King James being dead Margaret was married againe to Archihald Douglas Earle of Anguish by whom shee had a Daughter named Margaret which was married afterward to Mathew Steward Earle of Lenâ—x whose Sonne Charles Steward was married to Elizabâ—th Candish Daughter to the present Countesse of Shrewsbury and by her hath left his onely Heire a little Daughter named Arbella of whom you have heard some speech before And this is touching the Line of Scotland descending from the first and eldest Daughter of King Henry the seventh The second Daughter of King Henry the seventh called Mary was twice married also first to the King of France by whom she had no issue and after his death to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke by whom she had two Daughters that is Francis of which the Children of my Lord of Hartford do make their claime and Elenor by whom the issue of the Earle of Darby pretendeth right as shall be declared For that Francis the first Daughter of Charles Brando4 by the Queene of France was married to the Marquesse of Dorset who after Charles Brandons death was made Duke of Suffolke in right of his Wâ—fe and was beheaded in Queene Maries time for his conspiracy with my Lord of Leycesters Father And she had by this man three Daughters that is Jane that was married to my Lord of Leycesters Brother and proclaimed Queene after King Edwards death for which both shee and her husband were executed Katherine the second Dâ—ughter who had two Sonnes yet living by the Earle of Hartford and Mâ—ry the third Dâ—ugter which left no Children The other Daughter of Chaâ—lâ—s Brandon by the Queene of France called Elenor was married to Georgâ— Cliffâ—rd Earle of Cumberland who left a Daughter by her named Maâ—gâ—reâ— married to the Earle of Darby which yet liveth and hath issue And this is the title of the Hâ—use of Suffolke descended from the second Daughter of K. Henry the seventh married as hath been shewed to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke And by this you may see also how many there be who do thinke their titles to be far before that of my Lord of Huntingtonâ— if either râ—ght lâ—w reason or coâ—sideration of home affaires may take place in our Realm or if not yet you cannot but imagine how many great Princes and Potentatâ—s abroad are like to joyne and buckle with Huntingâ—ons Line for the preeminence â—f once the matter fall againe to contention by excluding the Line of King Henry the seventh which God forbid Truly Sir quoth I I well perceive that my Lords turne is not so nigh as I had thought whether he exclude the Line of King Henry or noâ— for if he exclude thâ—t then must he enter the Combat with forraine titlers of the House of Lancaster and if he â—xclude it not then in all apparance of reason and in Law to as you have said the succession of the two Dâ—ughters of King Henâ—y the seventh whiâ—h you distâ—nguâ—sh by the two names of Scotland and Suffolke must needs bee as clearely before him and his Lâ—ne that decended only from Edward the fourth his Brother as the Queenes title that new reigneth is before him For thâ—â—â—oth Scotland Suffolke and her Majesty do hold all by one foundâ—tion which is the union of both Houses and Titles together in King Henry the seventh her Majesties Grandfather That is true quoth the Gentleman and evidenâ— enough in every mans eye and therefore no doubt but as â—hat much is meant â—gâ—inst hâ—r Majesty if oc4â—sion serve â—s against thâ— rest thâ—t hold by the same â—itle Albeit her Mâ—iesti4s state the Lord be praised be such at thi◠〈◊〉 as it is not safâ—y to pretend so much against hâ—r as against the rest whatsoever be meant And that in â—ruth more should be ment agâ—inst her hâ—ghnes theâ— agâ—inst all â—he rest there is this reaâ—on for tâ—at her Majesty by hâ—r present possession letteth more their desires then all the rest â—ogether with their future pretences But as I have said it is not safety for them nor yet good pâ—lâ—cy to declare openly what they meane aâ—ainst her Majesty It is the best way for the pâ—esent to â—hew downe the rest and to leave her Majesty for the last â—low and upshot to their gâ—me For which câ—use they will â—eeme to make great difference at this day betweene her Majesties title and the rest that descend in likewise from King Henrâ— the seventh avowing the one and disallowâ—ng the other Albeit my Lord of Leicesters Father preferred that of Suffolke when 〈◊〉 was before this of her Mâ—jâ—sty and coâ—pelleâ— the whâ—le Realme to sweare thereunto Such is thâ— variable policy of men that serve the time or rather that serve themselves of all times for their purposes I remember quoth I that time of â—he Duke and was present my selfe at some of his Proclamations for that purpose wherein my Lord his Sonne that now liveth â—eing then a doer as I can tell he was I marvile how he can deale so contrary now preferring not onely her Majesties title bâ—fore that of Suffolk whereof I wonder lessâ— because it is more gainfull to him but also another much further of Buâ— you have signified the cause in that the times are changeâ— and other bargaines are in hand of more importance for him Wherefoâ—e leaving this to be considered by others whom it concerneth I beseech you Sir for that I know your worship hath beeene much conversant among their frienâ—s and favourers to tell me what are the barres and lets which they doe alledge why the house of Scoâ—land and Suffolk descendâ—d of king Henry the seventh his daughters should not succeed in the Crowne of England after her Majesty who ended the line of the same king by his son for in my sight the matter appeareth vâ—ry plaine They want not pretences of barres and lets against them all quoth the Gentleman which I will lâ—y downe in order as I have heard them alledged First in the line of Scotland there are three persons as you know that may pretend right that is the Queen and her son by the first marriage of Margaret and Arbella by the second And against the first marriage I heare nothing affirmed but against the two persons proceeding thereof I heare them alledge three stops one for that they are strangers born out of the land consâ—quently incapâ—ble of inheritance within the same another for that by a speciâ—l testament of king H. 8. authorised by 2. severall pâ—rliam thâ—y are excluded 3 for that they are enemies to the religion now among us therefore to be debarred Against the second marriage of Maâ—gâ—ret with Aâ—chibald Douglas whâ—â—eof Aâ—bella is descended they alledge that the said Archibald had a former wife at the time of that marriage which lived long after and so neither that marriage lawfull nor the issue therof legitimate The same barre they have
preparation First in the privy Chamber next unto her Majesties person the most part are his own creatures as he calleth them that is such as acknowledge their being in that place from him and the rest he so over-ruleth either by flattery or feare as none may dare but to serve his turne As his reign is so absolute in this place as also in all other parts of the Court as nothing can passe but by his admission nothing can be said done or signified whereof hee is not particularly advertised no bill no supplication no complaint no sute no speech can pâ—sse from any man to the Princess except it be from one of the Councell but by his good liking or if there doe he being admonished thereof as presently he shall the party delinquent is sure after to abide the smart thereof Whereby he holdeth as it were a locke upon the eares of his Prince and the tongues of all her Majestâ—es servants so surely chained to his girdle as no man dareth to speak any one thing that may offend him though it be never so true or behovefull for her Majesty to know As well appeared in the late marriage with Dame Essex which albeit it was celebrated twise first at Killingworth and secondly at Waenstead in the presence of the Earle of Warwick Lord Noâ—th Sir Francis Knooles and others and this exactly known to the whole Court with the very day the place the witnesses and the Minister that married them together yet no man durst open his mouth to make her Majesty privy therunto untill Monsieur Simiers disclosed the same and therby incurred his high displeasure nor yet in many dayes after for feare of Lycester Which is a subjection most dishonorable and dangerous to any Prince living to stand at the devotion of his subject what to heare or not to heare of things that passe within his own Realme And herof it followeth that no sute can prevaile in Court be it never so meane except he first be made acquainted there with and receive not only the thankes but also be admitted unto a great part of the gaine and commodity therof Which as it is a great injury to the suter so is it a far more greater to the bounty honour and security of the Prince by whose liberality this man feedeth only and fortifieth himselfe depriving his soveraigne of all grace thanks and good will for the same For which cause also he giveth out ordinarily to every suter that her Majesty is nigh and persimoniouâ— of her selfe and very difficile to grant any sute were it not only upon his incessant solicitation Whereby he filleth his own purse the more and emptieth the hearts of such as receive benefit from due thankes to their Princes for the sute obtained Hereof also ensueth that no man may be preferred in Court be he otherwise never so well a deserving servant to her Majesty except he be one of Leycesters faction or followers none can be advanced except he be liked and preferred by him none receive grace except he stand in his good favour no one may live in counâ—enance or quiet of life excepâ— he take it use it acknowledge it from him so as all the favours graces dignities riches and rewards which her Mâ—jesty bestoweth or the Realme can yeeld must servâ— to purchase this man private friends and favourers onely to advance his party and to fortifie his faction Which faction if by these meanes it be great so as indeed it is you may not marvile seeing the riches and wealth of so worthy a Common weale doe serve him but for a price to buy the same Which thing himselfe well knowing frameth his spirit of proceeding accordingly And first upon confidence thereof is become so insolent and impotent of his Ire that no man may beare the same how justly or injâ—stly soever it bee conceived for albeit he begin to hâ—te a man upon bare surmises onely as commonly it falleth out ambition being alwayâ—s the mother of suspition yet he presecuteth the same with such implacable cruelty as there is no long abiding for the party in â—hâ—t place As miâ—ht bee shewed by the examples of many whom hee hath chased from the Court upon his only displeasure without other cause being known to be otherwise zealous Protestant As Sir Ierome Bâ—wes Mr. Geoâ—ge Scot and others that we could name To â—hâ—s insolency is also joyned as by nature it followeth mâ—st absolute and peremptory deâ—ling in all things whereof it pleaseth him to dispose without respect either of reason order due right subordination custome conveniency or the like whereof notwithstanding Princes themselves are wont to have regard in disposition of their matters as for example among the servants of the Queenes Mâ—jestiâ—s houshold it is an ancient and most commendable order and custome that when a place of higher roome falleth voyd he that by succession is next and hath made proof of his worthinesse in an inferiour place should rise and possesse the same except it be for some extraordinary cause to the end that no man unexperienced or untâ—yed should be placed in the higher roomes the first day to the prejudice of others and disservice of the Prince Which most reasonable custome this man contemning and breaking at his pleasure thrusteth into higher roomes any person whatsoever so he like his inclination or feele his reward albeit he neither be fit for the purpose nor have beene so much as Clarke in any inâ—â—â—iour office before The like hee useth out of thâ— Court in all other places where matters should passe by order election or degree as in the Vniversities in electioâ— of Schâ—lars and Heads of houses in Ecclesiasticall persons for dignities in Church in Officers Magistrates Stewâ—rds of lands Sheriffes and knights of Shires in Burgesses of the Parliament in Commissiâ—ners Judges Justices of the peace whereof many in every shire must weare his livery and all other the like where this mans will must stand for reason and his letters for absolute lawes neither is there any man magistrate or communer in the Realme who dareth not sooner deny their petition of her Majesties letters upon just causes for that her highnesse is content after to be satisfied with reason then to resist the commandement of this mans letters who will admit no excuse or satisfaction but onely the execution of his said commandement be it right or wrong To this answered the Lawyer Now verily sir you paint unto me a strange patterne of a perfect Potentate in the Court belike that stranger who calleth our State in his printed booke Leycestren sem Rempublicam a Leycestrian Commonwealth or the Commonwealth of my Lord of Leycester knoweth much of these matters But to hold siâ— still within the Court I assure you that by considerations which you have laid downe I doe begin now to perceive that his party must needs be very great and strong within the said
against all the house and Line of Suffolke for first they say that Charlâ—s Bâ—andon Duke of Suffolke had a knowen wife alive wâ—en he married Mary Queen of France and consequently that neither the Lady Frances nor Elenor borne of that marriage can be lawfully borne And this is all I can heaâ—e them say against the succession of the Counâ—esse of Darby descended of Elenor. But against my Lord of Hartfords châ—ldren â—hat came from Franâ—es the eldest daughter I heare them alledge two or three bastardies more besides this of the first marriage For first they affirme that Henry Marquesse Dorset when hee married the Lady Frances had to wife the old Earl of Arundels sister who lived both then and many yeares after and had a provision out of his living to her dying day· wherby that marriage could no way be good Secondly that the lady Katherine daughter to the said Lady Frances by the Marques by whom the Earl of Hartford had his children was lawfully married to the Earle of Pembroke that now liveth and consequently could have no lawfull issue by any other during his life 3ly that the said Katherine waâ— never lawfully married to the said Earl Hartford but bare him those children as his Concubine which â—s they say is defined and registred in the Archb. of Canterburies court upon due examination taken by order of her Majesty that now reigneth and this is in effect so muâ—h as I have heard them all aledge about their affars It is much quoth I that you have said if it may be all proved Marry yet by the way I cannot but smile to heare my Lord of Leyâ—ester allow of so many bastardies now upon the issue of Lady Frances whom in time past when Iane her eldest daughter was married to his brother he advanced in legitimation before both the daughters of king Henry the eight But to the purpose I would gladly know what grounds of verity these allegations have and how far in truth they may stoppe from inheritance for in deed I never heard them so distinctly alledged before Whereto answeâ—ed the Gentleman that our friend thâ— Lâ—wyâ—r could best resoâ—ve that if it pleased hâ—m to spâ—ake without his fee though in some points alledged every other man quoth he that knoweth the state and common government of England may easily give his judgement also And iâ— the case of bastardy if the matter may be proved there is no dâ—fficulty but that no right to inheritance can justly bee pretended as also perhaps in the case of forraine birth though in this I am not so cunning but yet I see by experience that forrainers borne in other lands can hardly come and claime inheritance in England albeit to the contrary I have heard great and long dispâ—tes but such as indeed passed â—y capacity And if it might please our friend here present to expound the thing unto us more clearly I for my part would gladly bestow the hearing and that with attention To this answered the Lawyer I will glâ—dly siâ— tell you my minde in any thing that it shall please you demand and much more in this matter wherein by occasion of often conference I am somewhat perfect The impedâ—ments which these men alledge against the succession of king Henry the 8. his sisters are of two kinds as you see The one knowne and allowed in our law as you have well said if it may be proved and that is bastardy whereby they seek to disable all the whole Line and race of Suffolke as also Arbella of the second and later house of Scotland Whereof it is to small purpâ—se to speak any thing here seeing the whole controversie standeth upon a matter of fact onely to be proved or improved by records and witnesses Onely this I will say that some of these bastardies before named are rife in many mens mouthes and avowed by divers that yet live but let other men looke to this who have most interest therein and may be most damnified by them if they fall out true The other impediments which are alledged onely against the Qâ—eene of Scots and her 〈◊〉 are in number three â—s you recite them thâ—â— is forraine birth king Henries testament and Religion whereof â— am content to say somewhat seeing you desire it albeit there be so much published already in bookes of divers languages beyond the sea as I am informed concerning this matter as more cannot be said But yâ—t so much as I have heard passe among Lawyers my betters in conference of these affaires I will not let to recite unto you with this proviso and protestation alwayes that what I speake I speak by way of recitall of other mens opinions not meaning my selfe to incurre the statute of affirming or avowing any persons title to the crown whatsoever First then touching forraine birth there bee some men in the world that will say that it is a common and generall rule of our law that no stranger at al may inherit any thing by any means within the Land which in truth I take to be spoken without ground in that generall sense For I could never yet come to the sight of any such common or universall rule and I know that divers examples may be alledged in sundry cases to the contrary and by that which is expresly set downe in the seventh 〈◊〉 ninth years of king Ed. the 4. and in the â—lâ—venth â—nd fourteenth of Hen. thâ— 4. it appearâ—â—h plainâ—y that â— stranger mâ—y â—urchase lands in England as also â—â—herit by hâ—s wife if he marry an inheritrix Wherefore this common rule 〈◊〉 to bee restraâ—neâ— from that generality unto proper inheritance only â—n which sense I do easily grant that our common Law hath been of ancient and is at this day that no person born out of the â—llegâ—ance of the king of England whose father mâ—thâ—r were not of the same allegiance at the time of his birth shall be able to have or dâ—maâ—d any heritage within the same allegiance as heire to any person And this rule of our common Lâ—w is gathered in these sâ—lf same words of a statute made in the 25. year of king Ed. the third which indeed is the onely place of effect that can be alledged out of our law against the inheritance of strangers in such sense and cases as we â—re now to treat of And albeit now the commoâ— Law of our Country do runne thus in generall yet will theâ— friends of the Scottish claime affirme that hereby that title is nothing let or hindred at all towâ—rds the Crowne and that for divers manifest and weighty reasons whereof the principâ—ll are these which ensue First it is common and a generall rule of our English lawes that no rule Axâ—ome or Mâ—xima of law be it â—ever so generall can touch or bind the Crown except expresse mention bee made thereof in the same for that the
or so I leave it to bâ— tried hereafter between my yong Lord of â—enbighe and Master Philip Sidney whom the same most concerneth for that it is likâ— to deprive him of a goodly inheritance if it take place as some will say that in no reason it can not only in râ—spect of the precedent adultery and murder betweene the parties but also for that my Lord was contracted at least to another Lady before that yet lâ—veth whereof Master Edwâ—â—d Diaâ— and Mâ—ster Edmond Tiney both Courtâ—ers can be witnesses and consumated the same contract by generation of children But thâ—s as I said must be left to be tried hereafter by them who shâ—ll have most interest in the case Onely for the present I must advertise you that you may not take hold so exactly of all my L. doings in wâ—mens affaires neither touching their marriages neither yet thâ—ir hâ—sbands For first his Lordship hath a speciall fortuâ—e that when he dâ—sireth any womans favour then whâ—t person so evâ—r standeth in his way hath the luâ—k to dye quickly for the finishing of his desire As for â—xample when his Lordship was in full hope to marry hâ—r Majâ—sty and his owne wife stood in his light as he supposed he did but send her aside to the house of his servant Forster of Cumner by Oxford where shortly after she had the chance to fall fâ—om a paire of stâ—ires and so to breake her neck but yet wiâ—hout hurting of her hood that stood upon her head But Sir Riâ—hard Varney who by commandement remaâ—ned with her that day alone with one man onâ—ly and hâ—d sent away perforâ—e all her Sâ—rvants from hâ—r to a Market two miles of hâ— I sâ—y wiâ—h his man can tâ—ll how she died whiâ—h man being taken afterward for a fellony in the marâ—hes of Wales and offering to publish the manner of the said murder was made away privily in the prâ—son and Sâ—r Richarâ— himsâ—lf dying abâ—ut the same time in London cried pitioâ—sly â—nd bâ—aâ—phemed God and said to a Gentleman of worship of mine acquâ—intance not long before his death that all the divels in hell did teare him in pieces The wife also of Balâ— Buttleâ— kinsman to my Lord gâ—ve out the whole fact a littâ—e bâ—foâ—e her death Bâ—t to return unto my purpose this was my Lords good fortun to have his wife dye at that time when it was like to turne most to his profit Long after this he fâ—ll in love with the Lady Sheffiâ—ld whom I signified bâ—fore and then also had he the same fortune to have her husband dye quickly with an extreame rheume in his head as it was given out but as others sâ—y of an artificiall caâ—â—rre that stopped his breath The like good chance had he in the death of my Lord of Essex as I have said before and that â—t a time most fortunate for hiâ— purpose for when he was coming home from Ireland with intent to revenge himselfe upon my Lord of Leycester for begetting his wife with â—hilde in his absâ—nce the childe was a dauâ—hter and brought up by the Lady Shandoies W. Knooles his wifâ— my Lord of Ley hearing therof wantâ—d not a friend or two to accompâ—ny the Dâ—puty as among other a couple of the Earles owne servants Crompton if I misse not his name yeoman of his bottles and Llâ—iâ—his â—his Secretary entertained afterwâ—rd by my Lord of Leiâ—ester and so he dyed in the way of an extreame flux caused by an Italian Râ—â—ipe as all his friends are well assured the mâ—ker wheâ—â—of was a Chyâ—urgeon as is belâ—eved that thâ—n was newly come to my Lord from Italy a cunning man and sâ—re in operation with whom if the gâ—od Lady had beene sooner acquainted and â—sed his helpe shâ— should not have needed to sitten so pensive at home and fearefull of her husbands former returne out of the same Countrâ—y but might have spared the yong childe in her bâ—lly which she was enforced to make away cruelly and unnaturally for clearing the house against the good mans arrivall Neithâ—r must you mâ—rvaile though all these died dâ—vers manners of outward diseases for this is the excellenâ—y of the Iâ—â—lian art for which this Chyruâ—gian and Doctor Iulio wâ—re entertained so carefully who can makâ— a mâ—n dye in what manâ—er oâ— shâ—w of siâ—knessâ— you wâ—ll by wâ—ose instructâ—ons â—o doubt but hâ—s Lorâ—ship is now cunning espâ—cially â—dding also to â—hese â—he counsell of his Doctor Bayâ—y a man also noâ— a little studied as he seemeth in his art for I heard him once my selfe in publique Act in Oxford and thâ—t in presence of my Lord of Leicâ—ster if I be not deceived maintain that poyson might so be tempâ—red and given as iâ— should not appeâ—re presently and yet should kill thâ— pâ—rty afâ—erward at what time should be appointed Which aâ—gument belike pleased well his Loâ—dship and thâ—â—efore was chosen to be discussed in his audience if I be not deceived of hâ—s being that dâ—y present So though one dye of a flux and aâ—oâ—her of a catarrâ— yâ—t â—his impâ—râ—eth â—â—ttle to thâ— matter but shewâ—th rathâ—r the great cunning and skill of the Arâ—ificâ—r So Cardinall Chatilian aâ— I hâ—ve saiâ— before having accused my Lâ—rd of Leicester to thâ— Qâ—eens Majesty and after thâ—t pâ—ssiâ—g from Lonâ—on towards France about the marriage died by the way at Canterbury of a burning fever and so proved Doctor Bayâ—ieâ— asserâ—ion â—rue that poyson may be given to kill at a day At this the Lawyer cast up his eyes to heaven and I stood somewhat musing and thinking of that which had beene spoken of the Earle of Essex whose case indeed moved me more then all the rest for that he was â— very noble Gentleman a great advancer of true Religion a Pâ—tron to many Preachers anâ— Students and towards me and some of my friends in pâ—râ—icular he had bâ—ene in some things very benâ—ficiall and therefore I said that it grieved me extreamly to heare or thinke of so unworthy a death contrived by such meanes to so worthy a Peere And so much the more for that it was my chance to come to the understanding of divers particulars concerning that thing both from one Lea an Irish-man Robin â—onnies and others that were present at Pentereis the Merchants house in Dublin upon the Key where the murder was committed The matter was wrought especially by Crompton yeoman of the bottels by the procurement of Lloyd as you haue noted before and there was poysoned at the same time and with the same cup aâ— given of curtesie by the Earle one Mistresse Alâ—s Draykot a goodly Gentlewoman whom the Earle affectioned much who departing thence towards her owne house which was 18. miles off the foresaid Lea accompanying her and waiting upon her she began to fall sick very grievously upon the way and continued with increase of paineâ— and excessive torments by vomiting untill she died which was the
Sunday before the Earles deaâ—h ensuing the Friday after and when she wâ—s dead hâ—r body was swolne unto a monstrous bignesse and deformity whereof the good Earle hearing the day following lamented the case greatly and said in the presence of his Servants Ah poore Alice the cup was not prepared for thee albeit it were thy hard destiny to taste thereof Yong Honnies also whose father is Master of the châ—ldren of her Mâ—jesties chappell being at that time Page to the said Earle and accustomed to take the taste of his drinke though since entertâ—ined also among other by my Lord of Leicester for better covering of matter by his taste that he then tooke of the compound cup though in very small-quantity as you know the fashion is yet was he like to have lost his life but escaped in the end being yong with the losse onely of his haire which the Earle perceiving and taking compassion of the youth called for a cup of drinke a little before his death and drunke to Honnies saying I drinke to thee my Robin and be not afraid for thiâ— is a better cup of drinke then that whereof thou tookest the taste when we were both poysoned and whereby thou hast lost thy haire and I must lose my life This hath yong Honnies reported openly in divers places and before divers Gentlemen of worship siâ—hence his coming into England and the foresaid Lea Iâ—ishman at his passage this way towards France after he had been present at the forenamed Mistris Draykâ—ts death with some other of the Eaâ—les servants have and doe most constantly report the same where they may do it without the terrour of my Lord of Leicesters revenge Whâ—refore in this matter there is no doubt at all though most extreame vile and intollerable indignity that such a man should be so openly murdered without punishment What Noble-man within the Realme may be safe if this be suffered or what worthy personage will adventure his life in her Majesties service if this shall be his reward But Sir I pray you pardon me for I am somewhat perhaps too vehement in the case of this my Patron and noble Peere of our Realme And therefore I beseech you to goe forward in your talke whereas you left I was recounting unto you others said the Gentleman made away by my Lord of Leicâ—ster with like art and the next in order I think was Sir Nicelas Throgmarton who was a man whom my Lord of Leicester used a great while as all the World knoweth to overthwart and crosse the doings of my Lord Treasurer then Sir William Cicill a man specially misliked alwayes of Leicester both in respect of his old Master the Duke of Somerset as also for that his great wisdome zeale and singular fidelity to the Realme was like to hinder much this mans designments wherefore understanding after a certaine time that these two Knights were secretly made friends and that Sir Nicholas was lâ—ke to detect his doings as he imagined which might turne to some prejudice of his purposes having conceived also a sâ—cret grudge and griefe against him for that he had written to her Majesty at his being Embassadour in France that he heard reported at Duke Memorances table that the Queene of England had a meaning to marry her Horsâ—keeper he invited the said Sir Nicholas to a supper at his house in London and at supper time departed to the Court being called for as he said upon the sudden by her Mâ—jesty and so perforce would needs have Sir Nicholas to sit and occupie his Lordships place and therein to be served as he was and soone after by a surfeit there taken he died of a strange and incurable vomit But tâ—e day before his death he declared to a deare friend of his all the circumstance and cause of his disease which he affirmed plainly to be of poison given him in a Salet at supper inveying most earnestly against the Earles cruâ—lty and bloody disposition affirming him to be the wickedest most perilous and peâ—fidious man under heaven But what availed this when he had now received the bait This then is to shew the mans good fortune in seeing them dead whom for causes he would not have to live And for his art of poisoning it is such now and teaâ—heth so far as he holdeth all his foes in England and elsewhere as also a good many of his friends in fear therof and if it were knowne how many he hâ—th dispatched or assaulted that way it would be marvailous to the posterity The late Eale of Sussex wanted not a scruple for many yeers before his death of some dram received that made him incurable And unto that noble Gentleman Monsieur Simiers it was discovered by great providence of God that his life was to be attempted by that art and that not taking place as it did not through his owne good circumspection it was concluded that the same should be assâ—ulted by violence whereof I shall have occasion to say more hereafter It haâ—h beene told me also by some of the servaâ—ts of the late Lady Lenox who was also of the blood Royall by Scotland as all men know and consequently lâ—ttle liked by Leicester that a little before her death or siâ—knesse my Lord tooke the paines to come and visit her with extraordinary kindnesse at her house at Hackney bestowing long discourses with her in private but as soone as he was departed the good Lady fell into such a flâ—x as by no meanes could be slayed so long as she had life in her body whereupon both she her selfe and all such as were neere about her saw her disease and ending day were fully of opinion that my Lord had procured her dispatch at his being there Whereof let the women that served hâ—r be examined as also Fowler that then had the chiefe doings in her affâ—iâ—es and since hath beene entertained by my Lord of Leicester Maâ—et also a stranger borne tbat then was about her a sober and zealous man in religion and otherwise well qualified can say somewhat in this point as I thinke if he were demanded So that this art and exercise of poisoning is much more perfect with my Lord then praying and he seemeth to take more pleasure therein Now for the second point which I named touching marriages and contracts with Women you must not marvaile though his Lordship be somewhat divers variable and inconstant with himselfe for that according to his profit or pleasure and as his lust and liking shall vary wherein by the judgement of all men he surpasseth not onely Sardâ—napaâ—us and Nero â—ut even Heliogâ—batus himselfe so his Lordshâ—p also changeth Wâ—ves and Minions by killing the one denying the other using the third for a time and he fawning upon the fourth And for this câ—use he hath his tearmes and pretences I warrant you of Contracts Precontracts Postcontracts Protracts and Retracts as for example after he had killed
Physitians reported to an Earle of this Land that his Lordship had a bottle for his bed-head of ten pounds the Pint to the same effect But my Masters whether are we fallen unadvisedly I am ashamed to have made mention of so base filthinesse Not without good cause quoth I but that we are here alone and no man heareth us Wherefore I pray you let us returne whereas we left and when you named my Lord of Leicesters Daughter borne of the Lady Shâ—ffield in Dudley Castle there came into my head a prety story concerning that affaire which now I will recount though somewhat out of order thereby to draw you from the further stirring of this unsavory puddle and foule dunghill whereunto we are slâ—pped by following my Lord somewhat too far in his paths and actions Wherefore to tell you the tale as it fell out I grâ—w acquainted three months past with a certain Minister that now is dead and was the same man that was used in Dudley Castle for complement of some sacred ceremonies at the birth of my Lord of Leicesters daughter in that place and the matter was so ordained by the wily wit of him that had sowed the seed that for the better covering of the harvest and secret delivery of the Lady Sheffield the good wife of the Castle also whereby Leicesters appointed gossips might without other suspition have accesse to the place should faine her selfe to be with childe and after long and sore travell God wot to be delivered of a cushion as she was indeed and a little after a faire coffin was buried with a bundell of clouts in shew of a childe and the Minister caused to use all accustomed prayers and ceremonies for the solemne interring thereof for which thing afterward before his death he had great griefe and remorse of conscience with no small detestation of the most irreligious device of my Lord of Leicester in such a case Here the Lawyer began to laugh a pace both at the device and at the Minister and said now truly if my Lords contracts hold no better but hath so many infirmities with subtilties and by-places besides I would be loth that he were married to my daughter as mean as she is But yet quoth the Gentleman I had rather of the two be his wife for the time then his guest especially if the Italian Chyrurgian or Physitian be at hand True it is said the Lawyer for he doth noâ— poison his wives whereof I somewhat mervaile especially his first wife I muse why he chose rather to make her away by open violence then by some Italian confortive Hereof said the Gentleman may be diverâ— reasons alleaged First that he was not at thâ—t time so skilfull in those Italian wares nor had about him so fit Physitians and Chyrurgions for the purpose nor yet in truth doe I thinke that his minde was so setled then in mischiefe as it hath beene sithence For you know that men are not desperate the first day but doe enter into wickednesse by degrees and with some doubt or staggering of conscience at the beginning And so he at that time might be desirous to have his wife made away for that she letted him in his designements but yet not so stony-hâ—rted as to appoint out the particular manner of her death but rather to leave that to the discretion of the murderer Secondly it is not also unlike that he prescribed unto Sir Richard Varney at his going thither that he should first attempt to kill her by poyson and if that tooke not place then by any other way to dispatch her howsoever This I prove by the report of old Doctor Bayly who then lived in Oxford another manner of man then he who now liveth about my Lord of the same name and was Professour of the Physicke Lecture in the same University This learned grave man reported for most certaine that there was a practice in Cumner among the conspiratours to have poysoned the pooâ—e Lady a little before she was killed which was attempted in this oder They seeing the good Lady sad and heavy as one that wel knew by her other handling that her death was not far off began to perswde her that her disease was abundance of melancholly and other humors and therefore would needs counsaile her to take some potion which she absolutely refusing to do as suspecting still the worst they sent one day unwares to her for Doctor Bayly and desired him to perswade her to take some little potion at his hands and they would send to fetch the same at Oxford upon his prescription meaning to have added also somewhat of their owne for her comfort as the Doctor upon just causes suspected seeing their great importunity and â—he small need which the good Lady had of Physick and therefore he flatly denied their request misdoubting as he after reported lest if they had poisoned her under the name of his Potion he might after have beene hanged for a colour of their sinne Marry the said Doctor remained wâ—ll assured that this way tâ—king no place she should not long escape violence as after ensued And â—he thing was so beaten into the heads of the principall men of the University of Oxford by these and other meanes as for that she was found murdered as all men said by the Crowners inquest and for that she being hastily and obscurely buried at Cumner which was condemned above as not advisedly done my good Lord to make plain to the world the great loue he bare to her in her life and what a griefe the losse of so vertuous a Lady was to his tender heart would needs have her taken up againe and reburied in the University Church at Oxford with great pomp and solemnity that Doctor Babington my Lords Chaplain making the publike funerall Sermon at her second buriall tript once or twice in his speech by recommending to their memories that vertuous Lady so pitifully murdered instead of so pitifully slaine A third cause of this manner of the Ladies death may be the disposition of my Lords nature which is bold and violent where it feareth no resistance as all cowardly natures are by kinde and where any difficulty or danger appeareth there more ready to attempt all by art subtilty treason and treachery And so for that he doubâ—ed no great resistance in the poore Lady to withstand the hands of them which should offer to break her neck he durst the bolder attempt the same openly But in the men whom he poisoned for that they were such valiant Knights the most part of them as he durst as soon have eaten his scabard as draw his sword in publike against them he was inforced as all wretched irefull and dastardly creaâ—ures are to supplant them by fraud and by other mens hands As also at other times he hath sought to doe unto divers other noble and valiant personages when he was
afraid to meet them in the field as a Knight should have done His treacheries towards the noble late Earl of Sussex in their many breaches is notorious â—o all England As also the bloody practises against divers others But as among many none were more odious and misliked of all men then those against Monsieur Simiers a stranger and Embassadour whom first he practised to have poisoned as hath bin touched before and when that device tooke not place then he appointed that Robin Tider his man as after upon his Ale-bench he confessed should have slaine him at the Blackfriars at Greenwich as he went forâ—h at the garden gate but missing also that purpose for that he found the Gentleman better provided and guarded then he expected he dealt with certaine Flushiâ—ers and other Pirates to sinke him at Sea with the English Gentlemen his favourers that accompanied him at his returne into France And though they missed of this practice also as not daring to set upon him for feare of some of her Majesties ships who to breake off this designment attended by speciall commandement to waft him over in safety yet the foresaid English Gentlemen were holden foure houres in chace at their coming backe as Master Rawley well knoweth being then present and two of the chasers namâ—d Clark and Harris confessed afterward the whole designment The Earl of Ormond in likewise hath often declared and will avouch it to my Lord of Leicesters face whensoever he shall be called to the same that at such time as this man had a quarell with him and thereby was likely to be enforced to the field which he trembled to thinke of he first sought by all meanes to get him made away by secret murder offering five hundred pounds for the doing thereof And secondly when that device tooke no place he appointed with him the field but secretly suborning his servant William Killigre to lye in the way where Ormond should passe and so to massacre him with a caliver before he came to the place appointed Which murder though it tooke no effect for that the matter was taken up before the day of meeting yet was Killigre placed afterward in her Majesties privy Chamber by Leicester for shewing his ready minde to doe for his Master so faithfull a service So faithfull a service quoth I truly in my opinion it was but an unfit preferment for so facinorous a fact And as I would be loth thaâ— many of his Italians or other of that art should come nigh about her Majesties kitchen so much lesse would I that many such his bloody Champions should be placed by him in her Highnesse chamber Albeit for this Gentleman in particular it may be that with change of his place in service he hath changed also his minde and affection and received better instruction in the feare of the Lord. But yet in general I must needs say that it cannot be but prejudiciall and exceeding dangerous unto our noble Prince and Realme that any one man whatsoever especially such a one as the world taketh this man to be should grow to so absolute authority and commandry in the Court as to place about the Princes person the head the heart the life of the land whatsoever people liketh him best and that now upon their deserts towards the Prince but towards himselfe whose fidelity being more obliged to their advancer then to their soveraigne doe serve for watchmen about the same for the profit of him by whose appointment they were placed Who by their meanes casting indeed but nets and chaines and invisible bands about that person whom most of all he pretendeth to serve he shutteth up his Prince in a prison most sure though sweet and senselesse Neither is this art of aspiring new or strange unto any man that is experienced in affairâ—s of former time for that it hath been from the beginning of all government a troden path of all aspirers In the stories both sacred and prophane foraine and domesticall of all Nations Kingdomes Countries and States you shall read that such as ment to mount above others and to governe all at their owne discretion did lay this for the first ground and principle of their purpose to possesse themselves of all such as were in place about the principall even as he who intending to hold a great City at his owne disposition dareth not mak open war against the same getteth secretly into his hands or at his devotion al the Towns Villages Castles Fortresses bulwarks Rampires Waters Wayes Ports and Passages about the same and so without drawing any sword against the said City he bringeth the same into bondage to abide his will and pleasure This did all these in the Roman Empire who rose from subjects to be great Princes and to put downe Emperours This did all those in France and other Kingdomes who at sundry times have tyrannized their Princes And in our owne Countrey the examples are manifest of Vortiger Harold Henry of Lancaster Richard of Warwicke Richard of Glocester Iohn of Northumberland and divers others who by this meane specially have pulled downe their lawfull Soveraignes And to speake onely a word or two of the last for that he was this mans Father doth not all England know that he first overthrew the good Duke of Somerset by drawing to his devotion the very servants and friends of the said Dâ—ke And afteâ—ward did not he possesse himselfe of the Kings owne person and brought him to the end which is knowne and before that to the most shamefull disheriting of his owne royall Sisters and all this by possessing first the principall men that were in authority about him Wherefore sir if my Lord of Leicester have the same plot in his head as most men thinke and that he meaneth one day to give the same push at the Crowne by the House of Huntington against all the race and line of King Henry the seventh in generall which his Father gave before him by pretence of the House of Suffolke against the Children of King Henry the eight in particular he wanteth not reason to follow the same meanes and platform of planting speciall persons for his purpose about the Prince for surely his fathers plot lacked no witty device or preparation but onely that God overthrew it at the instant as happely he may doe this mans also notwithstanding any diligence that humane wisedome can use to the contrary To this said the Gentleman that my Lord of Leycester hath a purpose to shoot one day at the Diadem by the title of Huntington is not a thing obscure in it selfe and it shall bee more plainly proved hereafter But now will I shew unto you for your instruction how well this man hath followed his fathers platforme or rather passed the same in possessing himselâ—e of all her Majesties servants friends and forces to serve his turne at that time for execution and in the meane space for
Court seeing that hee hath so many wayes and meanes to encrease enrich and encourage the same and so strong abilities to tread dowâ—e his enemies The common speech of many wanteth not reason I perceive which calleth him the heart and life of the Court. They which cal him the heaâ—t said the Gentleman upon a little occasion more would call him also the head and then I marvell what should bee left for her Majesty when they take from her both life heart and headship in her own Realme But the truth is that he hath the Court at this day in almost the same case as his father had it in King Edwards dâ—yâ—s by the same device the Lord forbid that ever it come fully to the same state for then we know what ensued to the principall and if you will hâ—ve an evident demonstration of this mans power and favâ—ur in that place call you but to minde the times when her Majesty upon most just and urgent occâ—sions did withdraw but a little her wonted favour and countenance towâ—rds him did not all the Court as it were mutiny presently did not every man hang the lippe except a few who afterward paid sweetly for their mirth were there not every day new devices sought out that some should be on their knees to her Majesty some should weepe and put finger in their eyes other should find our certaine covert manner of threatning other reasons and perswasions of love other of profit other of honour other of nâ—â—essity and all to get him recalled back to favour againe And had her Mâ—jesty any rest permitted unto her untill she had yeelded and granted to the same Consider then I pray you that if at that time in his disgrace he had his faction so fast assured to himself what hath he now in his prosperity after so many yeares of fortification wherin by all reason he hath not been negligent seeing that in policy the first point of good fortification is to make that fort impregnable which once hath been in danger to be lost Wherof you have an example in Riâ—harâ— Duke of York in the time of K. Henry the sixt who being once in the Kings hands by his own submission and dismissed againe when for his desâ—rts he should have suffered provided after the King should never be able to over-reach hâ—m the second time or havâ— him in his power to do him hurt but mâ—de himselfe strong enough to pull downe the other wiâ—h extirpation of his family And this of the Court houshold and Chamber of her Majesty But now if we shall passe from Couâ—t to Councell we shall find him no lesse fortified but rather more for albeit the providence of God hath bin such that in this most honourable assemblie there hath not wanted some two or three of the wisest gravâ—st and most experienced in our state that have seen and marked this mans perillous proceedings from the beginning wherof notwithstanding two are now deceased and their placeâ— supplied to Leyceâ—ters good liking yet alas the wisdom of these worthy men hath discovered alwayes more then their authorities were able to redresse the others great power and violence considered and for the residue of that bench and table though I doubt not but there be divers who do in heart detest his doingâ— as there were also no doubt among the Councellours of King Edward who misliketh this mans fathers attempts though not so hardy as to contrary the same yet for most part of the Councell present they are known to be so affected in particular the one for that he is to him a Brother the other a Father the other a Kinsman the other an allie the other a fast obliged friend the other a fellow or follower in faction as none will stand in the breach against him none dare resist or encounter his designemeâ—t but every man yeelding rather to the force of his flow permitteth him to pierce and passe at his pleasure in whatsoever his will is once setled to obtaine And hereof were I not staied for respect of some whom I may not name I could alledge strang examples not so much in affaires belonging to subjects and to privat men as were the cause of Snowden forrest Denbigh of Kilâ—ingworth of his faire Pâ—stures fouly procured by Southam of the Archbâ—sh of Canterbury of the L. Baâ—kley of Sir Iohn Throgmarton of M. Robâ—nson and the like wherin those of the Councell that disliked his doings least dâ—red to oppose themselves to the same but also in things that appertaine directly to the Crown and dignity to the State and Common-weal and to the safety and continuance therof It is not secure for any one Councellor or other of authority to take notice of my Lords errours or misdeeds but with extreame perill of their owne ruine As for example in the beginning of the rebellion in Ireland when my Lord of Leycester was in some disgrace and consequently as hee imâ—gined but in fraile state at home he thought it not unexpedient for his better assurance to hold some intelligence also that way for all events and so he did whereof there was so good evidence and testimony found upon one of the first of accompt that was there slaine as honourable personages of their knowledge have assured me as would have beene sufficient to touch the life of any subject in the land or in any state Christian but onely my Lord of Leycester who is a subject without subjâ—ction For what thinke you durst any man take notice hereof or avouch that he had seen thus much durst he that tooke it in Ireland deliver the same where especially hee should have done or they who received it in England for it came to great hands use it to the benefit of their Princesse and Countrey No surely for if it had beene but onely suspected that they had seene such a thing it would have beene as dangerous unto them as it was to Action to have seene Diana and her maidens naked whose case is so common now in England as nothing more and so doe the examples of divers well declare whose unfortunate knowledge of too many secrers brought them quickly to unfortunate ends For we heare of one Salvatour a stranger long used in great mysteries of base affaires and dishonest actions who afterward upon what demerit I know not sustained a hard fortune for being late with my Lord in his study well neare untill midnight if I be righâ—ly informed went home to his chamber and the next morning was found slaine in his bed Wee heare also of one Doughâ—y hanged in haste by Captaine Drake upon the Sea and that by order as is thought before his departure out of England for that he was over privy to the secrets of this good Earle There was also this last Summer past one Gates hanged at Tiborne umong others for robbing of Carriers which Gates had beene lately Clâ—rke of my Lords
yâ—eld money he thaâ— makâ—th title to what land or other thing he please and driveth the parties to compound for thâ— same same he that â—akeâ—h in whole Forests Commons Woods and Pastures to himsâ—lfe compelling the Tenants to make him pay new rent and what he cesseth he that vexeth and oppâ—â—sseth whomsoever hee lâ—st taketh fâ—om any whâ—t hee lâ—â—t and maketh his owne claime suiâ— and end as he list he thâ—t selleth his favour with the Prince both abroad in forraine countries and at home and setteâ—th the price thereof what himselfe will demand he that hath and doth all this and besides this hath infinite presents daily brought unto him of great vâ—lue both in Jewels Plâ—te aâ—l kinde of Furniture and reâ—dy Come this man I sâ—y may easily beare his owâ—e expences and yet lay up sâ—fficiently also to weary hâ—â— Prince when need shall require You hâ—ve said much sir qâ—oth â—hâ— Lawyer and such matter as toucheth nearly bâ—th her Majesty and the Commonwealth and yet in my conscience if I were to plead at â—he barre for my Lord I could not tell which of all these members to deny But for that which you mention in the last part of hâ—s gaining by her Mâ—jesties favour both at home and abâ—oad Touching his home-gaine it is evident seeing all that he hath is gotten onely by the opinion of her Majesties favour towards him and many men doe repaire unto him with fat presents rather for that â—hey suppose he may by his favour do them hurt if he feele not their reward then for that they hope he will labour any thing in their affaires You remember I doubt not the story of him that offered his Prince a great yearly rent to have but this favour onely that hee might come every day in open audience and say in his eare God save your Majesty assuring himselfe that by the opinion of confidence and secret favour which hereby the people would conceive to be in the Prince towards him he should easily get up his rent againe double told Wherefore my Lord of Leycester receiving daily from her Majesty greater tokens of grace and favour then this and himselfe being no evill Merchant to make his owne bargaine for the best of his commodities cannot but gaine exceedingly at home by his favour And for his lucre abroad upon the same cause I leave to other men to conceive what it may bâ— sithence the beginning of her Majesties reigne the times whereof and condition of all Christendome hath beene suâ—h as all the Princes and Potentaâ—es round about us have beene constrained at one time or other to sue to hâ—r Highnesse for aid grace or favour in all which sutes men use not to forget as you know the parties most able by their câ—edâ—t to further or let the same In particular onely this I can say that I have heard of sundry Frenchmen that at such time as the treaty wâ—s betweene France and England for the re-delivery of Callis unto us againe in the first yeare of her Majesties reigne that now is when the Frenchmen were in great distresse and misâ—ry and King Phiâ—ip refused absolutely to make peace with them except Callis were restored to England whither for that purpose he had now delivered the French hostages the Frenchmen doe report I say that my Lord of Leycester stood them in gâ—eâ—t stead at â—hat necessity for his reward which you may well imagine was not small for a thing of such importance and became a suiter that peace might be conâ—luded with the release of Callis to the Frenchâ— which was one of the most impiâ—us facts to say the truth that ever could be devised against his Common-wealth A small mâ—tter in him said the Gentleman for in this he did no more but as Christ said of the Jâ—wes â—hat they filled up the measure of their Faâ—hers sinnes And so if you reade the story of Kiâ—g Edwards time you shall finde it most evident that this mans fâ—ther before him sold Bulloâ—gâ—e â—o the French by like treachery For it wâ—s dâ—livered up upon compositâ—on wâ—thout necessiâ—y or reason thâ— five and twentieâ—h of April in â—he fourth year of King Edward the sixt when he I meaâ—â— Duke Dudley had now put in the Tower the Lord Protector and thrust out of the Couâ—cell whom he listed as namâ—ly thâ— Earlâ—s of Aâ—undel and Southâ—mpton and so invaded the whole government himseâ—fe to sell spoile or dispose at his pleasure Wherefore this is but naturall to my Lord of Leycester by discent to make merchâ—ndise of the Sâ—aâ—e for his Grandfather Edmund also was such a kinde of Copesman An evill race of Merchants for the Common-wealth quoth the Lâ—wyer but yâ—t Sir I pray you said he expound unto me somewhâ—t more at large the nature of these licences which you named as also the changing of lands with her Mâ—jesty if you can set it downe any plainer for they seeme to be things of excâ—ssive gaine especially his way of gaining by offending her Majesty or by her Highnesse offâ—â—ce towards him for it seemeth to be a device above all skill or reasoâ— Not so quoth the Gentleman for yoâ— know that every falling out must have an attonement agâ—ine whereof hee being suâ—e by the many â—nd puissant meanes of his frâ—ends in Court as I have shewed before who shall not gâ—ive her Majesty rest untill it be done then for this aâ—â—onement and in perfâ—ct reconciliation on hâ—r Mâ—jâ—sties part she must gâ—ant my Lord some suâ—â— or other which he will have alwayeâ— ready pâ—ovided for that purpose and this sute shall hee well â—ble to reward his friends that laboured for his â—ecoâ—cilement and leave also a good remainder for himselfe And this is now so ordinary a practice with him as all thâ— Realâ—e obsâ—rvâ—th the same and disdaineth that her Majesty should bee so unworthily abâ—sed For if her Hâ—ghnesse fall not out with him as often as he desireâ—h to gaine this way then he picketh some quarrell or other to shew himselfe discontented with her so that one way or other this gainfull reconciliation must be made and that often for his commodâ—ty The like art he exerciseth in inviting her Majesty to his banquets and to his hoâ—ses where if shee come she must grant him in sutes tenne times so muâ—h as the charges of all amount unto so that Robiâ— playeth the Broker in all hiâ— affâ—ires and maketh the uttermost pâ—nny of her Mâ—jesty every way Now for his change of lands I thinke I have beene reasonable plaine before yet for your fuller satisfaction you shall understand his further dealing therein to be in this sort Besides the good lands and of ancient possession to the Crowne procured at her Majesties hand and used as bâ—fore was declared hee useth the same tricke for his worst lands that he possesseth any way whether â—hey come to him by extort meanes and plaiâ—e oppression or
whiles themselves in the meane space went about under hand to establish their owne ambushment Well quoth the Lawyer for the pretence of my Lord of Huntington to the Crowne I will not stand with you for thâ—t it is a matter sufficâ—ently known and seen throughout the Realme As also that my Lord of Leycesteâ— is at this day a principall favourer and patron of that cause albeit some yeers past he were an earnest adversary and enemy to the same But yet I have heard some friâ—nds of his in reasoning of these matters deâ—y stoutly a point or two which you have touched here and doe seeme to beleeve the same And that is first that howsoever my Lord of Leicester do meane to helpe his friend when time shall serve yet pretendeth he nothing to the Crowne himselfe The second is that whatsoever may be meant for the title or compassing the Crowne after her Mâ—jesties death yet nothing is intended during her raigne And of both these points thâ—y alledge reasons As for the first that my Lord of Leycester is very well knowne to have no title to the Crowne himselfe either by discent in blood alliance or otherwâ—yes For the second that his Lord. hath no cause to be a Mâ—lecontent in the present government nor hâ—pe for more preferment if my Lord of Huntington were King to morrow next then he receiveth now at her Majâ—sties hands having all the Realme as hath bin shewed at his owne disposition For the first quoth â—e Gentleman whether he meane the Crowne for himsâ—lfâ— or for his friend it importeth not much seeing both wayes iâ— is â—vident that he meaneâ—h to hâ—ve all at his owne disposition And albeit now for the avoyding of envy he give it out as a crafty Fox that he meaneth not but to run wiâ—h other men and to hunt wâ—th Huntington and oâ—hâ—â— hounds in the sâ—me chase yet is it not unlike but that he will plâ—y the Beare when he coâ—eth to divâ—ding of the pray and will snatch the best pâ—rt to himselfe Yea and these sâ—lf same peâ—sons of his traine anâ—â—action whom you call his friend though in publâ—que to excuse his doings and to cover the wholâ— plot they will and must deny the matters to be so meant yet otherwise they both thinke hope and know the contrary and will not stick in secret to speâ—k it and among thâ—mselves it is their talke of consolation The words of his speciall Councellour the Lord North are known which he uttered to his trusty Pooly upon the receit of a letter from Court of her Majesties displeasure towards him for his being a witnesse at Leycesters second marriage with Dâ—me Lettice although I know he was not ignorant of the first at Wanstead of which displeasure this Lord making fâ—r lesse accompt then in reason he should of the just offence of his soveraigne said that for his owne part he was resolved to sinke or swimme with my Lord of Leycester who said he if once the Cards may come to shaffling I wâ—ll use but his very own words I make no doubt but he alone shall beare away the Bucklers The words also of Sir Thomas Layton to Sir Henry Nevile walking upon the Taâ—resse at Windsor are known who told him after long discourse of their happy conceived Kingdome that hee doubted not but to see him one day hold the same office in Windsor of my Lord of Leycester which â—ow my Lord did hold of the Queene Meaning thereby the goodly office of Constableship wiâ—h all Royâ—lties and honours belonging to the same which now the said Sir Henry exerciseth onâ—ly as Deputy to the Earle Which was plainely to signifie that he doubted not but to see my Lord of Leycester one day King or els his other hope could never possibly taâ—â— effect or come to passe To the same point â—ended the words of Mistressâ— Anne West Daâ—e Lettice sister unto the Lady Anne Askew in the great Chamber upon a day when her brothâ—r Robert Kâ—owles had danced disgratiously and scornfully before the Queen in pâ—esence of the French Which thing for that her Majesty tooke to proceed of wisâ—in him â—s for dislâ—ke of the strangers in presence and for the quarrell of his sister Essex it pleased her Majesty to check him for the same with additioâ— of a reproachfull word or two full well deserved as though done for despite of the forced abseâ—ce from that place of honour of the good old Gentlewoman I mitigate the worâ—s his sister Which words the other young twig receiving in deepe dudgen brake forth in great choler to her forenamed companion and said Thâ—t she nothing doubted but that one day shee should see her sister upon whom the Queene railed now so much for so it pleased her to tearme her Majesties sharpe speech to sit in her place and throne being much worthier of the same for her qualities and rare vertues then was the other Which undutâ—full speech albeit it were over-heard and condemned of divers that sate about them yet none durst ever report the same to her Majesty as I hâ—ve heard sundry Courtiers affirme in respect of the revenge which the reporters should abide at my Lord of Leycesters hands whensoever the mâ—tâ—er should come to light And this is now concerning the opinion and secret speeches of my Lords owne friends who cannot but utter their conceit and judgement in time and place convenient whatsoever they are wâ—lled to give out publikely to the contrary for deceiving of such as will beleeve faire painted words against evident and manifest demonstration of reason I say reason for that if none of these signes and tokens were none of these preparations nor any of these speeches and detections by his friends that know his heart yet in force of plain reason I could alleadge unto you three arguments onely which to any man of intelligence wâ—uld easily perswade and give satisfactâ—on that my Lord of Leycester meaneth best and first for himsâ—lfe in this suâ—t Whiâ—h three arguments for that you seeme to be attent I will not stick to run over in all brevity And the first is the very nature and quality of ambition it self which is such as you know that it never stayeth but passeth from degree to degree and the more it obtaineth the more it covereth and the more esteemeth it selfe both worthy and able to obtaine And in our matter that now we handle even as in wooing he â—hâ—t suâ—th to a Lady for another and obtaineth her good will entereth easily into conceit of his owne woâ—thinesse thereby and so commonly into hope of speedinâ— himselfe while he speaketh for his friend so much more in Kingdomes he that sâ—eth himself of power to put the Crowne of another mans head will qâ—ckly step to the next degree which is to set it of his owne seeâ—ng that alwayâ—s the charity of such good men is wont to be so orderly as according to â—he precepâ— it bâ—ginneth
with it selfâ— first Adde to this that ambition is jealous suspitious and fearfull of it selfe especially when it is jâ—yned with a conscience loden wâ—th the guilt of many crimes whereof he would be loth to be called to account or be subject to any man that might by auâ—hority take review of his life actions when it should please him In which kinde seeing my Lord of Leycester hath so much to encrease his feare as before hath beene shewed by his wicked dealings it is not like that ever hee will put himselfe to another mans courtesie for passing his audict in particular reckonings which he can no way answer or satisfie but rather will stand upon the grosse Sum and generall Quietus est by making himselfe chiefe Auditour and Master of all accompts for his owne part in this life howsoever he do in the next whereof such humours have little regard And this is for the nature of ambition in it selfe The second argument may bee taken from my Lords particular disposition which is such as may give much light also to the matter in question being a disposition so well liking and inclined to a Kingdome as it hath beene tampering about the same from the first day that hee came in favour First by seeking openly to marry with the Queenes Majestie her selfe and so to draw the Crowne upon his owne head and to his posterity Secondly when that attempt tooke not place then hee gave it out as hath beene shewed before how that he was privily contracted to her Majesty wherein as I told you his dealing before for satisfaction of a stranger so let him with shame and dishonour remember now also the spectacle hee secretly made for the perswading of a subject and Counsellour of great honour in the same cause to the end that if her Highnesse should by any way have miscarried then he might have entituled any one of his owne brood whereof he hath store in many places as is knowne to the lawfull succession of the Crowne under colour of that privy and secret marriage pretending the same to bee by her Majestie wherein hee will want no witnesses to depose what hee will Thirdly when he saw also that this devise was subject to danger for â—hat his privy contract might be denied more easily then he able justly to prove the same after her Majesties decease he had a new fetch to strengâ—hen the matter and that was to cause these words of Naturall issue to be put into the Statute of succession for the Crowne against all order and custome of our Realme and against the knowne common stile of Law accustomed to bee used in Statutes of such matter whereby hee might be able after the death of her Majesty to make ligitimate to the Crowne any one bastard of his owne by any of so many hacknies as he keepeth affirming it to bee the Naturall issue of her Majesty by himselfe For no other reason can bee imagined why the ancient usuall words of Lawfull issue should so cunningly bee changed into Naturall issue thereby not onely to indanger our whole Realme with new quarrels of succession but also to touch as farre as in him lyeth the Royall honour of his Soveraigne who hath beene to him but too bountifull a Princesse Fourthly when after a time these fetches and devices began to be discovered he changed straight his course and turned to the Papists and Scottish faction pretending the marriage of the Queene in prison But yet after this againe finding therein not such successe as contented him throughly and having in the meane space a new occasion offered of baite he betooke himselfe fiftly to the party of Huntington having therein no doubt as good meaning to himselfe as his Father had by joyning with Suffolke Marry yet of late he hath cast anew about once againe â—or himselfe in secret by treating the marriage of young Arbella with his Son intitled the Lord Denbigh So that by this we see the disposition of this man bent wholly to a scepter And albeit in right title and discent of bloud as you say hee can justly claime neither Kingdome nor Cottage considering either the basenesse or disloyalty of his Ancestours if in respect of his present state and power and of his naturall pride ambition and crafty conveyance received from his Father hee hath learned how to put himselfe first in possession of chiefe rule under other pretences and after to devise upon the title at his leasure But now to come to the third argument I say more and above all this that the nature and state of the matter it selfe permitteth not that my Lord of Leycester should meane sincerely the Crowne for Huntington especially seeing there hath passed betweene them so many yeares of dislike and enmity which albeit for the time and present commodity bee covered and pressed downe yet by reason and experience we know that afterward when they shall deale together againe in matters of importance and when jealousie shall bee joyned to other circumstances of their actions it is impossible that the former mislike should not breake out in farre higher degree then ever before As wee saw in the examples of the reconciliation made betwixt this mans Father and Edward Duke of Somerset bearing rule under King Edward the sixt and betweene Richard of Yâ—rke and Edmund Duke of Somerset bearing rule in the time of King Hâ—nry the sixt Both which Dukes of Somerset after reconciliation with theiâ— old crafty and ambitious enemies were broâ—ght by the same to their destruction soone after Whereof I doubt not but my Lord of Leycester will take good heed in joyning by reconciliation with Huntington after so long a breach and will not be so improvident as to make him his soveraigne who now is but his dependent He remembreth too well the successe of the Lord Stanley who helped King Henry the seaventh to the Crowne of the Duke of Buckingham who did the same for Richard the third of the Earle of Warwicke who set up King Edward the fourth and of the three Percies who advanced to the Scepter King Henry the fourth All which Noblemen upon occasions that after fell out were rewarded with death by the selfe same Princes whom they had preferred And that not without reason as Seignior Machavell my Lords Counsellour affirmeth For that such Princes afterward can never give sufficient satisfaction to such friends for so great a benefit received And consequently least upon discontentment they may chance to doe as much for others against them as they have done for them against others the surest way is to recompence them with such a reward as they shall never after be able to complaine of Wherefore I can never thinke that my Lord of Leycester will put himselfe in danger of the like successe at Huntingtons hands but rather will follow the plot of his owne Father with the Duke of Suffolke whom no doubt but hee meant
onely to use for a pretext and helpe whereby to place himselfe in supreame dignity and afterward whatsoever had befallen of the state the others head could never have come to other end then it enjoyed For if Queene Mary had not cut it off King John of Northumberland would have done the same in time and so all men doe well know that weâ—e privy to any of his cunning dealings And what Huntingtons secret opinion of Leycester is notwithstanding this outward shew of dependance it was my chance to learne from the mouth of a speciall man of that hasty King who was his Ledger or Agent in London and at a time falling in talke of his Masters title declared that he had heard him divers times in secret complaine to his Lady Leycesters sister as greatly fearing that in the end he would offer him wrong and pretend some title for himselfe Well quoth the Lawyer it sâ—emeth by this last point that these two Lords are cunning practitioners in the art of dissimulation but for the former whereof you speake in truth I have heard men of good discourse affirme that the Duke of Northumberland had strange devises in his head for deceiving of Suffolke who was nothing so fine as himselfe and for bringing the Crowne to his owne Family And among other devises it is thought that hee had most certaine intention to marry the Lady Mary himselfe after once hee had brought her into his owne hands and to have bestowed her Majestie that now is upon some one of his children if it should have beene thought best to give her life and so consequently to have shaken off Suffolke and his pedegree with condigne punishment for his bold behaviour in that behalfe Verily quoth I this had beene an excellent Stratageme if it had taken place But I pray you Sir how could himselfe have taken the Lady Mary to wife seeing hee was at that time married to another O quoth the Gentleman you question like a Schollar As though my Lord of Leycester had not a wife alive when hee first began to pretend marriage to the Queenes Majesty Do not you remember the story of King Richard the third who at such time as he thought best for the establishing of his title to marry his owne Neece that afterward was married to King Henry the seventh how he caused secretly to be given abroad that his owne wife was dead whom all the World knew to bee then alive and in good health but yet soone afterward she was seene dead indeed These great peâ—sonages in matters oâ— such weight as is a Kingdome have privilâ—dges to dispose of Womens bodies marriages lives and deaths as shall be thought for the time most convenient And what doe you thinke I pray you of this new Tâ—iumvirat so lately concluded about Arbellâ— for so I must call the same though one of the three persons bee no Vir but Virago I meane of the maâ—riage betweene young Denbigh and the little Daughter of Lenox wheâ—eby the Father-in-law the Grand-mother and the Uncle of the new designed Queene have conceived to themselves a singular triumphant raigne But what doe you think may ensue hereof is there nothing of the old plot of Duke John of Northumberland in this Marry Sir quoth the Lawyer if this be so I dare assure you there is sequell enough pretended hereby And first no doubt but there goeth a deep drift by the wife and sonne against old Abraham the Husband and Father with the well-lined large pouch And secondly a farre deeper by trusty Robert against his best Mistresse but deepest of all by the whole Crew against the designements of the hasty Earle who thirsteth a Kingdome with great intemperance and seemeth if there were plaine dealing to hope by these good people to quench shortly his drought But either part in truth seeketh to deceive other and therefore it is hard to say where the game in fine will rest Well howsoever that be quoth the Gentleman I am of opinion that my Lord of Leycester will use both this practise and many more for bringing the Scepter finally to his owne head and that he will not onely imploy Huntington to defeate Scotland and Arbella to defeate Huntington but also would use the marriage of the Queene imprisoned to defeat them both if she were in his hand and any one of all three to dispossesse her Majesty that now is as also the authority of all foure to bring it to himselfe with many other fetches flings and friscoes besides which simple men as yet doe not conceive And howsoever these two conjoyned Earles doe seeme for the time to draw together and to play booty yet am I of opinion that the one will beguile the other at the upshot And Hastings for ought I see when hee commeth to the scambling is like to have no better luck by the Beare then his Ancestour had once by the Boare Who using his helpe first in murdering the Sonne and Heire of King Henry the sixt and after in destroying the faithfull Friends and Kinsmen of King Edward the fift for his easier way to usurpation made an end of him also in the Tower at the the very same day and houre that the other were by his counsell destroyed in Pontfret Castle So that where the Goale and price of the game is a Kingdome there is neither faith neither good fellowship nor faire play among the Gamesters And this shall be enough for the first point viz. what good my Lord of Leycester meaneth to himselfe in respect of Huntington Touching the second whether the attempt be purposed in her Majesties dayes or no the matter is much lesse doubtfull to him that knoweth or can imagine what a torment the delay of a Kingdome is to such a one as suffereth hunger thereof and feareth that every houre may breed some alteration to the prejudice of his conceived hope Wee see oftentimes that the childe is impatient in this matter to expect the naturall end of his parents life Whom notwithstanding by nature he is enforced to love and who also by nature is like long to leave this World before him and after whose decease hee is assured to obtaine his desire but most certaine of dangerous event if he attempt to get it while yet his parent liveth Which foure considerations are no doubt of great force to containe a child in duty and bridle his desire albeit sometimes not sufficient to withstand the greedy appetite of raigning But what shall wee thinke where none of these foure considerations do restraine where the present Possessor is no parent where she is like by nature to out-live the expector whose death must needs bring infinite difficulties to the enterprise and in whose life-time the matter is most easie to be atchieved under colour and authority of the present Possessor shall we thinke that in such a case the ambitious man will over-rule his
owne passion and leese his commodity As for that which is alleadged before for my Lord in the reason of his Defenders that his present state is so prosperous as hee cannot expect better in the next change whatsoever should be is of small moment in the conceipt of an ambitious head whose eye and heart is alwayes upon that which he hopeth for and enjoyeth not and not upon that which already hee possesseth be it never so good Especially in matters of honour and authority it is an infallible rule that one degree desired and not obtained afflicteth more then five degrees already possessed can give consolation the story of Duke Hamâ—n confirmeth this evidently who being the greatest subject in the World under King Assuerus after he had reckoned up all his pompe riches glory and felicity to his friends yet hee said that all this was nothing unto him untill he could obtaine the revenge which hee desired upon Maâ—dâ—chaeus his enemy and hereby it commeth ordinarily to passe that among highest in authority are found the greatest store of Male-contents that most doe endanger their Prince and Countrey When the Percies took part with Henry of Bolingbrooke against King Richard the second their lawfull Soveraigne it was not for lack of preferment for they were exceedingly advanced by the said King and possessed the three Earledomes of Northumberland Worâ—ester and Stafford together besides many other offices and dignities of honour In like sort when the two Neviles tooke upon them to joyne with Richard of Yorke to put downe their most benigne Prince King Henry the sixt and after again in the other side to put downe King Edward the fourth it was not upon want of advancement they being Earles both of Salisbury and Warwick and Lords of many notable places besides But it was upon a vaine imagination of future fortune whereby such men are commonly led and yet had not they any smell in their nostrils of getting the Kingdome for themselves as this man hath to prick him forward If you say that these men hated their Soveraigne and that thereby they were led to procure his destruction the same I may answer of my Lord living though of all men he hath least cause so to do But yet such is the nature of wicked ingratitude that where it oweth most and disdaineth to be bound there upon every little discontentment it turneth double obligation into triple hatred This he shewed evidently in the time of his little disgrace wherein hee noâ— onely did diminish vilipend and debase among his friends the inestimable benefits hee hath received from her Majestie but also used to exprobrate his owne good services and merits and to touch her highnesse with ingrate consideration and recompence of the same which behaviour together with his hasty preparation to rebellion and assault of her Majesties Royall person and dignity upon so small a cause given did well shew what minde inwardly he beareth to his Soveraigne and what her Majesty may expect if by offending him shee should once fall within the compasse of his furious pawes seeing such a smoke of disdainâ— could not proceed but from a fierie fornace of hatred within And surely it is a wonderfull matter to consider what a little check or rather the bare imagination of a small overthwart may worke in a proud and disdainfull stomâ—cke The remembrance of his marriagâ— missâ—d that hee so much pretended and desired with her Majestie doth sticke deeply in his breâ—st and stirreth him daily to revenge As also doth the disdaine of certaine checks and disgraces received aâ— sometimes especially that of his last marriage which irketh him so much the more by how much greater feare and danger it brought him into at that time and did put his Widow in such open phrensie as shee raged many moneths after against her Majestie and is not cold yet but remaineth as it were a sworne enemy for that injury and standeth like a fiend or fury at the elbow of her Amadis to stirre him forward when occasion shall serve And what effect such female suggestions may worke when they finde an humour proud and pliable to their purpose you may remember by the example of the Duchesse of Somerset who inforced her Husband to cut off the head of his onely deare Brother to his owne evident destruction for her contentation Wherefore to conclude this matter without further dispute or reason saying there is so much discovered in the case as there is so great desire of raigne so great impatience of delay so great hope and hability of successe if it be attempted under the good fortune and present authority of the competitours seeing the plots be so well laid the preparation so forward the favourers so furnished the time so propitious and so many other causes conviting together seeing that by differing all may be hazarded and by hastening little can be indangered the state and condition of things well weyed finding also the bands of duty so broken already in the conspiratours the causes of mislike and hatred so manifest and the solicitours to exâ—cution so potent and diligent as women malice and ambition are wont to bee it is more then probable that they will not leese their present commodity especially seeing they have learned by their Archi-tipe or Proto-plot which they follow I meane the conspiracy of Northumberland and Suffolke in King Edwards dayes that herein there was some errour committed at that time which overthrew the whole and that was the deferring of some things untill after the Kings death which should have beene put in execution before For if in the time of their plotting when as yet their designements were not published to the world they had under the countenance of the King as well they might have done gotten into their hands the two Sisters and dispatched some other few affaires before they had caused the young Prince to die no dobut but in mans reason the whole designement had taken place and consequently it is to be presupposed that these men being no fooles in their owne affaires will take heed of falling into the like errour by delay but rather will make all sure by striking while the iron is hot as our proverbe warneth them It cannot bee denied in reason quoth the Lawyer but that they have many helpes of doing what they list now under the present a favour countenance and authority of her Majesty which they should not have after her Highnesse decease when each man shall remaine more at liberty for his supreame obedience by reason of the statute provided for the uncertainty of the next successor and therefore I for my part would rather counsell them to make much of her Majesties life for after that they little know what may ensue or befall their designements They will make the most thereof quoth the Gentleman for their owne advantage but after that what is like to follow the examples
the House of Yorke before the union of the two great Houses raiseth up againe the old contention betweene the Families of Yoâ—ke and Lancaster wherein so much English bloud was spilt in times past and much more like to bee powred out now if the same contention should bee set on foot againe Seeing that to the controversie of Titles would bee added also the controversie of Religion which of all other differences is most dangerous Sir quoth the Gentleman now you touch a matter of consequence indeed and such as the very naming thereof maketh my heart to shake and tremble I remember well what Philip Cominus setteth downe in his History of our Countries calamity by that contention of those two Houses distinguished by the Red Rose and the White but yet both in their Armes might justly have borne the colour of Red with a fierie sword in a black field to signifie the abundance of bloud and mortality which ensued in our Countrey by that most wofull and cruell contention I will not stand here to set downe the particulars observed gathered by the foresaid author though a stranger which for the most part he saw himselfe while hee lived about the Duke of Burgundy and King Lewes of France of that time namely the pittifull description of divers right Noble men of our Realme who besides all other miseries were driven to begge openly in forraine Countries and the like Mine owne observation in reading over our Country affaires is sufficient to make me abhorre the memory of that time and to dread all occasion that may â—ead us to the like in time to come seeing that in my judgement neither the Civill warres of Marius and Silla or of Pompey and Caesar among the Romanes nor yet the Guelphians and Gibilines among the Italians did ever worke so much woe as this did to our poore Countrey Wherein by reason of the contention of Yorke and Lancaster were foughten sixteene or seventeen pitched fields in lesse then an hundred yeares That is from the eleventh or twelfth yeare of King Richard the second his raigne when this controversie first began to bud up unto the thirteenth yeare of K. Henry the seventh At what time by cutting off the chiefe titler of Huntingtons house to wit yong Edward Plantaginet Earle of Warwick Son and Heire to George Duke of Clarence the contention most happily was quenched and ended wherein so many fields as I have said were foughten between Brethren and Inhabitants of our owne Nation And therein and otherwise onely about the same quarrel were slaâ—â— murdered and made away about nine or ten Kings and Kings Sonnes besides above forty Earles Marquesses and Dukes of name but many more Lords Knights and great Gentlemen and Captaines and of the Common people without number and by particular conjecture very neare two hundred thousand For that in one Battell fought by King Edward the fourth there are recorded to be slaine on both parts five and thirty thousand seven hundred and eleven persons besides others wounded and taken prisoners to be put to death afterward at the pleasure of the Conquerour at divers Battels after ten thousand slaine at a Battell And in those of Barnet and Tukesbury fought both in one yeare This suffered our afflicted Country in those dayes by this unfortunate and deadly contention which could never be ended but by the happy conjunction of those two Houses tâ—gether in Henry the seventh neither yet so as appeareth by Chronicle untill as I have said the state had cut off the issue male oâ— the Duke of Clarence who was cause of divers perilâ— to King Henry the sevenâ—h though he were in prison By whose Sister the faction of Huntinâ—ton at thiâ— day doth seeke to raise up the same contention againe with farre greater danger both to the Reaâ—mâ— and to her Majesty that now raigneth then ever before And for the Realme it is evident by that it givetâ— roome to strangers Competitours of the House oâ— Lancaster better able to maintaine their owne titlâ— by sword then ever was any of that linage before tâ—em And for her Majesties perill present it is nothing hard to conjecturâ— seeing the same title in thâ— fore-said Earle of Warwick was so dangerous anâ— troublesome to her Grandfather by whom she holdeth as hee was faine twiâ—â— to take armâ—s in defence of his right against the said title which was in those dayes preferred and advanced by the friendâ— of Clarence before that of Henry as also this of Huntington is at this day by his faction before that of her Majesty though never so unjustly Touching Huntingtons title before her Majesty quoth the Lawyer I will say nothing because in reason I see not by what pretence in the World he may thrust himselfe so farre forth seeing her Majesty is descendâ—d not onely of the House of Lancaste but also before him most apparentâ—y from the House of Yorke it selfe as from the eldest Daughter of Kâ—ng Edwâ—rd the fourth being the eldest Brother of that House Whereas Huntington claimeth onely by the Daughter of George Duke of Clarence the younger Broâ—her Marry yet I must confesse that if the Earle of Warwicks title were better then that of King Henry the seventh which is most false though many attempted to defend the same by sword then hath Huntâ—ngton some wrong at this day by her Majesty Albeit in very truth the atâ—aints of so many of his Ancestours by whom he claâ—mâ—th would answer him also sufficiently in that behalfe if his title were otherwise allowable But I know besides this they have another fetch of King Richard the third whereby he would needs prove hâ—s elder Brother King Edwaâ—d to bee a Bastard and consequently his whole line aswell male as female to be void Which devise though it be ridiculous and was at that time when it was first invented yet as Richard found at that time a Doctor Shaw that shamed not to publish and defend the same at Pauls Crosse in a Sermon and John of Northumberland my Lord of Lâ—yceâ—â—ers Father found out divers Preachers in his time to set up the title of Suffolke to debase the right of K. Henries daughter both in London Cambridge Oxford and other places most apparently against all Law and reason so I doubt not but these men would finde out also both Shawes Sands and others to set out the title of Clareâ—ce before the whole interest of King Henry the seventh and his posterity if occasion served Which is a point of importance to bee considered by her Majesty albeit for my part I meane not not now to stand thereupon but onely upon that other of the House of Lancaster as I have said For as that most honourable lawfull and happy conjunction of the two adversary Houses in King Henry the seventh and his Wife made an end of the shedding of English bloud within it selfe and brought us that most
House of Yorke where it continued with much trouble in two Kings onely untill both Houses were joyned together in King Henry the seventh and his noble issue Hereby wee see how the issue of Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster fourth Son to King Edward the third pretended right to the Crowne by Edmond Crookebacke before the issue of all the other three Sonnes of Edward the third albeit they were the elder Brothers whereof wee will speake more hereafter Now Iohn of Gaunt though hee had many children yet had he foure onely of whom issue remaine two Sonnes and two Daughters The first Son was Henry of Bolingbrooke Duke of Lancaster who tooke the Crowne from King Richard the second his Unkles Sonne as hath beene said and first of all planted the same in the House of Lancaster where it remained in two discents after him that is in his Son Henry the fift and in his Nephew Henry the sixt who was afterward destroyed together with Henry Prince of Wales his onely Sonne and Heire and consequently all that Line of Henry Bolingbâ—ooke extinguished by Edward the fourth of the House of Yorke The other Son of Iohn of Gaunt was Iohn Duke of Somersâ—t by Katherine Sfinsford his third wife which Iohn had issue another Iohn and he Margaret his Daughter and Heire who being married to Edmond Tyder Earle of Richmond had issue Henry Earle of Richmond who after was named King Henry the seventh whose Line yet endureth The two Daughters of John of Gaunt were married to Portugall and Castile that is Philip borne of Blanch Heire to Edmond Crookeback as hath beene said was married to Iohn King of Portugall of whom is descended the King that now possesseth Portugall and the other Princes which have or may make title to the same and Katherin borne of Constanâ—e Heire of Castile was married back againe to Henry King of Castile in Spaine of whom King Philip is also descended So that by this wee see where the remainder of the House of Lancaster resteth if the Line of King Henry the seventh were extinguished and what pretext forraine Princes may have to subdue us if my Lord of Huntington either now or after hâ—r Majesties dayes will open to them the doore by shutting out the rest of King Henries Line and by drawing backe the title to the onely House of Yorke againe which he pretendeth to doe upon this that I will now declare King Edward the third albeit he had many children yet five onely will we speake of at this time Whereof three were elder then Jâ—hn of Gaunt and one yonger The first of the elder was named Edward the blacke Prince who died before his Father leaving one onely Sonne named Richard who afterward being King and named Richard the second was deposed without issue and put to death by his Cosin germain named Henry Bolingbrooke Duke of Lancaster Son to John of Gaunt as hath beene said and so there ended the Line of King Edwards first Sonne King Edwards second Sonne was William of Hatfâ—â—ld that died without issue His third Sonne was Leonell Duke of Clarence whose onely Daughter and Heire called Phâ—â—ip was married to Edmond Mortimer Earle oâ— Marcâ— and after that Anneâ—he â—he Daughter and Heire of Mortimer was married to Richard Plantagiâ—et Duke of Yorke Son and Heire to Edmond of Langâ—â—y the first Duke of Yorkâ— which Edmond was the fift Son of King Edward the third and younger Brother to John of Gaunt And this Edmond of Lanâ—ley may bee called the first beginner of the Hâ—use of Yorke even as Edmond Crookback the beginner of the House of Lancaster This Edmond Langley then having a Sonne named Richard that married Anne Mortimer sole Heire to Leonell Duke of Clarence joyned two Lines and two Titles in one I meane the Line of Leonell and of Edmond Langley who were as hath bin said the third and the fift Sonnes to King Edward the third And for this cause the childe that was borne of this marriage named after his Father Richard Plantaginet Duke of Yorke seeing himselfe strong and the first Line of King Edward the thirds eldest Son to be extinguished in the death of King Richard the second and seeing William of Hatfield the second Sonne dead likewise without issâ—e made demand of the Crowne for the House of Yorke by the title of Leonell the third Sonne of King Edward And albeit hee could not obtaine the same in his dayes for that hee was slaine in a Battell against King Henry the sixt at Wakefield yet his Sonne Edward got the same and was called by the name of King Edward the fourth This King at his death left divers children as namely two Sonnes Edward the fift and his Brother who after were both murdered in the Tower as shall be shewed and also five Daughters to wit Elizabeth Cicily Anne Katherine and Briget Whereof the first was married to Henry the seventh The last became a Nunne and the other three were bestowed upon divers other husbands Hee had alâ—o two Brothers the first was called George Duke of â—larence who afterward upon his deserts as is to be supposed was put to death in Callis by commandement of the King and his attainder allowed by Parliamâ—nt And this man left behinde him a Sonne named Edward Earle of Warwick put to death afterward without issue by King Henry the seventh and a Daughter named Margaret Countessâ— of â—alisâ—ury who was married to a meane Gentleman named Richarâ— Poole by whom she had issue Cardinall Poole that died without marriage and Henry Poole that was attainted and executed â—n King Henry the eight his time as also her selfe was and this Henry Poole left a Daughter married afterward to the Earle of Huntington by whom this Earle that now is maketh title to the Crowne And this is the effect of my Lord of Huntingtons title The second Brother of King Edward the fourth was Richard Duke of Gâ—ocester who after the Kings death caused his two Sonnes to be murdered in the Tower and tooke the Kingdome to himselfe And afterward he being slaine by King Henry the seventh at Bosâ—â—orth-field left no issue behind him Wherefore King Henry the seventh descending as hath bin shewed of the House of Lancaster by John of Gaunts last Sonne and third Wife and taking to Wife Lady â—lizabeth eldest daughter of King Edward the fourth of the House of Yorke joyned most happily the two Families together and made an end of all controversies about the title Now King Henry the seventh had issue three Children of whom remaineth posterity First Henry the eighth of whom is descended our Soveraigne her Majesty that now happily raigneth and is the last that remaineth alive of that first Line Secondly he had two Daughters whereof the first named Margaret was married twice first to James King of Scotland from whom are directly discended the Queene of Scotland that now liveth and her Sonne and
thought so quoth the Duke and not without great cause for as the white Paulfrey when he standeth in the stable and is well provendred is proud and fierce and ready to leape on every other horses back still neying and prauncing and troubling all that stand about him but when he is once out of his hot stable and deprived a little of his case and fat feeding every boy may ride and master him at his pleasure so is it quoth he with my Lord of Arundell Whereat many marvelled that were present to heare so insolent speech passe from a man of judgement against a Peere of the Realme cast into calamity But you would more have marvelled quoth the Gentleman if you had seene that which I did afterward which was the most base and abject behaviour of the same Duke to the same Earle of Arundel at Cambridge and upon the way towards London when this Earle was sent to apprehend and bring him up as prisoner If I should tell you how he fell down on his knees how he wept how he besought the said Earle to be a good Lord unto him whom a little before he had so much contemned and reproached you would have said that himselfe might as well be compared to this his white Paulfrey as the other Albeit in this I will excuse neither of them both neither almost any of these great men who are so proud and insolent in their prosperous fortune as they are easily led to contemne any man albeit themselves bee most contemptible of all others whensoever their fortune beginneth to change and so will my L. of Leicester be also no doubt at that day though now in his wealth he triumph over all and careth not whom or how many he offend and injure Sir therein I beleeve you quoth I for wee have had sufficient tryall already of my Lords fortitude in adversity His base and abject behaviour in his last disgrace about his marriage well declared what hee would doe in a matter of more importance His fawning and flattering of them whom he hated most his servile speeches his feigned and dissembled teares are all very well knowne Then Sir Christopher Hatton must needs be enforced to receive at his hands the hâ—nourable and great office of Chamberlainship of Chester for that he would by any meanes reâ—gne the same unto him whether he would or no and made him provide not without his charge to receive the same though his Lordship never meant it as after wel appeared For that the present pange being past it liked my Lord to fulfill the Italian Proverbe of such as in dangers make vowes to Saints Scampato il pericolo gabbato il santo the danger escaped the Saint is deceived Then and in that necessity no men of the Realm were so much honoured commended served by him as the noble Chamberlaine deceased and the good Lord Treasurer yet living to whom at a certaine time he wrote a letter in all fraud and base dissimulation and caused the same to be delivered with great cunning in the sight of her Majesty and yet so as to shew a purpose that it should not be seen to the end her Highnesse might rather take occasion to call for the same and read it as she did For Mistris Francis Hâ—ward to whom the stratagem was committed playing her part dexterously offered to deliver the same to the Lord Treasurer neare the doâ—re of the withdrawing Chamber he then comming from her Majesty And to draw the eye and attention of her Highnesse the more unto iâ— shee let fall the paper before it touched the treasurers hand and by that occasion brought her Majesty to call for the same Which after she had read and considered the stile together with the metall and constitution of him that wrote it and to whom it was lent her Highnesse could not but breake forth in laughter with detestation of such absurd and abject dissimulation sayâ—ng unto my Lord Treasurer there presâ—nt my Lord believe him not for if he had you in like case he would play the Beare with you though at this present hee fawne upon you never so fast But now Sir I pray you goe forward in your speech of Scotland for there I remember you left off when by occasion we fell into these digressions Well then quoth the Gentleman to returâ—e againe to Scotland as you move from whence wee have digressed most certaine and evident it is to all the world that all the broyles troubles and dangers procured to the Prince in that countrey as also the vexations of them who any way are thought to favour that title in our owne Realme doe proceed from the drift and complot of these conspirators Which besides the great dangers mentionâ—d before both domesticall and forraine temporall and of religion must needs inferre great jeopardy also to her Maiesties person and present reign that now governeth through the hope and heat of the aspirâ—rs ambition inflamed and increased so much the more by the nearenesse of their desired prey For as souldiers entred into the hope of a rich and well furnished Citie are more fierce and furious when they have gotten and beaten downe the Bullwaâ—ks round about and as the greedy Burglâ—rer that hath pierced and broken downe man waâ—ls to come to a treasure is lesse patient of stay stop and delay when he commeth in sight of â—hat which he desireth or perceiveth only some partition of wane skot or the like betwixt his fingers and the cofers or monie bags so theâ—e men whâ—n they shall see the succession of Scotland extinguished together with all friends and favourâ—rs thereof which now are to her Majesty as Bullwarks and wals and great obstacles to the aspirors and when they shall see onely her Maiâ—sties life and person to stand betwixt them and their fierie desires for they make little account of all other Competitors by King Hâ—nries line no doubt but it will bee to them a great prick and spurre to dispatch Her Majestie also the nature of both Earles being well considered whereof the one killed his own wife as hath been shewed before onely upon a little vaine hope of marriage with a Queene and the other being so farre blinded and borne away with the same furious fume most impotent itching humor of ambition as his owne mother when she was alive seemed greatly to feare his fingers if once the matter should come so neare as her life had onely stood in his way For which cause the good old Countesse was wont to pray God as I have heard divers say that she might dye before her Majesty which happily was granted unto her to the enâ— that by standing in her sonnes way who she saw to her grief furiously bent to weare a Crown there might not some dangerous extremiâ—y grow to her by that nearenesse And if his owne mother feared this mischance whâ—t may her Majesty doubt
at his his companions hanâ—s when she onâ—ly shall be the obstacle of all their unbridled and impatient deâ—res Cleare it is quoth the Lawyer that the nearenesse of aspirors to the â—â—owne endangereth greatly the present possessors as you have well proved by reason and I could shew by divers examples if it were need For when Henrie Bullingbrooke Duke of Lancaster saw not onely Richard the second to be without issue but also Roger Mortimer Earle of March that should have succeded in the Crowne to bee slaine in Ireland though before as is thought he meant not to usurpe yet seeing the possibility and neare cut that he had was inuited therewith to lay hands of his Soveraignes blond and dignity as he did The like is thought of Richard Duke of Glocester that he nâ—ver meant the murther of his nephewes untill he saw their father dead and themselves in his owne hands his brother also Duke of Clarence dispatched and his onely sonne and heire â—arle of Warwick within his owne power Wherefore seeing that it hath not pleased Almighty God for causes to himselfe best known to leave unto this noble Realm any issue by her most excellent Maiestie it hath been a poynt of great wisedome in mine opinion and of great safety to her Highnes person state dignity to preserve hitherto the line of the next Inheritors by the house of Scotland I meane both the mother and the sonne whose deaths hath been so diligently sought by the other Competitors and had beene long ere this atchieved if her Majesties owne wisedome and royall clemency as is thought had not placed speciall eye upon the conservation thereof from time to time Which Princely providence so long as it shalâ— endure must needs be a great safety and fortresâ— to her Majesty not onely against the claimes aides or annoyance of forraine Princes whâ— wil not be so forward to advance strange titles while so manifest heires remain at home nor yeâ— so willing in respect of policy to â—elpe thaâ— line to possession of the whole Island but also against practices of domesticall aspirers as yoâ— have shewed in whose affairs no doubt but these two branches of Scâ—tland are great bâ—ocks as also speciall bulwarks to her Majesties life and person seeing as you say these copartners make so little account of the other of that line who should ensue by order of succession Marry yet of the two I thinke the youth of Scotland be of much more importance for their purpose to bee made away both for that hee may have issue and is like in time to be of more ability for defence of his owne inheritance as also for that he being once dispatched his mother should soone ensue by one slight or other which they would devise unwitting to her Majesty albeit I must needes confesse that her Highnesse hath used most singular prudence for prevention thereof in placing her restraint with so noble strong and worthy a Peere of our Realme as the Earle of Shrewsburie is whose fidelity and constancy being nothing plyable to the others faction giveth them little contentation And for that cause the world seeth how many sundry and divers devices they have used and do use dayly to slander and disgrace him and thereby to pull from him his charge committed To this the Gentleman answered nothing at all but stood stâ—ll musing with himselfe as though hee had conceived some deep matter in his head â— and after a little pause he began to say as followeth I cannot truly but much marvaile when I do compare some things of this time and government with the doings of formâ—r Princes Progenitors to her Majesty Namely of Henrie the 7. and Henrie the 8. who had so vigilant an eye to the laterall line of King Edward the 4. by his brother of Clarence as they thought it necessary not only to prevent all evident dangers that might ensue that way but even the possibilities of all perill as may well appear by the execution of Ed. Earl of Warwick before named Son and heire to the said Duke of Clarence and of Maâ—gaâ—et his sister Countesse of Salisbury with the Lord Henry Montague her sonne by whose Dauâ—hter the Earle of Huntington now claimeth All which were executed for avoyding of inconveniencies and that at such times when no imminent danger could be much doubted by that Line especially by the latter And yet now when one of the same house and Line of more ability and ambition than ever any of his Ancestors were maketh open title and claime to the Crowne with plots packs and preparations to most manifest usurpation against all order all law and all rightful succession and against a special statute provided in that behalfe yet is he permitted boâ—ne out favoured and friended therein and no man so hardy as in defeâ—câ—â—f her Majestie and the Realme to contrâ—â—le hiâ— for the same It may be that her Majestie is brought into the same oâ—inion of my Lord of Huntingtons fidelity as Iulius Caesar was of Marcus Brutus his dearest obliged friend of whose ambitious practises and aspiring when Caesar was advertised by his carefull friends he anâ—wered that hee well knew Brutus to be ambitious but I am sure quoth he that my Brutuâ— will never attempt any thing for the Empire while Caesar liveth â—nd after my death let him shift for the same among others aâ— he can But what ensued Surely I am loath to tell the event for ominations sake but yet all the world knoweth that ere many moneths passed this most noble and â—lement Emperour was pittifully murthered â—y the same Brutus and his partners in the publique Senate when least of all he expected such treason So dangerous a thing it is to be secure in a matter of so great sequell or to trust them with a mans life who may pretend preferment or interest by his death Wherefore would God her Majestie in this case might be induced to have such due care and regard of her own estate and royall person as the weighty moment of the matter requireth which containeth the blisse and calamity of so noble and worthy a kingdome as this I know right well that most excellent natures are alwayes furthest off from diffidence in such people as proves love and are most bounden by dutie and so it is evident in her Maiestie But yet surely this confidence so commendable in other men is scarce allowable oftentimes in the person of a Prince for that it goeth accompanyed with so great perill as is inevitable to him that will not suspect principally when dangers are foretold or presaged as commonly by Gods appoyntment they are fâ—r the speciall hand he holdeth over Princes affaires or when there is probable conjecture or just surmise of the same We know that the forenamed Emperor Caesar had not onely the warning given him of the inclination and intent of Brutus to usurpation but even the very day when
mens humours oft I fed Whilst hope this while a good opinion bred To learned Schollers I was something franck Not for the love that I to leaâ—ning bore But either to get praise or pick a thanke Of such as could the Musâ—s aide implore To consecrate my name for evermore For he is blest that so befriended dyes Whose praise the Musâ—s will immortalize You that desire to have your fame survive When you within your graves intomb'd shall lye Cherish those sacred Sisters while you live For they be daughters of Dame memory Of â—he thundâ—ing Monarch of the sky They have the gift to register with pen Th' eternall fame or infamy of men The Students of the Vniversity Oxford whereof I was the Chancellor That Nurse of science and Philosophy Knowing the greatnesse of my wit and power Did honour me as the faire springing flower That in the Princesse favour highly grew Whom she with showâ—rs oâ— gold did of bâ—dew At my command both Dee and Allen tended By Magick Art my pleasure to fulfill These to my service their best studies bended And why they durst not disobey my will Yea whatsoever was of secret skill In Oxford or in Cambridge to be sold I bought for love for feare or else for gold Doubtlesse the most renown'd Philosophers As Plato and Pithagoras have sought To learne the Hierogliphick Characters And secrets which by Magick skill are wrought Such as th' Egyptians sewes and Chaldees taught Th'art's not ill if men doe not abuse it No fault so bad but some men will excuse it Lopus and Iulio were my chiefe Physitians Men that were cunning in the Art to kill Good Schollers but of passing ill conditions Such as could ridde mens lives yet no blood spill Yea and with such dexterity and skill Could give a dram of poyson that could slay At end of the yeare the moneth the weeke or day I never did these wicked men imploy To wrong my Prince or my true loving friend But false deceitfull wretches to destroy And bring them to an vnexpected end Let them looke to it that did most offend Whose names are Registred in Pluto's scroules For I will never answer for their soules Knights and Esquires the best in every shire Did waite on me in England up and downe And some among them did my Livery weare My smiles did seeme to promise them renowne But dismall haps insu'd when I did frowne As when the starre Arcturus doth appeare Of raging Tempests Sea-men stand in feare As for the Souldiers and the men of warre At home in service some I did retaine Others I sent abroad not very farre At my commandment to returne againe These I with cost did secretly maintaine That if ought chanced otherwise then well I might haue sent my foes to heauen or hell Likewise I brought the Lawyers in some awe The worthy students of the Innes of court That then applied them to the common Law Did yeeld to me in matters of import Although sometimes I did the Lawe extoâ—t And whether right or wrong my cause once heard To plead against me made great Lords afeard So the Lord Barkley lost good lands by me Whereof perchance at fiâ—st he did not dreame Might many times doth overcome the right It is in vaine to strive against the streame When he that is chiefe subiect in the Realme Vpon his Princes favour rests him bold He cannot or he will not be controld Thus by the Queene my puissance was upheld And for my foes I euer was too strong The grace I had from her all feare expeld I might wrong others but not suffer wâ—ong So many men did unto me belong Which on my favour chiefely did depend And for my sake both goods and land would spend The best esteemed Nobles of the land On whose support the publique state relied Were linckt with me in friendships faithfull band Or else in kindred nerely were allied Their perfect loues and constant hearts I tried The inferior sort at our devotion stood Ready to execute what we thought good The Earle of Warwicke my owne loving brother My sisters Husband th' Earle of Huntington The bounteouâ— Earle of Bedford was another Of my best friends belov'd of every one Sir Henry Sidneys power in Wales well knowne And there the Earle of Pembroke chiefe of all Of kinâ—e my â—â—iend what ever thence might fall In Barwicâ— my wives Vncle had chiefe power The Lord of Hunsdon my assured fâ—iend In Ireland the Lord Grey was Governour Gernsey and Iersey likewise did depend Vpon such men as did my will attend Hopton my man Lieutenant of the Tower Was prompt to doe me service at an houre Sir Edward Horsey in the Isle of Wight And noble Sir George Câ—â—y next bore sway Men of great courage and no little might To take my part in any doubtfull fray In London the Recorder Fleetwood lay That often us'd good words that might incense The Citizens to stand in my defence The Premises did likewise take my part As I in private quarrels oft have tryde So that I had the very head and heart The Court and City leaning on my side With flattery some others with gifts I plyd And some with threats stern looks angry words I wonne to my defence with Clubs and Swords Thus I by wisedome and fine poilicie Maintain'd the reputation of my life Drawing to me the flowre of Chivalrie To succour me at need in civill strife Men that lov'd change in every place were rife And all the realme was with my power possest Think what this might have wrought but judge the best Like Claudius Marcellus drawne through Rome In his faire chariot which with Trophees deckt Crowned with Garlands by the Senates doome Whom they five times their Consul did elect That from their foes he might their lives protect When he wiâ—h conquest did his Country greet Loaden with spoyles lay prostrate at his feet So did I ride in tryumph through chiefe townes As if I had beene Vice-roy of this Land My face well grac'd with smiles my purse with crowneâ— Holding the reynes of honour in my hand I managed the state I did command My lookes with humble majesty repleat Made some men wish me a Kings royall seat Thus waxt I popular to purchase fame To me the common peoples knees did bow I could my humour still so fitly frame To entertaine all men to outward shew With inward love for few my heart did know And that I might not seeme puft up with pride Bare-headed oft through Cities I did ride While some cry'd out God save you gracious Lord Lord how they did my fame hyperbolize My words and gestures did so well accord As with their hearts I seem'd to simpathize I charm'd their eares and did inchant their eyes Thus I was reckoned their chiefe Potentate No poller but a piller of the stâ—te Then I was call'd the life and th' heart o'th'Court And some I wot wisht I had beene the head I had so great a trayne
wit it seemes impossible By drinkes or charmes this worke to passe to bring Know then that Giges were invisible By turning the sigill of his Ring Toward his palme and thereby slew the King Lay with his wife of any man unseene Lastly did raigne by marrying with the queene King Salomon for Magick naturall Was held a cunning man by some Divines He wrote a booke of Science naturall To bind ill Spirits in their darke confines He had great store of wives and Concubines Yet was a Sacred King this I inferre The wisest man that now doth live may erre Also yee say that when I waxed old When age and time mispent had made me dry For ancient held in carnall Lust is cold Natures defect with Art I did supply And that did helpe this imbecility I us'd strong drinks and Oyntments of great price Whose taste or touch might make dead flesh arise To this I answer that those fine extractions Drams and electuaries finely made Serv'd not so much to helpe veneriall actions As for to comfort nature that 's decaid Which being with indifferent judgment weigh'd In noble men may be allowed I trust As tending to their health not to their lust What if I drinke nothing but liquid gold Lactrina christal pearle resolv'd in wine Such as th' Egyptians full cups did hold When Cleopatra with her Lord did dine A trifle care not for the cost was mine What if I gave Hippomenes to drinke To some fair Dames at smal faults you must wink Ye say I was a traytor to the Queene And thâ—t when Monsieur was in greatest grace I being out of favour mov'd with spleene To see a Frenchman frolique in the place Forth toward Barwick then did post apace Minding to raise up a rebellious rout To take my part in what I went about That I was then a traytor I deny But I confesse that I was Monsieurs foe And sought to breake the league of amity Which then betwixt my Prince and him did grow Doubting Religion might be changed so Or that our Lawes and customes were in danger To be corrupt or altered by a stranger Therefore I did a faction strong maintaine Agâ—inst the Earle of Sussâ—x a stout Lord On Monsieurs side and then Lord Chamberlain Who sought to make that nuptiall accord Which none may breake witnesse the sacred Wordâ— But thus it châ—nced that he striv'd in vaine To knit that kâ—ot which heaven did not ordaine Thus did ye mis-interpret my conceiâ—s That for disloyalty my deâ—ds did blame Yet many men have laid their secret baits T' intrap me in such snares to work my shame Whom I in time sufficiently did tame And by my Soveraignes favour bore them downe Proving my selfe true Liegeman to the Crowne Thinke yee I could forget my Soveraigne Lady Thâ—t was to me so gracious and so kinde How many triumphs for her glory made I O I could never blot out of my minde What Characters of grace in her have shin'd But some of you which were by her pâ—efer'd Have with her bones almoâ—â— her name inter'd When she was gone which of you all did weep What mournfull song did Pâ—ilomela sing Alâ—s when she in deaths cold bed did sleep Which of you all her dolefull knell did ring How long wâ—ll yee now love your crowned King If you so soon forget your old Queen dead Which foure and fourty yeares hath governed Yee say I sought by murder to aspire And by strong poyson many men to slay Which as ye thought might crosse my high desire And â—loud my long expected golden day Perhaps I laid some blocks out of my way Which hindred me from comming to the Bower Whâ—re Cynthia shin'd like lamps in Pharohs tower Alas I came not of a Tygers kinde My hands with bloud I hated to defile But when by good experience I did finde How some with fained love did me beguile Perchance all pitty then I did exile And as it were against my will was prest To seek their deaths that did my life detest Lo then attend to heare a dolefull tale Of those whose death yâ—e doe suppose I wrought Yet wish I that the world beleeve not all That hath of me by envious men been wrought But when I for a Kingly fortune sought O pardon me my sâ—lfe I might forget And cast downe sâ—me my state aloft to set My first wife fell downe from a paire of staires And brake her neck and so at Comner dy'd Whilst her true servants led with small affaires Unto a Fure at Abingdon did ride This dismall hap did to my wife betide Whether yee call it chance or destiny Too true it is shâ— dâ—d untimely dye O had I now a showrâ— of teares to shed Lockt in the empty circles of my â—yes All could I shed in mourning for the dead That lost a spouse so young so faire so wise So faire a corps so foule a coarse nâ—w lies My hope t' have married with a famous Queene Drave pitty back and kept my teares unseene What man so fond that would not lose a Pearle To finde a Diamond leave brasse for gold Or who would not forsake a gallant gitle To win a Qâ—een great men in awe to hold â—o rule â—he â—tate and of none be control'd O but the stâ—ps that lead unto a â—hrone Aâ—e dâ—ngerous for men to tread upon Tâ—e Cardinall Chatillion was my foe Whose death peradventure did compact Because he let Queen Elizâ—beth to know My false report given of a former act How I with her had made a precontract And the great Princes hope I bar'd thereby That sâ—ught to marry with her Majesty The Prelate had bin better held his tongue And kist his holy Fathers feet in Rome A Masse the sooner for his soule was sung But he might thanke me had he staid at home Or late or never he to heaven had come Therefore I sent him nimbly from the coasts Perhaps to supper with the Lord of hosts When death by hap my first wives neck had crackt And that my suit unto the Queene â—ll sped It chaâ—ced that I made a post contract And did in sort the Lâ—dy Sheffâ—â—ld wed Of whom I had two goodly children bred For the Lord Sheffeild died as I was sure Of a Catarie which physicke could not cure Some thinke thâ— rhume was artificiall Which this good Lord befoâ—â— his end did take Tush what I gave to her was naturâ—ll My plighted troth yet some amends did make Though her at length unkinde I did forsâ—ke She must not blame me for a higher reach Made my sure promise finde a sudden breach The valiant Earle whom absent I did wrong In breaking Hymeneus holy band In Ireland did protract the time too long Whilst some in â—ngland ingled under hand And at his coming homeward to this land He dyed with poyson as they say infected Not without cause for veâ—geance I suspâ—cted Because this fact notorious scandall bred And â—or I did his gallant wife abuse To salve â—his sore
when this brave Lord was dead I for my selfe did this faire Lady chuse And flesh is fraile deare Lady me excuse It was pure love that made me undertake This haplesse recontract with thee to make Now in Joves pallace that good Lord doth sup And drinkâ— full bowles of Nector in the skie Hunnies his pâ—ge that tasted of that cup Did onely loose his hâ—ire and did not dye True-noble Earle thy fame to heaven doth flye He doth repent his fault and pâ—rdon crave That marr'd thy bed and too soon made thy grave Thou didst behinde thee leave a matchlesse Sonne A peerelâ—sse paterne for all princâ—ly peeres Whose spaâ—ks of glory in my time begun Kindled wâ—th hope flâ—m'd highly in few yeeres But death him struâ—k and drown'd this land in teares His Sonne doth live true imâ—ge of him dead To grace this soil whâ—re showers of tears were shed Thâ—y were to blame that said the Queen should marry With me her Hors keeper for so they call'd me But thou Throgmarton whâ—ch â—his tale didst carry From France to England hast more shâ—rply gall'd me Sith my good Qâ—eene in office high extold me For I was Mâ—ster of her Highnesse Horse I scorne thy words which did my hate inforce But tell me then how didst thou likâ— thy fare When I to supper last did thee invite If I did rid thee of a world of care By giving â—hee a Salet gentle Knight With gastly lookes doe not my soule affrâ—ght Lester I was whom England once did dread But now I am like thee Throgmarton dead My Lord of Sussex was too cholerick That call'd me traitor and a traitors sonne But I serv'd him a fine Italian triâ—k Had not I done so I had bin undone Now marke the end what conquest hath he won A litle scruple that to him I sent Did purge his choler till hâ—s life was spent He was a gallant Noble man indeed O but his life did still my life decrease Therefore I sent him with convenient speed To rest amongst his ancestors in peace â—y rage was pacifi'd at his decease And now I come t' imbrace his love too late Him did I love whom living I did hate I came to visit as I chanc'd to walke My Lady of Lenox whom I found not well I took her by the hand hâ—d private talke And so departed a short tale to tell When I was gone into a flux she fell That never ceast her company to keep Till it had brought her to a senslesse sleep I dream'd she had not many dayes to live And this my dreame did shortly fall out true So as her Ghostly Father I did give Some comfort to her soule for well I knew That she would shortly bid the world adiew Some say I gave such physick as did spill her But I suppose that mâ—ere conceit did kill her Some will object perhaps I did pretend To meet the Earle of Ormond on a day In single fight our quarrell for to end But did command my servant Killygray To lye in ambush that stout Lord to slay But heaven did not consent to work his spoile That was the glory of the Irish soile Perhâ—ps I doubted that I was too weake And loath I was he should the conquest win If in this cause I did my promise breake I hope men will not count it for a sin Is it not gâ—od to sleep in a whole skin When Hannibal could not prevaile by blowes He used stratagems to kill his foes If I the death of Monsieur Simiers fought When he from France Ambâ—ssadour was sent I had just cause to seeke it as I thought For towards me he bore no good intent Had he not fled betimes perhaps I ment T' have sent him in embassage for my pleasure To the black king that keeps Avernus treasuâ—e For when no man about the Court durst speak That I the Lady Lettice married This pratling Frenchman first the ice did breake And to the Quâ—ene the fact discovered Which not without just cause the anger bred Thus th'ape did play his part control'd of none When he espi'd the Beare from home was gone One Salvadore an Italian borne Having once wâ—tâ—ht with me till mid'st of night Was found slaine in his bed the next day morne Alas poore man I ruâ— his wofull plight That did in nothing but in sinne deâ—ight Had he to honest actions bent his wit He might have longer liv'd and scap'd this fit But what reward should such a man expect Whom gold to any lewdnesse could entice Ones turne once serv'd why should we not reject So vilde an instrument of damned vâ—ce What if he were dispâ—tched in a trice Was it not better this mans blood to spill Then let him live the world with sinne to â—il I doubted lest that Dâ—ughty would bewray My counsell and with othâ—rs party tâ—ke Wherefore the sooner him to rid away I sent him forth to sea with Captaine Dâ—â—kâ— Who knew how t' entertain him for my sake Before he went his lot by me was câ—st His death was plotted and perform'd in hast He hoped well but I did so dispose That he at Port St. Iulian lost his head Having no time permitted to disclose The inward griefes that in his heart were bred We need not feare the biting of the dead Now let him goe transported to the seas And tell my secrets to th' Antipodes My servant Gates did speed as ill or worse To whom I did my close intents impart And at his need with money stuft his purse And wil'd him still take courage at his heart Yet in the end he felt the deadly smart He was inveigled by some subtle witted To rob so he was taken and committed Of pardon I did put him still in hope When he of felony was guilty found And so condemn'd till his last friend the Pope Did him uphold from falling to the ground What hope of grace where vice did so abound He was beguil'd like birds that use to gape At Zâ—uxes table for a painted grape Yet I did to the man no injury And gave him time and leasure to repent And well he knew he had deserv'd to dye Therefore all future mischiefe to prevent I let him slip away with my consent For his reprivall lâ—ke a crafty Fox I sent no pardon but an empty Box. Else as unfaithfull Banester betraid The Dâ—ke of Buckinghâ—m his Master deare When he of Richards tyranny afraid Fled to his servants house for succour there So might my man for gaine or forc'd for feare Have brought my corps with shame unto my grave By too much trusting on a paltry knave Me seems at me great Norfolkes Duke doth frowne Because he thinkes I did his death contrive Perswading some he aimed at the Crowne And that by royall match he meant to strive A kingdome to his Lordship to revive Alas good Dâ—ke he was too meek and milde And I too faithlesse that his trust beguil'd For that I found his humour first was bent To take the
and banishment Caligula the scourge of fâ—mous Rome Wishâ— all the Romanes had onely one head That when he list to give their fatall doome He might with one great blow strâ—ke all them dead So should he never need thâ—ir hâ—te to dread Even sâ—ch a mischiefe I wâ—sht to my foes That many men might pâ—rish with fâ—w blowes But unto those that doe your favour seeke And by your helpe hope their low states to raise You must be courâ—eous bountifull and meeke Caesar by clemency won greatest praise And was esteem'd the mirrour of hâ—s dâ—yes For it belongs to men of great estate To spare the poore and rich mens mindes abate It 's ill to be a rub upon that ground Whereas the Prince the alley meanes to sweep Their owne conceits they fondly doe confound That into high attempts doe boldly creep And with their shallow pares â—oe wade to deep To hinder what their Soveraigne doth intend Or to controule what they cannot â—mend Calisthenes much torment did sustaine Because great Alexanders pride he checkt Grave Seneca choosing his death wâ—s slâ—ine By Nero's doome whosâ— faults he did correct Use not too shâ—rpe rebukeâ— but have respect Unto the persons when great men doe evill The vengeance leave to God or to the devill Be not too haughty pride â—rocureth hate And meane mens hate may turne to your disgrace Nor too familiar be in high estate For that will breed contempt among the base Observe a meane whiâ—h winneth man much grace Speake well to all trust none use well your foes For this may purchase love where hatred growes And if that you doe feâ—re your friâ—nd should chance To mount too highly in the Princes grace Hiâ— praise to heaven then stick not to advance Say that the charge he beareth is too base And that his worth deserves farre better place So may you by this praise rid him away And so supply his place another day Sâ—y he will prove a terror in the field This private life doth much obscure his fame More fit to beare great Ajax sevenfold shield Then like Sardanapalus court a dame He idlely lives at home it is a shâ—me His very presence may his foes appall Let him be sent Lieutenant Generall Now if he chance to perish in some fight Iâ— was not your worke but the chance of warres Or thus you may excuse your selves by fleight Bâ—â—ming â—he influence of the angry starres Thâ—â— thus by death his future fortune barres Aâ—â— sighing we are sory you may say That this brave man would cast himselfe away But if in feats of armes he have no skill If he be learned wise and eloquent By praising him thus may you have your will Procure him in ambassage to be sent Far off lest he returne incontinent As to the mighty Châ—m or Prestor Iohn And triumph in his roome when he is gone Let no man think I exerciâ—'d the ghost Of this great Peere that sleepeth in the dust Or conjur'd up his spirit to this coâ—st To presse him with despaire or praise unjust I am not partiall but gâ—ve him his due And to his soule I wish eternall health Ne doe I think all written tales are true That are inserted in his Commonwealth What others wrote before I do survive But am not like to those incenst with hate And as I plainly write so doe I strive To write the truth not wronging his estate Of whom it may be said and censur'd well He both in vice and vertue did excell Iamque opus exegi Deus dedit his quoque finem FINIS Scholar The occâ—siâ—n oâ— hâ—s 〈◊〉 and â—eâ—tâ—ng The persons and place of this conference A temperate Paâ—ist The booke of Iustâ—ce Lawâ—er Gentleman The Papists practices against the state Lawyer Two sorts of dealing against the sâ—ate Directly Indirectly The state of all Subiects is a state of different religion The second kind of treason The application of the former example Gentleman Two degrees of treason Lawyer Gentleman Lawyer France Flanders Portugal The old hatred of East Grecians towards the West Latins Scholar Not all Papists propeâ—ly traytors Lawyer The Priests and Seminaries that were executed Gentleman The considerations Misery moveth mercy A good wâ—sh Lawyer The nature and practice of the Guâ—nâ—ans Gentleman The Tâ—rant of Englâ—sh staâ—e Three 〈…〉 in Eâ—gâ—and 〈◊〉 The â—ule of â—eâ—ceâ—teâ— Gentlâ—man Lawyâ—◠〈◊〉 Lord Nâ—â—ths pâ—â—â—cy Gentleman A strange speculation Sâ—hâ—lâ—r The Queens Maiesties most excellent good nature Gentleman Fears that subiect have of my Lord of Leicester Sir Francis Walâ—ingham Deepe disâ—imulâ—tion 〈…〉 Edmund Dudley Robert Dudley Lawyer Gentleman The Law against talking Actâ—ons of Leicester whereof he would have no speecâ— Shâ—la◠〈…〉 upon 〈◊〉 marriage To Sir Thomas Layton L. Treasurer L. Chambeâ—laine M. Controler Sir Thomas Hibbot Gentleman Leicesters Father a traiterous Papist The honour and comâ—odities by the marriage with France Ethelbert King of Kent converted An. Dom. 603 Lawyer Tolleration in Religion with union in defence of our Country Gentleman Dâ—vers marriages of her Madeseaâ—ed Leicesters devices to drive away all Sutors from her Maiesty Leicester convinced himselfe of impudency Lawyer The basenesse of Leâ—cesters ancestors Anno 1. R. Mary Gentleman Doctor Dale Doctor Iulio The Archbishops oâ—erâ—hâ—ow for not allowing two wives to Leicester his Physician The Lady Sheffield now Embassadresse in France The death of Leicesters fiâ—st Lady and wife Sir Richard Varney Bald Baâ—tler The suspitious death of the Lord Sheffield The poisoning of the Earle of Essex The shâ—fâ—ing of a châ—lde in dame Lettice belly The diverâ— operation of Roylor Doctor Bayly the yonger Death of Cardinall Chatilian Schâ—lâ—r Lea. Honnieâ— Mistris Draykot poisoned with the Earl of Essâ—x The Earle of Essex speech to his Page Robin Honnieâ— Genâ—leman Death of Sir Nicholas Throgmarton Sir William Cicill now Lord Treasurer The poisoning of Sir Nicholas in a salet The Lord Chamberlin Monsieur Simiers The poisoning of thâ— Lady Lenox Leicesters most variable dealing with women in contractâ— and marriages Contracts Precontracts Postcontracts Retract Protract Leicesters two testaments Scholar Varius Heliogabalus and his most infamous death An Epitaph A pittifull permission The exâ—erpation of the Tarquinions Anno Dom. 959. Gentleman The intollerable lâ—cenciousnes of Leicesters carnality Mony well spent Anne Vauisour The punishments of God upon Leicester to do him good * The children of adulterers shall be consumed and the seed of a wicked bed shall be rooted out saith God Sap. 3. Leicesters oyntment Leicesters bottle Scholar A pretty device An act of atheism Lawyer Gentleman Lawyer Gentleman The first reason why Leicester slew his wife by violence rather then by poyson The second reason Doctor Bayly the elder A practice for poisoning the Lady Dudley Doct. Babington A third reason The intended murder of Monsieur Simiers by sundry meanes The intended murder of the Earle of Ormond William Killegre Scholar Preoccupation of her Maiesties person An ordinary way of aspiring by preoccupation of the Princes person A comparison The
way of aspiring in Duke Dudley Gentleman Leycesters power in the privy Chamber Leycester married at Waenstead when her Maiesty was at M. Stoners Houf Doctor Culpeper Physition Minister No sute can passe but by Leycester Read Polidore in the 7. yeare of King Richard 1. and you shall find this proceeding of certaine about that K. to be put as a great cause of his overthrow No preferments but by Leycester to Leycestâ—ians Leycesters anger and insolency Leycesters peremptory dealing Breaking of order in her Maiesties houshold Leycesters violatâ—ng of all order in the Country abroad Lawyer A Leycestrian Commonwealth Gentleman Leycester called the heart and life of the Couâ—t A demonstration of Leycesteâ—s tyranny in the Court. Leycester provideth never to come in the Qâ—eâ—nes danger againe Anno Regni 3â— Leyâ—esters puissance in the privy Councell L Keeper L. Chamberlain Matters wherin the Councell are inforced to wink at Leycester Leycesters intelligence with the rebellion in Ireland Acteons case now come in England Salvatour slaine in his bed Doughty hanged by Drake The story of Gates hanged at Tiborne Scholar This relation of Gates may serve hereafter for an addition in the second ediâ—â—on of this booke Gentleman The deck reserved for Leycester Leycesters puissanâ— violence with the Prince her sâ—lfe The Earle of Sussex his speech of the Earle of Leycester The Lord Burghley Leycesterâ— power in the countrey abroad Yorke Earle of Huntington Barwick The Lord Hunâ—den Wales Sir Henâ—y Sidney The Earle of Pembrooke The West Earle of Bedford The Lord Grey †Her Maiesty â—s he saith for striking of Master Fortesene calling him lame wretch that grieved him so for that he was hurt in her service at Lieth as he said he would live to be revenged * In Scotland or elswhere against the next inheritors or presenâ— possessor Sir Iohn Parott Sir Edward Horsey Sir George Carew Sir Amias Paulet Sir Thomas Layton Her Maiesties stable her armour munition and artillery The Tower London Sir Rowland Heyward c. Mad Fleetwood Gentleman Scholar My Lord of Huntingtons preparation at Ashby Killingworth Castle Ralph Lane The offer and acceptation of Killingworth Castle Lawyer The prerogative of my Lord of Leycester Leycester the Star directory to Lâ—wyers in their claents affaires Leycesters furniture in money The saying of a Knight of the Shire touching Leycesters mony Gentleman The infinit waies of gaining that Leycester hath Sures Lands Licences Falling out with her Maiesty Offices Clergy Beneficeâ— Vniveâ—sity Oppressions Rapines Princes favour Presents Lawyeâ— Leycesters home gaine by heâ— Maâ—esties faâ—our A pretty story Leycesters forraine gaine by her Maiesties favour Leycesters bribe for betraying of Callis Gentleman Leycesters father sold Bulloâ—gne Earles of Arundel and South-hampton pâ—t out of the Councell by D. Dudley Lawyer Leycesters gaine by falling out with her Maiesty Gentleman Leycesters fraudulent chaâ—ge of lands wiâ—h her Maiesty whereby he hath notably endammaged the Crowne Leycesters licenses Sâ—lkes and Velvetâ— The Tyrannicall licence of alienation Gentleman Edmund Dudley Edmund Dudleis booke written in the Tower Gentleman The supplanting of the race of Henry the 7. The inserting of Huntington Edmund Dâ—dleies brood more cunning then himselfe Northumberland and Leycester with their Prince will not be roled Lawyer Gentlâ—man Leycester Master of Art and a cunning Logitioner Scholar Leycesters abusing and spoiling of Oxford The Lord Treasâ—rer Caâ—bridge The disorders of Oxford by the wickednesse of their Chancellor Leases Leycesters instrumenâ—s * At Diâ—â—ies house in Warwick shiâ—e dame Lettice 〈◊〉 and some othâ—â— such pieces of pleasure Lawyeâ— The perill of standing with Leycester in any thing * Poore men resisting Warwicks inclosure at North hall weâ—e hanged for hâ— pleasure by Leycesters auâ—hority Gentleâ—â—n Great Tyranny Lawyer The Lordship of Denbigh and â—eicesters oppression used therein The Manor of Killingworth and Leycesters oppression there The cause of Snowden forest most pitifull An old tyrannicall Commission A rediculouâ— demonstration of excessive avaries A singular oppression Leycester extreamly hated in Wales Gentleman The end of tyrants Nero Vitellius A most terrible revenge taken upon a tyrant Leycesters oppression of particular men Master Robinson Master Harcourt M. Richrâ—d Lee. Ludowick Grâ—vel George Witney â—ord Barkley Archbâ—shop of Caâ—terbury Sir Iohn Throgmatton Lane Gifford Sir Drew Drewry The presentstate of my Lord of Leycester Leicesters wealth Leycest strength Leycest cunning Leycesters disposition Lawyer Causes of iust feare for her Maiesty A point of necessary policy for a Prince Scholar A philosophicall argument to prove Leycesters intent of soveraignty The preparationâ— of Leycestâ—r declare his intended end How the Duke of Northumberland dissembled his end Gentleman The boldnesse of the titlers of Clarence Lawyer Gentleman The abuse of â—he Statute for silence in the true succession Lawyer Two excuses alleadged by Leycesters friends Gentlemen Whether Leycester meane the Crown siâ—ceâ—ely for Huntâ—ngton or for himselfe The words of thâ— Lord North to Master Pooly Pooly told this to Sir Robert Iermine The words of Sir Thomas Layton brother in law to my Lord. The words of Mistris Anne West sister unto this holy Countesse Three arguments of Leycesters meaning for himselfe before Huntington The first arguâ—ent the Nature of ambâ—tion The second argument Leycesters particular disposition Leycesters disposition to tamper for a Kingdome I meane the noble old Earle of Pembrooke The undutifull devise of Naturall issue in the Statutâ— of succession The marriage of Arbella The third argument The nature of the cause it selfe The nâ—ture of old reconciled enmity The reason of Machavell The meaning of the Duke of Northumberland with Suffolke South-house Lawyer The meaning of the D. of Northumberland towards the D. of Suffolke Scholar Gentleman The practise of King Richard for dispatching hâ—s Wife A new Triumvirâ—â—â—â—tween â—â—tween Leycester Talbot and â—hâ— Coâ—ntesse of Shrâ—veâ—bury Lawyer Huntington Gentleman The sleights of Leycester for bringing all to himselfe Scambling between Leâ—cester Huntington at the upshot Richard of Glocester Aâ—t 1. Edw. 5. 2. That the conspiratorâ— meane in her Majesties dayes â—oure considerations A thing worthy to be noted in ambitious men Hâ—stor 5. The Peâ—cies The two Neviles Leycesteâ—s hatred to her Majesty The evill nature of ingratitude Lâ—ycesters speeches of her Majesty in the time of his disgrace The causes of hatred in Leycester towards her Majesty The force of female suggestions An evident conclusion that the execution is meant in time of her Majesty An errour of the Father now to bee corrected by the Sonne Lawyer Gentleman Her Majestâ—es life and death to serve the conspiratours turne A Proclamation with halters Lawyer Papisticall blessing The statute of concealing the heire apparant Richard going towards Hierusalem began the custome by Parliament as Polidore noteth Anno 10. of Richard the second to declare the next heire The danger of our Countrey by concealing the next heire Great inconveniences Sir Christopher Hattons Oration Intollerable Treasons The miseries to follow upon her Majesties death The danger to her
Majesty bâ—â—his statute Gentleman The hastning of the Conspiratours Schollar The Watch-word or the Conspiratours Lawyer Schollar Are you â—atled A great mistery Lawyer Assemblies at Communions Strangers within the Land The perill of our Countrey if Huntingtons claime take place Gentleman The Red Rose â—he White The misery of England by the contention betweene Yorke and Lanâ—aster Guelphians and Gibilâ—neâ— Edward Plantaginet Earle of Warwick The Battell by Taâ—â—â—ster on Pâ—lme Sunday An. 1460. The danger of Huntingtons claime to the Reâ—lme and to her Majesty Lawyer How Huntington maketh hiâ— titâ—e before hâ—r Majesty * The most of Huâ—tingtons Ancestâ—â—s by whoâ— hee makeâ—h â—iâ—le aâ—tainâ—ed of Treason The fâ—mous device â—f king Richard the third â—â—lowed by Huâ—tington Anno 1. Mariae A point to be noâ—ed by her Majesty The joyning of both houses The Line of Portugâ—ll The old estimation of the House of Lancaster Henry Earle of Richmond The Line of Portugall Scholar The sword of greaâ— fâ—rce â—o juâ—tifie the title of a kingdome Great dangers The beginning of the controveâ—sie betwixt York and Lancaster Edmond Crook-back beginner of the House of Lancaster Blanch. Iohn of Gaunt How the Kingdome was first brought to the House of Lancaster The issue of Iohn of Gaunt The pedegree of king Henry the seventh The two Daughters married to Portugall and Castile Forraine titles The issue of king Edwarâ— thâ— 3. Two Edmonds the two beginnerâ— of the two Houses of Lancasteâ— and Yorke The claime and title of Yorke The issue of king Edâ—ard the fourth The Duke of Clarence attainted by Parliament Huntingtonâ— title by the Duke of Clarence King Richard the third The happy conjunction of the two Houses The issue of King Henry the seventh The Line and Title of Scotland by Margaret eldest Daughter to King Henryâ—he â—he 7. Arbâ—â—â—â— The Line and Title of Suffolke by Mary second daughter to King â—enry the 7. The issue of Francis eldest Daughter to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke The issue of Francis eldest daughter to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk The issue of Elenor second daughter to Charles Brandon Scholar Huntington bebehind many other titles Gentleman The policy of the conspiratours for the deceiving of her Maiesty Scholar Leycesters variability Gentleman Barres pretended against the claâ—m of Scotland and Suffolke Against the Queen of Scotland and her sonne Against Arbella Against Darby Against the children of Hartford Scholar Leycesters dealing with the house of Suffolk Gentleman Bastardy Forraine biâ—th Lawyeâ— Bastardie laâ—â—â—l stops The impediments against Scotland three in number A protestation Touching the first impediment of foâ—raine birth An Alien may purchase The true Maxima against Alienâ— The statute of King Edward whence the Maxima is gathered Reasons why the Scottish title is not letted by the Maxima against Aliens The first reason The rule of thirds Tenant by courtesie Division among daughters Executorâ— The 2 reason The Crowne no such inherâ—tance as is meant in the statute The Crowne a corporation The â— reason The Kings issue excepted by name Liberorum F. de verb. sign The fourth reason The Kings meaning The matches of England with foraigners The fift reason Examples of forainers admited Flores hist. Anno 1066. Pol. lib. 15. Flor. hist. 1208. K. Iohn a tyrant The 6. reason The iudgement and sentence of K. Henry the seventh The 7. reason The Queene of Scots and her son no Aliens The second impediment against the Q of Scots her son which is K. Henry the â— his testament Forain birth no impediment in the â—udgement of K. Henry the â— The succession of Scotland next by the iudgement of the competitors Gentleman Lawyer The Duke of Northumberlandâ— drift Gentleman The mutable dealing of the house of Dudley Lawyer The authority and occasion of King Henries testament The Kingâ— Testament forged The first reason Injustice and improprobabilitâ— The example of France The second reason Incongruities and indignities Adrian Stokes The third reason The presupposed Will is not authenticall The disproving of the Wil by witnesses The Loâ—d Paget Sir Edw. Montague William Claâ—ke A meeting together about this matter of the Nobility Mâ— Lord of Lâ—â—â—est againe plâ—yâ—â— double The old Earle of Penbrooks admonition to the Earl his son yet living The thiâ—d impediment of religion Princes of Germany Qu. Mary Queen Elizabeth * The Dudleis Monsieur King of Navarre Prince of Condy. My Lord of Huntingtons reâ—igion The title of those that ensue the Queene of Scots Schollar The yong King of Scotland Gentl. The device to set out her Majesty with the young King of Scotland The intolerable prâ—ceedings of câ—rtâ—iâ—â—inistâ—rs in Sâ—otlâ—nd aâ—ainst tâ—eir â—iâ—g â— subornation of his enemies in Englaâ—â— Schollar Sir Patriâ—k Adâ—m on Archbish. of St. Andrewes Gentl. Treasons plotted against the King of Scots Leycesters cunning device for overthrowing the D. of Norf. The impudency of Iudas Tâ—e speeches of Leycester â—o the Duke of Norf. Leycest cousenâ—ge of tâ—e Queene The Duke of Norf. flying into Norfolke Machivilian slights Leycesters devices for the overthrow of Sir Christopher Hatton Leycesters devices against the Earle of Shrewsbury Leycesteâ—s contâ—mpt of the ancient Nobility of England Lawyer New men most contemptuous D. Dudlies jest at the Earle of Arundell Gentl. The oft abiect behaâ—iour of Duke Dudley in adverse fortunes Schollar Leycesters base behaviour in adversitie Leycâ—steâ—s deceiving of Sir Chrâ—stopher Hatton A pretie shift of my Lord of Leycester Her Maiesties speech of Leycestâ—r to the Tâ—eâ—suâ—eâ— Gentl. The danger of her Majesty by oppression of the favourers of the Scottish title A Similie true Earle of Leycester Earle of Huntington The old Countesse of Huntingtons speech of hâ—r sonne Lawyer Neaâ—enesse in competitors doth incite thâ—m to adventure Henr. Bullingbâ—ook after King H. the 4 Richard Duke of Gloucester after King Richard the third The great wiâ—edome of her Majesty in conserving the next heires of Scotland The K. of Scotlands dâ—struction of more importance to the conspirators then his mothers The Earle of Salisbury disâ—racâ—d by the competitors Gentl. Tâ—e vigilant eye that her Maiesties 〈◊〉 hâ—d to the â—olatâ—rall liâ—e Persons executed of the hâ—use of Claâ—eÌ„ce The example of Iulius Caesaâ—s destruction Too much confidence verie perillous in a Prince The example of Alexander the gâ—eat bow hee was foretold his danger Schollar Lâ—te executions Gentl. Fraud to be feared in pursuing one part or faction only The comparison of Wolves and Rebels Richard Duke of Yorke D. Dudly A good rule of policy The speech of a certain Lady of the Court. More moderation wished in matters of faction The speech of a Courtier The perill of divisions factions in a Commonwealth The dangerous sequel of dissention in our Realme Gentl. Examples of tolleration in matters of religion Germany The breach reunion again in France Flanders Moderation impugned by the conspira Cicero Cateline The Conspirators opportunitie Leycester to be called to account The death K Philip of Macedonie and cause there of Pausâ—â—ias Kings of England oveâ—tâ—râ—wn by too much favouring of some particular men K. Edw. 2 K Râ—ch 2. K. Henr. 6. Pol. lib. 23 hist. Angl. Lawyer The punishment of William Duke of Suffolk The punishment of Edmond Dudley Gentl. The causes why Princes are chosen and do receive obedience Leycesters Thefts Leycesters murthers A heap of Leycesters enormities that would be ready at the day of his triall Schollar Her Maiesties tender heart towards the â—ealme Gentl. Lâ—ycestâ—rs dâ—sire that men should thnike â—er Maiesty to stand in fâ—are of him Cicero in Officio A rule of Machivell observed by the Dudlies Leycester strong onely by her Maiesties favour An offer made for taking and tying the Beare Leicester what hee receiveth from his ancestors The comparison of Leycester with his father The weaknesse 〈◊〉 Leycesâ—â—r if â—er Majâ—sty turne but her counteâ—â—ce from him Lawyer The end and departure from the Gallerie The wicked mans pomp His joy His pride His fall His children His old age His bread His restitution His punishment His wickednesse His griefe His affliction His damnation His posterity