of Oile giuen by our Ladie for Vnction of the English Kings to Thomas Becket Crowns and their beginning First vsd only to Gods Whence Corona An examination whether Crowns except only the Cloth Diadem were in more ancient times mongst the Gentiles for Royall distinction and a Conclusion against common opinion A place of Euripides interpreted against the Vulgar and his Scholiast Crown Radiant and the XII beams of the Sunne supposd in Antiquitie A place in Polybius examined Pharaoh's Diadem A passage in Clemens Alexandrinus examined 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 When the Cloth Diadem or Fillet came first to be a Royall Ensigne in Europe White proper to the Kings Diadem Cidaris or Cittaris 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tiara Diadema The Tulipants or Turibants of the Princes of later time in Asia Error of Bodin touching them Hasta pro Diademate The Crown or Diadem in the Roman and Constantinopolitan states Of the Form and Materialls of Crowns somwhat The Duke of Moscouy's Cap. The Radiant Crown of the Duke of Florence The Crown of British English and Scotish Kings The Scepter Caducéus Birds and other things born in the Top of Scepters Eagles vpon
Reguauit sub Ann. Christi M. X. alij haec Malcolmo III. ferunt is sub M. LX. rerum potitus Malcolm II. was no dignitie aboue Knights but only Thanes which it seems were with them as with our Saxons Superioribus seculis saith Buchanan praeter Thanos hoc est prefectos Regionum siue Toparchas Quaestorem rerum Capitalium nullum honoris nomen Equestri ordine altius fuerat quod apud Danos obseruari adhuc audio Som interpret their Thane by quaestor u Hector Boet. hist. Scotic 12. Regius or Steward and deliuer that the chief Steward of Scotland was called Abthan Whereof thus Buchanan also Hic magistratus that is the Great Steward of Scotland census omnes Regios colligit iurisdictionem etiam qualem conuentum praefecti habet ac prorsus idem est cum eo quem Priores Thanum appellabant Atque nunc sermone Anglico patrium superante Regionum Thani plerisque in locis Stuarti vocantur qui illis erat Abthanus nunc Stuartus Scotiae nominatur Paucis in locis vetus Thani nomen adhuc manet So he speaking of Walter nephew to Banquho by his sonne Fleanch created Abthan or great Steward of Scotland by Malcolm III. from whom that Royall name of Steward or Stuart had its origination and began first to be honord with a Crown in their Robert II. the honor of the Office being part alwaies of his birthright who is Prince of Scotland They haue also agreeable with the identitie of Thane and Steward certain Stewarties at this day But the word with them signified questionles as with vs anciently and was of the same Saxon root For their right Scotish or Irish x Sken in Reg. Maiestat lib. 4. cap. 31. called a Thane Tosche and the sonne of a Thane Mac-tosche But after Malcolm his bringing in of Barons Thanes remained as a distinct name of dignitie and vanisht not at the innouation of new honors as at our Norman Conquest In their Statuts of K. William are reckond Comites Barones Thani He raigned about M. C. LXX after Christ. So in the Statuts of his sonne Alexander II. In their laws a Thane was reckond equall with the sonne of an Earle after they had Earles The y Reg. Maiest lib. 4. cap. 36. 38. Cro and the Kelchyn of them were both alike as the Merchet of a Thanes daughter and an Ochern's an Irish or Scotish name of z Stat. Alexand 2. cap. 15. Reg. Maiestat lib. 4. cap. 31. Dignitie exprest by the word Ogetharius also Yet it seems that the Baron and Thane were often and most vsually confounded because where Earles Earles sonnes Thanes Ochierns and the like are distinguisht by their Croes the name of Baron occurrs not The eldest testimonie of this Title with them is in the laws attributed to Malcolm Mac-keneth that is their II. of that name which first deuided as they say the Kingdom into Baronies Dominus Rex Malcolmus the words are dedit distribuit totam Terram Regni Scotiae Hominibus suis Et nihil sibi retinuit nisi Regiam Dignitatem * The Mute Hill of Scone Montem placiti in villa de Scone Et ibi omnes BARONES concesserunt sibi Wardam Releuium de haerede cuiuscuuque Baronis defuncti ad sustentationem Domini Regis And to these Barons with iurisdiction hee granted saith Hector Fossam Furcam i. Pit and Gallowes Whereupon Skene a curious searcher of his own Countrie antiquities of this kind tells vs that In Scotland he is called ane Barronne quha haldis his Landes immediatlye in Cheif of the King and hes power of Pit and Gallows and Infangtheife a Haec n. adiunxit ad Malcolmi leges ijs quae in De Verb. significat habet I. Skene videsis Parl. 6. Iacob 1. cap. 91. leg Malcolm 2. cap. 9. 13. and Outfangtheife The Gallows vnderstand as Ours and for men Theiues and the Pit a place to drown Women Theiues But generalitèr saith he in hoc Regno Barones dicuntur qui tenent terras suas de Rege per seruitium Militare per Albam firmam per Feudi firmam vel alitèr cum Furca fossa nonnunquam generalissimè accipitur pro quolibet domino Proprietario rei Immobilis In which that State well agreed with ours anciently and till of later time it seems euery Lord or small Baron denominated from his possession and iurisdiction came to their Parlament but that was altered as with vs by Henry III. by their Iames b 23 Iacob 1. Parl. cap. 101. A. Chr. 1427. v Parl. II. Iacob 6. cap. 113 Parl. 5. Iacob 6. cap. 275. the first and in steed of them II. Commissaries of euery Shrifdome as our Knights of the Shire sent to the Parlament The Act of this alteration thus speaks at large Item the King with consent of the haill Counsell generallie hes Statute and ordained that the small Baronnes and free tennentes neid not to cum to Parliaments nor generall Councels swa that of ilk Shirefdome their be send chosen at the head Court of the Shirifdome twa or maa wise men after the largenes of the Schirefdome our tane the Schirefdomes of Cl●kmannan and Kinrosse of the quhilkes ane be send of ilk ane of them the quhilk sal be called Comissares of the Schire and be thir Commissares of all the Schires salbe chosen ane wise man and expert called the Common speak●r of the Parliament the quhilke sal propone all and sundrie needis and causes pertaining to the Commounes in the Parliament or generall Councell the quhilkis Commissares sal haue full and haill power of all the laif of the Schirefdome vnder the witnessing of the Scheriffis seale with the seales of diuerse Barrones of the Schire to heare treat and finally to determine all causes to be proponed in Councell or Parliament The quhilkes Comissares and speakers sal haue Costage of them of ilk Schire that awe compeirance in Councel or Parliament and of their rentes ilk pound sal be vtheris fallow to the contribution of the said Costes All Bishoppes Abbots Priors Dukes Erles Lordes of Parliament and Banrents the quhilkes the King will be receiued and summond to Councel and Parltament be his speciall precept So that it seems that before this act euery lesser Baronne and Freeholder was bound to come and assist with his presence at their Parlaments which is confirmd also by other c Parl. 6. Iacob 2. cap. 76. Acts one thus speaking Item the Lords thinkis speedfull that na Freehalder that haldis of the King vnder the some of Twentie Pounds bee constreined to cum to the Parliament or generall Councell as for presence bot gif he be ane Baronne or els be specially of the Kings Commandement warned outher be Offi●●ar or be Writ But vnder Iames IV. d Parl. 6. Iacob 4. cap. 78. it was enacted that na Baronne Freehalder nor Vassal quhilk are within
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Gothofred interprets by Biscuit But I haue not yet perswaded my self to consent with this learn'd Bertrand nor yet to beleeu that I know the true etymon of Bachelor Other coniectures are of it but none that I dare relie on The name is occurring in old Storie as Chiualeirs ieunes Bachelers and Banniers and Bachiliers for Bannerets and Bachelers in Froissart and some passages in Adam Myrimoth and others In no ancient Nation almost hath been wanting some honor proportionable to this of Knighthood Of the Romans and Grecians something alreadie The Carthaginians vsd for euery Militarie voyage to giue him that had gone a t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ring Euery man mongst the Macedonians vntill he had slaine an enemie went girded with a u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Halter And no Scythian x Herodot hist. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aristot. Politic. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cap. 〈◊〉 vbi exempla caete●a might drink of a specially honored cup mongst them vntill hee had embru'd himself in an enemies bloud Next of their Degradation The form of that will best appear in examples First of Sir Andrew Harkley vnder Edward II. made Earl of Carliel and soon turning traytor The King sent his Commission to Sir Anthony Lucy a Knight of that Countrie to arraign him The Acts and words of Sir Anthony in this businesse the rather because the degradation from another Dignitie is included in them out of an old y Fruct Temp. Caxton Ms. English Chronicle I thus transcribe to you The same Andrew was take at Cardoill Carleill and lede vnto the Barre in manner of an Erl worthyly arrayede and with a swerd gert aboute him and hosed and spored Tho spake Sir Antonie in this mannere Sir Andrew quoth he the Kinge dede vnto you much Honor and made you Erle of Cardoill And Thou as a traytor vnto thi Lorde the King laddest his people of this Countrie that should haue holp him at the battaille of Beighland away by the Countrie of Copeland and thorugh the Erldome of Lancaster Wherfore our Lorde the Kinge was scom●ited there of the Scottis thorugh thi tresoun and ●alsenes and if thou haddest come betymes he had hed the maistrye And all that tresoun thou dedest for the somme of Gold and Syluer that thou vnderfeng of Iames Duglas a Scotte the Kinges enemie And our Lord the King is will is that the ordre of Knighthode by the which thou vnderfeng all in honor and in wurshipe oppon thi body ben all brought vnto nought and thi State vndon that other Knights of lower degree now after the be ware the which Lorde hath the auanced hugely in diuerse Countrees of England and all now take ensample by the * Their. here Lorde afterward for to serue Tho commanded he a knaue anoon to hewe of his spores of his heles And after he lete breke the swerd ouer his heed the which the Kinge him gafe to keepe and defende his lande therwith when he made him Erl of Cardoill And after he lete him vnclothe of his Furred Taberd and his hoode and of his furred Cotys and of his gyrdell and when this was done Sir Antonie said him Andrew quoth he now e rt thou no Knight but a knaue And so gaue iudgment on him that hee should be drawn hangd and quarterd and his head set on London Bridge which was executed Walsingham in his Ypodigma remembers this but briefly And one addeth that he was a Th. Auensburie apud Camden in Brigant Calceis Chirothecis exutus also Some difference is in that of Sir Ralph Grey condemnd of Treason by the Earle of Worcester high Constable of England vnder Edward IV at Doncaster The b I. Stow. preamble of the iudgment was thus Sir Ralph Grey for thy treason the King had ordained that thou shouldest haue had thy spurs striken off by the hard heels by the hand of the Master Cooke who is here readie to do as was promised thee at the time that hee took off thy spurrs and said to thee as is accustomed that and thou be not true to the soueraigne Lord hee shall smite off thy spurrs with his Knife hard by the heeles and so shewed him the Master Cook readie to doe his Office with his weapon and his Knife Of this more where wee speak of the Order of the Bath Moreouer Sir Ralph Grey the King had Ordeind here thou mayest see the Kinges of Armes and Heralds and thine own proper coat of armes which they should teare off thy bodie and so shouldst thou as well be degraded of thy Worship Noblesse and Armes as of thy order of Knighthood Also here is another coate of thine Armes reuersed the which thou shouldest haue worne on thy body going to thy death-wards for that belongeth to thee after the law Notwithstanding the disgrading of Knighthood and of thine armes and Noblesse the Ring pardoneth that for thy noble Grandfather who suffered trouble for the Kings m●st noble predecessors And then hee gaue c De Degradatione Militum consulas licet Segarum lib. 2. cap. 4. huc non libuit transferre iudgement on him For a Corollarie to our Knights I adde that of Iehan le Breton in his Chapter De appels de Mayhems speaking thus in the Kings person Ascuns trespasses sont nequedent pluis punnissables sicome trespas fait en temps de peas a Chiualers au a autres gentz Honorables par Ribaus par autres Viles persones en quel cas nous volons que si ribaud soit atteint a la suyte de chescum Chiualer qu'il eit seru par felonie sans desert de Chiualer que le Ribaud perd son poin d' ont il trespassa That a base fellow should loose his hand for striking a Knight excepted in time of Ioustes or Torneaments Of other particular attributes to Knight by reason of distinct orders presently after we haue first spoken somwhat of Esquire That name challenges the next place here although not by precedence yet because it is not so peculiar to certaine time or place as the Orders and no more then the generall name of Knight Escuyer Scutifer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Armiger Attendance by Esquires on the ancient Gaulish Knights Schilpor Shield-knapa Knaue Grand Escuyer Tzaggae Fiue ranks of Esquires When in England it began to be honorarie The Collar of S.S. How Armiger became significant as in our daies Peers Lex terrae and Amittere legem Terrae Exposition of gents de lour Condition in the Statut de Proditoribus Richard Earle of Cornwall brother to Hen. III. would not acknowledge the English Barons his Peers Triall by Peers Amerciament by Peers How a Bishop partakes of the prerogatiues of the greater Nobilitie Pares Curtis Douze pairs du France Their iustitution Patricius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 giuen to Ioseph by the Egyptians CHAP. X. AS most other Dignities had their beginning out of some Officiarie performance
pro corpus humi prosternere antiquitus accipitur vt videre est in Esth. Apoc cap. 13. com 20. Aemilio Probo in Conone alibi Tacitus will enough explane Nec deerat Otho protendens manus adorare vulgum iacere oscula omnia seruilitèr pro Dominatione But the Falling down added to the Adoration was the greatest and the Persian honor vsed towards their Potentats Kings Thence haue you adorari more Persarum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which is exprest by Euripides thus personating Phrygius to Orestes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And Ipse saith Lampridius of Alexand. Seuorus adorari se vetuit that is with the Diuine respect of kissing the hand quum iam caepisset Heliogabalus adorari Regum more Persarum Another of u Trebellius Pollio in 30. Tyrannis videsis Theophil Ad Autolic lib. 1. de adorando Caesare Zenobia Adorata est more Regū Persarū Whence Seneca x De Beneficijs 2. cap. 12. speaking of Caligula's offring his foot to kisse saies he was homo natus in hoc vt mores liberae Ciuitatis Persicâ seruitute mutaret But in Alexanders turning the Grecian libertie into this seruitude Q. Curtiꝰ expresses it by venerari procumbre humi corpus prosternere And therof saith Iustin Retentus est à Macedonibus mos salutandi Regis explosa adoratione Wheras plainly Adoration Salutation with a kisse of the hand is all one in the right sense of the word How much the greatest kind of adoratiō is vsed to the Great Duke of Moscouy the King of Calecut the great Chan the Turk and such more you may easily see in Relatiōs of their States How the Iewish Nation auoided it the story of Haman Mordechai discouers And you may remember y Pet. Vict. Hist. septenarie liure 1. Philip II. of Spain his answer to the Embassadors of Germany reprouing him because he wold haue euery man speak to him kneeling He excused it only lest he being so short his taller subiects should be aboue him But among the Persians z Xenoph. Cyropaed 1. 5. in Agesilao also it was in vse to Kisse at their Farewells as likewise among the a Gen. 31. 28. Iewes And som think that it was as an honor in the Roman state to their women whom their b Plutarch problem Rom. 6. v. cum de virt Mulier Plin. lib. 14. cap. 12. alios kinsmen only not others indifferently as the vse was betwixt Men kist at their salutations although diuers other reasons are deliuered for that matter And when Eumaeus in the fields first saw his yong maister Telemachus newly come home c Odyss 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he met him he kist his head his eyes and both his hands And when the Argonautiques came to Chirons Den to see Achilles Chiron entertaind them and d Orpheus in Argonautic 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 kist euery one of them Where and in other examples it appears that a kisse giuen and taken was accounted as a speaking and mutuall signe of obsequious e v. si vis C. de Domestic l. 1. ibid. DD. vbi ad osculum admitti honos maximus or peacefull loue according to the qualitie of the Persons receiuing and giuing And in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is both to loue and to kisse as it is also to this purpose obserued I remember somewhere in Xenophon So I vnderstand Laban's kissing of Iacob and Esan's also although a Iewish f Rabbi Ianna ap Buxtorf Thesaur Gram. 1. cap. 5. fable supposes that he fell on Iacob to bite him and that Iacobs neck presently became as hard as marble and so resisted his teeth In like manner vnderstand that of the g D. Luc. 7. com 45. Euangelist Thou gauest me no kisse but shee from the time I came to her ceased not from kissing my feet and sufficient analogie is twixt this kind and the Holy Kisse or Kisse of Charity in the Primitiue Church which is spoken of in the holy Epistles and with which Christians after * Tertullian lib. de Orat. Origen lib. 10. in Epist ad Rom. c. 16. their solemn prayers vsed to salute each other In the storie also of Thomas of Canterburie vnder our Henry I 〈◊〉 soft as elswhere occurres the receiuing him in Osculo Pacis It hath been vsed to the Feet in Homages done vpon inuestitures as you may h Ms. vet apud Camd. vide G. Gemiticens lib. 2. cap. 17. De fide data osculo libato porrectâ dextrâ vide Suid. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 see in that of Rollo or Robert first Duke of Normandie receiuing the Dutchy from Charles the simple and such more Hence at this day it so farre continues that when the Tenant doth Homage to his Lord or King he is among other ceremonies to kisse him whereupon in time of Henry VI. a great plague i Rot. Parl. 18. Hen. 6. artic 5● being about London a peticion was put vp in Parliament desiring the King for his owne preseruation To ordain and grant so are the words of the Roll by the autoritie of this present Parliament that eueriche of your said lieges in the doing of their said Homage may omit the said Kissing of you and be excused thereof at your will the Homage being of the same force as though they kissed you and haue their letters of doing of their Homage the kissing of you omitted notwithstanding and the subscription is Le Roy le voet as the vsuall words of his consent are And for the subiects to kisse their King I read k R. Abenezra ap Drus. Obseru 2. cap. 16. it was vsuall in India whereas on the other side those of Numidia more gentis suae nulli mortalium osculum ferebant Which my l Ualer Max. l b. 2. cap. 6. autor commends in them and giues this his reason Quicquid n. in excelso fastigio positum est humili trita consuetudine quo sit venerabilius vacuum esse conuenit But of Kissing too much It must be then concluded that to such Princes as haue their own right next vnder God as our Soueraigns and diuers other may well be challenged with respect to what they Rule any Title that the Emperors haue had to expresse them as Monarchs or great Potentats those other Kings hauing their Monarchies regarding the particular libertie of euery ones Country as in supreme and sure right 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 m Aristot. Politic 3. cap. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. by reason of their lawfull succession as any Emperor possibly could haue The Latin Greek and the chief Eastern tongues for KING are before mentioned In the Prouinciall languages or Romances as the French and Spanish are called I l Re Roy Re are plainly from Rex But the Dutch Danish and English word Coning Konig
or King which is but a contraction of the first is of a particular notation and by originall of its own It signifies Mightie or Potent not so much Wise or Valiant as some will Who sees it not in our common word Can for Posse So that Coning or King is literally Dynastes Hence some will haue our word Queen for the Kings wife as contracted of Konigin or Cunigine which would be strange in her if it be interpreted Stout or Valiant words rarely applied to that Sex I rather ghesse it from Quen which by pronunciation became Queen Quen interprets a Companion and is the same with Comes Take for it this testimony out of an old n Siperis de Vineaux chez Claud. Fauchet en l'orig dez Dign 2. c. 5. Romaunt Le Conte de Lancastre qui et a nom Henri Met a conseil le Conte qu' on dit de Warwic Sire Quens dites moi per Dieu ie vos en pri c. And who knows not that in our French statutes our Queens are ordinarily calld Le compagnon nostre seignior le Roy or Companie as it is in Britton and somtimes in Latine Consors nostra And in the Ciuill law the Empresses are Consortes Augusti Agreeing with this exactly is the old Dutch wherein o Vulcan in specim ling. septent pag. 65. 66. Gomman and Quena are Man and Wife A word somwhat neer among our ancient Britons signified King or some such like I meane Cuno beeing so often in their and the Gaulish Kings names as in Cunobelin Cuneglas Cyngetorix Cunedage Congolitan which occurre in Caesar Tacitus Dio Polybius and others and Cynoc in British so most learned Camden teaches mee is Chief or Principall But their speciall word for King is Brennin or Uhrennin In old Indian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was a King if you beleeu some p Io. Tzetz in Chiliad Mes. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Grammarians thence deriuing Dionysius that is Bacchus from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But I remember the Phoenix q Scalig. animaduers in Eu-Euseb pag. 41. of learned men slights it as a toy of Daring grammaticasters as questionles he might well In the Ionique 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whence Lycophron calls Iupiter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and r Is. Tzetz ad Lycropron Hipponax 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Lybians if you credit s Scholiast Pindar Pythionic 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Herodot 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 autoritie vsed for him the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the holy tongue of the Aegyptians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 exprest this Title as t Manetho apud Ioseph adu App. 1. some say In Ethiopian Negush In Turkish and Persian Padescha In Slauonique n Cral and the Queen Cralna which the Polonians call Crol and Crolna Whence the later Greeks haue x Georg. Acropolit Chron. Constant ad illum Theodorus Douza 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the King of Seruia and Hungarie and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for Queen Title of Dominus or Lord prohibited by some Emperors Dominus and Rex vsed in ordinary salutations First Emperor that permitted himselfe to be called Dominus First that writ himself so in his Coins 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Amera Maranatha A Iewish sect allowing Dominus to none but the Almightie A coniecturall reason of their error Adonai The Tetragrammaton name of God when and how it was spoken amongst the Iewes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 absolutely Signior and Senior for Dominus or a superior Gouerner Alsheich and Sheich among the Arabians The Persian Schach and Saa Dominus Spanish Don. Punique in Plautus amended The Phoenician Syrian and Graecian Salutations or Farewells Women called Dominae after XIV How Female-heirs were wont to be in Ward in England Lord of Ireland how it began in our Soueraigns Ancestors Pope Hadrians letter to Hen. II. about Ireland Constantins Donation to the See of Rome A Ring se●● to Hen. II. as token of inuestiture in Ireland The Petit Kings of Ireland anciently A Crown of Peacocks feathers to Prince Iohn beeing Lord of Ireland The Dominion of Ireland anciently Royall The Act which alterd the title of Lord into King Lord whence its originall Lar and Lartes Lauerd Louerd An essay of a very ancient rythmicall translation of the Psalmes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Truchtin Milordi The name of Gods to Princes Antiochus his spoyling the Iewes Bibles wich Baconbroth The name of God impiously giuen to and taken by Princes Swearing by Princes and by their Genius and by their Maiesty and that among Christians Punishments of Periurie committed on the Kings name Names of Idols in Princes and Great mens names Nergal Siris Nilus Cosmas a Patriarch swearing by his own name Names of great men not communicated to the baser multitude Alexanders name by his request imposed on all the Priests children for one yeer CHAP. III. For increase of Titulary Maiestie other attributes were anciently giuen to Supreme Princes which you may call Essentiall names as the other before spoken of These were chiefly Domini and Dij Lords and Gods which by participation were communicated also to their Magistrats and priuat mens Greatnes That Sesosis King a Diodor. Sicul. Piblioth a. of Egypt on his columnes inscribed with King of Kings Lord of Lords to himself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a title too high for humanitie and proper b D. Paul ad Tit. c. 6. com 25. indeed to the Great and Almightie King of Heauen The Roman Octauian vtterly refusd the name of Dominus or Lord. Domini Appellationem saith Sueton vt maledictum opprobrium semper exhorruit Cum spectante eo ludos pronunciatum esset in Mimo O DOMINVM AEQVVMET BONVM vniversi quasi de ipso dictum exultantes comprobassent Statim manu vultúque indecoras adulationes repressit insequenti die grauissme corripuit edicto DOMINVM QVE se posthac appellari ne à liberis quidem aut nepotibus suis vel serio vel ioco passus est atque haiusmodi blanditias etiam inter ipsos prohibuit For it was vsuall especially somwhat after Augustus to salute ordinarily each other with the flattering language of Lord and King as diuers places of Martial make apparant Take this one c Martial Epig 68. lib. 2. idē l. 1. Epig. 113. l. 4. Epig. 84. c. to Olus Quòd te nomine iam tuo saluto Quem Regem Dominum prius vocabam Ne me dixeris esse contumacem Tiberius would not endure this Title neither not so much as in common salutation Whereupon that Noble d Tacit. Annal. Historian and Statesman obserues vnde Augusta lubrica oratio sub Principe qui libertatem metuebat adulationē oderat And of Domitian sings one e Papinius Syluar I. in K. Decemb. of his time
adhuc Dominus At vbi vniuersa perfecit ipsúmque vel maximè Hominem qui propriè Dominum intellecturus erat Dominus cognominatur For indeed it is true that vntill Genes 11. com 4. after the Creation perfit the Tetragrammaton is not added to Elohim but there first occurres 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which they read Adonai Elohim i. The Lord God As also from the Ebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the b Psal. 20 Arabic Arabique vses for it Alrabbu i. Lord or Prince Considering then their Iewish superstitions and how curious in ceremonies syllables titles words defectiue either in point or letter they were you may with probabilitie coniecture that here was the ground of that Galilaean sect thinking it not fit perhaps to stile any Mortall by that Honorary title by any other then which the greatest Dreadfull and c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ineffabile passim dictum v. Apocalyps 19. com 12. vnspeakable name of the CREATOR was neuer openly expressed Manifestè dixerunt sapientes saith d More Nebuch part 1. cap. 60. Rambam quod istud nomen separatum that is Semhammephoras i. nomen explicatum aut separatum as they vsually call the Tetragrammaton quod est quatuor literarum ipsum solummodo est significatiuum substantiae Creatoris sine participatione cuiuslibet alterius rei And 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith a later e Cantacuzen Apolog. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aduers Mahomet Grecian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. indefinitly or absolutely the name of Lord is only due to God but Man hath it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. With some particular addition of Person or place In regard of which hee is so Titled But now and from ancient time without scruple not Kings only but their Nobles subiects are vsually saluted and written with the attribute of Lord or Dominus Yet not so much as it is a relatiue to interest of Property much lesse to seruitude but in a notion whereby it interprets a Superior Ruler or Gouernor For we see that in Italian French and Spanish it is turned Signior Seignior Sennor which are words in Dominij ac principatus significatione vsurpato nimirum as one a Marian. hist. Hisp. 5. cap. 11. in Constit. Feud 1. Tit. 27. Seniores pro Dominis vti iure nostro saies seniores imperare equum est vnde consequenti tempore tum in monimentis Hespaniae tum in Conciliorum actis praesertim quae Caroli Magni aetate in Gallia habita sunt Domini ac Principes Seniores nuncupari caeperunt So the Iewish Sanedrim were called b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Seniores or Elders and Abrahams chiefe seruant c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gen. 24. com 2. the elder of his house And the Arabians d Mahumed Ben-Dauid in Alagsarumit ibid. P. Kirsten haue their title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Alsheich Shah or Shach i. Senior or Elder for men it seems of the better Condition and the Epistles of S. Iohn publisht by that learned linguist Mr. Bedwell out of an ancient Arabique copie haue that word for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. The Elder It is attributed to their Princes and great Lords Schachi apellatio saith f Pandect Turcic cap. 81. Leunclauius vel Regum vel magnorum est Principum praesertim apud Persas sicut apud Hispanos Doni vocabulum in usu est The present Sophi is called Schah Abas i. Lord or Signior Abas So Thamas and others before him haue been titled It is the same with Saa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 occurring in som Greek g Agathias hist. 4. cui Vararanes Rex 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Persicè dictus i. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 passages of the Persian State and hath like signification with them so the incomparable Ioseph Scaliger h Canon Isagog lib. 3. instructs as Monsieur or Seignior are with Europaeans or Domnus mongst Writers of middle times which is vsed often in Cassiodore and such more corrupted from Dominus and is in different copies frequently so writen Of Pipin K. of France saith k Landulph Sagax Miscell hist. 22. one of them Primus erat in omnium dispositione rerum gentis Francorum quibus videlicet olim moris erat Domnum i. Regem secundum genus principari And the Empresse by Oppian in his Cynegeticon to Antoninus is in like form corruptly stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 CEB is often in Coins of Seuerus which remains almost yet in the Italian Donna i. Lady or Mistresse But whether the Spanish Don haue hence its original or from Adonai perhaps deriu'd through the Maurish Arabique into Spain I doubt The communitie of the ancient African with Ebrew or Phoenician is known to the learned as also that the Prouincial Spanish is exceedingly mixt with that African Arabique which the Maures vse and I haue read the censure of a most iudicious linguist that the fourth part at least of it is Maurish Arabique which hath its chief root in Punique or Ebrew Now the Punique or Phoenician Salutation was with the word Donni doubtles from Adon or Adoni as appears if no more autoritie were in Plautus his Poenulus AG. Saluta hunc rursus Punicè verbis meis Mi. Ano Donni hic mihi tibi inquit verbis suis. Where note by the way you must read Auo or Hauo Donni i. Viue or Salue Domine from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is Viue and remains almost in the Latine Haue vsed in salutarion and by corruption its likely they pronounc't it Haudoni as in some copies it is whence that m Antholog lib. 3. cap. 25. Epigram vpon Meleager expressing the seuerall formes of Salutations or Farewells of the Syrians or Ebrewes Phoenicians and Greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Pax tibi Ebraeis vsitatissimum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is corrected by the diuine o In not ad Beros alior fragmenta Scaliger reading for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 made of Audoni or Hauo donni Obserue withall the agreement of the Phoenician and Punique salutations with the Roman and later Grecian Of the Romans somwhat in that kind is before And I remember Seneca somwhere notes that such whose names occurd not were vsually called Domini for the later Grecians the Epigram of Pallada p Antholog 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cap. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shall serue where he saies that if his friend receiue any thing of him he presently stiles him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Domine frater but if nothing then frater only but saith hee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. I will none of the DOMINE for I haue nothing to bestow The conceit failing if you strip it out of its own tongue As men Domini so were women after XIV yeers of q Epictet Enchirid cap. 62.
simile coaetaneum nec tamen mancum ni fallat memoria extat imperfect I a Hely ely beerne that nought is gan ... In the red of wicked man And in strete of Sinfull noght he stode ......... of Scorne vngode II Bot in the lagh of Louerd his wil be ai And his lagh think he night and day III And al his lif swa sal it be As it fares be a tre That streme of water sētt is nere That gifes his fruit in tyme of yere And lefe of him to dreue noght sal What swa he dos sal soundfull al. IV Noght swa wicked men noght swa Botals dust that wind the erthe tas fra V And therfor wick in dome noght rise Ne sinfull in rede of rightwise VI For Louerd of rightwise wot the way And gate of wick forworth sal ay Gloria Patri Blisse to Fader and to the Sone And to the holy Gast with them one Al 's first was is and ay sal be In werld of werldes vnto the thre and in the xv Psalme I Louerd who in thi b Tilt for Tent. Teld who sal wun In thi heli hille or who rest mun II He that incomes c Spotlesse wemles And euer wirkes rightwisenesse The more willingly I inserted them also that by this occasion you might tast an essay of our Ancestors neatnes in their holy meeters which howsoeuer abounding with libertie and the character of their times yet haue I confesse my admiration Lauerd and Louerd indifferently occurre in old Robert of Glocester But note in the more ancient English Saxon or Dutch not hlaforde is vsd for Dominus where Dominus is attributed to the Almighty But vsually Drihten or Truchtin being the same words varied as d Legib. Aluredi Drihten waes spraeen ðaes words to Moyse i. The Lord spake these words to Moises And e Vulcan in Specim Ling. Giwihit si Truchtin Gat Israelo i. Blessed be the Lord God of Israel and in our Ladies Magnificat Mikkilso min Sela truchtin i. My soule doth magnifie the Lord. Now sith this Truchtin seems to haue somwhat of Truth or Faith in it and that Loof or Loef in old Saxon or Dutch signifies Faith also as one of that Country f I. Goropius Hieroglyphic 8. phantastiquely rauisht with the word to other purposes tells me could I assume liberty as he doth in deriuation I might with casting about frame the nature of Feuds or Patronage which consist in mutuall faith twixt the tenant or client and Lord or Patron out of the word But I will not nor dare I. One g Verstegan cap. 10. deriues it from hlafe-afford as if it were essentiall to the name that he which bears it should be a lafe lofe or Breadgiuer and so Lady from hlafe-die i. a Bread seruer or diuider referring his conceit to ancient now worn out hospitality That satisfies mee not if it do you then will you lesse impute to my ignorance that I haue not here furnisht my self with any probable origination In these and the like where I see no better ground for certainty of coniecture I abstain from further inquiry By reason of this word Lord which particularly applied wee make My Lord diuers outlandish writers call our Noblemen Milords and Milortes the ridiculous vse proceeding from their ignorance of our language It s no where so frequent as in the Epistles of that Spaniard Anthony Perez to the late Earle of Essex Touching the name of Dominus Lord and Signior hitherto That of Dij or Gods plurally attributed to Great Princes none that hath read the old Testament can not but know Yet good h Cyrill aduers. Iulian. lib. 8. autority makes in most of those passages to be rather noted the generall dignity of Mankind then titular supremacie of Princes It were hard to endure such impious flatterie as to giue them the name as it is truly significant as the dissembling and vnconstant Samaritans did to Antiochus Epiphanes Ioseph Archaeolog 12. cap. 7. lib. 19. cap. 7. de Herode stiling him in their Epistles God who pad indeed to his vtmost profaned the holy Temple of the true God most cruelly handled the Iewes and in k Diodor. Sicul. in excerpt apud Photium contempt of their law and Diuinitie compeld them eat Hogs flesh against their institution and with the liquor straind wherein it was boiled daubd and abusd as many of their Bibles as his wickednes could light on So the base-minded Iewes with acclamations affirmd Herod Agrippa no longer Man but a Deitie a touch whereof S. l Act. Apost 12. com 22. Luke hath The Persian Kings title challenged as much to him in m Amm. Marcellin hist. 17. that Rex Regum Sapor Particeps syderum Frater Solis Lunae Constantio Caesari Fratri meo salutem plurimam dico And that Rutilian Mezentius commanded n Cato in Orig. ap Macrob. Sat. 3. cap. 5. his subiects to offer to him all such sacrifices as they had destinat to the Gods thinking indeed that no Deitie was aboue himselfe whence he is titled Contemptor Diuûm in Virgil. To these like may be added of the Roman Emperors made or accounted Gods in their life time for of their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 after their death nothing belongs here to vs as Augustus and diuers worse after him and that of Belus Is. Tzetz ad Lycophron Io. Tzetz Chiliad 139. remembred in the first chapter with much such more among the Grecians where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signified both Gods and Kings And Alexander you know wold needs bee Iupiter Hammons sonne and so had his picture made with Rammes horns like Iupiter Hammons Statue as scorning mortall progenitors But for all these and the like a most learned and ancient p Tertullian Apologetic c. 33. Father thus Non Deum Imperatorem dicam vel quia mentiri nescio vel quia illum deri 〈…〉 ere non audeo vel quia nec ipse se Deum volet dici si homo sit Interest Homini Deo cedere Satis habeat appellari Imperator Grande hoc nomen est quod à Deo Traditur Negat illum Imperatorem qui Deum dicit Nisi homo sit non est Imperator And in their Trium 〈…〉 hs a solemn admonition alwayes was to the Emperor Memento te Hominem esse which great q Aelian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 9. c. 15. Philip of Macedon had euery morning remembred to him before he admitted any but him only whose office this was to his presence And Tertullian speaking of those passages where mortalls are stiled Gods addes r Aduers Marcion lib. 1. that also ipsa idola Gentium Dei vulgò sed Deus nemo ea re qua Deus dicitur But as the supremacie of Princes and their Gouernment is delegat from the Highest their iudgements being also called His so in a generall name are they titled
is renewd and vsed and in the very infancie of their rule was affected by them It s iustified by this imperfect title of Orchan Giazi sonne to the first Othoman his Letters to the States of the e Adam Myrimuth Chronic. Angl. Ms. Saracens in Afrique and Spain for their innasion of the Christian Spain writen about M. CCC XL. and translated by a Captiue Saracen into Latin and thence into Spanish and afterward into French sent in certain Letters of State intelligence to our K. Edward III. I will not alter a letter otherwise then my Ms. author directs me De moy GOLDIFA vn ley EXERIF SAVDAN seignior sages fort puissant Seignior de la mesen de Mek du seint hautesse en la sue saint vertu fesant Iustices hauts basses constreignant sur toux constreignants seignior du Railm di Turky de Percye retenour des terres de Hermenye seignior de la * 〈◊〉 Dobble de les dobbles de la mere meruailouse per ceinor de les febles ore auutz en laseint ley Mahomet seignior de la fort espee de Elias de Dauid que tua my book instructs me no further but is here torn But without doubt that Goldifa is but Chalipha How easily the difference comes any man may see I haue faithfully transcribd it but confesse I vnderstand not all the words in it The matter is apparant The word Chaliph is deriud into Arabique from the Ebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which with difference of dialect is the same in Syriaque and properly signifies vice or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For where in S. Matthew cap. 11. it is rememberd that Archelaus reigned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. in stead of Herod the Syriaque hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chealaph Herodes In Arabisme it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chaliph i. saith Raphalengius Successor Vicarius Imperator And the Persian Sophi hath vsd this title The first Schach Ismael on one side of his Coins had stampt Ismael Caliph Millah i. Ismael the successor or Vicar of God Why in those letters he is calld Un ley exarif I wholly conceiue not But plainly that of Exarif is the title of Xeriph or Sheriph which is somtimes put in their stiles Notum saith the painfull and learned a Pandect cap. 3. Leunclaw quanto sint apud Mahumetanos in honore qui recta linea tam a Propheta Mahumete quod ab Ali Mahumetis genero descendunt aut se fingunt descendere Hi Turcis Tartarisque SEITHI vulgo dicuntur Arabibus autem SERIPHAE quos maximâ sane veneratione atque obseruantia quum prosequantur etiam ipsi Sultani SERIPHARVM b Idem est quod Iariffe in Litt. Imperatoris Maroci Hispanicè editis ab Hackluito Tom. 2. part 2. pag. 118. 119. adpellatione velut Augustiores se reddere volunt The word interprets High or Noble The late publisht Lexicon thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sheriphun Celsus llustris inclytus nobilis Augustus But to make Seriph equiualent in analogie with Syncellus which was the next degree in Constantinople to the Patriarch and to haue like regard to Chaliph as some haue done is but I think a piece of Graecian vanitie The name Saudan is there what elswhere is often Soldan but should be prorounced Sultan And the Grand Signior is somtimes stiled Sultan Olem i. Lord of the World But Sultan is vsually in his stile and signifies only Dominus most properly c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Eccles. cap. 8. com 4 est potentia siue Dominiū â 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Dominari Com. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Potens siue Dominus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sultan i. Rector or Dominus And as in Rome the Salutations were by Domine so in Turkey they say Sellam aleich Sultanu i. Peace be to you Sir as Georgiuitz deliuers The word occurres in Writers both Greek and Latine of later times very often The Latins haue it Saladinus somtimes In Letters from Selim the II. to the state of Venice sent about M. D. LXX of Christ and written in most barbarous a Crus Turco-Graec lib. 4. Epist 60. Greek thus is he stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with a large reckoning vp of Prouinces and Dominions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Sultan Selim Prince of Constantinople New Rome c. Lord and King of what is comprehended in our sight vnder the Sunne That Aphentes is but a corrupted word from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which the later Grecians call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. a Lord or such like their custom being vsuall in proper names and diuers other words to make the termination in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Letters lately sent from Achmet the now Grand Signior to the States of the Low Countries he is only stiled Sultan Achmet Cham as the English Copie speaks and in their Coins the attribute of Honor is Sultan only But most commonly their Titles were wont to bee exceeding copious of attributes with which or the like they now vse to ouer-load those Princes to whom they write whereof in the end of this Chapter more To Selim the first his statue in his sonne Solymans Bed-chamber was added b Lonicer Chronic. Tom. 1. lib. 1. an inscription thus exprest in Latine Soldanus Selimus Ottomanus Rex Regum Dominus Omnium Dominorum Princeps omnium Principum Filius Nepos Dei But Sultan is not proper solely to the Grand Signior As most of the other names and the like in other States it is communicated Hee stiles himself somtime Amir also i. a Lord or Prince In Arabisme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I know this is oft giuen most anciently to Chaliphs and Lieutenants and such like and is at this day to others Of c Vide supra pag. 49. Et cap. vlt. lib. secundi Amirs more anon But it being put with the maiestique addition of Great only signifies the Grand Signior A Persian and a Mahumedan d Sampsat Sphach Musulman Epist. ad Melet. Monachum liuing neer the beginning of the Ottomanique Empire calls all Turkey * i. The Country of the Great Amir 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 alone is found in the Lady Anne hir Alexias Phranzes and such more and Cedren speaking of Abubachar the first successor of Mahumed saies that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. He was Amir 11. yeers and a half and then died At this name Matthew Paris ghest in his Admirabiles other in their Admiralli Ammiralli and the like which the autors of the holy warres are full of Admiraulx as De Ionuille alwayes cals them But the most ancient and proper title they vsd is with addition thus Amir-elmumunin i. Rex Orthodoxorum or Fidelium which the Arabique thus expresses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the same sound and sense And Mahumed in the Alcoran is often calld the chief of the Beleeuers And where Beniamin
speciall ancient Doctors be thereby vnderstood But all of that Alian Sect are so hated by the Othomaniques rhat their Turkish Muftis that is their Patriarchs or Archbishops haue deliuerd that its more meritorious in Mahumedisme to kill one Persian then threescore and ten Christians From that Schach Sophi through diuers descents came one Haidar Prince of Erdebill liuing about M. D. of the only Sauior and taught his ancestors new dogmaticalls shewing withall the Othomanique heresies Vpon the new doctrine as it happens great conflux was to the new Doctor who grew so farre into opinion which creats greatnes that Vsun Chasan then King of Persia gaue him in marriage his daughter Martha descended out of the Greek house of the Commnens Kings of Trapezond By Martha Haidar had a sonne namd Ismael Vsun Chasan left his sonne Iacupheg or Sultan Iacup as hee is calld his successor Iacup began much to suspect his brother in law Haidar's sonne and his multitude of followers To preuent further danger put him to death His nephew Ismael hardly escapt him but fled with his mother to his fathers friend one Pircul a Lord of great rank about the Caspian Sea The Turks call it Culzum Denizi i. the close or shut Sea it s vsually in our Charts Mar de Bachu and there had his education according to his fathers Religion Sultan Iacup the King was poisoned by his wife Aluan or Almut as some call him succeeding Ismael now pretended the challenge of his fathers estate place and his own inheritance inuaded part of Persia had the day against Aluan slew him put his brother and successor Amurad Chan to flight and vpon his death got the Persian Empire to himself To him beeing thus one of their Sophilar a Sect comming from that Scach Sophi and descended from both Ali und the Schach Sophi first autor of the Sect ab Osmanidis saith my p Leunclau Pandect Turcic cap. 81. 188. Circa A. D. M. D. XX. Nec tn Pandectis acquiescas nisi optimi Viri etiam Historiā Musulmannicam inspicias lib. 16. autor SOPHI cognomentum KISELIS BASSAE per ignominiam fuit inditum a SOPHI Arabica voce quae Lanam signisicat Quippe cum Mahumetani presertim Osmanici more veteri Tulipanto lineo subtilissimi operis caput inuoluant noua isthaec Sophilariorum religio praecipit inter alia ne caput fastu quodam lineis eiusmodi spiris ornetur sed vt tegumenta Capitum è Lana non magni re pretij conficiantur Et qnia laneum hoc tegumentum capitis quo praeter aliorum Mahumetanorum morem hi nunc vtuntur plicas habet duodecim Arabica vox Enasser I think he should rather haue said Etzenaser duodecim significat etiam aliud nomen Enasserlariorum consequuti sunt ac si Graeco vocabulo dicas Dodecaptychos aut Latino Duodecimplices Quod deinque tegmen eiusmodi rubro duntaxat colore tinctum gestare soleant Kisselbassilarij quoque dicti sunt veluti Capita rubra The Persians being before called by the Turks Azemlar and their Territory Aiem or Azeim Thus came this Schah Ismael and his successors to bee calld Sophi and Kessel bassae also Thus hee and in the deriuation from Wooll diuers follow him But saies most iudicious q De Emendat Temp. lib. 5. Scaliger Quod quidam SOPHI a flocco lanae dictum volunt hoc leuius est ipso flocco lanae Hee therefore deriues it from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tzaophi i. Pure elect holy one of a reformd Religion which they professe against the Othomaniques with like hate as the Samaritans had against the Iewes I am easily perswaded to bee of Scaligers mind for the reason of the name But the whole story of Ismael is diuersly deliuerd Leunclaw differing in his Musulmanique story from what he had in his Pandects deliuerd of it thinking withall that the Alian or Sophilar's heresie is not from that Ali which was Mahumeds sonne in law but from Ali Abasides whose Genealogie you may see in him * Deijs alij eadem affirmant Sed an Sophilarij Mahumedem excrantur minimè certè Ismaelis n. Nummi inscriptio erat Mahumed Resul Allahe i. Nuntius Dei. Leuncl Musulmanic lib. 16. In De Ionuille his life of S. Lewes Ali is called alwaies Hely and vncle to Mahumed and his followers Beduins which accounted all Mahumedans saith hee miscreants But the name of Sophi had its originall in that Shach Sophi who I doubt had some other proper name for Sophi by all likelyhood was giuen him with regard to his reformd profession as the word interprets yet r Ismael dicitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hist. Politic. Constantinop à Zygomal transcript Haidar who I ghesse is calld Erdebil or Arduelles as Iouius or Surius writ him but from the place Erdebil Arduille or Ardobille where hee and his ancestors were Schachs may be affirmd the author of the Sect as it is now Royall amongst them because in his time began the King to oppose it which opposition was there cause of Ismaels following greatnes What Ramusius Minadoi Iouius Osorius Tarik Mirkond and most other haue of this matter at large you may find compendiously deliuerd in that Late work composd by great industry out of infinit Reading by my learned and kind friend M r. Purchas Their variable discourses of this point fit not this place That deriuation from Tzoaphi plainly howeuer continues But it s said that in Persia they call not the King the Sophi but vsually the Schach i. the Lord or the Signior It may well be so for indeed euery man is truly there a Sophi if not a Mahumedan herotique that is eyther of Shach Sophi his Sect as he should be or of the Othomanique Religion But why it should bee abstaind from amongst them as disgracefull which som s Ap. Hackluit Nauig Part. 1. fol. 397. affirm because Sophi signifies there a Begger I conceiue not no more then why the King of Spain or France should dislike the title of Catholique or most Christian. It s certain according to our pronunciation it signifies both Wooll and also Choise pure or reformd But Tzodki not Tzophi in their learned tongue is a Begger And our famous Q Elizabeth wrote to t A. Chr. M. D. LXI 3. Elizabethae Schach Tamas their Emperor with this title Potentissimo inuictissimo Principi Magno Sophi Persarum Medorum Parthorum Hircanorum c. in Letters copied into Ebrew and Italian and so sent although in some others to him it bee omitted It s idle to fetch it from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as som haue done Yet verbally it may bee deduced to vs from Magus which interprets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 if you can beleeu that the old Persian Kings were calld Magi as a Title proper to their Maiestie which some ignorantly haue thought as truth supposing the Magi i. the wisemen of the East in S. Matthew to be u Chaldaei Reges
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 siue senex Alsheich being this very word 〈◊〉 Sa Saa Schah or Schach as by an attribute of dignitie It is written often Shaugh Xa and also Cheque Out of Achmet's Onirocritiques the great Scaliger f Canon Isagog 3. cites 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Saa Nisan King of the Persians And here saith he est aliud nomen multis Principibus Persarum commune NISA id eorum lingua est HASTA And Senigar Saa filius Saa Regum omnium Persarum Imperator is in Beniamin Ben-Iona and Vararanes a Persian King is calld g Agathias hist. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from his being before Lord or Gouernor of Cerma About M. LXX after Christ the Persian King is in Abraham Zaccuth namd Sultan Melich Sa the same which a Greek calls h Chrysococces ap Scaliger vbi supra Idem est nifallor Malicsach apud Leon. African hist. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 after whose death he saies the Chaliph of Bagded Mutkadi Ben Kain at this Sultans wiues request permitted his sonne Mahumed to raigne which I the rather also note because Bodin i De Repub. 1. cap. 9. affirmes that the Chaliphs permitted not the name of Dominus to any but themselues hauing at first supremacie ouer all those parts and speaks of a Text in the Alcoran against it which I could neuer meet with There may be some such thing perhaps in some other of those Zunas i. Counsells or Laws which were after Mahumed composd by the Chaliphs commandment at Damascus But doubtles no better word for Dominus can bee then Sultan by which here this Prince of Persia vnder the Chaliphat is stiled This Sultan is calld c Ignat. Patriarch Antioch ad Scalig. quem Consulas de hoc Imperatore lib. 4. de Emend Sultan Gelal eddin Melic Sa but his proper name was Albu Ersalan from whom the Persians haue their annuall account whose root is A. Chr. M. LXXIX in the XIIII of our March and is calld the * Ver. Nouus dies si verbum interpreteris Neuruz of Gelal Sultan Melic saith Scaliger est Rex Sa vel Scha Persis est nomen attributum Regibus Gelal is Maiestie in Arabique and so he turns Melic Sa Gelal eddin into Melic Sa Maiestas Religionis From this word Edin is the name Aladin in the Oth 〈…〉 anique race which as Leunclaw saies signifieth Diuine but he allows not Reineccius coniecturing that all the Turkish Sultans had the name of Aladin as a surname or title of Honor. From Scah in the Persian title they haue money called Schahlar as the Turks haue Sultanlar which we call Sultanins Of Schah is Padischa a compound whereof before The Persian titles more ancient are already elswhere toucht As a corollary take here another of them in the middle times 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 d Theophylact. Simocatta hist. 4. cap. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. i. Chosroes King of Kings Lord of Potentates Lord of Nations Prince of Peace Sauiour of Men Among Gods a good and eternall Man but among Men a most Famous God Most glorious Conqueror Rising with the Sunne Giuing eyes to the Night Noble by Birth a King that hates warre well deseruing hauing the * Nonnè Ausonios 1. Italos innuit Asonae vnder Pay and keeping the Kingdom for the Persians To Baram a Generall among the Persians and our friend Baram hauing before writen to Chosroes in almost alike fashioned stile It was about D C. of Christ vnder the Emperor Maurice It the rather is obseruable because both African and Asiatique Princes do yet euen as Chosroes somtimes load themselues and other Princes to whom they e Ex literis Amuratis III. ad Sereniss Elizab Reg. A 1579. datis constat quae sunt apud Hackluit Itinerar part 2. pag. 137. write with strange and doubtles by their Secretaries hardly inuented attributes But in that league of M. DC VI. twixt Rodulph II. and the present Grand Signior Achmet it was mongst other things concluded That the f Mercur. Gallo-Belgic Tom. 5. lib. 4. Emperor and the Great Sultan in all their Letters Instruments and Embassages should not stile themselues by any other additions but by the names of Welbeloued Father and Sonne to wit the Emperor calling the Great Sultan his sonne and the Great Sultan the Emperor in respect of his yeers his father And that in the beginning of their Letters they might both take vpon them the name of Emperor respectiuely Speaking in the Plurall number Why 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is for any barbarous Nation to the Iews The Rabbins reason of the Plurall Inferiors honord if namd by Superiors Otherwise if Superiors namd by Inferiors An example in our English law for the Plurall Dei gratia By whom vsd The Princes of the Empire their Royalties Dei Gratia anciently vsd by Bishops and Abbots Expressing of Princes by the Abstract of their quality Tua Maxima Fatuitas to the Pope Maiesty anciently in Rome how afterward vsd Celsitude and Serenitie to Dukes No proper word for Maiestie in Greek The Goddesse Maiestie Crimen Maiestatis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in later Grecians for Maiestie The Despot Sebastocrator and Caesar how they were formally to be spoken to or of Maiestie to our Soueraigns when first Grace and Excellent Grace Worship and Worshipfull Souerain Lady to a Dutchesse The disserence of speaking in the Concret or Abstract The Spanish Pragmatica for the formality of the Kings stile in directions to him CHAP. VI. OTher appendants of Maiestie are which giue a speciall form to the expressing of Titles Speaking in the Plurall Number is one obseruable As We command in the Person of One being a Monarch It s certain that among ancient Latins the plurall Number often was for a singular Person in common language and against rules of Grammar ioind with a singular word Not with Accius Naeuius or Plautus only but in later Catullus hath Insperanti Nobis and Tibullus to his false Mistresse Perfida nec merito Nobis inimica merenti But these not to our purpose You shall as often find the Persian and Greek Emperors in Esther Ezra the Macchabees Hippocrates his Epistles and such more to vse the singular as Plurall Somtimes is a mixture of Both as in that of Ptolemy Philopator to his Egyptians a Lib. 3. Macchab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. I am well my self and so are Our affaires The Iewes say that in their language for the plurality of Virtues and Power 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 supposd in a superior they vse the Plurall number to or of one Man Their Adoni is plurall yet often vsd as singular Euery tongue saith one of b Aben-Ezra in Genes cap 1. them hath its property As it is honorable in the Italian so vsually 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is interpreted but questionles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was indifferently at first vsed by them for any strangers or Gentils c
his own and his brothers name were both Robert His at his b●ptisme was Iohn But at his taking the Royall gouernment either for the vnluckines of the one name in the French and English or for the good which accompanied the other in his own predecessors changd himselfe out of Iohn into Robert The first Duke in Castile as is * Esteuan de Garibay lib. 15. cap. 27. 54. g Circa m. CCC LXX affirm'd was Frederique bastard sonne to g Henry II. of Castile by him created Duke of Benauente And Iohn successor to this Henry made his second sonne Ferdinand Prince of Lara Duke of Pennafiel Ferdinando minori Regis filio saith Mariana ●ui Lara Principatus erat oppidum Pennafielis additum Ducis nomine Corona Capiti imposita nullis extantibus Floribus quod Collatae dignitatis insigne erat tametsi nostra aetate non Duces sed Comites etiam Coronam clypeis adijciunt Regis haud absimilem But their Ducall Crown now is as in England fleuronee so was that of Ferdinando saith Stephen of Garibay and as a Kings not archt but that only the flowers are lesse and so euen que vna no suba mas que otra as Esteuan de Garibay's words are i. that one bee not higher then another And the ancient Dukes might weare it aswell on their heads as Armories and had diuers such prerogatiues euen Royall when they were all of Royall bloud But for the most part now cessing to bee so most of their prerogatiues also cesse saith Garibay at least in the Kingdomes of Castile In ancient time there aswell as in other places this Dignitie was only for life And to this day my autor is h De Reb. Hispan lib. 8 cap. 2. Mariana the steps of that Estate are in the Spanish Nobilitie For none of them Duke Marquesse or Count vse their titles after death of their Ancestors but Rege denuò annuente vnlesse some few such families only as by the Kings speciall grant may doe otherwise Which although here noted as many other things in this Chapter is appli'd to some Titles hereafter to bee spoken of The Pragmatica ordains that none whatsoeuer shall haue the Title of Excellent or Excellencie But that the the Grands all Dukes mongst them are Grands and some Marquesses and Counts or such as may stand couered before the King shall bee honord with Vu●stra Sennoria i. your Lordship And that in superscriptions to any Duke Marquesse or Count the place denominating his dignitie shall to it be added To speake here of particular Dukedomes their rights Regalties and such like were from our purpose Wee haue alreadie rememberd that il Gran Duca di Toscana the Duke of Florence had his Crown radiant and that Title of Gran Duca by speciall indulgence from Pius Qnintus who inscribd i Cicarella in Vit. Pontific his gift with Pius V. Pontifex Max. ob eximiam Dilectionem ac Catholicae Religionis Zelum praecipuumque Iustitiae studium donauit There is a par●icular forme of Creation instituted by Paul II. which for the length and because most of the differing Ceremonies are as proper to that Church I omit But there is no Crown but a Cap only Biretum and a Scepter Yet what the Reporter k Marcell cor●grens Sa. Oerem I. Iust. 7. adds for his difference of Dukes I think may bee worth obseruation Et haec quidem saith he seruantur si Dux est Magnae Nobilitatis Potentiae vt fuit Tempore Domini Pauli PP II. Borsus Ferrariae Si verò esset Mediocris potentiae vt fuit Tempore D. Sixti PP IV. to this Pope this autor was a kind of Master of the Ceremonies Fredericus Dux Vrbini omnia seruantur nisi quod non duceretur à Cardinalibus sed à duobus assistentibus Papae principalibus sederet vltimus post omnes Cardinales in Banco Diaconorum eundo incederet solus post Crucem ante omnes Cardinales Quod si adhuc esset inferior tunc omnia alia seruarentur nisi quod non daretur ei sceptrum neque sederet in banco Cardinalium sed ad pedes Papae in supremo gradu eundo incederet ante Crucem post Oratores alios Principes here you see his triple distinction of them and others haue them by Maiores and Minores Duces wherupon saith the learned l De Coronis lib. 9. cap. 22. Paschalius that the Maiores omnes vnius ordinis esse Censentur omnes propemodum suspiciuntur vt Reges longeque antistant illis quos voco Minores Neyther can any not see much difference twixt those of Florence Ferrara Sauoy Lorrain Saxonie Brunswic and such more which mongst them also differently haue so many imperiall rights and the French of late time English Scotish and Spanish Dukes which are all Seignieurs Suzerains subiect Lords and many of them possessing their denominating Territorie in Tit'e only not in gouernment Yet Charles L'oyseau idly minseth his difference to small where he makes our English Dukes to bee a degree by themselues qui ne sont qu' a vie come Officiers What Dukes he means with vs I know not But all men may know that since Edward III. the Title hath been Honorary and Hereditarie Nor doth that frequent name of Duke occurring in Genes XXXVI belong to this place The word in the holy tongue is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which the Paraphrases of Onkolos and Ionathan turne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 both signifying a Lord Prince or great Ruler and the m Rabbi S. Iarchi in Genes 6. Com. 15. Ebrewes interpret them there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Heads of families or Kinreds although Alloph may serue also to expresse any great dignitie vnder a King The Rabbins say that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Euery Alluph is a Kingdom without a Crown which Elias interprets that euery King not crownd is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Dux i. a Duke The Germans call them Hertzogen and Hertochen whence the Hertochij in that vnder the name of the Confessors laws both signifying Dux as he is exercitui praefectus Remember what is in the first booke of the Duke of Moscouie for a Duke vncrowned yet supreme Prince Ducis Limitanei Marquesses whence the name Marque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in old Gaulish Marcheta Mulieris the Brides maidenhead Mareshall vsuall application of names of a later age to antique relations by old English Poets The deriuation of Marquesse a mari idle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 How in one man Duke Count and Marquesse was anciently often exprest The beginning of the name of this Dignitie in the Empire Markgraue Marchio Burgundiae and Normanniae His inuestiture by a Ring His Coronet Presedence in France Alciat's admonition in point of Presedence Marchiones in England Iohn of Sarisburie corrected Snowdon Controuersie twixt the Lords Marchers and the Barons of the Cinque Ports about bearing the Canopie Earle of March. First Marquesse in
them According to their Territories and Roialties that must be iudged although they differ not generally For Burggraue is a Count of a Burrough or City as Landtgraue of a Prouince In the later Eastern Empire 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the Italian Conte is vsually for a Count. But in Letters sent from Ioachim Patriarch of Alexandria to a German Count hee is calld i Crus Turcograec lib. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from Graue or Graffe They had their Counts whereof before But such as in more ancient ancient times were there known by that name about the Court were lately turnd into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the name of Count chiefly comprehending those which were vnder the Great Duke Gouernor of the Marine forces mongst whom one was k C●rop●lat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. the first or chief Count. But they were all Officiciarie more then Honorarie For France an old l Anthonie de la salle Chez L'Oyseau cap. 5. autor Le Comte est inuesty auec vn anneau de Diamant Which agrees wi●h that of Withur Count of Bretagne constituted by Childebert in his speech to Paule afterward Bishop of Leon. Praedictum saith m Vita Paul Leonensis Biblioth F'oriacens he Regem vbi adieris literas annulo ipsius quem mihi à se discedenti donauit signatas quasi tecum portabis ei mox praebebis Yet at this day they beare Coronets but onely on their Armories Of a Counts Coronet L'oyseau thus Celle des Comtes est perlée c'est à dire que le desus du diadem ou Bandeau est fait de Perles sans ascuns fleurons eminents In England vnder the Saxons were diuers which subscribe in old Charters by the name of Comites For one example out of infinit in a Charter of Beored King of Mercland made in DCCCLX to the Abbey of Crowland the subscription is after Bishops and Abbots Ego Ethelredus Rex West-Saxoniae assensum praebui ✚ Ego Alfredus frater Regis Westsaxoniae censensi ✚ Ego Edmundus Rex Estangliae procuraui ✚ Ego Edelredus Dux faui ✚ Ego Osbirtus annui ✚ Ego Algarus Comes istud deuotè fieri deprecans à Domino meo Rege gratiose impetraui ✚ Ego Wulkelnus Comes adiuui ✚ Ego Adelwlphus Comes concessi ✚ Ego Turgotus Comes consensi ✚ Ego Alcmundus Comes consideraui ✚ Ego Diga Comes interfui ✚ Ego Lefwinus Comes aspexi ✚ Ego Burkardus Comes conscripsi ✚ Ego Ascerus Comes affui ✚ Ego Thurstanus Comes stabiliui ✚ Ego Reinardus Comes consului ✚ Ego Tilbrandus Comes conscripsi ✚ and sometimes they haue the addition of their Counties as in a Charter more ancient of Ethelbald King of Mercland to the same Abbey Ego Egga Comes Lincolniae consilium dedi ✚ Ego Leucitus Comes Leicestriae assensum praebui ✚ And the the like How Dux and Comes agreed in those ancienter times is alreadie manifested and questionlesse no where was that confusion of names more then in our Saxons Latine Of their Eorle as it was also Dux somewhat is said which being then the supream title next after the Prince is interpreted both Dux and Comes n V. Autorem Reliquiarum in Eadgaro From Ear or Ar i. Honor and Arlic or Eorlic i. Honorable and that in Danish and some think the name came in with the Danes this Title hath its Origination The administration of Siward Comitis Northumbriae is presently after those words calld Ducatus in an old and o Malmesbur lib. 2. de Gest. Reg. cap. 13. iudicious Monk And Roger of Houeden speaking of Leofrique Earle of Chester calls him Leofricus Comes Leofwini Ducis filius and saies that Ducatum eius Henry of Huntingdon hath consulatum filius suus Algarus suscepit So Comitatus Estsaxoniae Comitatus Westsaxoniae Comitatus Eboracae and the like rememberd by Ingulph and Comes Merciorum Comes Magesetensium that is of those about Radnor and Comes Mediterraneorum in Houeden and Florence of Worcester might haue bin as properly stiled and perhaps more properly Ducatus and Duces being refer'd to Godwin Leofric Edgar and those which were Eo●le● and how familiar it is in those times to meet with Comes Normanniae for Dux Normanniae euery man knows that hath tasted our Stories and of it before But for those their Eorles whose name remaining in our Counts is fitly to be heer again spoken of they were both Officiary and Honorary hauing the gouernment of Prouinces and their title in some parts hereditarie as in Leicester and p V. Rog. de Houeden par 1. fol. 243. Northumberland and from them their wiues were stiled Countesses as with vs in the subscription to a Charter of Thorold of Bukenhale to the Abbey of Crowland is Ego Leofrieus Comes concessi Ego Godiua Comitissa shee was his wife diù istud desideraui ✚ These were the Ethelings whereof one in an old Latine translation of K. q Cap. 55. in edit Lambard v. supra vbi de Weregildo cap. 2. Knouts laws Qui fregerit plegium Archiepiscopi aut Reguli quem Angli vocant Aetheling III. libris emendet Neither were there with them any other created titles after the Prince or Etheling Honorary it seems but this of Eorle and their Thanes of whom in due place For where the Heregeates i. the Heriots of that age are set at a r Canut leg cap. 69. certaintie there are no other numberd The Heriot was what the Eorle or Thane paid his Lord or King in nature of a Relief and thence remains the name with vs in a different sence it being then only such things as were for martiall furniture as horses speares shields mony and the like And in a s Pat. 18. H. 6. membr 9. ch 12. Iuspeximus part 2. Charter of the Confessor for the possessions of Paules Edward King Gret Mine Besceops And Mine Eorles And Alle Mine Thegnes On Than Shiren Wher Mine Prestes In Paulus Minister Habband Land Eorles and Thanes are here only mentioned as if none els with Honorarie titles had any thing to do with territories Neither in that catalogue of Archbishops Eorles Bishops Ealdormen Holdes Hehgerefas Messethegnes and Werldthegnes and Ceorles in the laws of Athelstan is any Honorarie but meerly as he is Officiarie except the Eorle t Quod probari potest ex illo de Dignitatibus Monumento Saxonice edito à G. Lābardo in Itinerar Cantij and the Thegne or Thane For the Ceorle or or Churle was ignoble or the yeoman Yet it is most certaine that for Eal●o●man sometimes Comes is vsd An old law Gif hwa Leodbisceops oþþe Ealdormannes borh abrece gebete ꝧ mid twam pundum it is anciently interpreted Qui fregerit plegium Episcopi aut Comitis II. libris emendet it 's part of that before cited touching
Comes being indifferently in its own genuine sense to others then they of the Dignitie was yet by vse of time made a speciall word for him which was Comes Imperatoris so Baro originally signifying a Man and withall a Seruant or Minister or Officer grew at length to denote specially the Kings Man Seruant Tenant or Officer of better note constituted with some kind of Iurisdiction in som Territorie which being lesse then either those of Dukes Marquesses Counts or Viscounts was known only by the name of a Baronie which also as it exprest a feudall Territorie or Seigneurie was a common name to all those other Dignities or Seigneuries which were immediat to the Crown of France or the Empire The French say Baronnie est toute Seigneurie premiere apres la Souueraine du Roy mouuant directement de sa Corronne But this as their Baronies were anciently And accordingly was the word Baron with them extended as in the Empire also Capitaneus Regis vel Regni which comprehended alike vpon the testimonie of the Feudall laws Dux Marchio Comes say they feudum dare possunt qui propriè Regni vel Regis Capitanei dicuntur and also Valuasores maiores of whom more anon But as Capitaneus and Ualuasor was also appropried to speciall Dignities beneath a Count so also Baron hath been These Titles indeed all three being allowd specially as the greatest for distinction to such as hauing Territorie and Iurisdiction or droit de Police as the French call it were notwithstanding not to bee honord with any of the superior Whereupon that of Baldus a Ad C. I●not●it tit de Electione is that a Baron is he which hath Merum Mistum imperium in castro aliquo siue oppido ex concessione ' Principis And such beeing at fi●st only whose tenures were immediat from the Crown haue long since ceased in France And it s anciently affirmd in their Grand Coustumier that of this kind there were then but three in all France that is Bourbon Coucy and Beauieu which as the other before like them no longer now remain with the name and substance of that former Title By the substance I mean their being immediat Tenancies of the Crown or as we say in Chief And that wee may once admonish so a Tenure of the Crown is when it s of the King as he is King and personall but of the King only is when it s of him by reason of some Seigneurie escheated or by som other means com to his hands as by enheritance or the like But when in the superior Dignities rights of Soueraintie were for the most part all the true ancient Baronies became subiect vnder those vsurping Dukes Marquesses and Counts 〈…〉 els got to themselues as great Titles And then they a●d the other Dukes and Counts as a point of Soueraintie also made Barons vnder themselues known by that name and vpon dissolution of those ancient Dukedoms and Counties wherof alreadie those inferior Baronies became to be held of the King but not as of the Crown and so at this day continue in all France Whence it follows as L'Oyseau obserues that Barons there now are all as Baron is a speciall Title mediocres Seigneurs because none of the ancientest and first kind remain but all are as part or Tenancies of the revnited Dukedoms or Counties Thus then the word Baro signifying a Man as some will a Free-man and also applied to a Seruant or minister became in the Empire and in France to denote a Dignitie and Seigneurie It s vsd in Picardie at this day as also in our Common laws for a husband exactly therein agreeing perhaps with Vir i. Man and husband But it s noted that in the Customs of Picardie and elswhere often occurrs que la femme a son mary a Baron which L'Oyseau interprets that the Wife is in manu potestateque Viri taking Baron there as it signifies a Dignitie or superior power But if a feminin exposition should bee vpon that text it s more likely that Baron should be taken for a Seruant or Minister so that the Wife might be Master or Mistresse Here twixt Man and Wife I abstain from iudgment But withall remember the vse of Barn or Bern in our North parts for a Manchild as it respects the Sex and an old Metrique Translation hath Heli Beerne that naght is gan In the red of wicked man For blessed is the Man c. And Cheorlbeorn and Cheorlman in old laws of this Kingdome are the same both signifying an Ignoble man and meanest Yeoman The Grecians of late time writ this name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 One Count Albert is calld a Lit. Ioach. Patriarch Alex. apud Crus in Turcograec lib. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for Baron en scharpfeneok and b Anonym de bello sacro apud Meurs in Gloss. Graeco-barbaro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they vse for a Baronie Euery man that hath seen the Stories or Writings of the late semi-barbarous Grecians knows how vsually β is exprest by μπ. For England the neerest name for Baron was that of Thane anciently writen also Thegn þegen Of their Thanes are two sorts rememberd in King Knouts c v. Leg. Canut cap. 69. laws Cyninges þegen and medmera þegen i. The Kings Thanes and a Mean Thane Somtimes called Thegen þeoþen i. Thane and vnder Thane The old translation of the Saxon calls the Vnderthane or Mean Thane Mediocris Homo somtimes Homo liberalis Of them and other Dignities vnder our Saxons an old d Ap. Lamb. in Itinerar Cantij Fragment thus The wisest of the people were weorþscipe wyrþa worship worthy euery one in his rank Eorl Ceorl ð●gn ðeoden i. Earle Churl Thane and Underthane And if a Churle calld somtimes Cherlman which old autoritie makes the same with Villanus as Villanus c Merc. leg vers lat cap. 2. is a poore seruile Townsman and vnderstood in the Statut of Merton cap. VII differing from Burgensis only as Uilla from Burgus not as our law now vses it for f Quae seruos inter Villenos erat apud Saxones nostros discrepantia videra est in Ingulph Notitia Abbatiae Crowlandensis Seruus or a bondslaue thriu'd that hee had fully fiue Hides of his own land a Church and a Kitchin a Belhouse and Burgeat Gate I haue thought that you might interpret it a free passage or resort to setle sundernotei a Room and distinct Office in the Kings Hall then was he thenceforth a þegen rightesweorþe i. as a Thane And if a Thane so thriued that hee serued the King and rode on his Iourney as of his family and if he then had a Thane mongst his fellowes that to the kings tax for Martiall expedition the Saxon is to Cynges utfare had fiue Hydes of land chargeable and had serued his Lord in the Kings Court on Cynges setle and had gone thrice to the King on his Lords
bucusque impensis quem pro Nobis tenere poterit in futurum in nostris Consilijs Parliamentis necnon pro nobili fideli genere vnde descendit ac pro suis Magnificis sensu circumspectione ipsum Iohannem in vnum parium ac Baronum Regni nostri Angliae praefecimus volentes quod idem Iohannes haeredes masculi de Corpore suo exeuntes statum Baronis obtineant ac Domini de Beauchamp Barones de Kiderminster nuncupentur In cuius c. T. Rege apud Wodestock 10. Octobris The Law hath been since taken that Baron or not Baron as Duke or Not Duke and so of the other created Titles by Record is triable only by Record and not by the Country Whereas anciently when their Reuenue and possessions gaue the Name or made them Barons it might bee triable by the Countrie Yet in ancient time after Hen. III. the Tenure n 22. Ed. 3. fol. 18. a. 24. Ed. 3. fol. 66. a. 48. Ed. 3. fol. 30. b. vbi Baro Parlamentarius per partem solummodo Baroniae tenet consulas Stat. West 2 cap. 46. per Baroniam was in Parlamentarie Barons specially respected and perhaps till the forme of Creation by Patent came in vse none were or few called to Parlament but such as held per Baroniam or as Briton calls it en Baronie which after that of Hen. III. very likely is to bee alwayes taken for Baronia Capitalis and immediat of the King Neither was it likely that he would sommon any but his own the Kings Barons as at this day all the Parlamentarie are When they are at first summond or created their denominating Territorie is alwaies some Lordship or Mannor which sufficiently tasts of their ancient being And those two courses only of making them are at this day in vse which notwithstanding is to be vnderstood of Lay Barons or Lords Temporall For the Lords or Barons Spirituall haue not now this Honor so much personall as feudall and by reason of their Temporalties being Baronies They had not saith Stanford a most learned Iudge of the Common law their names ratione Nobilitatis sed ratione Officij and indeed ratione Baroniarum quas de Rege tenent So that in them Baro Baronia meerly as it was in most ancient time taken concurre as Coniugata which in Lay men before that Constitution of Henry III. had like beeing These Spirituall Lords now are only Bishops Heretofore there were of them both Abbots and Priors but all Bishops were euer Parlamentarie Barons not all Abbots and Priors To some only was that allowd and mongst them the Prior of S. Iohns of Ierusalem was Primus o Camdenus Baro Angliae and Froissart calls him Le grand Priour d'Angle-terre du Temple But in the Rolls somtime are many of them summond which elswhere are as often omitted And in that of XLIX Hen. III. are IXV. Abbots XXXV Priors and the Master of the Temple Of those Ecclesiasticall Fees being Baronies thus Matthew Paris speaking of William I. Episcopatus quoque saith he Abbatias omnes quae Baronias tenebant eatenus ab omni seruitute seculari libertatem habuerant sub seruitute statuit Militari irrotulans singulos Episcopatus Abbatias pro voluntate sua quot milites sibi successoribus suis hostilitatis tempore voluit à sirgulis exhiberi Et Rotulas huius Ecclesiasticae seruitutis ponens in thesauris multos viros Ecclesiasticos huic Constitutioni pessimae reluctantes regno fugauit But in their sommons the Lay Barons are neuer saluted Barons but by the French word Cheualier so exprest in the Writ being in Latin Only in ancient times where the Catalogues of them are in the Rolls two occurre somtimes with the addition of Baro that is Baro de Stafford and Baro de Greistok Neither haue they in their Creation except their Robes any more ceremonie then a Charter giuen expressing some place denominating them Of their Banner more where we speak of Bannerets We vsually stile them Lords as the Dutch their Heeren or Freeheeren But that name with vs is but of curtesie For it includes not of necessitie Baron nor is any distinct Dignitie as appears by a case where the Writ was p Ita n. à Iurisperitiss intelligitur Casus ille 8. Hen. 6. fol. 10. v. Cas. Comitiss Rutland Relat. part 6. Praecipe Iohanni Louell Militi and the exception to it was that Iohn Louell Knight was a Lord Seigniour not named so but disallowed Whereas the law had gone plainly otherwise if it had bin that he was a Baron of Parlament not named so and the party had withal shewd to the Court a Writ signifying the same Yet Seigniour is only vsd for a Baron in our q 22. Ed. 4. cap. 1. D'Apparaile Statuts and the word Dominus is that which the law vses in expressing a Baron when he is either Plaintife or Defendant as Henricus Barkeley Miles Dominus Barkeley and versus Georgium Zouch Dominum Zouch Saintmaure Cantelupe which occurre in Plowden So that the name of Honor giuen to a Baron in legall proceedings is alwaies but Dominus with addition of the denominating place But when the priuiledge of beeing a Baron is challenged or exception for not naming the partie so testimony of Record must be produced that he is Baro Regni and that hee hath vocem locum in Parlamento as the books are Which Difference for the name of Lord is obseruable and to bee vnderstood r 48. Assiss pl. vlt. 48. Ed. 3. fol. 30. b. 35. Hen. 6. fol. 46. a. chiefly of Temporall Barons But also both that of Lord and Baron is at this day by vsuall application of language attributed with vs to some which are neyther by law as especially since the vse of making euerie Earle first a Baron of some place which began as most worthy Clarenceulx teaches about Hen. VIII it hath been a custome to stile their heires apparant Lords and Barons with the title of their Fathers Baronie so of Viscounts their heires apparant But this is only a peece of Courtship and meer fashion Yet allowd in Heraldrie wherein Tiptosts rule he was Earle of Worcester and High Constable of England vnder Hen. VI. is that the eldest sonne of euery one of a created degree is as of the next degree vnder him which may be applied to Dukes Marquisses and the rest But in legall proceedings they enioy no such matter nor haue by their being heirs apparant any prerogatiue of the Greater Nobilitie The same is to bee affirmd of a Dukes sonne and heire whom custom titles by his fathers Earldome as the example was in s 38. Hen. 8. lit Treason 2. Henry calld Earle of Surrey and sonne to the Duke of Norfolk vnder Henry VIII beeing attainted of Treason by a common Iurie and not by Peers or Barons because he was in law as one of the meaner or lesse Nobilitie In Scotland before t
ane hundredh markes of this extent that now is be compelled to come personally to the Parliament bot gif it be that our soueraine Lords write specially for them And sal not to be vnlaued for their presence and they send their procuratours to answere for them with the Baronnes of the Schire or the maist famous persons And all that are aboue the extent of ane hundreth markes to cum to the Parliament vnder the paine of the auld vnlaw Which Acts I haue the rather transcribed because out of them fully appears the difference of their Lords or Parlamentarie Barons and their Lairds or only Barons by name For those Freeholders not Parlamentarie are no longer honorarie or Barons in the best degree but meerly as poss●ssors of a small Territorie and are being Lairds beneath Knights and with them reckond as our Commons which consist in Freeholders But those other which are part of the Lords temporall are in proportion with ours of England But both theirs and ours are much different from those of France and of a superior note for as is alreadie shewd the French Barons are Seigneurs mediocres and hold not of the Crown whereas all both Scotish and English being Parlamentarie haue no other Tenure if you respect the dignity as held or other originall if you regard their Creations In e L'oyseau des droicts de Med. Seig. chap. 8. §. 10. France as Dukes Marquisses Counts and Princes haue the priuiledge of bearing a Coronet on their Armories so Vicounts Barons and Chastellains haue the speciall honor of the Gilt Helmet and bearing it open But saith f Paschal de Coronis lib. 9. cap. 13. another of France Barons may wear Non quidem laminam integram latam sed tenuiorem ac restrictiorem ac veluti circulum siue gracile vinculum aureum In Spain their Ricos hombres which had Knights Vassalls vnder them anciently the name I think not now vsd mongst them were neerest as Barons in other States and if I am not deceiud are so now calld For a Corollarie to this Discourse of Barons we add and that enough opportunely the ancient title of Vacuassours or Valuasors They questionles began in the Empire when the other Dignities of Duke Marquesse and the like In the name of Valuasores-Regis and Regni and Maiores were comprehended Duke Marquesse Count and Capitaneus howsoeuer others otherwise interpret Read this in the beginning of the Feudals Dux Marchio Comes feudum dare possunt qui propriè Regni vel Regis Capitanei dicuntur Sunt alij qui ab istis Feuda accipiunt qui proprie Regis vel Regni Valuasores dicuntur sed hodiè Capitanei appellantur Qui ipsi Feuda dare possunt Some hence inferre that Ualuasores Regis aut Regni or Maiores were such as had their Feudal Honor vnder and from Dukes Marquesses or Counts insisting vpon the words sunt alij qui ab Istis c. Where vnder fauor Istis is to bee refer'd to Regni vel Regis as if the Composers of those laws had said there are others also calld Capitanei and Valuasores or Capitanei Regis haue their best Dignitie Autoritie of the same laws in another passage maintains it where after an enumeration of the Three chief Feudal Honors is added Qui vero a Prineipe vel ab aliqua potestate de plebe aliqua vel plebis parte per Feudum est inuestitus is Capitaneus appellatur And then Qui proprie Valuasores Maiores olim appellabantur What can be more plain then that Valuasores Maiores are referd to Dux Marchio Comes Capitaneus So that as all Dignities aboue Baron is included in the Baronage yet Baron a distinct Title so all were called Capitanei Regis Ualuasores Maiores yet Capitaneus the same with Valuasour anciently a particular and separat Dignitie The name of Capitaneus occurrs somtimes in the Epistles of Peeter de Vineis Secretarie to Frederique II. and the Dignitie in abstract is calld g Pet. de Vineis lib. 6. Epist. 22. Capitania It was the self same word which we vse in the Warres Captain And thence had the later Grecians their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and for the Office or Dignitie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Neither in the Feudall law is any name more competent to the Honorarie and Feudall Baron then Capitaneus Regis or Ualuasor Maior The Feudalls go on Qui verò à Capitaneis antiquitùs Beneficium tenent Valuasores sunt That is as of necessitie it must bee vnderstood Valuasores minores or simply Valuasores and thereby distinguisht from the other Qui autem à Valuasoribus Feudum quod à Capitaneis habebatur similit er acceperint Valuasini id est Minores Valuasores appellantur where the great Lawiers Hotoman and Cuiacius not so much regarding the words of the text as the substance of the matter make the diuision of Ualuasours into Valuasores Maiores i. of the first Rank and Capitanei Valuasores Minores simply here calld Ualuasores and Valuasini or Valuasores Minimi which are stil'd here Minores as if in our language you should say Lord Paramount being at lest a Baron not King Mesne and Tenant-perauaile And all these there were accounted Titles Honorarie in the Empire after such time as all Honor discendible became Feudall wherof more presently There were anciently Valuasores also in France Ieffrey of Vendosme in an h Goffrid Vindocinens lib. 2. Epist. 32. Epistle Praeter ista multa alia damna Dominus Ioannes filius Comitis Vindocinensis cum eo quidam Valuassores Milites de Castro Vindocini quandam Optimam Obedientiam nostram depredati sunt Where Sirmond the Iesuit notes this inscription mongst Sugerius his Epistles Sugerio Abbati Domino suo G. Maior Valuassores tota sancti Richarij Communia And adds of his own that Valuasours are the same which they now call Nobiles atque incolae Oppidi alicuius whereto without reference to a tenure I assent not And a great i Ex Butelerij sum Rurali Hotomanus in Verbis Feudalibus Lawier allows of this definition or rather description of their Valuasor Valuasor dicitur Nobilis qui summae Coercitionis non etiam nundinarum mercatus ius habet Vn gentilhome qui a Seigneurie de haute Iustice. Estque saith Hotoman Barone inferior atque ab eo feudum suum obtinet In the old customs k De parties 〈◊〉 heritage chap. 26. 34. of Normandie the Tenancie of a Valuassour vnderstand chiefly of the meanest is titled Vauassourie L'heritage the words are est appelli partable en quoy le Seigneur ne puit reclamer nulle garde sicome sont Vauassouries tout auter tenement villain Where the French Glosse saies that you must take it spoken des vauassouries non noblement tenus affirming that other Vauassouries there are noblement tenues These ignoble Vauassouries
Aeneidos 8. Polybium lib. 6. alios pugnare cum hostibus lawfully fight with the enemie But these religious solemnities wore away in ancient time It grew afterward fashionable for one King to send his sonne to another to take the Order vt acciperent Arma Militaria or Virilia as the Monks vsually expresse it Which well agrees with that of the Longobards before mentioned Examples of that kind both here in Scotland elswhere are enough frequent So one King of another as in that of Alexander III. of Scotland He married the Lady Margaret daughter to to our Henry III. The Nuptials being celebrated in Christmas at York the King of England Knighted his Royall sonne in law with twentie more Where the Earle Marshall of England as an ancient right of his Place requird the King of Scotland's Horse and Furniture for his fee which although in those times it seems i Statut. West 2 cap. 46. De Marescallis the Earle Marshall had at the Knighting of any Baron or superior Nobleman as also at the Homages done by any such either Secular or Religious yet it was answerd that from the King of Scotland no such fee was due because hee might haue took the Order of any other Catholique Prince or at his pleasure of any of his own subiects of his Nobilitie Responsum fuit saith the k Matth. Paris 35. Hen. 3. Storie quod Rex Scotiae tali non subiacet exactio 〈…〉 quia si placeret ei potuit ipsa Arma suscipere a quouis Principe Catholico vel ab aliquo Nobilium suorum Sed ob reuerentiam honorem tanti Principis Domini ac vicini sui ac soceri tanti mallet ab ipso Rege Angliae Cingulo donari Militari quam aliquo alio Et sic praecipiente domino Rege in totum die festo omnimoda lis conquieuit And for that of the King of Scotland his saying that he might haue took it from a subiect of his own its true and so in our State some of our Kings haue receiud it Henry VI. was Knighted by Iohn Duke of Bedford and Edward VI. by Edward S●imer then Earl of Hertford and the like many more occurre Nay in those ancienter times Earls which were then the greatest Nobles vnder the King and Prince had a power of Knighting Vnder Hen. III. the Earle of Glocester made his brother William Knight at a Tourneament So did Simon of Montfort Earle of Leicester Gilbert of Clare Some l Tillius de Reb. Gallic 2. like examples haue been in France And Los Caualleros vassallos de los Ricos hombres i. Knights made by the Ricos hombres anciently in Spain they were neer as Barons in other places are rememberd by m Apud Fr. Menenium ex P. Salanoua alijs Spanish Antiquaries And against the Scotish Expedition Prince Edward of Caernaruan first Knighted by his father Edward 1. made diuers Knights of his own autoritie at Westminster by girding with the sword But such also as were neither Princes nor Earles and that without any Regall autoritie transferd for if so it were not worth obseruation about the raigns of our first three Edward's somtimes made Knights in the Warres Dominus Iohannes filius Thomae say the n A. 1313. 1314 1316. 1318. Annals of Ireland fecit Milites Nicolaum filium Mauritij Robertum de Clonhull apud Adare in Momonia So Edmund le Botiller afterward Lord Deputie made XXX Knights at Dublin And Richard of Bernimgham for the good seruice that one Iohn Husee had done in the Irish warres gaue him amplas terras fecit illum Militem vt benè meruit And by the same autoritie Uenit Dominus Rogerus de Mortimer Dubliniam fecit Dominum Ioannem Mortimer Militem cum quatuor socijs And indeed this Roger of Mortimer was then as Lord Deputie of Ireland and might the better do it And in one of our yeer-books o Thirning 7. Hen. 4. fol. 8. Voyes Froissart ●ol 1. fol. 185. a Iudge on the Bench relates thus I haue heard saith he that a Lord had issue a sonne and carried him to the Font and presently as soon as he was baptized took his Sword and made him a Knight saying Be a good Knight if you can for you shall neuer be good Esquire It was a prerogatiue it seems anciently challenged by such as were themselues Knights For William of Badensel a German Knight at the Sepulchre made two by his own report Supra Sepulchrum Christi saith p Guil. de Badensel Hodoe-Poric in Terram Sanctam he pulchram feci de Resurrectione Domini missam celebrari aliqui de meis socijs Corpus Christi deuotè susceperunt P●st Missam feci Duos Milites Nobiles supra sepulchrum gladios accingendo alia obseruando quae in professione Militaris Ordinis fieri consueuerunt This was in M. CCC XXXVI Now none but the King or one as his Lieutenant authorized giues this Order neither is it done by girding with the Sword but the deseruing kneels and a Sword is laid or slightly strook on his shoulder by the king vsing this French q Smith Rep. Angl. 1. cap. 17. Soiz Cheualter au nom de Dieu and then Auancez Cheualier This Ceremonie alone giues the Title of Eques Auratus that of Auratus comming from their right of wearing guilt spurres which hath been also a knights speciall ornament And vnder Edward II. Richard r Anonym Chron. apud Millium of Rodney was knighted by being girded with a Sword by Almaricus Earle of Penbrok and hauing one Spurre put on by the Lord Maurice of Barkley the other by the Lord Bartholomew of Badilsmere That striking with the s Tillius de Reb. Gallic 2. Sword hath been anciently the vse of the Empire and when Sigismund knighted Signell a French Gentleman in France to honor Signell with that name the want whereof was obiected to him in a Controuersie twixt him and P●stellan hee did it by such striking of him kneeling and giuing him one of his gilt spurres and girding him with a girdle that had hanging to it in stead of a sword a great knife And this was done in France neither Contra maiestatem aut ius Regis saith du Tillet tentatum est quia ex Iure consultorum sententia Equites vbique in Imperio in alieno dominatu institui possunt For Creation of a knight thus much and as euery child knows in personall Creation only the being of knighthood is neither hath any man it otherwise Infanciones saith one t Mich. Molin ap Mennenium of Spain and Infancio is their hijdalgo i. a Gentleman perhaps from the German or Gothique Edeling or Etheling nascuntur apud nos Milites verò fiunt which you may applie to all States In elder times it was prouided in the Empire France and Spain that none should receiue this Order except hee were before in some degree of Ciuill Nobilitie A
Grant is extant of u Pet. de Vineis lib. 6. Ep. 17 Frederique II. that a knight may be made quanquam pater suus Miles non fuerit nostris constitutionibus caueatur quod milites fieri nequeant qui de genere Militum non nascuntur In France it was x Belmanorian apud Tilium lib. 1. vide Ranulph de Glanuilla lib. 5. cap. 5. adiudged anciently that where the Lord of a Villain I vse the word as in our law had knighted his Villain being a Gentleman he became free and had the honor lawfully but if another had knighted him nothing had been wrought by it For none could manumit him but his Lord. And till Manumission or vnlesse knighthood had had Ciuill freedome for its ground he was not capable of it Neither there might any great man confer this dignitie vpon one which were not before a Gentleman without grieuous Mulct But the king only might do it And mongst old laws y Ex legib Hisp. Fr. Mennenius of Spain Quil bet Infancio euery Gentleman or hijdalgo potest esse Miles in Aragonia alij verò non Et si fortè non Infancio promoueatur per Ricum hominem ad Militiam perdit honorem quem tenebat Ricus homo one of their Ricos hombres vel si non tenebat nunquam tenere debet Et illi promotus semper remanet villanus sublato sibi equo armis Now to the dishonor of Merit and Noblesse how many most vndeseruing either for qualitie or parentage bear this most honorable Title But some ancient adiuncts to knighthood here next offer themselues They are chiefly The respect of the Honor to Possessions Their Martiall Equipage Their right of vsing a Seale The Aide a faire fitz Chiualer The Name and honorable regard to it and Degradation Of them all in their Order The Knights Feif or Fee is as commonly known by name as Knight But what it was or is is not to all known An old z testimonie makes it DC LXXX acres consisting of IV. Hydes Of Hydes before where of Barons Other certainties x Lib. Rub. Scaccarij are proposd for a Knights Fee anciently but * v. 4. Ed. 2. tit Auoury 200. in vain It s neerest truth to set no number of Acres nor quantitie of Territorie but only of Reuenue out of land which being XX l. yeerly was the value of a Knights Fee Remember what is alreadie deliuerd of an entire Baronie and the possessions of other dignities In them the Relief alwaies expresses the fourth part of the annuall reuenue by vertue of the Grand Charter which in this point was made in imitation of what was common law in the Relief of a Knights Fee being as appears by Glanuil and Geruase of Tilburie iust c. shil●ings What then more plainly could proue that the knights Fee that is the Possession fit for the maintenance of a Knight in those dayes was exactly land of X X l. yeerly And they which had such an estate might bee compelled to take and it seems of right demand a Knighthood Yet vnder Hen. the III. and Edward 〈◊〉 some of lesse Reuenue were calld to this Dignitie Anno sub eodem 1256 exijt edictum Regium saith Matth. Paris praeceptumque est acclamatum per totum Regnum Angliae vt quilibet qui haberet XV. libratas terrae supra armis redimitus tyrocinio donaretur vt Angliae sicut Italiae Militia Roboraretur Et qui nollent vel qui non possent honorem status Militaris sustinere pecunia se redimerent Heere XV. pound reuenue was the same and afterward all the a Matth. Paris pag. 1249. edit Lond. vbi legendum pro decem quindecem Shirifes of England were amerced euery one at fiue Marks in the Exchequer for not distraining the Tenants in their Countie according to that precept And other like examples are in themselues vnlike for value But by the Statute of Westminster 1. of Resonable Aide XX. pound Socage land and a Knights Fee are compar'd for like possessions and in I. Edward II. an act of Parlament was that if any were distrain'd to bee made Knight hauing neither in Fee nor for life twentie pounds reuenue and the same were prou'd vpon his complaint by inquest he should be discharg'd Nor that any man should be compell'd to bee a Knight before his full age of XXI years Yet after that the writs haue bin for such as had fortie pound yearly b 19. Ed. 2. Claus. memb 16. Dors. 7. Ed. 3. tit Auerment 37. Claus. 7. Ed. 3. part 1. Dors. memb 7. 22. both in Ed. II. and III. their times and of diuers succeeding And vnder Henry VI. the Chiefe Iustice c Babington 7. Hen. 6. sol 16. C. Sir Richard Haukesford of the Common Pleas sayes that the King might compell euery man of xll. yearly worth in lands to receiue Knighthood by writ out of the Exchequer and if they appear'd not at the first day but come after to take this order by rigour of Law they are not to be receiu'd but amerced for default Where he remembers that when writs in that kind went out at the second day a great Burgesse of Southwork able to dispend c. Marks yearly appear'd on whom they were vnwilling that the honor should be bestowed and after deliberation resolu'd that because hee came not the first day hee should not be Knighted This Census or Militarie value hath some proportion to that of the Ordo Equestris in Rome Their Ordo Equestris or secundus Ordo as they calld it in respect of the Senators being Ordo primus had it's known worth in possessions That worth was CD M. of their Sestertij in present estate of our sterling M. M. M. C. XXV pounds euery M. Sesterij or one Sestertium which are all one reckon'd at VII pounds XVI shillings III. pence Yet in those more ancient times of England when the relief of a Knights Fee and so a Knights Fee were truely known as now also too frequently this honor was giuen to such as had not any land twixt them and other a difference is made in d Roger. de Houeden part 2. pag. 424. lib. Rub. scaccarij Richard I. his edict of Torneaments Rex statuit Torniamenta fieri in Anglia charta sua confirmauit ita quod quicunque torniare vellet daret ei pecuniam secundum formam subscriptam videlicet Comes daret pro licentia torniandi XX. Marcas argenti Barones decem Marcas argenti Miles Terram habens IV. Marcas argenti Miles non habens Terram II. Marcas argenti Out of this Militarie Reuenue and the right of compulsion in the King to make the possessors Knights you may easily vnderstand what Pro respectu Militiae is in the Exchequer Rolls anciently and why in Enquests of Eires the presentations were of such as had a whole Knights Fee and were not Knighted being of full age In an Eire
are in like forme brought into their ch 〈…〉 er There they change their habits and put on a red silk robe a white hat with like feathers vpon a linnen cap and white Gloues Then they take horse their horses bearing a Crosse on the forehead Before euery of them their Pages on horseback bear a Sword hatcht with gold in a Belt and on it gilt spurres hanging The two Esquires riding on each side Before them Trumpets In this solemnitie they go to Court where by two ancient Knights euery of them is led to the King The Page deliuers the Sword and Belt and the Spurres to the Lord Chamberlain he with great reuerence to the King The King girds the Knight with it and commands the two ancient Knights to put on his Spurs and they were wont saith the learned Clarenceulx to kisse the created's knees with an acclamation of best wishes Then they dine all together sitting all on one side of the Table euerie one vnder his Shield They go to Euening Prayer to the Chappell there offer their Swords and with another Oblation redeem them As they come back the Kings chief Cook shewing them his knife warns them that they proue themselues good and faithfull Knights which if they doe not he menaces them to cut off their Spurs On the Coronation day they weare a blew robe and wait girded with their Swords and Spurr'd hauing on their left shoulder a hood and a ribband or such like of white silk Of this ribband thus Segar Charter describing the old fashion He shall be apparelled in a blew Gown with the Manches open in the maner of a Priest and he shal haue at his left shoulder a lace of white silk hanging which he shall wear vppermost on his Garment so long till hee haue gained honor in Armes and bee recorded by some noble Knights Esquires and Heralds of Armes for som memorable deeds done by him or by some Noble Prince or Noble Ladie which may cut away the lace from the knights shoulder saying Sir we haue heard much of your renown and that you haue done in diuers places to the great honor of Chiualrie for your self and him that made you knight Therefore reason would that this lace be taken from you This Order is now speciall and in another Rank before common Knights yet it seems that anciently none were at all knighted but thus if you regard only the chiefest of the ceremonies Remember what we haue before out of Iugulph And for the Vigils see the h Florilegus sub A. 1306. relation of them kept in the Temple at the knighting of Prince Edward of Caernaruan And I remember Nicholas Upton that wrote de re Militari vnder Henrie VI. speaks of that wearing the Riband as belonging generally to Knights Most Knights then were in the more ancient daies as Knights of the Bath for the more ancient ceremonies of creation remain in them only And therefore howeuer the name hold not so vniuersally it s not amisse to make them as Bannerets such as haue or haue had their distinct honor not so much limited to any particular State Those two Bachelors and of the Bath you may comprehend vnder the generall name of Equites Aurati or Caualieri di sprone as Sansouino calls them i. knights of the spur And most of the other Orders which are appropriat to their particular Countries you may with him stile Caualieri di Collana or Equites Torquati i. such as for a speciall ensigne of their honor haue som speciall Chain Collar or such like ornament denoting it I iterat speciall because also others haue the right of wearing Collars giuen them as it seems in that of Iohn Gower a Noble English Poet vnder Richard II. and Hen. IV. buried in the North side of S. Mary Ouerie● Church in Southwark with his statue on him his head circled with a Chaplet of red Roses and about his neck a Collar of S S. But they haue them as speciall gifts of priuat fauor and as additaments to their honor not as a note of their Order except only such as are created Esquires by a i Torquium dator dictus Athelstanus Antiquiss cuidam scriptori apud Henric. Huntingdon lib. 6. de Torquibus a Romanorum Impp. datis non est vt quid hic quis expectet Collar of S S. giuen Therefore Sansouino speaking of Knights Bachelors or of the Spur Portano saith he similimente la Collana come i Prencipi come puro dono de chi li crea non come Segno d'ordine alcuno di Caualeria regolata Such kind of gifts are anciently found in the stories of Pharaoh Mordechai and passages of the Maccabees and in the Torques Armillae the like of the Romans And after the battell of Caleis Edward III. wearing a rich Chaplet k Froissart vol. 〈◊〉 on his head made of gold and stones gaue it to a worthy knight Eustace of Ribaumont commanding him to weare it all that yeer as the Kings fauor Mongst Knights di Collana foure are of speciall and of most honor that of the Gartier with vs of the Anunciada in Sauoy of the Golden Fleece in Burgundie and of S. Michael and de Saint Esprit in France Of them and som others briefly That most honorable Order l Periscelidis siue Garterij Ordo of the Gartier was as is truly supposd instituted here by Edward III. soon after his victories against the French at Caleis About M. CCC L. Some and the most part affirme that the King dancing with the Queen or rather the Countesse of Salisburie whom he much affected a Garter fell from her The King took it vp and ware it on his leg and whether vpon the Queens ielousie or his Lords merrie obseruing it told them Hony soit que maly pense And that he would make it the most honorable Garter that euer was worn Others think the Garter was vsd for some symbole before his successefull battell Howsoeuer he made of this an Order of XXVI knights vnder the patronage of S. George and the Garter to be worn on the left leg inscribd by embrodering with those French words The Collar of the Order being of pure gold made of Garters and knots and enameld with Roses white and red weying about XXX ounces Troy weight with the Image of George richly garnished with slones thereat hanging Froissart that hath many particulars of the Kings affection to the Countesse and then liud speaks of no such thing as hir Gartier but in M. CCC XLIV puts the institution de la Confrairie Saint George or de les Cheualiers de bleu lartier as he calls it and makes the number at the first Iousting fortie Which referre to that which we haue anon out of Walsingham touching the Round Table vnder the same yeer and more light will bee giuen to both autors in those passages But in the book of the m Camd. in A. tr●batijs videsis Leland ad Cygn Cant●onem institution of this
Turks is Persia. 106 Aichmalotarchae in the Captiuitie 154 Aijos Phasileos Marchio 131 Ailwin a Saxō Earle called Half-king the same with Hehelguinus in others 227. Founder of Ramsey Abbey in Huntingdonshire ibid. Aides to make the sonne a Knight marrie the daughter and redeeme the Lords bodie out of prison 330 Algomeiza Procyon 13 Algebar 13 Alexander sonne to Iupiter Hammon and his picture with Rams hornes 63. whence he was called Dhil karnaijn 140. his being deceiu'd by Anaximenes exprest by an Ancient in Latine verse 157 his request to the High Priest for his name to be giuen to the Priests children 67 Albu Ersalan 111 Alcoran of the Turks worne about a Chaliphs neck 100. in it parts of the old Testament ibid. how many Azoars Sureths or chapters it hath the difference of the Arabique one in that from the Latine 101. the beginning of euery Azoar 102. It was by error giuen to Mahomet by the Angell Gabriel 104 Almumens 101 Ali or Alem Mahomets sonne in law 100. how the Persians and other follow his sect 105. 107 the Alian Sect from another Ali according to some opinion 107 Ali Abasides 107 Alghabassi 99 Aladin in the Turkish storie 112 Alfred the first King annointed in England 133 Alilat the same Goddesse with Lilith 165 Alexius Commen the first creator of those Dignities Sebastocrator Panhypersebastus c. 171 Alderman of all England vnder the Saxons 227 Aldermannus Iuratorum 270. 389 Alderman See more in Ealderman Alodium Alode its deriuation 302 Alodarij Aloarij and the like anciently in England 390 Alsheich 51 Alluph i. Dux 208 Amiras Amera Amir 49. 98. 375 Amir Echur 374. Amir Halem 379 Amir elmumunin i. Rex orthodoxorum 99. seq Amiralius 375 Amiras Amireus if well distinguisht 375. 376. Amir amomenus 99 Amir moumnes 100 Amici Regum and Amici Fratres Rom. Imp. 185 Anaximenes See Alexander Annian Impostures reiected 17 Anglorum Rex Primus in the Heptarchie 30 Anselm Archbishop of Canterburie would haue gone to Rome for his Pall but William II. would not permit him 26 Anaxarchus his iest to Alexander pretending himselfe a God 67 Anni Augustorum 71 Antigonus his answere to a flatterer that calld him God 67 Antiochus sprinkled the Iewes Bibles with Bacon-broth 62 Antonin of what respect the name was in Rome 77 Annointing of Kings 128. whence the originall 129. 387. Annointing of stones and statues mongst the Gentiles and bounds ibid. what Princes were to be annointed by the Roman Prouinciall 130. yet no annointing of the old Irish Kings 57. where it was first vsed in the westerne parts 131. Annointing with holy oile to the French Kings 132. None of their Kings of the first line was annointed 132. British Kings annointed 132. First annointed in the Saxon times 133. Annointing of the English Kings with holy oile giuen to Thomas Becket as the tale is reported 134. Annointing makes Kings capable of spirituall iurisdiction 135 Andrew Harkley Earle of Carleil his being degraded of Knighthood vnder Edward II. and the forme of it 3●7 Andrew S. 370 Apollo to him were consecrate all children cut out of the wombe and why 70 Apostle des Sarazins 66 Apostolique King a title to an Asiatique King 87 Apple so is the Globe calld whereon the Crosse is infixt 158. Three apples in Iupiters statue at Constantinople 159 Appenages of France 196. whence the word Appenage 198 Arbelus 9 Arsacides 76 Areta a name of the Hagaren Kings 76 Arduelles or Ardebil 107 Arthurs seale 160. Arthur and his Round Table 365 Arundel Castle 235. Earldome of Arundel begunne 236. its essence by reason of the Castle and precedence 236. 237 Armories Setting of Crownes on them 196. 197. 206. See Crownes when they began to be borne hereditarily in Praefat. and there of their being giuen by Patent more borne by some Mahumetans painted anciently 380 Armes of the Daulphinè France to be quartered 173. Of Moscouie 362. and see in Beta Of Saxony 152 Armes giuen in enfranchisement 326. 327. and see in Knights Of armes descendible to the heire 322 Arch-duke how ancient the name 194. Of Lorrain ib. Arlic i. Honorable 223 Armiger 340. 341. whence the dignitie hath its name 343 Archbishops worth 204 Arabians See in Vashlu Assyrian Monarchie and its continuance 6. 7 Assur built not Niniueh 8 Astaroth 65 Astronomie of Homer explaned 14 Astrologers 67. 166. 185 Asia the westerne part of it sometimes beside what is truly Greece called Greece 75 Assit principio Sancta Maria meo 101 Asser Ben Cheter 105 Astures King of them 80. Prince of Asturia 170 Ataulph purposd for a title in Empire 76 Athelstans greatnesse thinking it more honourable to make a King then be one 35. his Charter 303 Athenian Prince calld Great Duke 194 Augustus would not bee called Dominus 47 Augustus why and how a title to the Emperor 70. 71. its deriuation 71. vsed by other Princes 71. and 72 Augere Hostias 71 Aureum Pomum wheron the crosse is borne 160 Auratus Eques 317. and 361 Aureorum Annulorum jus See in Rings B BAal 9. and 65 Baal Hanan the same as Hannibal 67 Baal-samaim the same with Iupiter Apollo Pan. 9 Banners giuen in inuestiture and in committing the gouernment of a Prouince 28. 29. 191. 378. 379 Banner square who may beare it with his Armes on it 353 Bannerets their Name and Creation 353. seq a Banneret discharged of being Knight of the Shire 355. 356. and of their Precedence ibid. See in Sanziacks Bani of Hungarie 381 Babylonian Scepters and Rings 155 Babylon and Bagdet 93 Bagded is the old Seleucia vpon the confluence of Tigris Euphrates 93 Baetulus from Bethel deriu'd into the Heathen 129 Babamus in Turkish Our Father 122 Bacon the Frier his bookes spoild by ignorant Monkes 109 Baltheus what 311 Balteus auratus constellatus 309 Basilius Macedo the Easterne Emperor his finding fault with Lews II. the Western about the title of Emperour 22. 23 Basileus 21. seq 35 Barbaquan Barbican 89 Barons and Baronie the etymon of the word 259. seq what they are 265. 266. Of France 266. of England before the Normans 267. seq vntill 273. Barons after the Normans and Parlamentarie 274. 278. and 280. 283. Value of a Baronie 274. and 232. Peers to Barons i. Pares Baronum 274. 275. Barons to Earls 247. 275. without Barons the name of Prince anciently not supported 275. Baronies how many in England vnder Hen. III. 278. First Baron created by Patent in England 281. Baro and Baronia coniugata 282. and 283. Primus Baro Angliae 283 Baron and Lord. 284. Baronie of Earles giuen to their heires apparant 284 Barons of Scotland 285. late and ancient 286. 287. difference of those of France of later time and Barons of England Scotland 288. Barons in France haue the right of wearing a Gilt Helmet 288. and a Chaplet of gold 289. Of Spaine
Hidata Terra non Hidata 271 Hide of Land 271 Hidage what 270 Hippobatae 333 Hlafe afford Hlafford 61. Hlafe-die for Ladie 61 Honor and Reuerence Parents to Maiestie 121 Honor and Vertue their Temple in Praefat. Honorarij Codicilli 185. 220 Holland Earldom when began 194. 195 Holds 225 Holy Iland 248 Horse from it the name of Knight in all languages but English 332. 333. See in Haire Hunggiar a Turkish Title 103. giuen to a great fat Hog by Ismael Sophi in dishonor of Baiazeth 104 Humbert Daulphin 172 Hugh le Bigod his surrendring the Earldome of Norfolk 231 I IAuan vsd sometimes for Syria 75. 76 Iariffe i. Seriph 97 Iacupbeg 105 Ic dien 272 Idolatrie its beginning 9 Iewes their honoring of the New Moon 164. See in Sunne and in Childbirth Their Oaths Contracts and Seales 328. 329 Iewish Kings Crown 153 Ilethyia for Lucina whence 165 Illustres 383. 385 Imperator the name 19. 20. seq See Emperor Imperator Dominus to the Kings of England 25. 26. 35 Imperatori Proximus a Title 172 Images of the Roman Nohilitie in Praefat. Infulae 149 Inferiors to superiors their forme of speaking 114. 115 In Hoc Vince 16● Infantes and Infanta 179 Inuestiture of Prouinces 1●1 See in Duke Marquesse Count c. and in Bishops Iudex Fiscalis 221. 227 Ioannes cognomento Digitorum 56 Iohn an vnluckie name to Kings 205 Ioannes Belul for Prester Iohn 15. 86 Ioannes Encoe ibid. Iohn of Sarisburie vnder Henrie 11. requested the Pope to giue Ireland to Henrie 11. 56 Iohn afterward King of England made Lord of Ireland with a Crowne of feathers sent from the Pope 57. and afterwards would haue been a Mahumedan and sent for the Alcoran 102 Iosuah Ben Nun remembred in old columns erected by some that fled out of Canaan into Mauritania Tingitania in his time 70 Iochabelul i. Prester Iohn 87 Ireland its Kings anciently 31. 57. See in Dominus in Henry 11. in Iohn of Sarisb in Iohn King Subiect to Edgar a good part of it 55 Ireland Dukes of Ireland 58 Iupiters Tombe in Crete and his Epitaph 12. See in Baal His statue vsd to be had in Oaths 158 Iupiter Labradeus his statue 155 his statue in Constantinople 159 Iudith her story examined with coniectures on it 33. 34. not knowen to the Iewes but from Europe 33 Iulian Apostata forbidding to be called Dominus 48 Iudas of Galilee Autor of the Sect which would not allow any Prince the name of Lord. 49 Iuliers made of a Marquisate a Countie 214 Ius Aureorum disputed 324. seq K KArolouitz 78 Karm in Scythian 90 Keshish 110 Kelchyn 286 Kessar i. Caesar. 28 Keyser 70 Kentish-mens Prerogatiue anciently to be in the Uantgard in Praefat Kingdomes how begun 2. 3. seq vsque ad 17 King and Emperor their difference in the Roman Empire 20. seq See in Rex Kings in Clientela Imperatoris 28 Kings subiect to the Empire properly no Kings 29. seq King whence in seuerall languages 44 King crowned before born 145 Kings Freind 185 Kings see in Swearing in Crowns in Annointed in Scepter in Crosse in Knighting in Dukes c. Kings denominating their Nations 74. 75. 76 Kissilpassa whence 83. 106 Kissing the Emperors foot 38. kissing the forefinger or hand in adoration 38. kissing the bands 39 40 forbidden ibid. Hands Knees and Feet ibid. Popes foot 39. 40. why the hand was kissed 40. kissing at Farewels 42. Head Eies and Hands 42. kissing of Iacob by Esau. 42 A Statute against kissing the King 43. Numidian Princes why not kist 43. after Praiers and of Charitie 43. That Templars might not kisse a woman 373 Kidermister first Baronie in England by Creation by Patent 282 Knights and knighting some Course in the ancientest times like knighting 306. by giuing the deseruing arms and bauing him sit at his fathers Table 307. 308 Knighthood receiued from whom 308 Girding in knighthood 309. 310. seq by giuing a blow on the care 312. first mention of a Knighthood in England 313 Knighthood giuen by Churchmen 313. 314. Holie Ceremonies in the ancient taking of Knighthood in England and elswhere 314. Fees at the Knighting of a Great man anciently 315. Kings knighted by their subiects 315. by other Kings ibid. Knighting by meaner men 316. by a Knight of his owne power 317. form of knighting now 317. a supreme Prince may knight in any Territorie 317. No Knight to be made anciently vnlesse descended of Noble Parentage 318. a Knights Fee 319. and Relief ibid. by what value one may be compelld to take the Order 319. 320 322. Knight with land and without land 320. a Knights Equipage House and Furniture exempt from execution and issues 321. 322. his Arms discendible to his heirs 322. 323. Knights seale 323. if that were a Right of Knighthood 323. Aids to knighting 330. The Father being no Knight shall not haue aid to make the sonne a Knight 331. Knighting discharges Wardship and how 332. whence the name of Knight in seuerall languages 332. Knights Bachelors 336. 337. Degradatiō of a Knight 337. striking a Knight punished with losse of the hand 339. See in Bath in Banneret in Orders Knighthood to a Mahumedan by a Christian Emperor 380 Knecht 333 Knaue how it anciently signified 341 Knape Knabe 341 Knesi i. Dukes 27 Kneeling to Princes 4● the answere of Philip 11. of Spain in excuse being saluted with kneeling 42 Konigin 44 Kopach the Russian Emperours Cap. 152 L LAws wont to bee sung and thence called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 15 Laws Ciuile when first profest in Praefat. Lauerd for Lord. 61 Ladie 61 Lars Lartes 59 Latins 75 Lazar and Lazars 78 Lamorabaquin in Froissart what 89 Laurell in Triumph 139. whence it was taken and of what tree 148 for the Caesars ibid. against Thunder ibid. Lazi Kings might not weare purple 144 Labarum and its form 161 Lazzi what 177 Lantgraue 221. 222. 246 Lancaster made a Palatinat 247 Lancaster sword 31 Lairds of Scotland 288 Letters 16. Lewes 11. See Basilius Leo X. gaue Henrie VIII the name of Defender of the faith 79. Leshari 105 Leuderique Bishop of Breme taxed of pride for vsing the name of Pastor and such like 118 Lewes XIII of France born 176 Leicester Earldom 235 Leod Bishop 225. 204 Leudes what 264 Leornung Cnechts 333 Leitou Palatins 249 Lewhelin Prince of Wales 275 Liuerie and seisin in some sort of England to the Normans 34 Lilith what 164 Limitum Duces 183. 209 Lithuania 193. 249 Liuonia 194. 240 Lindisfarn 248 Lord. See in Dominus in Iudas of Galilee in Hlafford and of the deriuation of the name 59. 60. 61 expressing a Baron 284 Louerd for Lord. 61 Loof and Loef 61 Lodouicus and Chlouis the same 71. 72. 78 London custome 265 Lords in curtesie 284 Lombards or Longobards 294 Lucanicus and Lucanica 72 Lucius first Christian King of Britain 78 Lunus and Luna 167 Lycosura first Citie according to Graecian
anciently with vs 323. how among the Romans ibid. 329. when they came first hither 327. among the Iewes 328. in white wax in Praefat. Seleucia Bagded 93 Seriph or Seriffe 97 Seithi 97 Senior 110. 111 Serenitas Nostra 120 Sebastocrator 122. 156. 171. 197 Senoi Sansenoi Saminegeloph 165 Seigneurs Suzerains 207 Seneschal 244 Setar i. starra 328 Selefey in Sussex 301 Selden anciently Selkeden in Sussex 321 Sexhendman 334 Seruiens 335 Semiramis built not Babylon 8 Shinaghr 5. 32 Shach Sophi 105. 106 Shach Schach Saa c. 52. 111 Shooes with Eagles 155. See Red. Gilt Shooes 156. 157. See in Moon Shield-knaue 341 Shiregemote 225 Shrifes See Ealdorman and in Vicecō Viscoūt in Bishops Sixtus Quintus his iest on himselfe for being born domo illustri in Praefat. Sihri 66 Sikerborgh 264 Sigillum Magnum and Sigillum Paruum 330 Siris whence so called the Riuer Nilus Sicilie Princes had Rex giuen them hereditarie 24 Skioldungi a Danish race 74 Soldan Saudan Sultan c. 94. 96. 383 Sophi whence in the Persian Title 107. and in whom first ibid. seq Sophi signifies not a Begger 108. See in Praefat. Sophilars a Sect. 106. 107 Souerraign Lord or Ladie 125 Somerset Earl 217 Sops of wine giuen in making an Earl 239. 240 Solidus duplex 204 Snowdon 215 Sommage and Somme 291 Sonnes of Noble Personages how some of them are accounted in Rank 284. 342 Solidati 335 Soldiers whence the name 335. 336 Spain See in Emperor and in Pragmatica in Dukes Earles Viscounts c. Spurres giuen in Knighthood 317 Spectabilis 383 Speaking or writing to Great Persons 116. 117. 119. 120. 121. seq See in Salutation Stafford Baron 283 Statues and Idolls how first worshipt 9 Stuart that name in Scotland when first Royall and whence 285 Starra the Iews written instruments of Contracts c. whence and where vsd 328 Sunne and its Images how worshipt by the Iews 10. by the Easterns Generall 11. and Persians 167 supposd with 12. beams 140. supposd in Astrologie President of Christianitie 166 Sultan See Soldan Sultan Olē i. Lord of the world 97 Sultan Gelal Eddin Melic Sa. 111. 112 Sublimitas 120 Sultanlar monie 112 Superiors speaking to Inferiors 114 Surname See Names Summon an Earl in his Countie 233 Summarius 291 Summagium 292 Subuasores 292 Sunni Schia 105 Sueuians old Prerogatiue in Praef. Suppani 381 Superillustris 383 Sword giuen in making a subiect King 29. For Sword see in Cinctura and Gladius and in Inuestiture of Dukes Count or Earl c. and in Knights Swearing See in Othes and in Cosmas Syro-Phoenician Graecian in S. Mark what 75 Synopsis Basilicon 21 Syncellus what 97 T TArtarean Empire 87. 89. 92 Taurica Chersonesus 91 Tangergoglan 93 Tanais 92 Tetragrammaton name of the Almightie whence and how pronounced among the Iews 50. 51 Teggiurlar 77. 381 Temerinda 90 Tenure of the Crown and of the King 266 Tenure of the I le of Man anciently 31. of the Tenants and Princes of the Empire 300 Templars might nos kisse a woman 373 Tecuytles 372 Tiberius his dissimulation 19. 20. he would not be calld Lord. 43. inclin'd to Christianitie 78 Themosis Pharaoh that was drowned in the Red sea 73 Thomas Apostle 88 Tiara what 144. what kind of one the King only wore 144. it was pulld off by the Persians in salutation 144 Thrymsa what 240 Thanes and Thegnes 225. 268. seq Thanus and Thainus 285. 272 Third part of the Counties profits to the Earls 229. 232. 233 Tiptofts rule 284 Thomas Becket See in Annointing and in Oile Timariots 380 Timaria 381 Tongues variation of the Europaean and Asiatique pronunciation 5. 6. Punique and Spanish 52. Hebrew and Maurish anciently the same 69. the Aethiopique Chalde 86. Slauonique and Tartarian 92 Tonosconcolerus 6 Tosch 285 Torniaments 321 Toga Virilis and the time of taking it 305 Truchten i. God or Lord. 61 Triumphall Ornaments whence 249 Tronagium granted 199 Trinoda Necessitas reserued alwayes in Saxon Feoffments 293 Tropaeophorus 364 Troplelophorus 364 Turks names 67. for them see in Mahumedans Turbant or Tulipant 144. 146. 147 Turkish Banner 378 Tzaophi i. Electus whence Sophi 107 Tzodki i a begger 108 Tzaggia and Tzaggae 342 V VAlecti 54. 321 Vashlu point how superstitious the Arabians are in reading it 102 Vacantes 184 Value of Dignities 232 Vaiuods 249. 382 Valuasores what ●65 289 Maiores Minores ibid. 290. 291. See in Vauasour Vauassories 291 Vauasours in France and England 292. and of England in 389. 390. whece the word 298 Valuasini 291 Vadiare legem amittere legem 344 Vassi Vassalli whence 297. 298. seq Velenno 10 Vezir Vezir azem 23. 377 Veromandia 71 Vitreus Ordinationis liber 135 Viennois See in Daulphin Viscounts whence and what in France 250. 251. his inuestiture 256. First in England and Scotland 256 Vicedominus 253. 254 Viguiers 251 Vicecomes whence so called for Shirife 252 Vicarius 252 Vidames whence 253 Virgata Terrae 272 Viro for Baro. 273 Villain knighted 318 Vlu Chan what 88. 89. 92 Vnchan or Vmcham 86. 87. 92 Vnction See in Annointing Volteius Mena Libertus to Pompey 325 Vrum Padischach i. the Emperor 103 Vsum Chasan 105 W W common with Qu. and Gu. 298 Wardships 54. See in Knights Wardships first in England Scotland 302 Wales See Prince 173 Walter Bishop of Ely 228 Werldthegnes what 225 White Kings 83 White in the Diadem proper to Kings 144. 145 Whitespurres 343 Wiltshire-mens Prerogatiue In Praefat. Witiscalc what 262 Wite 262. 263. 389 Wittenagemotes 226. 279 Wisemē of the East not Kings 108 Wife putting her away and taking her againe one of the execrations in the Mahumedans Oath 104 William Conqueror his arriuall and stumbling at the shore 34. his subiecting Church lands to the tenures 183 Will 11. his deniall of the Pope 26 Wight the Iles Kings 31 Worlds gouernment according to Hermes 3 Women and wiues called Dominae and Ladies 53 Women theeues drowned 286 Wooll 107 Worship and Worshipfull 124 Worshipfull Prince 124 X XA for Shach 111 Xeriph See in Seriph Y YEers See in Computation Z ZAga Zabo 85. 87 Zamer Chan. 91 Zabergan 91 Zelebi 381 Zosteria Minerua 311 Zuna 111 The end
contraire vel contradicerè creditor potest scilicet ipsum sigillum in Curia recognoscenda suum esse c. The like out of that y 33. Hen. 2. apud D. Ed. Coke in praefat ad lib. 3. Fine in the Countie twixt Walter of Fridastorp and Helias his sonne and Iohn of Beuerley leuied vnder Hen. II. and sealed with the seals of the Father and Sonne Either then the Chronicle of Abingdon misinstructs or els it wills that the Earle of Chester being yet not of the order of Knighthood vsed his mothers seale that is such a one as hers was without difference because perhaps after the order receiud som change was to bee added to his For Du Tillet cites an old iudgment of the yeer M. CCC LXXVI wherin he saith an Esquire dicitur cum Equestrem Ordinem suscipit sigillum mutare But hee speaks it only of Burgundie Others being moud by the Monkish z Chron. Abb. de Bello apud G. Lambard in Itin. Cantij pag. 405. report touching Richard Lucy chief Iustice of England his finding fault with a mean man for vsing a seale vnder Henrie II. think that in those times they were peculiar to men of the greater fashion and that they became common not till about Edward III. Indeed diuers Charters were in the Norman times before that made without seales yet an old * Bracton lib. 2. de acq rer dom cap. 16. §. 12. Lawier vnder Hen. III. requires them as an essentiall part of a Deed. Nor doth any one reason more moue me to beleeu the ancient and promiscuous vse of them here then because for the most part all Nations had them and in their Writings and Deeds in one sort or another vsd them And howeuer a Hist. Nat. 33. cap. 1. Plinie affirms that Egypt and the East were only contented with letters omitting seals yet its certain that the Iews had them and in ancient time often when they made a contract two Deeds were writen one contayning the contract at full with all couenants and conditions which was folded vp and sealed b v. Ierem. cap. 32. Ios. Scalig Elench Trihaeresij cap. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tobit cap. 7. with the buyers seale the other containing a generall recitall of what thing only the Contract was and this last was shewd open to witnesses who inscribd their names on the backside of boh That so the Witnesses or standers by might not know the summe time of Redemption or such like yet bee able to iustifie the truth of the instrument comprehending them by the inscription of their names The Seale they calld 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the Deed or instrument writen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sephor which is a book also but the c Elias in Thisbite Rabbins expresse their Deeds Releases Obligations and the like by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Shetar or Setar whence the word Starrum or Starr● for Acquitances or writen testimonies of Contracts is vsd So must you vnderstand it in that Roll in the Tower of Placita apud Scaccarium Iudeorum de Termino Paschae anno Regni Edwardi nono of Edward the first Salomon de Stanford Iudeus recognoscit per Starrum suum occurres there and an Acquitance or Release by the name of starrum is there d 9. Ed. I. Iudeorum Rot. 4. Pasch. Norff. rot 5. in dors rot 6. Sutht ferè passm in Schedis illis pleded to haue been tried before the Shirife at Norwich by a Iurie of Sex probos legales homines sex legales Iudeos de Ciuitate Norwici and found to haue been the Deed of one Genta a woman Iew of Gloucester whereupon one Alice the widow of Clement of Poringlond was quit against the King then clayming vpon speciall occasions all duties which were owing to the Iews in England The like kind of trials are there in the case of one Eustace of Peccham in Kent of Salomon Bensalomon in Hampshire and diuers others Where by the way obserue it seems the Iews of the Iurie were charged by oth taken vpon the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 e Liber legis i. the books of Moses held in their armes and by the name of the God of Israel which is mercifull with formall additions of words which they vsed as Christians vpon the Euangelists For a Rabbin that l Rabbi Moses Mikotzi in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praecept 123. liud in time of Henrie III. saies that so was an oth to bee taken by his countrie men although in a iudiciall precedent yet remaining of Constantin Porphyrogennetus he liud about CCC yeers before diuers other and strange ceremonies were to be vsed If you desire them search them where they g In lib. 2. Iuris Graeco Romani are publisht The Romans had their Annuli signatorij and sigillaricij as Uopiscus calls them destinat as well to sealing of writings as vse in the house in steed of locks h Satyr 13. Inuenal Uana superuacui dicunt Chirographa ligni Arguit ipsorum quos litera gemmáque Princeps Sardoniches loculis quae custoditur eburnis What 's gemma Sardoniches but the Seale cut in that stone Of the i Polyb. hist. 6. Graecians as plain testimonie is And of all enough more The seale being a speciall ensigne of credit and therefore so fitly vsd Nec plus habere quam vnum licebat saith Ateius k Macrob. Sat. 7. cap. 13. Capito of Seale Rings and the ancient Roman times nec cuiquam nisi libero quos solos fides decerneret quae signaculo continetur And it s affirmd mongst the Graecians that before the inuention of Seales cut in fit matter the vse was to seale with pieces of wood eaten and gnawen by l Philostephan apud Hesychium in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Is. Tzetz ad Lycophronem wormes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which could not but giue impression and that Hercules first vsd that kind of Seale whence Lycophron hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. a worm-eaten Seale I perswade you not to bee prodigall of your faith to such Grecian coniectures Think of them as they deserue But mongst our ancestors as the king had his Great and lesse or Priuie Seale so at least Gentlemen and their superiors a like distinction A Conisance in the Kings Court anciently shall iustifie it Iohannes de Burgo saith m Hill 44. Hen. 3. Placit ap West Rot. 28. Staff the Roll cognouit quod apposuit paruum sigillum suum cuidam scripto quod fecit Decano Capitulo de n Lichefeild Lichefeud de confirmatione quieto clameo de aduocatione de Herdel apponet sigillum suum magnum praedicto scripto circa tertiam Septimanam post Pascham So much for Seales Among the Reasonable Aides due from Tenants to their Lords one speciall is a faire fitz heire Chiualer to make the Lords sonne and heire a Knight Which is one of
the three reserud in King Iohns Grand Charter to be leuied without consent of Parlament Nullum so the words are o Charta ista est apud Matth. Paris in Annalibus Thomae Rudborne Monachi Wintonienses Ms. in the Kings person scutagium vel auxilium ponam in Regno nostro nisi per commune consilium Regni nostri nisi ad Corpus nostrum redimendum ad primogenitum Filium nostrum Militem faciendum ad primogenitam filiam nostram semel maritandam Et ad hoc non fiat nisi rationabile auxilium And in the same Nos non concedimus de caetero alicui quod capiat auxilium de liberis hominibus suis nisi ad corpus suum redimendum ad faciendum primogenitum Filium suum Militem ad primogenitam filiam suam semel Maritandam ad hoc non fiat nisi rationabile auxilium That aide de Rançon as it is calld in the Custumier of Normandie occurrs not as I remember in our Law annals printed but in the not publisht yeers of p 21. Ed. 1. fol. 66. Edward 1. a release by one Robert of Bentham to the Abbot of Ford is pleded of all seruices forspris suit reall reasonable aide pur luy reindre hors de prison ou ces heires quel heur qu' ils fussent enprisones From the Normans vntill Edward I. these Aides were all vncertain but to be leuied with moderation and according to the quantitie of the Tenants worth ne q Glanuil lib. 9 cap. 8. nimis grauari inde videatur vel suum contenementum amittere Neither was any certaintie of Age in the sonne and heire by the law known But in III. r West 1. cap. 36 Edward I. it was enacted that for the Knighting and marriage of a whole knights Fee should be XX. shillings giuen and of XX. pounds yeerly so cage as much and so pro rata and that none should bee leuied vntill the sonne and heire were of XV. yeers age and the daughter of VII But the King was not bound by this Statut extending only to common persons as appears by Records s Parl. 20. Ed. 3. Art 45. alibi of interceding time where the value leuied was greater Therefore by the act of XXV Edward III. the Kings Aides were brought to a like value All lands are subiect to these Aides except only ancient demesne and grand and petit serieantie Tenures as the law hath been t 11. Hen. 4. fol. 31. 10. Hen. 6. Auowry 267. Anc. dem 11. anciently deliuerd One that wrote a litle after the Statut of Westminster I. speaking of Auowrie for reasonable aide a faire fits eign Chiualer allows as good barres to the Auowrie for the tenant to plede that u Briton Chap de prises de auers the Father himself is no Knight or that the sonne is not yet of age pur ordre de Chiualler prendre so that one not knighted cannot claime this aide of his Tenants And the fit age to receiue the Order is fifteene according to that Statut although if the sonne and heire of a Tenant x 5. Iacob c. Sr Drue Drurie D. Coke part 6. Plowd c. Ratcliffe D. Coke part 8. c. Sr Henry Constable by Knights seruice be Knighted in his fathers life time at what age soeuer he is at his fathers death discharged of Wardship both of land and bodie and the Wardship of the bodie of one knighted within age after the death of his ancestor presently ends For the King being suprem Iudge of Chiualrie by knighting his subiect adiudges him fit for Knights seruice his deficiencie in which kind by reason of his age is entended by the law vntill one and Twentie vnlesse the king adiudge him otherwise For their Name that in all places except England hath its originall from a Horse the most vsuall beast of the Warres as the Roman Equites were titled from their Equus publicus being also before called y Iunius Gracchanus apud Plin. lib. 33. cap. 2. Celeres and Trossuli For to the Spaniards they are Caualleros to the Italians Cauallieri to the French Cheuallers all in their prouinciall tongues from the Latin Caballus and in the British Margoghs in like signification For as now so anciently Marc or Marg in that language as other more interpreted a Horse Whence euerie Knight with his two Esquires on Horseback in Brennus his armie was stiled z Pausanias in Phocicis Trimarcisia which though it bee applied to the Celts or Gaules mongst whom also Caesar specially reckons as their chief lay Order the Equites or Margoghs yet without much difficultie it may bee communicated to the Britons And the Germans call them Reytteren that is Ridars a word in a Buchanan Reb. Scot. lib. 7. in Malcolm 3. Scotland to this day vsed Old Rimes of b Ms. Of the Horse Sheep and Goose. Dan Lidgate Eques ab Equo is said of very right And Cheualier is said of Cheualrie In which a Rider called is a Knight Arragoners done also specifie Caballiero though all that partie Is name of Worship and so took his ginning Of Spores of gold and chiefly Riding As all these in this Western part expresse a speciall honor implying abilitie of martiall seruice with horse so the old Greeks attributed not to a great man a better name then what truly was the same with euery of those That is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whence Hecuba c Euripid. in Hecuba calls Polymestor King of Thrace 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and in Homer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nestor So the chief men and of best worth in d Herodot lib. 〈◊〉 Chalcis were known by the Title of Hippobatae i. Equites But our English calls them Knights the word signifying a Minister Scholer or Disciple Leornung Cnihts is vsd for the Disciples in the old Euangelists of the Saxons as most worthie Clarenceulx hath noted And it was taken also for the yonger sort Tyrones or such like For where the Latine of venerable Bede hath of King Sigibert instituit Scholam in qua Pueri literis erudirentur the e Habes apud Caium de Antiq. Cantabrig lib. 1. English-Saxon hath he sceole gesette on ðaere cnihtas geonge men gesette getyde laerde i. hee instituted a Schoole and placed in it Cnihtes Knights and yong men both furnished and learned At this day a Diener seruant or vallet is both in Alemanique and Belgique called Ein Knecht And to this sense in Cnichtas in the translation of Bede perhaps hath tyro and tyrocinium allusion in those Monks which thereby expresse somtimes a Knight and Knighthood But as it goes for the Titularie name of this Honor I suppose it rather for a Minister or Seruant denoting that one which had vndertaken the Order was a Martiall minister or seruant known and as it were in perpetuall seruice retained for the State And that as Comes and Baro from their