to the Florentines who would not accept thereof wherefore the Towne was battered hard matter to indure iniuries and although they haue not debated hereof in schooles by bookes yet they haue oftentimes manifestlie shewed it by their Armes and Combats so as oftentimes they haue taken publike reuenge of secret iniuries and if they haue sometimes dissembled the iniurie or deferred the reuenge it proceeded peraduenture from hence that then it was impossible or dangerous to take it for a man to shew himselfe grieued and desirous to doe some outrage were to giue occasion to receiue a greater iniurie and euery man knoweth that it more auaileth to dissemble an iniurie which cannot be reuenged then by seeking reuenge to incurre the blame of a rash foole and besides the shame and reproch to receiue hurt and dammage This opinion is firme and setled in our worldlie mindes that a man wronged or grieued is not worthie of any honour if he reuenge it not in my opinion then they doe verie ill which doe wrong to any knowing that our heart is so generous as not able to beare an iniurie but aspireth euer to reuenge and they doe also as ill and worse who hauing grieued or done an iniury to any man afterwards repose their trust in him committing their life and whole estate into his hands Herod lib. 1. Astyages King of the Medes commanded his nephew to be slaine I say that this fault is so grosse and foolish that it may be accounted aboue all the follies of the world And if we speake of auncient histories Astyages King of the Medes fell into this error who hauing vnderstoode by his southsayers that a kinsman of his should bereaue him of his kingdome he gaue his nephew being the sonne of his daughter to Harpagus his Generall and chiefe Commaunder of his men at Armes commaunding him to kill him Harpagus had pittie of the innocent infant and would not soyle and embrue his hands in his blood but left him in a forrest to the end that wild beasts should haue deuoured him The child was found by a shepheard who brought him vp and named him Cyrus he was at length known to be nephew to Astyages that he was deliuered into the hands of Harpagus to the end to haue bin murthered Astyages was very wroth enraged hereat and for reuenge he tooke the son of Harpagus caused it to be cut in peeces and drest in sundrie manners and giuen to his father to eate Harpagus dissembled this iniurie as he which wisely considered that then to be reuenged was no lesse difficult than dangerous but attending a time he tooke a notable reuenge For Cyrus being become great made warre against Astyages his Graundfather by the Mother who forgetting the wrong which he had done to Harpagus in making him to eate his owne sonne he held him still in the same degree of Generall as theretofore and gaue him the charge of the leading of his armie against his nephew But Harpagus at what time as hee should haue fought reuolted with the greatest part of the armie put him to flight Harpagus Generall for Astiages reuolted from him ouercame and slew him and depriued him both of his kingdome and his life This error deserued a great reprehension to make a man to eate his owne childe and afterwards to put into his hands both his estate and life also The same Herodotus reporteth that one Panionie Sciotte vsed a mischieuous and wicked trade of merchandise and liued of most infamous and dishonest gaine which was thus He bought young children of Sea-rouers and other theeues and robbers which he made slaues Herodot lib. 8 whether they were taken either by sea or land and when he saw any that were faire well fauoured and of good countenance hee gelded them and sold them to the Barbarians for a great summe of money for they make great account of Eunuches esteeming them very faithfull and trustie in any thing aboue all others There fell by chaunce into the hands of this Panionie a young boy of Hermotine of Pedase and hauing gelded him hee was bought for his beautie and good grace wherewith he was endowed and was giuen for a present to King Xerxes with whom in short space hee gat so great fauour that hee was one of the Kings greatest fauourite It happened that when Xerxes went into Greece in the warres against Athens this Hermotine was sent into Mysia about the Kings affaires and being arriued at a certaine place inhabited by the Sciots called Artane hee found there Panionie and after many curtesies and embracements he told him that he acknowledged to haue receiued from him all the good that he had for through his occasion he was raised to that greatnes which he now enioyed and that he would not faile to let him know how much he remembred the pleasure receiued by his meanes and if that he would resolue to goe with his wife and children to dwell with him he would be glad to haue him neere him to the end that he might be able to requite him for the good which he had done him and for the pleasure receiued Panionie forgetting the wrong which he had done to Hermotine in gelding and selling him for a slaue gaue credit vnto his words and hoping to bring his busines well to passe hee with his wife and children went thither where Hermotine did dwell But so soone as hee was come thither and that Hermotine had him in his power chaunging both speeches and countenance hee said vnto him What displeasure haue I euer done vnto thee O thou vnhappie man or what wrong trusting him whom he had iniuried for being inuaded by Charles of Anion who by Pope Clement the 4. was made King of Sicilie and comming to blowes with him at Beneuent hee was slaine and his armie ouerthrowne and put to flight And the greatest occasion of this losse Iohn Rata Earle of Caserta put his Lord Manfredi king of Sicilie in extreame danger and of the victorie of the French was attributed to Iohn Rata Earle of Caserta who in honour was wronged by Manfredi who had violated his wiues honestie and being made a Colonell and Leader of many Companies in this warre seeing the oportunitie he sought to be reuenged of a particular iniurie by a publike losse for hauing made a secret agreement with Charles he first gaue him passage into the confines of Naples and would not fight in the battaile at Beneuent Wherefore Manfredi did ill in giuing charge of importance in his armie to him whom he had so highly grieued in his honour And although as some say that the hornes which Kings make are Crownes yet it ought to be considered that euery mans heart is not compounded of like substance And when a King or a Prince is disposed to doe an iniurie to his subiect or vassall hee ought also to make accompt that hee neuer vse his seruice any more in any charge that may be hurtfull
of the Duke of Florence when hee gaue him to vnderstand of the Rebellion and reuolt of Siena 2. f a Daungerous tumult happened in Florence 236. g the subtill Discourse of Demetrius Phalerius to King Ptolomie 210. f Dionysius the Tyrant made his Barber to be slaine 166. g Donat Raffignin by treason yeeldeth the fortresse of Valence to the French 18. e Demaratus lost the kingdome of the Lacedemonians for speaking one word vnaduisedly 166. h the Demaunds of Charles the eight King of France 32. h Dionysius put a gentleman to death for speaking of a word 166. g It is dishonorable for a man to abandon his friend in time of need for any occasion whatsoeuer 79. c Duke Valentine caused Ranire de Orco a Spaniard his Lieutenant to be slaine in Romania for doing iniustice 135. b In chusing of Generals for the warres the qualitie of the warre and the worthines of the person which is to be chosen is chiefly to be regarded 50. f E ENterprises ought to be considered in cold blood and executed in hot blood 190. e the Emperour Maximilian distrusted the Swissers 52. g the Emperour Vitellius was ouerthrowne by Vespasian the Emperour 141. d the error of Alberigue of Barbian 194. f the errour of Ferdinand King of Spaine 194. g the error of Francis the first King of France 194. h there is double errour committed in chusing of Captaines 46. g the Egyptians punished those children which were ingratefull to their parents 250. e Empoli taken by the Prince of Orange 206. g of an Enemie what account is to bee made 183. c. d F FInizan sacked by the French 4. e Francis Sforce of his owne authority concluded a peace between the Venetians and Duke Phillip of Milan 37. a Francis Sforce maketh warre against Phillip his father in law 39. e the Fault of Lewes Poggio in departing from Milan 41. a Fabius Maximus opposed himselfe against Titus Ottacilius who maried his sisters daughter and would haue been Consul 49. c Fuluius a wise Captaine of the Romanes 104. a the Florentines by distrusting the King of France and the Lord Beaumont his Generall lost a most fit oportunitie to recouer the Citie of Pisa 72. f Ferdinand and Don Iulius conspire against Alfonse Duke of Ferrara 88. e Francis Guicciardin deliuered the Citie of Florence from great danger 130. e the Florentines murmured against Guicciardin 130. g Federick of Sicilie caused Remond il Blanco to be beheaded for treason 171. d the Follie and obstinacie of Cambyses 213. c the French ouerthrowne by the Swissers 151. c wherefore Francis the first would not performe the articles of agreement made betweene him and Charles the fift 181. b Francis Sforce Duke of Milan renounced the safeconduct of the Emperor Charles the fift 218. f Foure things principally to bee held inuiolable 222. g the Florentines were seuerely punished for breaking certaine statues 114. e G GArsia Nicosio slaine by his Lord vpon suspition 229. c God reuealeth sinne early or late and the punishment followeth 170. e the Greedines of souldiers and Captaines hath been the losse of many faire enterprises 19. b Gabades a Captaine of the Persians sacked the Citie of Amide 220. h the Greedines of English souldiers 19. d the Greedines of Italian souldiers 21. c the Greedines of the Stradiots 21. d Galeas Sanseuerin fled from Alexandria and left it in pray to the enemie 47. d the Greatnes of courage of the Romane Common-wealth 93. b the Germanes were defeated by the Guelphes before Siena 121. d in chusing of Generals for the warres the qualitie of the warre and the worthines of the person which is to be chosen is chiefly to be regarded 50. g the Gabaonites punished for abusing a stranger 246. e a Gentlewoman of Cesena much praised 102. g H HAnnibal preserued by a gentleman of Capua 246. g Hanniball compelled the Saguntines to depart their countrey with the cloathes on their backes onely 182. e Harpagus tooke pitie of Cyrus being an innocent infant 74. c Harpagus Generall for Astyages reuolted from him ouercame and slew him 75. a Henry the 5. Emperour made warre in Sicilie against King Roger. 54. e He that is employed ought to haue an eye to his Princes qualities and conditions 36. e the Hopes of banished men are more measured with desire then with reason 86. h Hippolito de Medicis much fauoured of the Hungars 240. g Herod made a promise to his daughter in law without any consideration 179. d Hierom Sauonarola lost his credit in Florence 28. e Hippolita Cardinall of Ferrara made the eyes of Iulius de Esté to be pluckt out and set in againe 87. d Hospitalitie is a vertue worthie of a gentleman a Christian 244. e Hugo de Moncado slaine in a battaile by Sea against Phillippin de Doria 191. a I IT is notable folly to giue much credit to iudiciall Astrologie 57. c It is not possible to foresee or preuent al the mishaps disgraces which may happen to Princes neither to resist or redresse them when they happen 51. f It is follie to commit the state of an Empire to the will of a few 154. e Iohn Bentiuogli and Hermes his sonne in one night murthered almost all those which were of the house of Marescotti or depending thereof through suspition 64. g Iaques Caldor noted of inconstancie 233. a Imbault Generall of the French armie mocked the Florentines 72. g Iohn Rata Earle of Caserta put his Lord Manfredi King of Sicilie in extreame danger 78. e the Insolence of the Spanish souldiers 132. g the Imeresians seaze vpon Reggio 141. c Ioy cannot be hidden 99. c the Issue and end of an enterprise manifesteth the wisedom of the counsell giuen 178. e be which doth an Iniurie doth more shame and dishonour to himselfe then to him to whom the wrong is done 73. c to deface an Image or statue is a poore reuenge 113. a Inconstancie and lightnes of wit is greatly to be reproued principally in a Captaine 233. b L LAwes ordained by Valerius Coruinus and Tiberius Gracchus 221. b Laurence de Medicis reconciled to Alfonse King of Naples 6. h Let not him which is not of power sufficient attēpt enterprises which he cannot maintaine 11. b Lewes More out of countenance and mocked by the Florentine Ambassadours 24. h the Law of Appeal introduced by Sauonarola 27. c the Lord of Tremouille with absolute power concluded a peace with the Swissers notwithstanding that it was vpon very vnworthie conditions 34. g Light beleefe in euery thing sheweth a light wit and weak braines 53. b it is Lost labour to goe about to perswade obstinate persons by reason for the more they are counselled the more stifly they persist in their opinion 60. g Lautrech through his obstinacie was the cause of the totall ruine of the French Army before Naples and was the occasion of his owne death 61. a Liuius Salinator exposed the Romane Armie to manifest danger 27. a the
iniuries done vnto him by the Cardinall and for that he expected not otherwise to be able to be reuenged on him See what Guicciardin saith By which words it may be gathered that the intention of Don Iulio was to stirre more against the Duke who had dissembled the wrong and outrage done vnto him then against the Cardinall the author of the iniurie Wherefore let Princes take heede that they suffer not their fauourites and kinsemen to be so bold that they dare to doe what please them without feare of punishment and seeme not to see the wrongs which they doe because that in so doing they themselues are in danger to beare the penance for the faults of others CHAP. 35. Jt is a thing very dangerous for a Prince or Common-wealth not to reuenge a publike iniurie WE haue said in the last chapter how dangerous it is for a Prince to leaue vnpunished the iniuries committed by his parents and familiars against some priuate person now in this chap. we will shew that the same danger hangeth ouer him which suffreth to escape vnpunished iniuries done against a publike as is a Citie or a Nation or such like for our hart is naturally so generous and noble that when it is wronged it is highly grieued and the displeasure causeth men to take such resolutions as may be very hurtfull to those which are of power and able to reuenge publike iniuries and doe it not Whereof we haue two examples of the Romanes the first in the time that Romulus and Tatius Sabinus were Princes of the Citie of Rome Prutarch in the life of Romulus as Plutarch writeth In the fourth yeere of the raigne of Tatius the Ambassadours of the Laurentins came to Rome about certaine businesse concerning the Publike and as they were trauelling on their iourney certaine friends and kinsemen of Tatius assaulted them vpon the way in maner of theeues to take their purses with such money as they had And the Ambassadours standing in their defence making resistance were slaine by the Romanes The Laurentins complained to Romulus and Tatius of this iniurie requiring that the theeues and murtherers should be punished but Tatius who was so farre from punishing and reuenging the iniurie that hee not onely pardoned the offenders but set them at libertie against the will of Romulus who rather would that they should haue been sharplie punished The Laurentins in reuenge of the iniurie done to their Ambassadours slue Tatius king of the Romanes The Laurentins were much offended and discontent hereat waiting oportunitie to be reuenged and vpon a day they followed King Tatius which went to doe sacrifice and while as he was busie about his ceremonies they slue him So as for not reuenging and punishing the wrong done to the persons of the Ambassadours which are euery where held for holy reuerend and inuiolable he purchased the death which he deserued which had not happened vnto him if he had punished the publike iniurie as he ought to haue done The second is this that the French which are now called Lombards inuaded Tuscane and particularlie the Citie of Chiusi wherefore the Chiusins sent to desire ayde and succour of the Romans amongst which it was determined that the three Fabiand should goe to the French and require them to forbeare to make warre against the Tuscanes These Ambassadours being arriued where the Armies were and being better men of their hands than of their tongues and seeing the French and the Tuscanes together by the eares they ranged themselues in the first poynt to fight against the French in the behalfe of the Tuscanes Where being knowne by the French they turned all their wrath and displeasure against the Romanes which they before had conceiued against the Tuscanes and this displeasure grew in this that the French hauing framed a complaint by their Ambassadours to the Senate of Rome requiring that the Fabians should be deliuered into their hands to be punished but the Romanes were so farre from deliuering or punishing them that when the time came to create new Magistrates they were made Tribunes with Consularie dignitie Wherefore the French seeing them raised to dignitie and great honour which they desired to haue seene punished and assuring themselues that that which was done was done in despite of them full swolne with wrath and furie they suddenly leuied a mighty army and by assault tooke Rome the capitoll onely excepted which they grieuouslie spoyled This ruine befell the Romanes for no other occasion but because that they would not punish an iniurie done vnto a whole nation and for violating publike iustice Let euery Prince and Commonwealth then make reckoning of publike iniuries and do reason and iustice to the partie wronged and grieued if they will not by publike and particular ruine beare the penance of their iniustice and let not Princes thinke but that he which is grieued will vse all meanes to be reuenged to their losse and danger if they thinke otherwise they will be deceiued in their imaginations CHAP. 36. He that is in prosperitie ought not to reproue him that is fallen from good to euill fortune for that he little knoweth what may happen to himselfe THere is a certaine kinde of men in the world who so long as fortune fauoureth them thinking that this fortune will neuer faile esteeme themselues to be so wise and prouident that they cannot decay and if by chaunce there come before them a man who by misfortune is fallen from some great estate and become poore and of low degree presently as though they were the onely men that knew how to gouerne well either they reprehend him for ill gouernment or charge him with dastardie and cowardise and that he did not take iust reuenge accounting him fearefull and of little spirit But afterwards when misfortunes happen to themselues forgetting the reprehensions by them vsed to others they shew themselues more fearefull and worse aduised than those whom they before reproued Iohn Bentiuogli Lord of Boulogne in the warres and misfortunes of Italie in the time of Charles the 8. King of France behaued himselfe in such sort that he preserued his estate and liued peaceablie but the like happened not to Peter de Medicis who was as it were Lord of Florence for hauing consigned the Fortresses of Serezana and Serezanel to the King of France he purchased the hatred of the Common-wealth of Florence and was driuen out of the Countrey and proclaymed rebell who went to Boulogna and was receiued by Iohn Bentiuogli who at the first sight sharpely reproued him for that that without striking one blow with his sword and without the death of any one man he had forsaken such and so great estate which he said was preiudiciall vnto him and was an ill president for all those which would oppresse the libertie of their Countrey Guicciar lib. â— and wished that Peter had bin a man of more courage and of a greater spirit and wisdome and to haue shewne a more
that which he had with the said Prince after he had serued him thirtie yeeres in which time he obtained of him many fauours much goods and great reuenewes he was one day called by him and although that he was seene to goe into his Princes chamber hee was neuer seene to come forth againe neither aliue nor dead and it was held for certaine that the Prince put him to death either with his owne hands or by some other his familiar not for any conspiracie against his person or estate but for that there was an opinion held and this gentleman was suspected to haue grieuouslie offended the Prince in honour concerning some women in the Court and if this Prince neuer in all his life committed other fault by the testimonie of all Christendome speaking with humanitie a man might say that this fact was by him executed vpon most iust occasion CHAP. 93. Jt is both honourable and profitable to a Captaine sometime to yeeld to the desire of his Souldiers thereby to holde and maintaine himselfe in their loue and friendship THe chiefest care that a Captaine ought to haue concerning his Souldiers is to make himselfe beloued among them and to keepe and continue himselfe in their loue and friendship and although that at sometime it bee necessarie to vse seueritie in punishing their faults and to obserue and maintaine Discipline and keepe them in obedience the good-will and affection towards him will take place notwithstanding for in punishing vice he seemeth to esteeme and make account of vertue A Captaine doth also assure vnto him the loue and good will of his Souldiers when hee seemeth to regard them and will not stand so obstinately in his opinion that hee will not graunt them any thing that they shall desire and principallie when hee is intreated by them for some thing which he may graunt with his honour and to their contentment for in doing the contrarie the Souldiers conceiue an indignation in their hearts against him and after that euill will beginneth to growe betweene them and their Captaine it will be hard to effect any enterprise of worth and although that for some respects they doe not kill him they will not therefore forbeare to shew their discontentment when occasion shall be offered A man would not beleeue how profitable it is to a Captaine to yeeld to the iust desires of his Souldiers and sometime to shew that he esteemeth and respecteth them and how much to the contrarie he wrongeth himselfe by being obstinate and to deny and reiect that by their lightnes and naturall inconstancie they will do by him as they did by the first standing on his guarde and being alwaies in doubt it behooueth him to be as carefull in keeping himselfe from his owne people as from his enemies Iacques Caldor noted of inconstrncie Iacques Caldor in his time was a valiant Captaine as Bertelmew Fazio writeth in the acts and iests of Alfonso King of Naples a man of spirit learned and endowed with many good parts fit to make him beloued of souldiers and men of warre but by reason of his lightnes and inconstancie hee was not so esteemed as his other qualities were worthie of which might in his time haue made him very honourable if they had bin accompanied with prudence and good gouernment for it is a fault in any man to be inconstant ☞ Anthony Caldor his sonne who after the death of his father tooke vpon him the charge and leading of his fathers troupes was likewise stained with the same spot whereof being first suspected by Rene Duke of Aniou hee was cast in prison and afterwards comming to the seruice of Alfonso of Arragon his enemie he was likewise held by him for inconstant and of small trust wherefore this poore Anthony seeing himselfe in disgrace with both the one and other Prince was constrained to giue his sonne vnto Alfonso in pawne of his faith But some space after hauing forsaken Alfonso and being againe returned to follow Duke Rene prouoked thereto by his owne ficklenes and inconstancie of spirit was ouercome in a battaile and taken prisoner by King Alfonso which will euer happen vnto such Captaines which serue Princes and are so inconstant that they know not how to continue in the fauour and good grace of one Master but to their shame and dishonour shew themselues desirous of change and nouelties But this is not to bee vnderstood of those which in that they are free hauing serued one Prince in the warres and giuing vp their charge and commission may serue any other whom they list neither of those which induced by some iust discontentment through wrong and iniurie vniustly done vnto them or constrained by vrgent necessitie to preserue either their libertie or their estate are constrained against their wils to follow and serue him whom they would not but I speake of those which of their owne fickle lightnes and inconstancie which after the manner of frogges leape now here now there and sometimes vpon the very point to haue performed some honourable enterprise to no purpose and without any occasion take pleasure to hinder a victorie and to see disorder and confusion and are glad to see him come to ruine and decay who hath giuen them pay maintenance and reposing much trust in them hath vsed them with more honour then they deserued Bartel Fazio lib. 8. Of such kinde of men many examples might be alleaged which for breuitie I will ouer-passe Peter Brunor betraied Francis Sforce only this of Peter Brunor shall suffice according as Bartelmew Fazio in the acts of Alfonso King of Naples writeth which Brunor hauing bin a great friend to Francis Sforce and much honoured by him inticed either by the faire promises of King Alfonso or induced through some displeasure which could be neither reasonable nor very great euen in his greatest need he forsook him and went to serue the King with 800. horse and this his departure put Francis Sforce to such trouble so out of order that his affaires went euer after from ill to worse so as of force hee must render and yeeld himself vnto the mercie of the Duke of Milan being his enemie although that he were his father in law And to the contrarie the Lord Iohn Anthony Orsin Prince of Tarent worthily deserued eternall praise and to be esteemed and reputed for a rare example of firme constancie of heart who in the beginning fauoured and took part with Alfonso King of Naples The constancie of Iohn Anthony Orsin Prince of Otranto against Queene Ioan and against Rene of Aniou and could neuer after neither for losse of battailes imprisonment of his owne person or for any other strange accident that happened vnto him whatsoeuer be induced to forsake King Alfonso so long as hee liued but continued firme and stedfast in his friendship And although that afterwards vpon some occasion he would not follow the friendship of Ferdinand his sonne hee deserued not therefore
CIVILL CONSIDERATIONS VPON MANY AND SVNDRIE HISTORIES AS WELL ANCIENT AS MODERNE AND principallie vpon those of Guicciardin CONTAINING SVNDRY RVLES AND PRECEPTS FOR PRINCES COMMON-WEALTHS CAPTAINES CORONELS Ambassadours and others Agents and seruants of Princes with sundry aduertisements and counsels concerning a ciuill life gathered out of the examples of the greatest Princes and Common-wealths in Christendome HANDLED AFTER THE MANNER OF A discourse by the Lord Remy of Florence and done into French by Gabriel Chappuys Tourangeau and out of French into English by W. T. BY WISDOME PEACE BY PEACE PLENTY AT LONDON Imprinted by F. K. for Matthew Lownes and are to be sold at his shop vnder S. Dunstons Church in the West 1601. TO THE NOBLE VALOROVS AND MOST WORTHIE OF ALL HONOVR SIR ROBERT SYDNEY KNIGHT LORD GOVERNOVR OF FLVSHING and the Castle of the Ramekins c. MY Lord knowing my selfe much bounden vnto your Lordship for vndeserued fauour some yeares past by your Lordship extended in my behalfe in consideration whereof hitherto J haue not had any possibilitie to manifest my desire to doe your Lordship some agreeable seruice but almost euer since vnable for the Warres or other forraine employment haue remained in this Citie where encountring many bookes treating of sundrie subiects one compiled by an Jtalian Gentleman translated into the French tongue and dedicated to the Duke de Ioyense came to my hands containing sundrie discourses of Princes Common-wealths Chieftians in Warres and others collected out of seuerall Authors but chiefely out of Guicciardin Which seeing it hath with good acceptance passed among those two Nations J presumed could not be but well intertained among our Countrey men for whose benefite J attempted to set it out of French into our vulgar tongue And as it was my fortune many yeares since first to beare Armes vnder your Lordships leading and commaund in the Warres so this being the first fruite of my labour with my pen J humbly present vnto your Lordship beseeching the same to accept thereof as a pledge of the honour loue and dutie which J owe vntill it shall please God to inable me to make better shew thereof J meane not herein to be vnderstoode to presume to prescribe any rules or precepts for your Lordshippe to follow whose wisdome learning and experience is well knowne sufficient to compile any volume of farre greater experience But if that by your Lordships censure this may passe for currant J rest assured that it will be generallie well accepted and nothing doubt but that many thereby may reape profit and therein finde fit aduertisements to learne them by other mens harmes to beware and examples to imitate which if it so happen J shall holde my time and labour well employed If the stile please not as J desire J intreate to be held the more excused seeing it is my first fault herein and also seeing that in former time it hath bin the least part of my profession but if I euer hereafter vndertake the like taske J will God willing indeuour to make amends And so humbly beseeching your Lordship to pardon this my presumption praying to God for the long continuance of your health increase of all worldly honour and perpetuall felicitie in the world to come J rest euer Your Lordships in all dutie most humble to be commanded W. T. TO THE MOST HIGH AND MOST MIGHTY LORD MY LORD ANNE DE IOYENSE DVKE AND PEER OF FRANCE FIRST GENTLEMAN OF THE KINGS CHAMBER CAPTAINE OF an hundred men at Armes of his Ordenaunces Admirall of France and Bretaigne Gouernour and Lieutenant Generall for his Maiestie in his Countrey and Duchy of Normandie MY Lord the Philosopher Bion being demaunded what beast was most noysome vnto all men answered if you aske me of sauage wild beasts it is a Tyrant but if you aske me of tame beasts it is a Flatterer Diogenes as I remember made in a manner such an answere who in place of a Tyrant speaketh of a detractor and backbiter and saith in another place as Antisthenes in Laertius that it is more dangerous to fall among Flatterers than among Rauens I haue desired to be farre from that vice which now adaies is common and familiar with many men who in the beginning of their workes insert a thousand lyes attributing excessiue praises vnto those vnto whom they addresse the same a man may rightly call them the fauning dogs of Kings Princes and great Lords euen as Diogines of whom we haue aboue made mention called Aristippus because he flattered Dionysius the Tirant of Syracusa the interpreter of Nicephorus in his Ecclesiasticall historie reporteth that Constantine Emperour of the Romanes did so abhorre Flatterers that he called them the Moathes and vermine of the Court Sigismond did so hate them that hearing one beyond measure to praise him comparing him with the Gods he gaue him a blowe on the eare Alfonso King of Arragon and Sicilia said that Flatterers were like vnto Wolues and as Wolues in grating and gnawing vse to deuoure certaine other beasts euen so Flatterers tend to the ruine of Princes and great Lords by their flattering and lying To what purpose so many examples to shew my Lord that vowing and consecrating this my little labour I intend not by flatterie to procure to be the more acceptable for although that I know my selfe farre from it if I should flatter you by too much praising you I should be afraide you would vse me as Alexander vsed the historian Aristobulus who hauing written a booke of his acts wherein he shewed himselfe a flatterer recited to him in a certaine voyage by sea the contents thereof Alexander being vnable to endure his flatterie pluckt the booke out of his hands and threw it into the Riuer Hydaspis and turning himselfe towards him said Thou doest better deserue to be throwne there thy selfe seeing that thou makest me so to fight alone and that thou with one onely dart killest an Elephant euen so thinking that I peraduenture exceeding the limits of reason you might throwe my booke into the fire and make a sacrifice thereof vnto Vulcan But to keepe me from this fault in this dedication I haue desired to obserue two principall poynts which will preserue me from incurring the dishonest name of those abouesaid the first is that I here say not that to your praise which I might well say but doe rather holde my peace than peraduenture to wander to no purpose through those spacious fields of your praises which ought to be handled by a more skilfull pen than mine The second is that I addresse my selfe to a personage so illustrious noble and generous that although I should say all the good of the world I ought not to be reprehended of the vice abouesaid seeing that he is not onely worthie of all praise but also surpasseth it the common report all France the fauour of the most Christian most magnanimous and most noble Monarke beare sufficient testimonie of the rare vertues and singular
perfections which are in you which raise you aboue all the greatnes which you enioy for dignities greatnes serue to little purpose or are rather hurtfull without the noble vertues wherewith they ought to be adorned which is the cause that I boldly present vnto you this my little booke which although vnworthie of you after an infinite number of others which the gentle pens of our France haue dedicated vnto you assuring me so much in your graue humanitie that you will giue no worse entertainement vnto this which I here humbly present vnto you than you haue done vnto others which peraduenture more boldly haue prevented themselues vnto your view This doing my Lorde hauing made an end of the preface of my booke of the estate description and gouernment of the kingdomes and Common-wealths of the world almost imprinted to be presented to the King you shall giue me occasion to attempt according to my ordinarie profession of writing some greater more serious matter which shal not peraduenture be vnworthie of you will not feare seeing your naturall goodnes and clemencie to wearie you with that whereof you haue but too much and which daily commeth to your hands seeing the great number of bookes which are vowed vnto you which maketh me stedfastlie to beleeue that if you receiued them ill and gaue them euill countenance there would not be so many addressed vnto you neither should you be so followed by the muses which flie all those which hate them in the meane time I beseech you to accept in good part my humble deuotion which I offer at the feete of your greatnes which I pray our good God my Lord long to preserue by his grace and to graunt you Nestors yeares according to the desire of all the gentle wits in France from Paris the last of Nouember 1584. Your most humble most obedient and most affectionate seruant Gabriel Chappuys Tourangeau THE ORDER OF THE CHAPTERS AND ARGVMENTS HANDLED IN THESE CIVILL CONSIDERATIONS THe aduice of great Princes is not to be lightly regarded but to be noted especially if those Princes be friends Chap. 1. fol. 1 That it is very dangerous to be gouerned by the same example without the same reason and the same fortune Chap. 2. fol. 3 Whether it be lawfull vpon any occasion to forget good turnes receiued and not to seeme thankfull towards the benefactor Chap. 3. fol. 8 That hee who by himselfe or by any other beginneth any daungerous enterprise without foreseeing the end and issue thereof bringeth himselfe and others in perill and is constrained to doe some things little to his honour Chap. 4. fol. 10 That ill Genies and vncleane spirits often times suffer themselues to bee seene and heard by men and haue appeared to diuers foretelling them of many matters Chap. 5. fol. 12 That it is very dangerous to iest and scoffe with men of valour which are sudden and as some say haue their blood in their nailes Chap. 6. fol. 14 Which may be well perceiued by the doings of Lewes Sforce when hee committed the guard of Valencia to Donat Raffignin Chap. 7. fol. 17. That it is a great fault in any man to giue himselfe to robbing and pillage when he ought to fight which hath been the occasion of the ill successe of many faire enterprizes Chap. 8. fol. 18 The Ambassadours of Princes ought not to shew themselues fearefull in any case but vertuously to accommodate themselues to all occasions that shal happen Chap. 9. fol. 23 Betweene reconciled friends the least suspition breedeth great distrust and causeth them againe to become enemies Chap. 10. fol. 25 It is an euill example in any Common-wealth to prescribe lawes and not to obserue the same principally in those which are the authors thereof and doe not defend and maintaine those lawes against all such as would infringe them Chap. 11. fol. 27 In our affaires and occurrences we ought to settle and ground more trust and assurance in him which expecteth good from vs then in him who hath alreadie receiued the same Chap. 12. f. 29 He which taketh more authoritie vpon him then appertaineth to his dignitie and office committeth an error and seldome escapeth vnpunished Chap. 13. f. 31 Whether a publike seruant of a Prince or Common-wealth may passe the limits of the Commission giuen to him or no. Chap. 14. f. 35 Whether Lewes Poggio did erre in refusing to take possession of the Dutchie of Milan in the name and behalfe of Alphonse King of Naples because he had no commission thereto the which estate was renounced and abandoned by Phillip Maria Vicount to the said King being by him nominated and instituted heire vnto the said Dutchie Chap. 15. f. 38 That he who is disloyall and vnfaithfull to the first friend may yet proue trustie and faithfull to the second Chap. 16. f. 42 To denie vnto a people their first requests is to make them the better content with what they receiue and to make them the more moderate in their demaunds Chap. 17. f. 44 That in chusing Generals and chiefe Commanders their vertue ought more to bee regarded then the noblenes of their blood or any priuate affection Chap. 18. f. 46 That in time of dangerous warres men of vertue and worth ought to be preferred and placed in gouernment and when a man in small enterprizes hath caried himselfe honorably therein and yet would make himselfe chiefe and haue principall commaund in great matters he deserueth to be repelled and put back Chap. 19. f. 48 How dangerous it is in two contrarie and enemies Armies to haue souldirs of one particular nation Chap. 20. f. 51 That lightnes of beleefe is a great fault in any man and that too much credulitie hath bred and caused many euils Chap. 21. f. 53 That it is neither good nor sure to continue obstinate and not to beleeue often aduertisements by sundrie persons Chap. 22. f. 57 That the obstinacie of those who are established in great authoritie breedeth many disorders which afterwards cannot be remedied Chap. 23. f. 60 That courtesies bestowed vpon obstinate enemies vsing them with gentlenes and fauour serue to no purpose but are employed in vaine Chap. 24. f. 62 That the suspitions increased and made greater and the speeches and ill rapports by men in authoritie is the occasion that men oftentimes become cruell Chap. 25. f. 63 That no man ought either in iest or by any other meanes to put the Prince in iealousie of his state for that it is a matter full of danger Chap. 26. f. 65 Which may be well perceiued by the doings of Valentine who hauing requested passage of the Florentines set forwards and marched on with his Armie without attending their answere Chap. 27. f. 67 That Princes and great Lords ought not to despise him who desireth audience and chiefly if hee may peraduenture rise to some high degree Chap. 28. f. 69 That those estates which are not mightie and puissant cannot accommodate themselues to
And this reconciliation of custome is as clay to broken pots for as euery little knocke more easilie breaketh the vessell where it was mended and sodered A small matter breaketh friendship but much is required to restore it than where it is whole euen so suspition although it be false A shadow of an iniurie and an imagination of discontentment betweene reconciled friends hath more power to breake the friendship than the ciment of reconciliation to hold the same linked and vnited together For we often see among reconciled friends that through the remembrance of offences past and the suspition of new such friendship doth not long endure especially if the enmities be of long continuance and of great importance betweene whom to vse the words of the Author it is very hard to establish any reconciliation that may be faithfull and firme We haue hereof an example in Antonel and Bernardin Sanseuerin brothers the one Prince of Salern Antonel and Bernardin Sanseuerin againe rebell against King Ferdinand vpon suspition and the other of Bisignan most honourable and noble Lords of the Kingdome of Naples Bernardin Prince of Bisignan had wronged a Greeke in the person of his Wife the Greeke dissembling the wrong attended time and place to be reuenged In the meane season the warres arose in that Kingdome betweene the King of France and those of the house of Arragon in which warres these two brethren with all their power fauoured the French partie and holpe to chase Alphonso and Ferdinand out of that Kingdome and after that King Charles returned into France they continued in their friendship ayding and succouring the French against Ferdinand Federicque which reconquered the Countrey In the end the Arragonnois preuailing the two Princes of Salern and Bisignan reconciled themselues to King Federicque and vpon an euening as the Prince of Bisignan came forth of the new Castle at Naples he was very grieuouslie wounded by the Greeke aforenamed whereupon his brother Antonel Prince of Salern amazed with this deede grew in suspition and feare that this was done by the Kings commaundement in reuenge of offences past and presently without dissembling the doubt withdrew himselfe to Salern And notwithstanding that King Federicque deliuered the Greeke prisoner into his hands to content him and thereby to ascertaine him of his good will and of the fact and how it happened yet for all this the Prince could neuer be perswaded to repose trust in him and so againe becomming an enemie he loued better to lose his estate than to liue neere to a reconciled friend in continuall suspition and feare to lose his life CHAP. 11. It is an euill example in any Common-wealth to prescribe Laws and not to obserue the same and principallie in those who are the authors thereof and doe not defend and maintaine those Lawes against all such as would infringe them CErtainelie it is a thing pernicious and very scandalous in any Common-wealth to make and publish a Lawe and afterwards not to obserue the same principallie when those who were the Lawmakers care not to breake them speciallie in time of occasion neither to defend them against such as resist and impugne and misconster them for who so is author of such a Lawe sheweth himselfe therein to be a man of little iudgement and small courage and giueth men occasion to thinke that he inuented that Lawe vpon some priuate fantasie and conceite and not that he held it expedient for the Com-wealth The Common-wealth of Florence hauing been reestablished in the time of Hierosme Sauonarola The â—awe of appeale in Florence introduced by Sauonarola by meanes of his helpe and the great credit which he had in the Citie by reason of his orations and hauing caused an ordinance and statute to be made for the securitie and safetie of Gentlemen who from the sentence of the Magistracie of the Eight and of the Seignorie giuen in matters of estate might appeale to the people but when occasion required to put that Law in vse he did not cause it to be obserued and maintained notwithstanding that to obtaine it and to make it of force and auaileable he had long laboured by many perswasions and exhortations and in the end obtained the same For a little while after were condemned to death by the sentence of the Seignorie for matters of state fiue Gentlemen which fauoured the de Medicis and the condemned appealing to the people by vertue of the Lawe of appeale could not be heard and the matter was referred to some few of the Citizens who were to decide whether the Lawe of appeale should continue in force or be repealed in matter of estate but in conclusion the condemned were speedily executed without giuing place to the Lawe and had their heads stricken off Which did so much cracke the credit and reputation of Sauonarola that he could neuer after attaine to the credit which he had before for he spake nothing in the defence of the Lawe which was made and brought in by himselfe So as this grew greatly to his dishonour in that he perswaded not his followers and such as were of his faction to cause that Lawe to be obserued which he a little before had by many perswasions alleaged to be a most holy and holsome Lawe for the Common-wealth and with so great vehemencie procured the establishing thereof This Father was much blamed and ill spoken of for the breaking of this Lawe for if the appeale were profitable as he before had often times affirmed he should with all his power and meanes haue maintained the same if it were not profitable he should not haue taken such paines to cause it to be authorized And this accident was further noted in that that Sauonarola after the death of these fiue Gentlemen in any of his orations although he made many did neither accuse nor excuse any of them which were breakers of this Lawe for he blamed none because he would not be found contrarie to himselfe and he could not excuse himselfe because the matter was so manifest and the refusing to maintaine the Lawe so notorious that he was inexcusable Those which haue discoursed of this matter for example haue produced Appius and Virginius two noble Romanes but because we will not spend long time in examples it shall suffice to say that he which maketh and establisheth a Lawe ought to obserue and maintaine the same notwithstanding it were against his owne profit And although there was at that time in Florence question of matter appertaining to estate the people peraduenture would haue iudged the same or altered the punishment according to their discretion it might haue sufficed so as the offence were punished as worthie thereof and the Lawe neuerthelesse held inuiolable as good and profitable CHAP. 12. Jn our affaires and occurrences we ought to settle and ground more trust and assurance in him who expecteth good from vs then in him who alreadie hath receiued the same GVicciardins counsell and aduice
is most certaine who saith that more trust is to be reposed in him who standeth in neede of vs than in him who hath alreadie receiued pleasure at our hands for the desire of the good to come hath much more force in our hearts than the remembrance of that which is already receiued And here-hence it commeth that when one man standeth in neede of another we see that the needie followeth ☞ intreateth and importuneth him that is able to doe him pleasure so as he would doe any thing to haue what he desireth but after that he hath receiued it he groweth carelesse and is not led with such feruent affection neither doth he court his benefactor as before he was wont and his benefactor requiring any matter of importance at his hands More reckoning is made of one pleasure to come than of an hundred alreadie receiued he is not so zealous in doing of him seruice as before that he receiued his desire or during the time that he expected the same Whence it followeth to be true according to the common prouerbe That more reckoning is made of one pleasure to come than of an hundred alreadie past which doth plainely appeare in all kinde of men for a man desireth that which he hath not and quickelie forgetteth that which he hath receiued already The Duke Valentine The meanes and wiles of Duke Valentin to make himselfe great who effected and performed all his enterprises with much witte and very cunninglie and was very subtile in all his doings had a determination to make himselfe great and to attempt great matters but considering that his forces alone were not sufficient to effect his desseignes he began to thinke vpon forreine forces to further him in that which he most desired And because he could not greatly trust in any of them which had receiued pleasure at his hands or from the Pope he bent his mind on those which expected and hoped for ayde and succour of him and cunningly weighing with himselfe that the desires of great Lords are extreame and restlesse and that to attaine thereto they will not sticke to attempt any thing be it neuer so great Wherefore he addressed himselfe vnto Lewes the 12. King of France who would faine put away his first Wife for that she was both barren and ill fauoured and desired to marrie Anne Dutchesse of Brittaine which was Wife to the King lately deceased whereto might be added another great desire of the said King to see the Lord of Amboise Archbishop of Roane his greatest fauourite who had followed the King in all his fortunes made a Cardinall in all which matters and enterprises which could not be effected without the Popes dispensation and permission Guicciar lib. 4 The Duke Valentine went in person to the King supported by this aduise and counsell that a man may better hope for fauour and ayde from him who expecteth a pleasure then of him who hath alreadie receiued a pleasure and carrying to the King a dispensation for a Marriage and a red hat for the Archbishop he obtained of the King what he would desire who gaue him the title of Duke of Valence and twentie thousand Francques of reuenew the conduct and leading of an hundred men at Armes and with promise of ayde and assistance to recouer to the Church certaine Townes and holdes in the territorie of Rome which the King perfourmed when he came into Italie It might be said that the King of France had the same practise seeing that Duke Valentine had neede of him so as both the one and the other might be ledde with like conceite Let a man then in time of neede assure himselfe more of him that desireth than of him that alreadie hath receiued a pleasure for he which desireth is hot and he who hath receiued what he desired is cold or at the most is but luke-warme CHAP. 13. He which taketh more authoritie vpon him then belongeth to his degree and office committeth an error and seldome escapeth vnpunished EVery man which by commission from another taketh any charge or being by a superiour established in the administration of any matter of importance ought well to consider that his authoritie is not soueraigne and absolute but dependeth of a superiour and therefore is restrained within certain limits which he may not passe without error and daunger to discontent his Superiour and to bee punished or to incurre the dishonour to be reputed a man rash and presumptuous And although that to a Gouernour of a towne or Generall of an armie or to such like persons as haue publike charge there is sometimes giuen a very large commission with authoritie which seemeth free and absolute neuerthelesse wisedome and common experience teacheth and warneth him which hath such authoritie not so to vse it as though it were his owne but ought alwaies to haue an eye to him from whom he receiued the same and to thinke with himselfe that at his discretion hee may take it from him againe as occasion shall be offered and that hee must yeeld a reason and giue account of his charge considering that although he may doe any thing yet it is not alwaies lawfull and expedient to do it And when such persons are established in managing of publike affaires they ought by so much the more to vse consideration and regard by how much the more it is daungerous and dammageable to doe the contrarie and to administer the affaires with absolute authoritie according to their phantasie In ciuill affaires and gouernment of townes subiect to a Prince or Common-wealth whither are ordinarily sent gentlemen of estate appointed by the supreame Magistrate when such a gouernour will attribute vnto himselfe greater authoritie then is conuenient and to proceede as absolute let him not doubt but that to his dishonour hee will be sequestred from his gouernement for some space if not for euer in recompence of his little circumspection if peraduenture he escape vnpunished for example to others for this manner of proceeding giuing rather a certaine signe of malice rashnes or pride then otherwise doth put others in suspition and make himselfe odious to the Common-wealth whereof hee is a citizen or to the Prince who gaue him such gouernment and by reason of this hatred and suspition he is oftentimes committed to perpetuall imprisonment or banished or in some sort depriued of his life Peter de Medicis after the death of Laurence his father hauing obtained in the Florentine Common-wealth the same authoritie which his father had which was such that all publike matters were done by his counsell he was at the creation of all Magistrates and euen by his consent and by his meanes offices were bestowed vpon such as by him were recommended But Peter not content with this authoritie which his father held a long time with great modestie vsurped greater authoritie then his countrie would permit Wherefore when Charles the 8. King of France went into Italie to the conquest of the
kingdome of Naples Peter hauing resolued to continue constant in the friendship of Alphonse of Arragon King of Naples would neuer giue eare to the French King who desiring to enter into league with him and offered him many faire conditions to which league all the whole citie seemed to leane and to yeeld as inclined and well affected to the French nation For afterwards when the French armies began to haue the better in Italie and the name of the French to be terrible and the affaires of those of the house of Arragon to decline from ill to worse Peter repenting him of his resolute determination to asswage the wrath of Charles 〈…〉 Charles the S. King of 〈…〉 to Peeter de Medicis went to S. Peters to see and speak with him in person where being receiued by the King with better countenance then good will the King made vnreasonable demaunds which were that presently the Fortresses of Serezana and Serezanell which are the keyes of the Florentine Seignorie should be giuen into his hands with the Fortresses of Liuorne and of Pisa and that the Florentines by his meanes should lend him 200000. Ducats and vpon this condition hee would take them into his protection Peter yeelded to all these demands and taking vpon him more authoritie then he ought yeelded the Holds and Fortresses aboue said without out the counsel of the citizens without order from the Magistrates and without giuing the Common-wealth to vnderstand thereof Which being vnderstood at Florence did so moue the harts of the people against him that being returned to the Citie hee was verie vnwelcome Peter de Medicis chased from Florence and by the furie of the Citizens was driuen from the Pallace and out of the Citie and declared and proclaimed a Rebell If in any case it be a matter doubtful yea or very dangerous to passe the bounds of the authoritie receiued and as a man may say play the Prince whereas is no neede it is principally in charges and commaunds in the warres where euery fact done in this manner by a Generall is sufficient to put such iealousie in the hearts of his superiours and make his trust and faith so suspect to the Prince who gaue him such charge that he cannot be put from his gouernment without preiudice of his reputation and daunger of his life Paulo Vitellio a man most valorous and in his time one of the chiefe and most renowned Captaines in Italie being by the Florentines established and made Generall of their armie against the Pisans in that time wherein they were vnder the sauegard and protection of the Venetians for one onely fact wherein he vsurped more authoritie then belonged vnto him put the Florentines in such iealousie and suspition of him that taking all his doings in ill part in the end they bereued him of his life This man being at Casantin against the Venetian armie led by the Duke of Vrbin Bartelmy Liuiano Astor Baglioni and other honourable Captaines all which he did so valiantly resist that he did not onely stop the passage against them but also besieged them with their principall Captaines within Bibienna a Castle of the Casantin The Duke of Vrbin fell sicke in this siege who desired Vitellio to giue him a safeconduct to goe to take Phisicke and to cure himselfe and this Paul vsurping a little too much authoritie Guicciar lib. 4 without acquainting the Florentine Commissioners herewith who represented the state of the Common-wealth gaue safeconduct to the Duke and to Iulian de Medicis a rebell to the Seignorie Common-wealth which made him so suspected that they began to marke his behauiour and the manner of his proceedings for they mistrusted him to haue some secret intelligence with the enemie And for this cause when they afterwards sawe that without any occasion hee abandoned the Fortresse of Stampace which was taken by force and that being able to followe the victorie against the Pisans he tooke no care to pursue them but vsurping supreame power and authoritie hee raised the siege from before Pisa without the leaue or knowledge of the Florentine Commissioners they began to hold for certaine that which before they but doubted Paulo Vitellio condemned to dye by the Florentines in such sort that to rid themselues of this suspition and feare and to giue example to their other Leaders and Commanders of armies they put him to death by order of Iustice But except it were vpon some extreame accident or to auoide some manifest and present danger it were ill done for a man to attribute to himselfe more authoritie then he ought and to promise also that which is not in his power to performe as the Lord of Tremouille who being for Lewes the 12. King of France Generall of his armie against Henry the 8. King of England which made warre against the French King before Terouenne and Tournay The said Generall hauing vnderstood that an armie of 20000. Swissers had besieged Dijon the head Citie of Bourgundy thereby to constraine the French King to giue ouer his claime to the Dutchie of Milan and the said Lord of Tremouille seeing the great danger wherein the realme of France was The Lord of Tremouille with absolute power coucluded a peace with the Swissers notwithstanding that it was vpon very vnworthie conditions hee vsurped and attributed to himselfe more authoritie then to him appertained so as promising that which he could not performe neither had commission to promise he came to parley with the chiefe conductors of the Swissers and promised them that the King of France should surrender the right which he pretended to the state of Milan and to assure his promise he gaue thē 4. French gentlemen in ostage The Lord Generall took this resolution knowing that if the citie of Dijon were taken and lost and that if that nation should not giue ouer to vexe the French King being alreadie tired with warres the Swissers on the one side and the English on the other might without any let march to Paris gates Peter de Medicis might peraduenture haue the same consideration in making his treatie with the King of France who seeing his countrie in great daunger for that the King was in armes victorious displeased with the Florentine Common-wealth and neere vnto Florence but this warlike people easily to bee moued to despite and indignation iudging otherwise of his doings then hee deserued chased him out of the towne and proclaimed him Rebell So as in summe a man ought so moderately to vse the authoritie receiued and to carrie himselfe in such sort that he giue his Prince no cause to be iealous of him by taking vpon him as a Prince when as he is but an inferiour and a seruant it is farre better to shew that he respecteth his Prince by giuing him to vnderstand of all his purposes and enterprises than by vsurping equalitie seeme to make no account of him CHAP. 14. VVhether a publike seruant of a Prince or Common-wealth
for all men the contrarie being seene in some who haue made most commendable and honourable proofes of their loue to their second friends ☞ 〈…〉 which they may doe for many causes First to recouer and get againe their honor lost in forsaking and abandoning their first friend in time of neede which maketh a man very blame worthie except vrgent occasion force it Secondly to let the world know that the fact by him committed was not through his malice but through the fault of his first friend who vpon some occasion had constrained him to leaue him Thirdly hee continueth firme and constant in his friendship to repaire and amend the lightnes of the first which cannot be amended but by the firme constancie of the second And fourthly for that finding greater conformitie of nature and blood in the second than in the first he doth that for him which he would not do for the other Finally for that he cōsidereth that being as vnfaithfull disloyall to the second friend as he was to the first he incurreth the danger neuer to finde any more friends for he is vnworthie of friendship who was neither firme in the first neither constant in the second wherfore you ought not to contēne any mans friendship whatsoeuer But because a man can neuer be too well assured of such maner of men who may practise the same lightnes and inconstancie with the second as they did with the first it shall be good not to contemne it but to liue with them in such sort that whensoeuer their mindes begin to change their changing be neither dammageable or dangerous The most wise Emperour Charles the 5. refused not neither contemned the friendship of the Duke of Bourbon who forsooke in his greatest need his first friend and Lord Francis the first King of France but entertained and embraced his friendship vsing him very honourably and Bourbon in this second friendship alway carried himselfe very faithfully and did the Emperour great seruice and although that he knew well that in the Emperours Court he was not beloued yet for all that he remained euer firme and constant in the Emperours seruice But notwithstanding all this in like cases which depend on the faith of another a man ought as I haue said to be weladuised and not so to settle his affection on a man as to place his whole heart vpon him but to proceed so wisely that although he change his minde and be inclined to the friendship of the first friend or of any other that it annoy him not And for this cause the aforesaid Emperour did so beare himselfe with the warlike Prince Charles of Bourbon that entertaining him with honourable parts and hauing made him his Generall in Italie and at the last sent him into Lumbardie to the gouernment of a desperate armie hee considered that he could not greatly annoy him if peraduenture he altered his determination which as a constant and vertuous Prince hee did not Wee are to conclude that although a man cannot too surely settle his foote No mans friendship is to be despised whatsoeuer he be when it is offered and ground his foundation vpon such light and variable men whose friendship is so fickle yet neuerthelesse a man ought not to contemne and reiect their friendship and good will ☞ but so to repose trust in them that if they would yet they should not be able to doe any harme CHAP. 17. To denie to a people their first demaunds is to make them the better content with what they receiue and the more moderate in their demaunds afterwards OF all the imperfections and euill conditions of a people this is placed amongst the most principal to be insatiable and neuer content with their estate and degree As when they meete with a Prince who for any occasion whatsoeuer will yeeld to their demaunds and graunt what they desire they neuer cease nor rest following their peeuish condition but still drawne forwards with hope to obtaine they continue their asking with greater vehemencie then at the first The common people is infaliable euer co 〈…〉 things and is neuer content And it happeneth vnto them as to one which is sicke of a feuer and is ill gouerned who knowing his keeper to be gentle and easie to be intreated to let him haue what he will so as hauing giuen him once to drinke encreaseth his thirst euen so a people knowing the Prince which gouerneth them to be either fearefull or kinde and soft spirited without any respect they grow shamelesse and dare to make vnreasonable and immoderate demaunds which may not be graunted Wherefore it is a point of wisedome to begin to denie and refuse to grant the first things which they shall demaund for although at the first refuse they seeme to be ill content and much offended there is no great reckoning to be made thereof for that they considering that they haue to deale with a Lord which will not easily suffer himselfe to bee led and perswaded they become more milde contenting themselues with that which is reasonable and receiue those things for fauours which are graunted vnto them And to the contrarie when in the beginning a man granteth what they demaund the desire to haue increasing in them they present new requests which being refused they make no reckoning of what they haue receiued and become discontent with the Prince which gouerneth them We haue an example hereof in Lewes the 12. King of France and the people of Milan Guicciar lib. 4 for that Le More Duke of Milan being fled into Germany to escape from the French who in a manner without armes made a conquest of that estate the newes came speedily into France of the conquest of Milan of the Castle and of the whole Dutchie with aduertisement of the flight of the Duke Wherefore King Lewes passed speedily into Italie and being come to Milan hee was receiued by the people with incredible ioy and the people finding this King to be very gentle who graunted them many graces and fauours they demaunded exemption of sundrie toles and customes The people of Milan reiected by Lewes K. of France and the King graciously yeelded to their petitions But persisting in their immoderate requests and not content to obtaine their first desires purposed to be wholy exempt from all toles and customes and to be free from all charges whatsoeuer whereto the King would not consent for that their demaund seemed to him too vnreasonable and vniust thinking that he had alreadie vsed them with sufficient curtesie both in generall and in particular this people could not take it in good part but was discontent Wherfore if the King had not been so hastie in the beginning to grant what they demaunded or if he had ripely considered the importance of the exemption of the toles and customes so as hauing absolutely refused their petitions and had told them that he would thinke vpon their demaunds and afterwards considering of
shewne himselfe his enemie he had not so miserablie lost his life and Kingdome Vital Michel second of that name Prince of Venice fell into this error of light and easie beleefe arriuing at Negrepont with a mightie Armie and Nauie to goe against Emanuel Emperour of Constantinople who had shewed infinit signes of hatred against that Common-wealth and was of power to haue put the Emperour to great trouble giuing credit to the gouernour of that I le who was a most subtill Greeke he lost a most faire occasion greatly to haue benefited his countrey For the Gouernour seeing so great and so mighty an army and fleete and considering the losse and danger whereinto the Emperour was like to fall by faire words he perswaded Michel to send Ambassadours to Constantinople for he knew well that the Emperour would accept of any condition of peace This this Gouernour did either through his owne malice or that he had agreed with the Emperour to say so The Venetian Prince gaue simply too much credit to the subtle Greeke Vital Michael Prince of Venice in disgrace with the people and hauing sent Ambassadours towards the Emperour whilest hee attended their returne at Scio which were entertained with faire words a most grieuous plague fell in the Armie which in a manner did wholy defeat the same so as it was thought that the waters which serued for the Fleet and the Armie were poisoned For this cause without annoying or any way offending the Emperour being wholy ruinated hee returned to Venice and fell into such disgrace and hatred of the people that they killed him His errour was in giuing too light credit and trusting in one who was a traytor and most disloyall he lost the occasion to haue perfourmed many faire and honourable enterprises and exploits for the good and profit of his Common-wealth which happened in the yeere of our Redemption 1163. Moreouer sundrie Lords and Captains fell into the like errour of light beleeuing and giuing credit to false reports and some likely signes and shewes of friendship expresly fayned in the raigne of king Manfredi by reason whereof ensued many tumults and troubles of wars in Sicilia King Manfredi was a man very wily and cunning who aspired to the kingdome of Sicilie wherein Conradin the sonne of the Emperour Conrad was inuested who dying left to his sonne Conradin which was in Germany for tutours the principall and chiefe Lords of Bauiere and Manfredi who was Prince of Tarento was by the Emperour left chiefe Gouernour of the said Conradin Manfredi then aspired to the kingdome of Sicilia the papall seat of Pope Innocent being void he ouerthrew the Ecclesiasticall Armie but Alexander comming to succeed in the Papacie he sent an Armie against Manfredi vnder the conduct of his Legat Octauian Vbaldini to keep him from seising on that Kingdome Manfredi which was enclosed in Nocerra knew well that he could not long resist the forces of the Church and the tutours of Conradin Barons and Lords of Bauiere wherefore hauing recourse to wiles and shifts he purposed to shew some cunning which serued rather through the credulitie of the enemie then that of it selfe it was so ingenious He made certaine of his most faithfull and trustie seruants to goe forth of Nocerra the which few daies after made a shew to be come from Germanie being clad all in blacke with letters sealed with a false seale which gaue aduise of the certaine death of Conradin by reason whereof by exteriour signes Manfredi knew so well how to colour his treason Mansredi by a wâ—â—e deliuered himselfe from the â—â—ge of â—ocerra and seised on the kingdome of Sicilie making publike funerals cloathing himselfe and all his rout with him in mourning apparell that the Popes Legate beleeuing that to be true which was fayned raised the siege and the tutours of Bauiere which were in diuers townes for Conradin abandoned their charge saying that seeing that Conradin was dead they had no more to do with the gouernement of those townes wherefore the Napolitans themselues Fazelli in the eight booke of his second decadâ— of Sictâ—â—c being deceiued with the same errour saluted Manfredi and proclaimed him king of Sicilia So the light and easie beleefe of the Italian and Bauiere Lords was the cause that Conradin in his life time was depriued of his estate which might easily haue been preuented if the tutours of the child or any other Prince would diligently haue enformed himselfe of the trueth and discouered the fact by sending some man expressely with all speed into Germany without giuing such light credit to one onely aduertisement and with so little consideration to forsake and abandon their charges and gouernement which happened in the yeere 1252. And this fault of easie beleeuing was committed by a Florentine Commissioner in the yeere 1498. which was the occasion that the Florentines by a treatie lost Bibienna in the Casantin For that the Venetians hauing vndertaken the protection and defense of Pisa against the Florentines they sent to the Cazantin Bartelmi d'Auiano with their Armie This man hauing secret intelligence with some of Bibienna sent his souldiers into the towne to perfourme the treatie and enterprise the Florentines had aduertisement hereof froÌ„ many places Guicciar lib. 4 particularly from the citie of Boulongna Wherefore they speedily dispatched their Commissarie who speaking with some of the practizers themselues which he held already in prison he suffered himselfe so to be led by their faire words being perswaded that blacke was white that giuing certaine and indubitable credit vnto them he let theÌ„ go nothing caring to prouide for that which might discouer or hinder the enterprise and did not so much as set a guard at the Ports Conspiratours and 〈…〉 not to be beleeued neither changed the Captaines neither commanded that the Ports should be kept longer shut then of custome neither sending out any to discouer and in summe prouided for nothing but as a man would say sleeping at his ease he accounted himselfe to be in a place most secure Wherefore Aluiano sent in great diligence by night his people towards Bibienna which comming to the gate were presently receiued into the towne by the conspirators and then the Commissarie knew by the losse of the towne how great an error it is to giue light credit to those which haue the name of conspirators and being suspected for such ought to bee constrained and forced to confesse the trueth by meanes of torments CHAP. 22. Jt is neither good nor sure to be too obstinate and not to beleeue often aduertisements giuen by sundrie persons I Haue neuer commended nor made account of those Jt 〈◊〉 â—otable sollie to giue much credit to iudiciall Astrologie which ouer curiouslie sought to know their fortunes and aduentures by Astrologers and Southsayers for that if they prognosticate ill vnto them then their mindes are troubled whether they be vile or valorous and afterwards if they be to
enemie is to no purpose and therefore it auaileth more to deale sharply and roughly with them then to thinke to ouercome them by humanitie and signes of good will CHAP. 25. The suspitions increased and made greater by the euill speeches and reports of men in authoritie is the occasion that men oftentimes become cruell SVspition being an opinion of euill which entreth into our mindes and corrupteth the good which a man possesseth or thinketh to possesse when this suspition is accompanied with probable and apparant coniectures or maintained through the report of some personage of credit and authoritie it may then haue such force in mans hart as to make him become inraged inhumane and cruell When such suspition is entred into Princes and great Lords which hold estates feare to lose the same it is easie to make them to feele it and encrease and augment their suspition chiefly when they are stirred and that the flea according to the common saying is put in their eare by persons to be beleeued which alleage reasons with some apparance or likelihood of truth I wil not produce many examples which might be infinit but this onely shall serue for a memorable example written by Guicciardin of Iohn Bentiuogli Lord of Bologna who hauing to his aduantage by meanes of the King of France ended his busines with Duke Valentine and being assured that he should not be molested by him any more he began againe to entertaine and to continue the suspition which he bare in himselfe against the house of the Mariscotti which was enemie vnto him and this suspition being augmented by the rapport whether true or fained of Duke Valentine who told him in secret yet with a malitious heart that he was inuited by the house of the Mariscotti to approch draw neere to Bologna which was the occasion that Bentiuogli who held the Duke to be a man of credit and authoritie giuing credit vnto his words entred into so great iealousie suspition that being become very eager and cruell to deliuer himselfe of this feare knowing the house of the Mariscotti to be rich mightie and well followed determined to rid himselfe of this corrosiue by the death of all the Mariscotti whether they were culpable or innocent And making his son Hermes the instrument of his cruell determination Iohn Bentiuogli Hern◠〈…〉 he brought it so to passe that many of the most honorable houses of Bologna did with him embrue their hands in the blood of almost all the Mariscotti which were in Bologna This was done by these young men to the end that those honorable houses which had serued his turne in the execution of so great a crueltie in fauour of Bentiuogli becomming enemies of this noble house of Mariscotti should euer desire the conseruation of him and his estate and with all their power helpe to support the same And although Duke Valentines purpose was to make Bentiuogli odious in that citie he should not haue done it by such meanes as might bring his friends in daunger for that he ought to haue considered that a Prince to maintaine his estate is to doe any thing and to attempt any hazardous enterprise to deliuer himselfe from his enemies and emulators When a man seeth another man to haue a great suspition of another he ought not further to inflame him by ill reports because that the suspitious to the end to be deliuered of this hart-burning regardeth not whether the report be true or false but vsing all meanes to assure himselfe will attempt any thing be it neuer so hard vniust dangerous or infamous CHAP. 26. A man ought not neither in iest or by any other meanes to put a Prince in iealousie of his estate for that it is a matter full of danger FOrasmuch as Princes concerning their estates A comparison betweene a louer and a Prince are like louers towards their Mistresses and as for iealousie they are equal and march with like pace for as a man may easily lodge iealousie in the heart of a louer euen so may a man with great facilitie put a doubt and suspition into the heart of a Prince by reason of his estate And as he which reuealing to a louer something which may be preiudiciall to his loue maketh him vigilant and watchfull carefully to take heede to euery thing that passeth euen so those which put their Prince in doubt and suspition of a conspiracie insurrection or depriuing him of his estate or such like put him in most extreame great trouble of minde make him make sudden and extraordinarie preparations oftentimes to take offensiue resolutions But as a louer being certified that all that which was told him of his beloued was fained a lie he iustly turneth all his wrath indignation against those which gaue him this hammer of suspition euen so a Prince seeing in the end that that which was told him of the danger of his estate was false and forged is with iust cause displeased with him who put him to this trouble and punisheth him accordingly In the yeere 1566. Alexander Bon a gentleman of Venice through a vaine plot and enterprise put the whole Common-wealth of Venice in doubt and suspition of a reuolution of their estate but he mist to effect with his honour that which he pretended This man hauing once deceiued the Senate in case of reuealing of secrets of importance and thereby got money and the practise succeeding well he practised the second time to doe the like for hee was a man of great expence and wanting meanes sufficient to maintaine that greatnes which he desired with rigour A Captaine through boldnes and diligence oftentimes obtaineth that which by mildnes he should neuer attaine vnto he obtained of them what he would Whereby a man may perceiue that sometimes that is obtained by boldnes of spirit and constant resolution which by ordinarie meanes would neuer be graunted for that whilest that he who is sued vnto deliberateth there may growe some let and hinderance and likewise in consulting and considering of the matter he may resolue with himselfe not to graunt what is demaunded and by this meanes warres and troubles arise which breake off the desseignes But when a man sheweth himselfe bolde and audacious and giueth him that is sued vnto no leasure to studie and deliberate on the thing demaunded the suddennesse of the matter presenteth before him the present danger in deferring or denying to yeeld to that which is required and so a man shewing himselfe hardie and bolde commeth to obtaine that which he desireth The Earle of Foix serued his turne in this manner who being at Bologna was aduertised of the rebellion of Bresse and marching forwards to make a conquest of that towne he resolued to take the next and shortest passage through the Seignorie of Mantoua and so hauing vpon a sudden taken this way at the very instant he sent word to the Marques that he would passe through his Countrey
whatsoeuer followed requesting him to send him the keyes of certaine Fortresses and places whereby he was to passe Guicciar li. 10 wherefore the Marques being taken vpon the suddaine and hauing no leasure to consult or thinke vpon the demand of the Lord of Foix who was alreadie entred and come within his Countrey of Mantoua he sent him the keyes of the Fortresses which peraduenture he would not haue done if the Lord of Foix had vsed but the ordinarie meanes with the Marques which men vse which desire peaceablie to passe through other Princes Countreyes because that then the Marques had had leasure to thinke of the matter and in denying him to serue his turne with such meanes as he had but considering the necessitie of the Lord of Foix who required to passe and the daunger wherein the Marques was at an instant if he denied his passage or deferred to graunt the same he resolued to let him passe without bringing himselfe with his estate into trouble and danger CHAP. 28. Princes and great Lords ought not to despise those which desire audience of them and especially such as may rise to some degree of honour ONe of the fairest conditions that may be in a Prince or great Lord in my opinion is this to be gentle and readie to giue audience to such as desire to speake to him and principallie to strangers which come to him about affaires for besides that he getteth and winneth to himselfe the loue and good will of his Subiects he may easilie rid and deliuer himselfe from the trouble of the aboundance of busines which by giuing often audience is cut off either by meanes of grace or iustice according to the qualitie thereof And those which doe otherwise and doe not willingly giue audience purchase to themselues much blame and ill will and those which cannot be heard sometimes may so thinke thereof that concealing their discontent when occasion shall be offered they may be reuenged And no Lord ought to thinke himselfe so great Men happen oftentimes to haue neede of those men which in former time they despised but that he may haue need of another man Wherefore let him disdaine no man for fortune as often it happeneth may change and a man may peraduenture be brought to so lowe an ebbe that from him of whom in former time he hath made small account he may chaunce to receiue a displeasure as it happened to Peter de Medicis who as our author affirmeth to haue heard by persons worthie to be beleeued was not assisted by Duke Valentine to returne againe to Florence in reuenging of an iniurie receiued of him refusing to giue him audience when he was in meaner estate The words of Guicciardin are these Valentin had no desire to restore Peter de Medicis to his Countrey Guicciar lib. neither to doe any thing for him seeing that the greatnes of the houses of the Orsini and of Vitellozo vnto which he well knew that Peter de Medicis after his returne would be very firmelie conioyned and moreouer I haue heard by men of credit that in his heart was ingrauen the remembrance of an ancient olde grudge conceiued against him when the Archbishop of Pampeluna before he was promoted to the Sea apostolike studied the Canon Lawe in the Vniuersitie at Pisa for that comming one day to Florence to speake with him in a criminall cause of a friend of his after he had many houres in vaine waited to haue audience of him being busied either in affaires or pleasures without speaking with him he returned to Pisa holding himselfe scorned and therewith much offended So farre Guicciardin whereof may be collected that Princes ought sometimes to giue ouer their sports and pleasures to dispatch an honourable Gentleman which desireth to speake with them and a little to let rest the course of their affaires to gratifie a Gentleman with a word or two for such persons may in time and place remember pleasures and displeasures receiued I remember that vpon a time I was in a Lords chamber with certaine others his friends entred into a pleasant although nothing profitable discourse wherein this Lord tooke so great pleasure that notwithstanding that the Porters gaue him to vnderstand that there was a Gentleman without who desired to speake with him about matters of importance and that we which were within did intreate him to heare and dispatch the Gentleman yet was it not possible for vs with all our prayers and intreaties to cause him to giue him audience wherewith this Gentleman much offended after he had attended a long space returned and would rather misse of that which he desired then returne any more vnto him and was also a man that might in time and place remember this discourtesie and disdaine for that by the laughing which he heard within he might well know that the matters in handling were neither serious nor of importance Let Lords then be more gracious and courteous to heare those which would speake with them for by the hundreth part of an houres audience a man may be so well contented as to holde himselfe perpetuallie beholding for that fauour and in time and place to acknowledge the same in a greater matter than a few words CHAP. 29. Those estates which are not mightie and of power are not to attempt great and hardie enterprises and their resolutions are more often taken of force than of their owne free wils GVicciardin speaketh of two aduentures happened in the Common-wealth of Florence whereby the Florentines shewed that they wanted heart and courage to vndertake any hardie and valorous enterprise and that they were of small iudgement for the issue of their resolutions made it apparant that they knew not how to make choyse and applie themselues to better parties and that the end of their resolutions was contrarie to that which they pretended One of these cases chaunced in the yeare 1500. when the Florentines with the ayde of Lewes the 12. King of France went to Pisa hoping with those forces to take it King Lewes the 12. desired to render Pisa to the Florentines for that they were bound to pay vnto him fiftie thousand Duckats vpon the taking and deliuerie thereof and to this purpose the King sent thither his armie vnder the leading of the Lord of Beaumont who although he were a French man borne yet was such a one as the Florentines greatly trusted This Generall marched forwards and encamped himselfe between Cascina and Pisa to the end to batter the wals and make a breach where he marshalled his troupes to giue the assault and standing in that manner those of Pisa sent Ambassadours to the Lord of Beaumont offering to deliuer the Towne vnto the French and to receiue the French armie into the Towne vpon this condition that the King would giue his word that he would not deliuer the Towne into the Florentines hands vntil that foure moneths were past and fully expired The Generall propounded this question and condition
vnto him afterwards but ought to entertaine him in shew and giuing him some honest pension or prouision to hold him farre from him for when noble harts are grieued they neuer forget the wrong and although that for the present they haue not the power to be reuenged yet neuerthelesse they still retaine the desire to doe it and faile not to put it in execution when they haue oportunitie In the time of our ancestors Charles Duke of Burgundie incurred the same error who being in a councell of warre with his Captaines gaue a blow to Nicolas Campo Bachio an Italian Earle who was in that councell who imprinting the iniurie in his memorie made shew many yeers that he regarded it not attending time and place to be reuenged Nicholas Campo-Bachio an Italian Earle to be reuenged betrayed his Master Charles Duke of Burgundie and withdrew himselfe to Lewes King of France which at length came to passe for being entertained by the Duke of Burgundie in his wars against Rene Duke of Lorraine the said Earle Nicholas at the battaile at Nansci gaue Duke Rene warning that he should make no difficultie to encounter the Duke of Burgundie with the Swissers for that he would come to his aide with his men at armes The Duke of Lorraine gaue battaile to the Duke of Burgundie and the Earle Nicholas would not once vouchsafe to boudge with his Cauallerie but turning his Cornet towards France hee went to the seruice of King Lewes reuenging himselfe by the death and ouerthrow of his Master of the blow and iniurie which he had receiued Charles then committed a great fault to hold in his campe for chiefe of his men at armes him whom he had so grieuously offended through follie in choler and although that the Earle bare the name of disloyall and a traytor yet neuerthelesse hee gaue an example to Princes and by this fact doth aduise them to take heede how they grieue their subiects especially such as are men of spirit and of qualitie for euer trusting them any more The Lord Peter Strozzi a Captaine of great worth in our time Guicciar lib. 5 in the defence which he wrote to shew the occasion wherefore he was in battaile ouercome and put to flight by the Marquesse of Marignan where some Captaines forsooke him produceth many reasons but he concealeth the iniuries done vnto some which he afterwards tooke with him to the warres to which hee gaue the charge to garde certaine holds and to commaund certaine men at Armes for which fault he was publikelie blamed For there are some men which care not by a publike losse to reuenge a priuate iniurie and so as they may effect their purpose they care not what becommeth of the affayres wherein they are employed And although that they which forsooke and abandoned him ought principallie to haue considered that they were in the pay of the French King and not of Strozza yet they cared not for that prouided that he who had offended them might lose his credit and reputation and whosoeuer shall reade his apologie shall see though he expresly say it not yet he noteth and meaneth it when he silentlie saith It is a thing neither honest nor honourable Jt is dishonorable for a man to abandon his friend in time of neede for any occasion vvhatsoeuer for any to abandon their masters and friends in their greatest neede notwithstanding there had been some occasion giuen And to speake vprightly I say that he is much to be blamed that wrongeth another but after that he perceiueth that he hath done him wrong humane wisdome doth then will and require him to take heede that he trust him no more whom he hath once offended and if of necessitie he must reteine him neere about him or that he haue neede of his seruice he ought so well to looke to his affayres that the euill managing of them may not greatly hurt him or else he ought to holde him farre off from him with some charge that may be of greater apparance in shew than of effect or importance doing as Alphonse King of Naples did by Iacques Piccinino the sonne of Nicholas whom he wisely ayded and relieued as a friend but kept himselfe as well from him as from an enemie CHAP. 31. He is not to be blamed who by policie or industrie draweth vnto him pernicious and wicked persons to the end to punish them for offences alreadie committed and to stop them from proceeding further in their wickednes THere are sometimes such men borne into world which seeme to be borne to no other end than to the ruine of mankinde and are so full of mischiefe and so grounded in all kinde of villanie that when they dye and leaue this world a man may iustly say that the world is deliuered and purged of a dangerous plague These men or rather monsters than men no sooner haue power and authoritie ioyned to their inclination and desire to doe ill but they fall into infinit cruelties disordinate desires and monstrous actions And for that they are nousled vp and accustomed to do ill they liue in great vnquietnes without rest when they cannot exercise their malice alwaies carefully seek occasion to make themselues knowne what they are willingly offering themselues with great readines to execute the wicked resolutions and counsels of others when they cannot effect their owne purposes hauing by some accident lost the meanes and power to doe ill of themselues When the many misdeeds of such pernicious persons deserue punishment When assurance and safegard giuen to a and by a Prince is to be maintained and when not all policie and cunning meanes to intrap them is to be vsed and it is but well done to faile and breake the doubtfull promises and assurances made vnto them so as they may be punished for the euils which they haue cōmitted or at the least hindred and kept from committing any more And although that faith and promise ought to be held yea euen with a mans enemies and that it is the part of a good and iust Prince to hold his word neuerthelesse that is to be vnderstood when the cases are alike for when faith is expressely giuen and that safegard is granted vpon the word of a King or Prince I say that such faith is to be maintained and kept euen with traytors But when the words which are vsed and the promise made is equiuocent and may be diuersly construed and haue sundry meanings and interpretations I say that then it is not ill done for a man to serue his turne to his best aduauntage vpon such persons for that those are a kinde of people which are abstract and as a man might say diuided and separated from the essence and being of men and doe participate more with the brutall than with the humane and so ought to be handled and dealt withall rather as beasts than men Gonsaluo Fernandez surnamed the great Captaine knowing the most wicked inclination of Valentine
and how pernicious he had been to all Italie so long as abilitie was ioyned with his ill disposition drew him vnto him by a safeconduct vnder assurance whereof so soone as he had him in his power he sent him prisoner into Spaine After the death of Alexander the sixt Valentine liued in base fortune which nothing altered his olde condition for he perswaded Gonsaluo to inuade Pisa with his forces both by Sea and by Land to the end to trouble and make warre against the Florentines for the seruice of his King Gonsaluo which very well knewe the terrible inclination of this cruell man and remembring the mischieues and cruelties vsed by him while he had meanes to execute the same thought that it should be a good deede to free Italie from this beast which alreadie had so tormented it and againe sought to bring it into trouble Wherefore sending him a safeconduct and entertaining him with a shew of much kindnes feeding him with hopes and promises and while as he consulted and deuised with him of matters of importance vpon the plottes and stratagems which hee had in hand hee had leasure to write to the King of Spaine what he thought fit to be done with this pestilent man Guicciar lib. 6 and receiuing an answere according to his desire hee tooke away his safeconduit and sent him prisoner into Spaine Valentine cunningly entrapped by Gonsaluo Fernandes and sent prisoner into Spaine and there kept prisoner in the Castle at Medina del Campo And as Valentine complained that faith and promise was not held with him Gonsaluo wisely answered that seruants hands and writings serue to no purpose and are of no effect and valew without the consent of their Masters and therefore this safeconduct could not serue his turne seeing his Emperour had otherwise determined contrarie to his desire And Valentine being arriued in Spaine attended on by one Page onely he was committed prisoner to the Castle of Medina del Campo and escaping from thence he went into Nauarre to for feare to make those which already are wicked to become worse Euen so it shall be well done to aduise honest and good men to take heede how they so easily yeeld themselues for a pray vnto those which are wicked by reason whereof they may incurre such or greater daungers than the Pope did as before is said who in truth was very venturous and resolute and Baglione bare himselfe as a wise Prince notwithstanding that it was in him to haue done otherwise but hee considered that wisedome and good dealing would support him and the contrarie would be his ruine and so it may be coucluded that hee might haue been disloyall if hee had would but he would not for the reasons abouesaid CHAP. 33. That enterprises executed by the perswasion of Rebels and banished men are dangerous and seldome come to good end SVch men as are banished from their countrie haue so great desire to returne thither againe that being alwaies in hope they promise both to themselues and to others also great matters and seeking alwaies waies and meanes to recouer their countrie they hazard and aduenture themselues in euery desperate actiō be it neuer so hard and doubtfull and hauing but two things to lose to wit life and goods they expose both the one and the other to attaine to their desire And moreouer when they finde as some say a mans ground soft who vpon their hopes and promises will vndertake to settle them againe in their countrie you will not beleeue in how many bands they will engage their faith and with how many promises and perswasions they stirre vp and spurre men forwards to attempt the desired enterprise But afterwards when a man commeth to the triall of the matter and that they recouer their countrie by any other meanes than thine they wil faile of their faith so as the promises grounded vpon incertaine hopes being found vaine and missing effect thou knowest with shame and often with losse how vaine and weake the foundations were and how deceitfull they were by whom thou wast perswaded to put their practises in execution We haue hereof two examples the one ancient in Titus Liuius the other moderne in our author the one appertaineth to the want of faith in banished men and the other concerneth the vanitie and falsenes of their promises Titus Liuius declareth that when Alexander the great passed with his armie into Asia Alexander King of Epire or Albania his kinsman went with a great power into Italie A Prouince in the Kingdome of Naples whither he was called by certaine banished men called Lucains now the people of Basilicate who put him in hope by their meanes to possesse the whole Prouince and sware neuer to abandon him Alexander the Epirote was induced by the othes and promises of the Lucains and being arriued in Lucania the inhabitants there promised to call home and restore their banished men to their countrie vpon condition that they would kill Alexander Alexander King of the Epirotes slaine by the Lucains being banished from their Countrey whom he sought to restore Wherefore in hope to repossesse their countrie they slew the Albanian King falsifying their othes and promises made vnto him and so will all they doe which binde themselues by oth to him which shall promise to restore them to their libertie in their owne houses so great is their desire to returne thither That it is very inconuenient to be induced or moued by the greatnes of their promises wee haue infinit examples in the histories for banished men ordinarily promise much and cunningly faine many things so as they stuffe a man with hopes and prouoke him to execute their desseignes which in the end turne to the great dishonour and losse of him who putteth them in execution Themistocles being banished from Greece by his promises and perswasions induced Artaxerxes to make warre against it Themistocles poysoned himselfe but Themistocles being vnable to maintaine and hold his promise to Artaxerxes for shame or feare of punishment poysoned himselfe by which reason this enterprise was pernicious and deadly hurtfull to Themistocles who procured it and scandalous and exceeding chargeable to Artaxerxes who by his perswasion put it in execution Of later time the Lord of Chaumont Generall for the King of France in Italie a personage of great vertue and authoritie through the perswasiō of those of the house of the Bentiuogli was induced to goe to Boulogne to restore them againe into the Citie and there to haue suppressed Pope Iuli the second But the promises which the out Ferdinand and Don Iulius conspire against Alfonso Duke of Ferrara and made them to be put in their place againe without losse of his sight by the quicke and carefull care of the Phisitions conspired together to put the Duke to death Ferdinand which was the second sonne in hope to possesse the state and Iulius for that it seemed vnto him that Alfonso regarded not the
certaine rules and precepts which this author giueth in diuers places it shall be seene that they failed not in doing as they did First I remember to haue read in one of his discourses wherein he sheweth that the Romanes neuer had two warres together at one time although they had many one after another but not two at any one time together standing vpon this ground I would aske the author how the Romanes would haue behaued themselues and maintained their greatnes if after the ouerthrow of Cannas by Hanniball they had had to deale with foure Hannibals togethers at one instant all conspired to their ouerthrow and ruine I am of opinion that being oppressed by their ill fortune they would hardly haue retained the hautie courage which they shewed hauing to deale but with one Wherefore if the Venetians after their ouerthrow at Vaila had had to deale but with the King of France alone as the Romanes with Hanniball alone this halfe ouerthrow of Adda had not made them so much discouraged yea they would not haue taken any great care with the rest of the armie which was saued with the Earle of Patiglian and one of their Pouruours amounting to the number of 25000. men and with many others which were gathered and ioyned togethers but would haue resisted the King and retained their former courage and peraduenture surmounted their aduersarie But being to fight not onely against one enemie but against fiue or sixe at once vnited and coniured together who had concluded in the Castle of Cambray and resolued to ruinate them and to make warre against them all at one instant and euery one apart it is not to bee wondred at though they could not shew the vertue that was within them by their exteriour forces seeing that according to the common Prouerbe men say Ne Hercules contra duos that Hercules himselfe is not sufficient to fight against two at once one onely Common-wealth then could worse resist and make head against Pope Iulius the second the Emperour the kings of Fraunce and of Spaine besides other pettie Princes which altogether rose and made warre against them in diuers places as the Duke of Ferrara the Marques of Mantoua and the Frangipani Infrioli So as it could not be said that the Lords of Venice had not one only warre as the Romanes had but foure together and each of them with great Princes each of which was sufficiently able to wage warre with them alone for this cause the Common-wealth of Venice did not deserue to be reckoned in the nomber of the weake Common-wealths neither was there any comparison betweene the disgraces happened to Rome and that which befell the Venetians And moreouer seeing that the Venetian Common-wealth by the Authour of these discourses is placed in rancke with weake Common-wealthes he ought rather for pitie to haue excused the weakenesse and debilitie thereof then to haue charged it with cowardize and to be basely discouraged for a weake person shewing weakenesse and debilitie deserueth not to be blamed for it but rather to be pitied Furthermore a man may say that the Venetians lost not the vertue of their courage but concealed and hid it for a time so as it plainely appeareth that so soone as there was but one haire of fortunes periwig presented vnto them that there began to shine but one little sun-beame of hope but presently they tooke hold thereof and then manifesting the vertue which for a time lay hidden they boldly reentred into their enterprises and mocking at the leagues and forces of their enemies vnited against them they recouered and in short space reconquered all that which they had rather let goe astray then lost in Lombardy To the rest the same Authour in the eleuenth discourse of his third booke ☞ giueth a rule and aduertisement that when many that are puissant and mightie are ioyned and vnited togethers against one other that is mightie although that they all being vnited be farre mightier then hee a man ought neuerthelesse to hope better of him alone which is the weaker then in all them although in number they be most mightie for this that he alone vsing a little industrie may disunite and separate them asunder prouided alwayes that he be so valorous as that hee may be able to resist the first brūts of their assaults temporizing and attending occasion Heare what this Authour saith and after addeth and alleadgeth the example of the Venetians when in the yeere 1484. they had all Italie banded against them by which meanes they were wholy ouerthrowne and vndone and could not keepe the field with their armie through an agreement made with Lewes More gouernour of Milan and a practise and deuice they deliuered themselues of that trouble recouered the countrie which they had lost and vsurped part of the Dutchie of Ferrara This aduertisement being founded vpon the example of the Venetians I know not wherefore a man should impute that to their basenes now which was then accounted for good industrie and I know not wherefore a man should say of them that in the yeere 1484. they were wise men and that in the yeere 1508. they were ill aduised There were many which were puissant vnited against one that was puissant they which were vnited and conioyned togethers were more mightie than this alone how could the Venetian Lords then hope to haue the better and to disunite the Princes vnited and combined in league togethers to their ruine but to serue their turnes by industrie to grant vnto the Pope that which he instantly demaunded to giue to the King of Spaine those Ports which hee desired and to demonstrate vnto the Emperour that they would doe that which he required wherefore should that be accompted basenes which afterwards shewed it selfe to be wisedome And if the Venetians were not so valorous as to resist and support the first force and assault they found neuerthelesse the meanes to temporize vntil they might be able to disunite the other Princes from the King of France against whom was the principall quarrell and by whom they were ouercome and put to flight and for this cause they gaue especiall charge to Anthony Iustinian their Ambassadour with the Emperour to conclude a peace with him vpon what condition soeuer They sent no Ambassadours to the French King who had ouercome and defeated them neither to raunsome their prisoners neither did they make any shew to stand in any doubt of him alone Wherefore the resolution of these Lords was to haue warres onely with him as the Romanes had with Hanniball alone and therefore they vsed all meanes to bring it to passe that he might remaine alone for that they doubted not so to vnite and reinforce their troupes to fight with him and to ouercome him if possiblie And whosoeuer shall with iudgement reade Guicciardin shall see that the Venetian Lords did very wisely to vse this expedition to disunite the Princes for they were no lesse to feare some ciuill tumult within
sufficient for the defence thereof or for some other such like reason which yeeld him iust cause of feare and when a man hath euident tokens or certaine aduertisements of such feare the enterprise so attempted seldome faileth In the yeere 1512. after the memorable iourney of Rauenna where the French had so bloody a victorie that it was hard to iudge whether partie had the worse either the victour or the vanquished being impossible to conclude and accord any agreement betweene the Pope and the King of France the Swissers came to serue the Pope of whose valour and power the French stood much in feare The Swissers hauing taken the way towards Trent to ioyne with the Venetian armie came downe into the countrie of Verona and the French not knowing what course they would take Guicciar li. 10 were before gone to Pontoglio to stop their passage but the Swissers hauing taken another way the Lord de la Palisse the French Kings Lieutenant in Italie being in doubt whether they would goe towards Ferrara or towards Milan wrote a letter to the gouernour Generall of Normandie being at Milan giuing him to vnderstand of the state of the French Kings affaires in Italie in what termes they stood aduertising him further that it would be very hard to resist the forces of the Swissers and the armie of the confederates if they should togethers attempt that state This letter by misfortune fell into the hands of the aduenturers which serued the Venetians who hauing read it and consulted thereof in the presence of the Cardinall of Sedun and others the chiefe of the armie it was concluded to charge the state of Milan by the reason as I afore recited that that enterprise seldome faileth which is doubted feared by the enemie as in this case Wherefore the confederates laying their foundation vpon this letter and vpon this iust feare charged the estate of Milan and chased away the Frenchmen CHAP. 43. To wrong the statues images and pictures of Princes in their life time is a poore reuenge and oftentimes the cause of great hurt to him which doth the same NEuer man found good by doing wrong and if it be ill done to bee outragious towards liuing men which may remember the iniuries a man shall doe much worse by doing iniurie to those which are senselesse and can not reuenge it And here hence it commeth that they are much blamed which commit cruelties vpon dead bodies which ought to be left in peace and respected as those which cannot answere for their faults For which cause Homer blamed the Greekes who wounded the dead bodie of Hector after he was slaine by Achilles and noted them with this scoffe That the very Hares would aduenture to charge the Lion when hee was dead And although it seemeth that they which commit such outrages Those vvhich doe vvrong and shew crueltie to the dead are worthie of eternall shame and dishonur receiue some contentment by glutting their rage yet it cannot be said but that such doings are rather brute and sauage than humane The iniuries which are done to statues and images of Princes in their life time resembleth this iniurie and if it be done for reuenge because they cannot doe it to himselfe being aliue a man satisfieth his rage against the stone or the wood which representeth him I say that this is a poore reuenge fitting the furie of the common people which in it selfe hath no reason or iudgement And if such iniurie be done to charge the person represented in this image I say that it is a thing very dangerous because that the Prince or some friend of his will peraduenture thinke of this wrong which shall be so done reputing the offence as done to himselfe in person and will punish it no more nor lesse then as if he himself in person had bin grieued mocked and ill vsed in what manner soeuer Wee haue an example in the Boulognois in the time of Pope Iulius the second who hauing driuen the Bentiuogli out of Boulogne did many pleasures to the Boulognois granting them many priuiledges dignities and exemptions which the Boulognois ill acknowledged when the Bentiuogli by meanes of the French King againe returned into the citie for then they tooke a statue of his made of brasse which was erected vnto him as a benefactor which statue they threw downe in disdaine and derision the people was induced to this iniurie either by the guard and followers of the Bentiuogli or otherwise being tired with the troubles of the warre they would discharge their choler and furie according to their custome vpō the image which represented him whom they deemed to haue put them to all that paine and trouble The Pope was highly displeased with this iniurie Gucciar li. 10. and when Boulogne returned againe vnder the command of the Church after the French were driuen out of Italie if he had not beene preuented by death as the report went whether it were true or false he had determined in reuenge of that iniurie to haue destroyed the citie of Boulogne and to haue reduced the inhabitants into the citie of Cento and alreadie began to stay the chusing of Magistrates and not to commit them in any place of any honour or gouernment yea and by meanes of his rude and seuere officers hee drew a great summe of money from those citizens which claue to the faction of the Bentiuogli and if death had not interrupted his conceits he was a man very likely to haue effected what hee had proiected in his mind And so the Boulognois for hauing outraged the statue of a Prince then liuing were in daunger to haue lost their countrie The Florentines likewise were so ill affected to the house of Medicis that when the people rose against that house in the yeere 1524. certaine young gentlemen of noble houses went to the Church of the Annunciation where were the statues of Pope Leo the tenth and Clement the seuenth which were great and made to the life and hauing throwne them downe brake them in peeces vsing them very ill this iniurie among others was the cause of the warres of Florence After the which the gouernment being returned into the hands of the de Medicis those which committed this wrong and outraged those Images were seuerely punished the Florentines were made to know that Princes know how to reuenge the wrongs done to their statues as well as if they had bin done to themselues in person Charles Duke of Burgundie seuerely punished the Citie of Nantes Charles the last Duke of Burgundie vsed so great and memorable a reuenge against the towne of Nantes for no other cause but onely for that the Nantois made his statue and the statues of certaine others his friends and hanged them by the neck vpon a gibbet Such iniuries then done through choler or malice are base and vile reuenges which bring with them great danger when Princes are able to punish them When a
findeth after the common saying an ill Merchant which giueth him no contentment and he which sendeth is in danger to haue disgrace and peraduenture losse in those which he hath sent Wherefore it is better freely to deny than coldly to graunt and this is sayd for that there are some Princes which dare not absolutely to deny the succours required and yet will not giue such as may ease and deliuer their friend from trouble and so come to resolue vpon a mediocritie which consisteth in sending so small a number of men at armes that he which receiueth the succours is neuer the better for them but in shew and hee which sendeth sendeth as into a manifest daunger whereof ensueth dishonour to the sender and to recouer his honour and blot out this shame of force he must send new succours which may ease his friend deliuer him from trouble by meanes whereof a man wisely doth that in the end which he should with consideration and prudence haue done in the beginning It commeth also often to passe that they which receiue succours through the discontentmēt which they haue by reason of the small aide and forces thereof practise and by some meanes conclude a peace with the enemie without the knowledge of the confederate as it hath often happened in time past or else that by some stratagem or other meanes the succour sent commeth to an euill end to the end that the Prince which sent the same may haue cause to complaine of his losse receiued and to bee auenged thereof to send so great a number of men as may suffice to recouer his lost reputation and cleerely to free and deliuer his friend from trouble The like part was plaied with King Manfredi by the Gibelins of Florence which desiring his helpe against the Guelphes which had thrust them out of the towne he sent to them for succours onely one companie of Germane men at armes with his owne Ensigne or Cornet The Florentines which were fled to Sienna were discontent with this small succour and by the counsell of M. Farinata of the Vberti chiefe of this faction it was deuised that the Almaines should either win or lose the victorie alone or should remaine for pledges to the end that being ouercome dispatched out of the way K. Manfredi should send them some greater aide There was a faire banket made for them furnished with much good meate and excellent good wine and at the end of the feast when they were well filled vpon a sudden an alarme was giuen wherefore the Almaines no lesse warmed and chafed with the wine then the sound of the Drumme Leonar Arch. lib. 1. sallied out of Sienna and with great furie charging the enemie made a most faire proofe of themselues The Germanes were defeated by the Guelfes before Siena but in the end were all cut in peeces and the Kings Ensigne taken Wherfore K. Manfredi wroth and moued with this disgrace sent to the Gibelins such succors as they therewith ouercame their enemies and returned to their countrie which if King Manfredi had done in the beginning his Ensigne had not receiued that shame neither had his people bin ouerthrowne CHAP. 47. An Ambassadour ought not to care to be accounted importune by the Prince with whom he hath to deale prouided that he satisfie his owne Prince in that which he desireth THe charge of an Ambassadour is full of great care and trouble and he which dischargeth the same with his honour may be placed in the ranke of honourable personages and worthie of reputation and this charge is by so much the greater by how much the more a man hath to handle and manage matters of importance or to negotiate with Princes which being obstinate in their opinions are not induced by the liuely reasons which are alleaged neither answere to the points and conditions which are propounded When a man then knoweth the nature of the Prince with whom hee hath to deale to be according to the common saying maried to his owne opinion it shall be good to attempt by some reasons to diuert him and to alleage many reasons vnto him to the end that it may appeare that the coldnes of the Ambassador hath not broken off the affaires But that the naturall inclination of the Prince An Ambassadour ought not to care for an ill word from the Prince with whom be hath to deale hath been the cause why the businesse hath not taken wished effect and when a man commeth to the point of that which he desireth if the Lord with whom he hath to deale wearied with his instance and importunitie shew himselfe in word displeased yet ought he not to be discontent for his Prince will take his importunate sollicitation for industrie and diligence although to the other it seeme to be too farre pressing and importunitie In the yeere 1513. the King of Spaine sent to the Emperour Maximilian for his Ambassadour Peter Diurea Guicci lib. 12. to perswade him to resigne Verona to the Venetians to the end that they should not ally themselues to the King of France and there went with him Iohn Baptista Spinello Earle of Carriati Ambassadour for the same King to Venice and there being a forbearance of armes betweene the Emperour and the Venetians these Ambassadours arriued in Germanic at the Emperours Court who had alreadie resolued with himselfe not to render Verona to the Venetians vpon any condition whatsoeuer because hee would not wholy dispossesse himselfe of one port to enter into Italie The Ambassadours began to treate of the restitution of the said towne shewing for a reason that by meanes of the money which the Lords of Venice would giue him recompence which amounted to a great summe and by meane of the Spanish armie which their King would giue him hee might make warre in Burgundie and with this reason they alleaged many other But Caesar continued still firme in his resolution and would not be turned what conditions soeuer were offered to his aduantage And because the Spanish Ambassadours were very earnest with him Caesar displeased with their replies and importunities and principally with those of Counte Carriati he said vnto him that by the meanes of his inclination to the Venetians A check giuen by Maximilian the Emperour to the Spanish Ambassadours hee ought rather to be called a Venetian than a Spanish Ambassadour The Earle cared not for that nip knowing that his Kings desire was that he should pursue the restitution and loued better to be accounted importune by Caesar then negligent by his Master CHAP. 48. VVhat manner men they ought to be which are sent Ambassadours and officers to other Princes PRinces ought to be very well aduised in making choise of such men as they will send abroad to other Princes vnder the name of Ambassadours or other title for when a Prince sendeth persons which carrie not with them a grauitie and reputation there is no great account made of the Prince which
Temple about but while as he walked with her to view the place most fit to giue the assault and saw where he might most easilie enter surprised with a great religious feare being in a sacred place he returned trembling by the same way that hee came and as hee went downe the wall he fell and brake one of his thighes by which accident he was constrained to returne and bring backe home againe the fleete loden with shame and losse in liew of golde which he so boldly had promised and shewed to the world how vaine a thing it is to promise such things in the execution whereof there may happen and growe a thousand impeachments and misfortunes and which may haue an end cleane contrarie to that which a man hath promised And although that many times a man vse all diligence and doe all that is requisite to attaine to the desired end yet neuerthelesse seeing that accidents are infinite and not posibly to be foreseene a man ought to be aduised what he saith and how he promise the euent of things as a wise man and with the circumstances which may in all occasions make him reputed rather somewhat infortunate than ouer rash and presumptuous Terentius Varro as Titus Liuius writeth fell into this error of boasting Titus Liuius in the sâ—coâ—â— boo◠〈…〉 third Dâ—â—â—â—â—â— who being Consul and chiefe of the Romane armie against Hanniball at the same day an houre wherein he receiued the Militarie Ensignes of the Senate and of the Romane people very rashly said that the first day wherein he did display those Colours against the Carthagenians he would end the warre blaming Fabius Maximus for his slacknes and foreslowing it by delaies But the successe of the matter made him to know that it had more auailed to haue spoken lesse for he had no sooner displaied the Romane Ensignes against the Carthagenians but he saw himself miserably ouercome and put to flight in that notable and memorable battaile of Cannas In the yeere 1513. Terentius Varro defeated by the Carthagenians the Lord of Tremouille being sent by Lewes the 12. King of France to the enterprise of Milan against Maximilian Sforce the sonne of Lewes More fell into this error This man seeing that the Duke was retired to Nouarra and that the Swissers had vndertaken to defend him he wrote to the King of France very inconsideratly and with great presumption that hee would deliuer the sonne prisoner as he had alreadie done the father But the issue shewed afterwards that it had been better for his reputation that he had written more modestly for hee was constrained to retire from Nouarra without doing ought for the Swissers sallied forth with a resolution to charge the French Campe being but a few The French ouerthrowne by the Swissers without horse or Artillerie they came to blowes and in this assault with a marueilous bold hardines they tooke from the French 22. peeces of Artillerie put them to flight and slew many although that of the Swissers were slaine about fifteene hundred men And so the issue of the battaile shewed to the Lord of Tremouille how vaine a thing it is to promise that which is in the hand of God as hee who onely may grant it or not And although that he which would defend the Lord of Tremouille might say that hee wrote those words to note the couetousnesse of the Swissers which for money had alreadie deliuered Lewes Duke of Milan into the hands of the French and that hee meant to follow the same rule to make Maximilian also his prisoner A young Florentine in the yeere 1527. esteemed very braue and valiant in armes but a great prater and boaster being to fight with another young man who because hee was melancholike and spake little was called Forchebene going in companie with many others towards the place where they were to fight which was the walking place for fooles without the Port of Saint Gal and being come to the Port a Customer his friend went to him and sayd God giue you the victorie and the proude young man adding blasphemie to his temeritie answered How shall he but giue it me They came to vse their weapons and after many blowes giuen and taken by the one and the other Forchebene being become as the Minister and instrument of God gaue him a thrust in the mouth with such force that hauing fastened his tongue to the pole of his necke where the sword went through aboue the length of a palme and more he made him fall downe dead the sword remaining in his mouth to the end that the tongue which so grieuouslie had offended God being thrust through should also in this world indure punishment for so horrible a sinne It is then a dishonest thing in a Captaine and in euery man to vaunt and boast of that which may be and not be to doe and to be silent is more to be esteemed than to babble or vainely to write and be reputed a man full of winde and vaine-glorie CHAP. 60. VVhich may be considered and learned by the Lords of Venice who would not suffer a Gentleman of theirs to kill Lewes Sforce Duke of Milan THe Lords of Venice and Lewes Sforce entred into league against Charles the eyght King of France and held the Towne of Nouarra streightly besieged wherein was the Duke of Orleance brother to the King who to deliuer the Duke his brother came to a peace with Lewes Sforce and the peace being made the Venetian Armie being to returne was constrained to passe through the estate of Milan but Lewes which bare them no good will commaunded his Captaines that in all places where the Venetians should passe Bembo in his booke of the historie of Venice they should shew themselues in Armes and so at all passages of Riuers and in all places where was any daunger to passe he made the boates to be taken away which Lewes did to the end that the Venetian Souldiers should not saue themselues and goe out of his Countrey without his leaue and permission or against his will and to say the trueth they were inclosed and must in a manner debate by force at euery passage which greatly displeased the Lords and they much blamed the disloyaltie of Lewes In the Venetian Armie Bernard Contarini purposed to haue slaine the Duke of Milan was Bernard Contarini Collonell of the Albanois horsemen a man of a high minde resolute and valorous He gaue the chiefe commaunders to vnderstand that if they would giue him leaue he would finde a meane to passe and to cut off all lets which was to kill Lewes while as he were talking with him in his Chamber shewing by liuely reasons that there was no cause of feare for neither the Citie nor the estate of Milan would rise by reason of his death The Purueyours and chiefe commaunders of the Armie would not graunt this leaue to Contarini but they tolde him that they would giue the Senate
follow the contrarie for by so much more his aduice and counsell shall be held and reputed for wife by how much the issue of the matter shall be more correspondent with the counfell which he gaue The issue and end of an enterprise manisteth the wisedome of the counsell giuen Archidamus King of the Lacedemonians saw that the whole Councell of Sparta was inclined to take armes against the Athenians in the behalfe of the Corinthians which were recommended vnto them and as confederates had required their aide in the warre which the Athenians waged against them and knew well that his aduice should not bee accepted notwithstanding this hee would not faile to speake his opinion and by many liuely reasons to shew that they ought not to stirre against the Athenians nor to breake the truce which they had with them Archidamus got nothing by propounding this counsell but the aduice of Stenelaides an Ephore was followed who seeing the hearts of the Lacedemonians disposed to make warre against the Athenians caused them to resolue to make it suddenly But the issue of the matter made it manifest how much the counsell of Archidamus had been more profitable then the resolution of Stenelaides Mercurie Gattinara a Piemontois great Chauncellor of the kingdome of Spaine knowing the heart of the Emperour Charles the fift to be disposed to come to agreement with Francis the first of that name King of France and his prisoner and to deliuer him he knew the will of the Viceroy of Naples and other Lords of the Counsell of Spaine tending to the same hee knew finally the conditions of the agreement and the qualitie of the Articles thereof and was well assured that his counsell should not bee receiued nor accepted neuerthelesse he would not faile to speake what hee thought and rather to crie it out then dispute and by reasons to debate and disswade this accord the which reasons are well deliuered with grauitie of speech by Guicciardin in the oration of the said Gattinara whose aduice was not allowed nor approued but theirs was followed which perswaded the agreement and Mercurie was so constant in his opinion that the accord should not bee accepted nor obserued that he would not signe the Articles but that the Emperour all angrie must signe them himselfe But the issue made it knowne that the counsell of Gattinara was much better then that of the rest for that the Articles were not obserued and after that the King was at libertie all vanished away in smoke Then let no good Counsellor of a Prince leaue to speake his aduice neither let him leaue to giue good counsell for feare that it shall not be regarded or that it shall be despised for in the end the goodnesse of sage deliberations and prudent counsels is knowne in the goodnes of issue and good successe CHAP. 70. Promises voluntarily made are to be held and performed and the euill which ensueth through default thereof IT is a thing altogether infamous and dishonest to faile and breake promise but it is most dishonest in a Prince or Common-wealth for it cannot be said that such persons failed through inaduertence or want of discretion as of particular men A man ought to be well aduised how he promise any thing if they were not carried away by affection or apparance of good A man ought to bee well aduised touching his promise and ought not to make it but that first he weigh and consider well what is required and demaunded for whosoeuer shall doe otherwise shall euer commit some fault because that promises made with small iudgement haue this custome either to the displeasure of those to whom they were made to be refused and denied or otherwise they are performed to the great griefe and repentance of those which made them It is true that some are made without consideration and it were better to breake them then dishonestly to put them in effect as that which was made by Herod to his daughter in law which daunced before him at a banket and this promise to giue to her what she should demaund was made without consideration and sinfully and wickedly performed whereby he purchased perpetuall infamie and the iust man vniustly lost his life Some there are also which promise dishonest and reprochfull things and more shamefully performe them and to these men ordinarily commeth that which Cicero speaketh of that wicked promises hurt him which made them and him also which receiueth them whereof the examples are daily so manifest in robberies murthers and such other Riots that it is needles to produce them But speaking of promises which are made not through necessitie but free and voluntarily if they be of honest matters I say they must be performed for to faile in them there happen grow many euils and inconueniences as was the promise of Robert Gescard made to Roger his naturall brother This Robert in the diuision of the Norman Empire promised to his brother Roger the halfe of Calabria and all Sicilie but when it came to sharing and diuiding Robert would giue him nothing in Calabria Meto and Squillacci but Meto and Squillacci and bad him to purchase the Realme which he alreadie began to possesse meaning Sicilie and in the end resolued according to Alexanders words to Darius that as the world could not endure two Sunnes so one Realme could not endure two soueraigne Lords Roger being much displeased herewith made warre against him and after many aduentures hauing taken him prisoner in a Castle where Robert vnwisely was entred in the habit of a paisant to bring it to his owne deuotion King Robert taken prisoner afterwards graciously deliuered by his brother Roger Roger of a brotherly pitie saued his life and restored him to his estate which by right of warre and being prisoner hee had lost So Roberts failing of his word was the cause that he entred into such disorder so as if hee had had to deale with any other then his brother hee had peraduenture learned to his losse or to his perpetuall dishonour how great a fault it is not to performe and keep those promises which no man constrained him to make CHAP. 71. Jn what case promises exacted perforce ought to bee performed ALthough that some haue said and left in writing that promises made by constraint ought not to be performed alleaging the example of the Romanes when they made agreement with the Samnites I say neuerthelesse that that ought not to bee taken for a law or a generall rule for that it is not a thing secure for all men to faile in their promise notwithstanding that it were made by force I say then that he which is constrained to make some promise to graunt perforce and signe the Articles of agreement with all solemnitie may in two manners consider after that hee is at libertie and out of his power to whom he made the promise to wit whether hee be in point or state to surpasse or
with tokens of thankfulnes to shew themselues kinde and gracious vnto them both while they are liuing and also after they are dead In this respect the Florentines shewed themselues verie gratefull when they erected publike Statues vnto Iohn Acute an Englishman and the Lords of Venice deserue great praise who haue neuer vsed to estrange from them the harts of those which haue well serued them but their charges being brought to an end they haue returned them verie honourablie and if they died in their seruice in token of thankfulnes good will they haue relieued their children giuing them the charges of their Fathers and the yearelie pensions which their fathers had in their life time and haue erected vnto Captains being dead for the perpetual honourable remembrance of them statues of brasse and marble on horsebacke as a man may see in Gatta Mallata and in Bartelmy de Bergamo and many others in the citie of Venice and the Seignorie therof all which are things fit and proper to incite the hearts of Captaines to vertue loue and fidelitie wherewith a man ought to serue great Princes and honourable common wealths CHAP. 77. A priuate Captaine seruing a Prince or a Generall ought not to receiue any present or gift from the Prince or Generall which is enemie to his Lord and Master AS to gaine the reputation of wise and vertuous One onely foolish act maketh a man to be reputed a foole and one act of infidelitie maketh a man to be for euer hâ—ld for disloyall many vertuous and wise acts are required but for a man to make himselfe to be esteemed for a foole one onely foolish act sufficieth so to bee esteemed faithfull many proofes of fidelitie are necessarie and to acquire the name of vnfaithfull and disloyall one act of disloyaltie and fault of dutie is sufficient principally in time of warres and suspitions wherein the least suspition that a man sheweth of himselfe and doubt that hee hath some intelligence with the enemie may doe a man great hurt which appeareth when a man vseth to talke often in secret with the enemie or when a man sendeth or receiueth letters when a man receiueth gifts and presents or such like for this is properly to shew a will and inclination to serue him and so consequently a signe of running away or to vse some other meane which may be to the notable losse and dammage of the Lord whom he serueth Tartaglia a valiant souldier and renowned Captaine of his time made warres with Sforce in the behalfe of Lewes of Aniou against Alfonso King of Arragon This Tartaglia by reason of his valour was much beloued by Sforce and seemed to be much respected and esteemed by Braccio de Monton perpetuall enemie to Sforce It happened that in the time of these warres Fazio in his second booke of the act of Alfonso King of Arragon King Alfonso gaue for a present vnto Tartaglia certaine faire horses and there appeared many other signes of Braccio his loue vnto him wherefore Sforce entring into some suspition of euill through Tartaglia his behauiour caused hands to be laid on him and to be apprehended and being conuict of secret practise and intelligence with the enemie hee made his head to be striken off Which may serue for an example to other Captaines which put themselues in great Lords seruice to take heed and beware how they bring their faith and credit in question and suspition for there is no assurance nor securitie to receiue entertainment of two Masters at once which are enemies so as without causing great distrust of himselfe a man cannot make warre for the one and shew himselfe friendly vnto the other CHAP. 78. VVhen an Ambassadour speaketh otherwise then as his Master he deserueth to be had in derision THe office of an Ambassadour Lieger for his Master with some Prince or Common-wealth or which is sent sometime to one place sometime to another about affaires of importance ought alwaies to preserue and maintaine the honour and reputation of his Prince defend his actions exalt his vertues and so to carie himselfe that they with whom he doth negotiate may retaine alwaies a good opinion of him and if he seeth that his Prince committeth an error or takes some course which seemeth vnfit his dutie is to excuse him shewing either the necessitie or the strange and sudden accidents and the sound reasons which might moue him to take this resolution making that to seeme to be wittie and requisit which is vnwittie and an error For an Ambassadour which proceedeth in this manner sheweth that he is a man of spirit and of discretion and hath no neede of a prompter to put it into his braines But when an Ambassadour affirmeth any thing of his Prince which is certainly knowne to be to the contrarie and he saith in one manner and his Prince doth in another it followeth of necessitie seeing the words of the one haue no correspondence with the deeds and actions of the other that that Ambassadour must make himselfe worthie to be mocked or shew himselfe ignorant of the common aduertisements and while as hee thinketh foolishly enough to mock others he himselfe is mocked Which happeneth by so much the more when he will affirme that to be true which is manifestly knowne to the contrarie to bee a lye and cannot be couered King Francis the first of France sent for his Ambassadour Mounsieur de Tarbe then when there was a treatie of peace betweene the Emperour Charles the fift and this King to perswade the Venetians the Duke of Milan the Florentines the Duke of Ferrara confederates allies with the king against the Emperor that they should not thinke that any peace should be concluded and so farre as to aduise them that they should not disunite themselues and to promise and assure them for certaine that if the Emperour came into Italie the King of France would come thither also with great forces and he had also charge from the King to mannage with those of the League the affaires concerning the warre and the conseruation of the said League In this meane season the peace was concluded ratified and published betweene these two Princes with all vsuall solemnitie and for this cause the King of France being ashamed of his doings for certaine daies would not speake with the Ambassadours of the League But the Lord of Tarbe which was in Italie being gone to Venice to Florence to the Dukes of Milan and Ferrara where the conclusion of the peace was alreadie knowne and that the King of France as a man might say had abandoned Italie to the Emperour he gaue them to vnderstand by a ridiculous lye the great preparation for the warres as well on the behalfe of his King as of the King of England and exhorted the said Princes to doe the like when as it was certainly knowne that neither the one nor the other did any thing of that which he reported Wherefore while as
this Ambassadour was executing his charge he was held for a foole and a man of small iudgement seeing that it was well knowne that his Kings doings were cleane contrarie to his sayings and the publication of the peace was so manifest that it could not be hidden by any meanes in the world It had been more for his honour to haue attended a new commission or to haue executed that which hee had more moderatly which had made him to haue been accounted and esteemed for a man of vnderstanding knowing how to accommodate himself with the time But hee which would excuse the Lord of Tarbe might say that the King had deceiued him in giuing him this charge seeing it is a common saying that when one Prince will deceiue another he will first deceiue his owne Ambassadour whom he sendeth CHAP. 79. VVhen an Ambassadour so handleth his Masters businesse that it is at the point to be laught at he cannot auoide the bearing of blame SPeaking of the charge of an Ambassadour I remember to haue said that an Ambassadour ought to be wise of a quicke spirit and readie in resolutions and answeres and when hee hath to mannage matters of importance that he first think well thereupon and be aduised to speake with grauitie that which hee speaketh not letting scape out of his mouth any speeches which may shew any mocking or iesting at the affaires which are in question for therein hee shall giue occasion to him to whom hee speaketh be hee a Prince or seruant to a Prince to yeeld some answeres which may displease him besides this that the Ambassadour acquireth vnto himselfe the report to be a man ill framed and fashioned for affaires of importance And when a man is confuted by the reasons of him which speaketh it were better for the present to seeme to yeeld to his reasons Affaires of importance are not to be treated of in iest demaunding time to answere then not knowing how to defend and vphold the wrong wherein he is to expose all to be laughed at purchasing to his Soueraigne the name of vniust and vnwise and to himselfe the blame to haue taken vpon him to defend a matter which he can bring to no good end And when affaires of importance are exposed to be mocked at they lightly turne to the losse and dammage of him which causeth them to be taken in hand and to the shame and disgrace of him which mannageth the same The Sienois rebelled against Charles the 5. at what time as Don Hugo de Modozza was gouernour of their town The said Sienois sent to Florence for their Ambassadour Alexander Sansedonio where it seemeth that the Emperor was desirous to reduce the Citie to his deuotion in friendly maner and that by meanes of his seruants and officers the affaires might be carried so that the Sienois should haue humbled themselues and haue acknowledged their fault It happened vpon a day that one of the Emperours Agents talking with Sansedonio of this matter The foolisp answere of San sedonto Ambassadour of Stena and blaming the Sienois and reciting the iniurie done by that Citie to the Empire Sansedonio answered to al sometimes in denying sometimes shewing the sinister and ill informations then excusing the Sienois of things done by them But the Emperours Agent persisting in repeating and declaring one offence after another and finding alwaies new saying what will you answere to this and continuing what will you answere to that other and then how excuse you such an iniurie and then how will you maintaine that other Sansedonio feeling himself oppressed and ouercome and hauing no answere fit for the purpose to excuse and iustifie his Lords said with a loud voice exposing in a manner all the matter to be laughed at What a diuell shall not wee of Siena bee excused seeing wee are knowne to bee fooles A scoffe vsed by an Agent for Charles the fift To whom the Agent made answere Euen that shall excuse you but vpon the condition which is fit for fooles which is to be kept bound and inchained Some write that this happened at Siena in the presence of the Magistrate de Balia but howsoeuer it was Sansedonio shuld not haue hazarded affaires of so great importance to be laught at neither haue made his Lords and Masters to haue bin accounted fooles and himselfe vnwise and ill aduised but hee ought to haue found meanes to thinke vpon his answeres and deferring them to another day to haue taken time to shew some apparant excuse for that which was happened Let euerie Ambassadour then be well aduised that hee put not the affaires which hee mannageth in daunger to be laught at for that it is not agreeing with the maiestie of the Prince which employeth him neither with the grauity of the Ambassadour which handleth the matter for being laughed at it is esteemed to be a matter of small importance and seldome taketh any good effect CHAP. 80. VVhen a Rebell or a banished man by his Princes grace and fauour is pardoned and permitted to returne againe into his countrie he ought not to doubt of his Princes faith CLemencie in a Prince is highly extolled when hee resolueth to pardon a subiect and to restore a banished Rebell to his countrie and by how much the subiects offence hath been the more hainous by so much is the Princes clemencie the more praise worthie And to the contrarie when a subiect hauing grace doubteth of the faith of his Lord and doth distrust him he deserueth much blame Wherefore they which being permitted to returne to their countrie and hold themselues in the fields aloofe off flying their Princes presence and shew either in speeches or in their manner of liuing a feare and distrust such as that they seeme to haue the Sergeants and other officers at their backes besids that they leade an vnhappie life they do their Prince great wrong as if that hee had betrayed them and not pardoned them And there are some so constant in this conceit that to the end that they would not liue in this manner but bee free from this feare and suspition loue better to rebell againe then ciuilly to take the benefit of their Princes fauour and clemencie of which number there were certaine Florentine gentlemen in the time of the warres of Siena which being recalled to their countrie by Duke Cosmo and so consequently were receiued with great curtesie into grace and fauour some accepted the returne and promised to raise companies but afterwards moued with this feare and distrusting that promise should not bee held with them resolued with themselues to stay abroad and serue those which rebelled against their countrie and some there were which did serue in that warre and hauing obtained the victory euen then when they should haue endeuoured to haue maintained themselues in the fauour of this most gentle Prince being fearefull went out againe and would neuer returne to their countrie both the one and the other were with
manner proofes would binde himselfe to manifest that which hee saith to bee true although that it were most false and malitiously forged let him then I say that is accused stand so on his guard that hee suffer not himselfe to bee brought to make such proofes and experiences as to vndertake the combat seeing that by the combat a man cannot come to the knowledge of the trueth but may remaine dishonoured being neuerthelesse most innocent and wrongfully accused And to the end that it may be the better vnderstood I will propound this example happened in the citie of Spoletta There was in that Citie a yong man who was robbed of a good summe of money and imagining and firmely beleeuing that another young man had robbed him began to accuse him and call him theefe and because he could not make proofe of his speeches he spread a report abroad that he would iustifie it with his sword in his hand seeing that there was no other meane that hee had robbed him and that that which he said was true The young man accused of the theft and innocent of the fact was aduertised of what the other reported of him and how that hee auouched that hee would prooue it vpon him with his sword that hee was a theefe beeing mooued with despite and with the interest and preiudice of his honour and reputation hee accepted to prooue his innocencie which hee held for most certaine in his owne conscience with his sword in his hand which was an vncertaine meane to make triall wherein a man might as soone lose as win Wherefore they came to blowes in their shirts with their rapiers and poyniards in their hands and in this combat the innocent man was slaine and dishonoured and the accuser remaining victorious was held to haue said the truth Some space after the trueth of the matter was discouered and the theefe was found so as it was knowne and did appeare that that man tooke a rash and an vnaduised resolution who would shew his innocencie by the triall of a combat for in such fights and combats is found neither reason nor iudgement seeing that choler valour fortune and wit haue therein the rule And I say that Ariosto if it be lawfull to mixe graue matters with fables hath very elegantly depainted this furious and rash iudgement in the person of Mandricard when hee vniustly accuseth King Gradasse to haue stolen Rolands sword Wherefore let euery man be well aduised how he too rashly put himselfe vpon vncertaine proofes where hee may as well receiue dishonour as discharge of the crime imputed vnto him For although that in his owne conscience hee be cleere and innocent yet with some men hee cannot escape without a blot who may beleeue what they list and as their phantasie leadeth them CHAP. 92. Jn ward familiars and Secretaries of Princes may commit many errors by meanes whereof they are in danger to lose their fauour or their owne liues THe great familiaritie and fauour of Princes in apparance is much esteemed and desired but whosoeuer shall ripely consider it shall finde that it is a golden shackle and a bitter sweete for it is conioyned with so many discommodities and daungers that most commonly a simple seruitour and ordinarie Courtier hath better daies and greater libertie then hee which with the Prince is most familiar The discommodities which such men finde are very many for those being insufficient which the wearisome life and miserable seruitude of the Court bring with them they must also experiment those which they by constraint must beare for the contentment and secret pleasure or fantasie of their Masters From hence proceed their long watchings their sudden iourneyes and voyages their broken sleepes the execution of affaires of importance and sometime little for honest credit and finally a man may call them rather honourable parrasites then vertuous gentlemen Afterwards they thrust themselues into infinit dangers principally when they become so familiar that their Princes impart vnto them the secrets of their thoughts for that the least suspition notwithstanding that it bee vaine and imagined a signe a discourse yea euen the least word may suffice to suppresse bring them wholy to ruine For this cause I cannot but much commend the resolution of the Poet Philippides The wittie answere of the Poet Philippides to king Lysimachus who being demaunded by King Lysimachus what great fauour hee might doe him to let him know how much he loued him who answered That you neuer impart vnto me any of your secrets But when that fortune hath aduanced them so farre forwards that they haue purchased their Lords fauour I say that I finde it expedient that they conserue and keepe it and that they be most vigilant and take heed that the ouer great familiaritie cause not contempt in them of the honor and profit of the Prince for as much as it would violate the faith which the Prince reposeth in his seruant and familiar which were a meane to no purpose to put their life in daunger and how much the more such familiars haue honourable places and charges in Court by so much the more they ought to be aduised for besides their paines which are most wearisome and tedious they are also the first tormented and the first suspected and sometimes their owne Masters put them to death for the doubt they haue of their fidelitie As it happened vnto Garcia Nicosio Secretarie to Alaim Sicilian Lord of Ficaire in the time of Peter of Arragon King of Sicilie for King Peter being called into Sicilie by the Sicilian Lords and Barons and King Charles being driuen out they repenting afterwards to haue called him by reason of his prosperitie against King Charles conspired against him and amongst the rest of the Lords was this Alaim who made his Secretarie to write certaine letters to K. Charles promising to render Sicilia into his hands if hee would send him twelue galleyes These letters were intercepted and deliuered vnto King Peter Wherefore Alaim fearing that his Secretarie would reueale the conspiracie hee slew him and threw his head into the sea and buried the bodie in his house I said here before Garsia Nicosio slaine by his Lord vpon suspition that such persons ought principally to be carefull and aduised that the ouer great familiaritie and fauour which they haue with their Princes breede not in them a contempt of their Lord so as they make no very great account to offend him in these foure things whereof a Prince is commonly very iealous which are his estate his honour his life and his loue for this is a most notable fault into the which in the yeere 1566. fell a gentleman of Perusa which I name not being one of the most priuate of the chamber of one of the most noble Princes of Italie which for honors sake I likewise name not This man being so familiar and fauoured of his Prince that hee could not imagine any greater securitie or libertie then
Laurentines in reuenge of the iniurie done to their Ambassadours slew Tatius king of the Romanes 89. b Lewes More Gouernour of Milan caused himselfe to bee called the sonne of Fortune 99. d Lewes Duke of Milan betrayed by the Swissers 52. e Lycurgus his law 140. h the liberalitie of Artaxerxes 188. h the liberalitie of Cosmo de Medicis Duke of Florence 203. a M MOre praise and commendation is purchased by pardoning then by taking reuenge 102. f a Man wrongeth himself in speaking ill of his superiours 211. b no Man would be too freely reprehended 209. d a Man ought to bee well aduised how he promise any thing 179. b a Man may in two manners haue knowledge of his enemies purposes 156. h a Man cannot retaine that greatnes in aduersitie which he shewed in the beginning of his prosperitie 91. b no Man is absolutely nor altogether wicked 82. h Men happen oftentimes to haue need of those men which in former time they despised 69. d no Man can serue two masters 232. h a Man ought by his wisedome to eschue ouercome the euils threatned against him by his constellation 59. d Manfredi by a wile deliuered himselfe frō the siege of Nocerra and seazed on the kingdome of Sicilie 56. f no Mans friendship is to be despised whatsoeuer when it is offred 45. c one Mans doings ought not to serue for a generall rule for all mē 42. g Manlius Torquatus caused his own sonne to be slaine 63. e the Meanes of Duke Valentine to make himselfe great 29. d N NIcholas Campo Bachio an Italian Earle to be reuenged betrayed his Master Charles Duke of Burgundie and withdrew himselfe to Lewes King of France 78. h a Notable ouerthrow of the English 21. a the Noblenes of a man is to be considered according to his valour and vertue and not according to and after his descent 46. g a Notable reuenge vpon Panioni Sciotte by Hermotine of Pedase 76. f a Noble act of the Emperour Maximilian 103. e Nicias a Captaine of the Athenians through his temeritie was ouercome slain by Gilippus 127. b the Noble mind of the Emperor Rodulph the first 183. a Nicholas Franco was hanged at Rome for railing 224. g Narses wroth with the Emperour of Constantinople 235. d O ONe foolish act maketh a man to bee reputed a foole and one act of infidelitie maketh a mā for euer to be held for disloyall 196. g the Opinion of the Marquesse of Pescara 161. a the Ouerthrow of the Florentines before Pisa through the policie of Mutolo a Pisan Captaine 105. b Obstinacie maketh men cruell both against themselues others 61. c an Obstinate man loueth rather to dye then to shew euen the least signe of humilitie 62. g the Ouerthrowe of the French at Guinguast in Picardie 22. f the Ouersight of Peter de Medicis 7. b P PEace betweene Charles the fift and Francis the first King of France 238. e Peter de Medicis chased from his countrey 4. h Penander the tyrant slaine by one of his household 15. d the Pleasant dangerous iest of a souldier 16. e Peter de Medicis driuen from Florence 33. a Paulo Vitellio condemned to die by the Florentines 34. e the People of Milan reiected by Lewes King of France 45. b the Pisans loued better to subiect themselues to the Genoays their mortall enemies than to the Florentines their Lords neighbours and friends 63. b Peter Candian Prince of Venice for his euill behauiour was slaine by the common people 77. d Princes haue neede of many things and of the seruice of many persons 86. h Pausanias murthered Phillip king of Macedonia his soueraigne Lord 87. c more Praise is purchased by pardoning than by taking reuenge 102. f Petilius Coreal Generall for the Romanes through his negligence was put to flight 106. g Prospero Columna through his owne fault was taken prisoner by the Lord of Palisse a Commaunder of the French 108. e Prato sacked by the Spaniards 117. b Publike persons hauing charge incur many errors if they bee not endued with wisdome 149. b Pope Leo the tenth his discourse to a Groome of his Chamber 189. a a Prince ought to consider what he speaketh in choler when he speaketh any thing of any particular subiect 211. d the Prudence of the Senate of Siracusa 215. d Particular persons preserued by God 244. g Peace between the Emperor Charles the fift and Francis the first king of France 238. e Peter Brunor betraied Francis Sforce 234. e a Prince ought to consider of the qualitie of euill speeches 223. c Prospero and Fabritio Columna returne to the seruice of Ferdinand king of Naples 9. c the common People is insatiable euer coueteth new things and is neuer content 44. g a Prince ought to haue many Spies and one not to know the other 160. f the Prudence of king Francis the first in the battaile against the Swissers at Marignan 158. e Proude men are hardly appeased by humilitie 98. e R ROger the second king of Sicilie taken prisoner by the Emperour Henry the fift at Palermo with his three sisters and had his eyes and stones pluckt out and dyed in prison 54. f more Reckoning is made of one pleasure to come than of a hundred alreadie receiued 29. d a publike Rumor is not to be contemned because it seemeth that what is in euery mans mouth is to be held for a diuine oracle 58. f Rome abandoned by the Romanes for feare of the Gaules 104. h Robert K. of Sicilie taken prisoner and afterwards deliuered by his brother Roger. 180. f S SPies may doe harme by their reports to Princes 160. e a Scoffe vsed by an Agent for Charles the fift 200. g certaine Spanish Captaines conuict of treason and made to passe the Pikes 168. f to Speake to no purpose is hurtfull 165. d the Subtiltie of Gonsaluo Fernandes the great Captaine 161. c Spyes ought not by a Prince to be aduaunced to honours and publike charges 160. g the Swissers were deceiued by the French in passing the Alpes 155. c Subiects ought not to be put in dispaire by maintaining of Gouernours 132. e Silenonte was taken by the Carthagenians for that it was not in time relieued by the Siracusans 119. c Sundrie opinions whether a man ought to containe himselfe within the bonds of his Commission 35. c a Small matter breaketh friendship but much is required to restore it 25. d Scipio Nasica odious to the Romane people 15. d a Spirit appeared to Iaques a Chirurgion in the likenes of Ferdinand king of Naples 12. g Spirits are of two kindes 12. h a Spirit appeared to Saul in the likenes of Samuel 13. a Spirits appeare in diuers formes 13. b to what kind of men they appeare eadem a Subiect ought to dissemble his discontentment when he is reiected by his Prince 203. e T TErentius Varro defeated by the Carthagenians 151. c Things which may be or not be and depend on the will of Fortune ought not constantly to be affirmed before they be perfourmed 149. d Tygranes king of Armenia put to flight by Lucullus a Captaine of the Romanes 122. g They which doe wrong and shew crueltie to the dead are worthie of eternall shame and dishonour 113. b To knowe what may breede feare in an enemie is the beginning of good successe 111. c Themistocles poysoned himselfe 85. d There are fiue things which induce a man which hath been disloyall to his first friend to be faithfull to the second 42. g V VIrginio Vrsin sent his sonne to serue the French 8. h that Vertue is knowne in time of trouble which in peace is not esteemed 49. a Vital Michael Prince of Venice in disgrace with the people 55. b Valentine cunningly entrapped by Gonsaluo Fernandes sent into Spaine prisoner and there kept in the Castle at Medina del Campo 81. d that is a perfect Victorie which assureth a man in his estate and deliuereth him from the feare of his enemies 109. a an imperfect Victorie is the seede roote and originall of another warre 109. c Victorie is oftentimes the cause of vices 109. d the Venetians would not suffer Bernard Contarini to kill the Duke of Milan 133. c the Villanie of certaine Spanish Captaines who by treason would haue caused the Aluain a Captaine of the Venetians to haue been slaine 154. h that Vertue is known in time of trouble which in peace is not esteemed 149. a W WIlliam the first king of Sicilie would neuer beleeue that Maion a fauorite of his would haue slaine him 59. b William king of Sicilie caused a certaine Iudge to be fleyed because he did not execute Iustice in his charge 134. f the Wittie speech of Marius and Fabius Maximus 219. b the Wise answer of the Poet Philippides to king Lysimachus 228. h X XEnophon giueth his Souldiers to vnderstand that hee had not robbed thē of their pay 217. d Z ZOphir by fraude put the Citie of Babilon into the hands of king Darius 144. h FINIS