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A34573 Stafford's memoires, or, A brief and impartial account of the birth and quality, imprisonment, tryal, principles, declaration, comportment, devotion, last speech, and final end, of William, late lord viscount Stafford, beheaded upon Tower-hill on Wednesday the 29. of December 1681 hereunto is also annexed a short appendix concerning some passages in Stephen Colleges trial. Corker, James Maurus, 1636-1715. 1681 (1681) Wing C6306; ESTC R20377 92,206 80

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Stafford's Memoires OR A Brief and Impartial Account OF THE BIRTH and QUALITY IMPRISONMENT TRYAL PRINCIPLES DECLARATION COMPORTMENT DEVOTION Last SPEECH and Final END OF WILLIAM late Lord Viscount STAFFORD Beheaded upon Tower-hill on Wednesday the 29. of December 1681. Published for Rectifying all Mistakes upon this Subject Wisd 4. Vitam illorum estimabamus insaniam Finem illorum sine Honore c. Hereunto is also annexed a short APPENDIX concerning some Passages in STEPHEN COLLEDGES TRIAL Printed in the Year MDCLXXXI The INTRODUCTION IT is a wonder to see how Passion and Interest predominate over Reason in Mankind Nothing is done nothing said without some tincture of either or both Even common Occurrences are usually related as Men would have them to be rather then as they are Plain-dealing is almost fled And all things now a days whether Private or Publick Sacred or Prophane are according to different Inclinations without regard to Truth promiscuously made the Subject of a Satyr or Panegirick An obvious example of this we have in the several accounts given of the Tryal Declaration Demeanor and Death of the late Lord Stafford concerning whose Tragedy though acted for the most part in the face of the whole Nation yet there have flown about in a manner as many and those contradictory Stories as there are Relaters and such as know least commonly talk most to compleat the Error It is true the Printed Tryal set forth by Authority is no wise liable to these gross mistakes But it hath swelled in the Press by forms c. To so vast a volume that few can spare either money to buy it or time to read it Besides it is in a manner silent of matters chiefly designed for the Subject of this Treatise viz. My Lords Comportment Declaration Devotion Last Speech and other Occurrences which happened inclusively from the time of his Tryal to his final end Having therefore attained to a most exact and certain knowledge of these particulars I shall for the satisfaction of the curious and manifestation of Truth give together with an abstract of the whole Tryal and some occurrences concerning it a plain and sincere relation of what I know and can by unquestionable Evidence justify to be true And herein I shall also totally abstain from any the les● moralizing upon transactions whereby to forestal the Readers Judgment But contenting my self with a plain and candid Relation of things as I find them leave every one to the freedom of his own censure and verdict upon them SECT I. My Lords Birth Education Quality c. William Howard Viscount Stafford was second Son to Thomas Earl of Arundel and Uncle to the now Duke of Norfolk In his youth he was educated with all care and industry imaginable to improve in him the endowments of Nature and Grace And to speak truth he was ever held to be of a generous Disposition very Charitable Devout addicted to Sobriety inoffensive in his words and a lover of Justice When he arrived to years of maturity he married Mary descended from the ancient Dukes of Buckingham Grandchild to Edward and Sister and sole Heiress to Henry Lord Stafford To whose Title he succeeded being created by the late King Charles of Glorious memory Baron Anno 1640. And soon after Viscount Stafford During the time of the last bloody Rebellion he suffer'd much for his Loyalty to the King Always behaving himself with that courage and constancy as became a Nobleman a good Christian and a faithful Subject After his present Majesties joyful restauration he lived in Peace Plenty and Happiness Being blessed with a most Virtuous Lady to his Wife And many pious and dutiful Children In which state he remained till the 66. year of his age when happened this Revolution of his fortune as followeth SECT II. My Lords Imprisonment Charge and Arraignment c. ABout Michaelmas Anno 1678. Mr. Titus Oates formerly a Minister of the Church of England accused upon Oath before the King and Council and not long after also before the two Houses of Parliament several Roman Catholicks some Persons of Quality and amongst the rest the Lord Viscount Stafford of High Treason for intending and designing the Death of the King the introducing of Popery and subversion of the Government My Lord though he immediately heard of this Impeachment yet relying as he said on his own Innocence never left his Family nor withdrew himself from his ordinary known Acquaintance and Affairs till the 25th of October 78. when by Virtue of a Warrant from the Lord Chief Justice he was sent Prisoner to the Kings Bench and from thence soon after to the Tower where he remained above two years before he could be admitted to Tryal During this interval the whole Nation was surprized and allarm'd with the noise of an horrid Plot contriv'd by the Pope Priests and Jesuits wherein the King was to be murthered Armies raised Protestants Massacred and the three Kingdoms destroyed by Fire and Sword the People were affrighted searches made Guards doubled and all in an uproar The King hereupon consulted the Parliament and both Houses declared it a Plot. Yet to strengthen the Evidence as yet but weak and make farther discoveries Indempnities are promised Rewards proposed and encouragements given by Proclamation to any who would make out upon Oath the particulars of what in substance was already declar'd By this and the like sedulity of the King and three succeeding Parliaments several new Witnesses came in First Captain Bedlow Next Dugdale Prance and two others Bolron and Mowbray out of the North Then Mr. Jennison Smith Seigneur Francisco Dangerfield Zeile Lewis c. Lastly one Mr. Turbervile who together with Oates and Dugdale gave Evidence against this Lord Stafford of whom we now treat After two years Imprisonment when many Roman Catholicks both Priests and others had been Executed and most of the rest Imprisoned or fled At length my Lord was brought to his Tryal on the 30 th day of Novem. 1680. at the Peers Bar in Westminster-Hall the House of Commons being present and the Lord Chancellor High-Steward of England The Impeachment was drawn in the name of the Commons of England wherein my Lord was charged together with other Papists for having imagin'd and contriv'd to murder the King to introduce Popery and subvert the good Government of Church and State established by Law To this Impeachment my Lord being thereupon arraigned pleaded Not Guilty Allegations in proof of the Plot in general ¶ 1. THen the Cause was opened and the Commons Learned Counsel who were appointed Managers of the Tryal set forth the Charge in most Copious and Eloquent Language And beginning first with the Plot in general they shew'd to the life the Wickedness the Malice the Horror of so Dreadful Bloudy and Hellish a Design They strongly insisted on the express Positive Oaths of the Witnesses upon whose Testimony the credit of this Plot chiefly depended They amply dilated upon the Letters of Coleman
the Seas he was told by George Hobson then Servant to the Lord Aston That there was a Design intended for the Reformation of the Government to the Popish Religion Now it was owned and acknowledged in Court point blank contrary to this Information That the said Hobson was not Servant to the Lord Aston nor known by Dugdale three years after the departure of the said Almoner out of England UPon this proof of Dugdale's Perjury the Mannagers made this observation viz That Dugdale's words cited in the Information are capable of two senses either they may import Hobson told him there was a Design ever since the Almoner went away Or they may import Hobson told him presently after the Almoner went away there was a Design The first sense may refer to the matter told The second to the time when told The words taken in the first sense argue no contradiction in Dugdale's Testimony To which the Papists answer The words of the Information taken in their plain obvious and connatural sense clearly import Hobson related to Dugdale there was a Design which relation Hobson made to Dugdale presently after the time one Howard went beyond the Seas Nor can any other construction be put upon the words without manifestly wresting them from their Genuine signinification as every impartial Reader may see So that the proof here given of Dugdales Perjury is unanswerable THe third main Exception made by my Lord against Dugdale's Deposition was That he being conscious of his ill grounded Evidence had endeavoured to Suborn divers Persons to make false Oaths That so he might strenghten his own by others Perjury To make good this Exception Samuel Holt a Protestant attested That Dugdale desiring to speak privately with him told him If he would Swear that Walter Moore carryed Mr. Evers away he would give him Forty Pounds bidding him not be affraid to Swear for fear of my Lord Aston for he would hire him an Horse to get to London and place him so that where he now got one Shilling he should then get Five William Robinson attested That meeting with Dugdale about a twelve month ago he the said Dugdale perceiving Robinson to be then Dejected and Poor endeavoured to corrupt him by giving him a Treat and assuring him He should not want Money if he would please to be ruled by him Then he took an Handkerchief out of his Pocket wherein there seem'd to be about ten pounds and bid him If he wanted take Money there And lastly told him He could furnish him with Money and put him in a way to get Money if he would come in as Evidence against my Lord Stafford Which Robinson refused to do not knowing my Lord or any thing of him John Morral a Barber gave attestation in these words Mr. Dugdale the 6th of August last was twelve month sent for me to the White Horse in Ridgley and there when I came to him he told me I knew as much of the Plot as he I told him I was Innocent of the thing He Swore God dam him I knew as much as he Then I told him If he knew no more of it then I did he knew no more then my Lord Mayors great Horse did Then he took me aside Come said he you are a poor Man and Live poorly I can put you in a way whereby you may Live Gallantly I will give you Fifty Pounds in hand if so be you will Swear against Mr. Howard Sir James Simmons Mr. Herbert Aston and other Gentlemen of the Countrey that they were at such Meetings at Mr. Herbert Astons upon the Conspiracy of the Plot. To take off the Credit of the two first Witnesses in this matter viz. Holt and Robinson nothing material being objected against Morral or his Evidence the Mannager s produced Witnesses to prove they were Persons of evil reputation Against Holt one Sampson Rawlins a Taylor Deposed that Holt was a Drunken lewd Fellow That he heard him say There were none but Rogues would take Dugdale's part That he stole some Bottles of Wine out of my Lord Astons Celler That he called him the said Rawlins Rogue because he came up in His Majesties Service and would have Murdered him because he took Dugdales part Against Robinson the Earl of Macklesfield and Mr. Booth a Parliament Man both Deposed That Robinson was a Person of evil and prophane Conversation making a practice of Cheating at Dice Cock-fighting c. That he owned himself upon Examination to be a Rogue And had no other imployment or Livelihood To these unquestionable Evidences against Robinson my Lord reply'd He knew nothing of Robinson before and added It was very observable That Dugdale knowing it seems his Friend and Comrade Robinson to be a Cheat and then in want thought him a tool fittest for his purpose the most easily prevailed upon and most proper to make a Knight of the Post So that the two last worthy Witnesses did by their Evidence rather confirm then lessen the belief of Dugdale's Tampering with Robinson herein UPon these several Evidences the Mannagers made these Observations First It was not likely that Dugdale a stranger to Robinson should attempt to Suborn him to Swear against a Person he knew not and in a matter whereof he was wholly Ignorant Secondly It doth not appear that Dugdale had any ill will to Moore that should induce him to Suborn Holt to Swear against him Thirdly Both Robinson and Holt were Infamous Men the one being a Common Cheat the other a Drunken Quarrelsom Fellow and seeming to favour the Plotters Fourthly Morral was but a Poor Barber of no Reputation and one who might easily be brought to say what he did To which the Papists answer To the first Robinson was no Stranger to Dugdale He was as the Earl of Macklesfeild and Mr. Booth attested every where about Staffordshire remarkably known for Cheating at Dice Cock-sightings Races c. exercises also frequent with Dugdale himself Nor is it material that Robinson knew not my Lord Stafford nor any thing of him It was not Dugdale's business to find out a Man who to discharge a good Conscience would Swear what he knew But who to get Money would Swear what he knew not For which purpose Dugdale had good reason to think Robinson a very proper Instrument To the second It is plain matter of Fact that Dugdale having accused and Imprisoned Moore for carrying away E●ers but not able to prove it he would have hired Holt to make out his false accusation To the third If Robinson and Holt were Cheats and Rogues my Lord well inferred they were the more likely to be chosen by Dugdale for such Imployments as he had for them Though for Holt the greatest offence laid to his Charge seems to be that he Quarrelled with Dugdale's Witnesses as thinking no honest Man would take his part To the fourth Though Morral was Poor yet it doth not appear but that he was so honest as not to be
found about a Travelling Papist though never so Innocent would afford matter of Search and Suspition of his being a Plotter To the second Why should we amuse our selves or others with extorted Inferences drawn from Ambiguous Expressions here none surely knows Dugdale's mind better then Dugdale himself we have his words Attested by this very Witness to declare his meaning let him tell us in plain English his own Sentiment in this Affair I wish saith he this may be my Damnation and that I may sink in the place where I stand if I know any thing of the Plot. Now let the World judge of Dugdale and his meaning Titus Oates's Deposition against my Lord. THe next Witness that gave Evidence to the Impeachment against my Lord was Titus Oates who Swore That in the year 77. whilst he remained in Spain and at St. Omers he saw several Letters Signed Stafford wherein my Lord assured the Jesuits of his Fidelity and Zeal in promoting the Catholick Design That in the year 78. The said Oates being then in London my Lord came to the Chamber of one ●enwick a Jesuit now Executed and there received a Commission from him in Oats's presence to be Pay Master-General to the Army That upon a Discourse with the said Fenwick my Lord said he was of necessity to go down into the Country to take account how Affairs stood there And did not doubt but at his return Groves should do the busines And further added speaking of the King He hath deceived us a great while and we can bear no longer My Lords Exceptions AGainst these Depositions my Lord made these several Exceptions The first was grounded thus It was not to be imagin'd that so many and great Conspirators so well provided with Moneys and Preferments as Oates pretends all engaged in a Design so dangerous so important to them to be kept Secret would or durst permit Doctor Oates their Cabinet Councellour and Main Engine to be reduced to such an Extremity of Want and Penury that he had not Bread to put in his mouth Yet my Lord was ready to prove in open Court that at the very nick of time when this Oates would have men believe he was most Entrusted and Employed in carrying on the Conspiracy just then he was in so Poor and Despicable a condition so forsaken and contemned by all for his Debauched Life that he Begged at Doors for Six-pence To this Doctor Oates himself answered he would save my Lord the trouble of proving any such thing saying a mans Poverty was no objection against his Honesty and as he had not Six-pence in his Pocket when he began the Discovery so hath he often wanted Two-pence since the same Discovery having Expended several hundreds of Pounds in His Majesties Service more then he had received To prove this he made a Calculation of Sums given him by Great Persons Sums allowed for taking of Jesuits and Sums gained by Printing of Narratives of all which he said he had nothing left UPon this Argument of my Lord 's drawn from Oates Beggery c. The Managers made no Observations Why they did not is a Question some say because the Doctor himself undertook to answer it Others affirm because they knew the more they stirred in it the worse it would be and so thought best to bury it in Silence and Oblivion To the answer therefore given by Doctor Oates the Papists reply Poverty is an Objection against Honesty in a person addicted as Oates was to Idleness Vice and Debanchery And though a man may be Poor and Honest too yet the same man at the same time and in the same Circumstances Oates pretends to have been in could never be Poor and a Plotter too Could he be Privy to all the Grand Commissions Could he be imployed in all the deep and Damnable Consults Could he have at his mercy the Lives and Fortunes of all the Chief Conspirators Men Stocked with Banks of Money sufficient if we will believe him to raise Armies and provide for two hundred thousand Soldiers Could this man nevertheless Starve in a manner for Bread Could he Beg for an Alms at the Papists Doors Could he be rejected and contemned as an Idle Vagabond by the very persons who thus had put their Lives into his Hand This is such a Paradox as none in their Senses will ever believe But the most pleasant passage if there could be any pleasure in Bloody Perjury is his Miraculous way of spending great Sums out of nothing in His Majesties Service He confesseth he had not Six-pence at the breaking forth of the Plot yet he Swears he is several hundreds of Pounds worse since the Discovery of it How came he then by all this Money Why he got it by way of Presents from some great Persons by taking of Jesuits and Printing of Narratives But did not all these Gains accure unto him on the account of the Plot On what other score were these Presents made by Great Persons Had he any other Trade or Livelyhood then that of the Kings Evidence Is it not too manifest those Guifts were bestowed on him as a Reward of Past and Encouragement of Future Swearing Would to God such great Persons would duly consider the Dismal Consequences which necessarily follow such Rewards THe second Exception made by my Lord against Oates's Evidence was That the said Oates had Perjured himself in two Depositions directly contradictory to each other For proof of this my Lord appealed to divers of the Lords themselves who were present at both the said Depositons amongst whom the Earl of Berckley being required to speak what he knew Attested That my Lord Chancellour did ask Doctor Oates at the Bar of the House this Question viz. My Lords desire to know if you can accuse any other person or persons of what quality soever And you are encouraged by their Lordships to Accuse them Oates his answer was my Lords I have no more to Accuse in Relation to England Notwithstanding which Deposition he afterwards in another with unspeakable Insolence expresly Accused the Queen in a matter as he thought of no less then High Treason From hence my Lord concluded if the first Deposition was true Oates was Perjured in the Latter If the Latter was true he was Perjur'd in the First so that which of the two soever is True or False he is guilty of Perjury UPon this Proof the Managers made these Observations First Doctor Oates having said much and having many things in his Head could peradventure not remember on a sudden this particular of the Queen Secondly The Evidence which Doctor Oates gave afterwards of the Queen was not positive nor of his own knowledge but words which he heard spoken in a Room in which he was not himself but coming in afterwards he saw the Queen there Thirdly It might not be so clear to Doctor Oates whether the Queen was a Person capable of an Accusation so as to be tryed
come more close to the present Evidence Had the Priests Introduced Turbervil into my Lords acquaintance and favour this could not be done Invisibly to the Servants some body must needs see and know when they came in and out My Lord was then in Lodgings and had none but two Servants about him Turbervil never pretends either the Priests or he made a secret of their visits Their accesses to my Lord he saith were very frequent as the nature of the business and pretended intimacy with my Lord seem'd to require The Condition of Turbervil was also such as might well render him desirous of the Servants acquaintance and Friendship especially being then as he said immeditrly to go over in the Yacht with them and to continue employed in my Lords Designs and Service at London Now that a Man in these Circumstaces should not know these Servants nor be known or so much as once seen by them is Morally Impossible THirdly Turbervil Swears That when he took leave of my Lord at Paris to come for England his Lordship was troubled with the Gout in his Foot Now my Lord protested in the presence of all that knew him he never had the Gout in all his Life His Servants also who then lived with him viz. Mr. Furness and Mr. Leigh gave attestation they never knew him subject to that Infirmity only several years since he had been troubled with the Sciatica which my Lord confessed and the Earl of Stamsord testisied made him sometimes formerly though never at Paris walk with a Staff UPon these Testimonies the Mannagers made no Observations But the Papists Avouch here is also direct Perjury proved upon Turbervil by two Credible Witnesses And though the subject of the Perjury seems not to be matterial to the main Accusation yet he that shall wilfully Perjure himself in any one Circumstance ought not to be credited in the whole Seeing Nature it self abhors the Testimony of a Man who hath once Invoked Almighty God to bear Witness to a Lye FOurthly Turbervil Swears That after his refusing to be a Fryer he was discountenanced by the Lord Powis and others of his Friends and Relations so that he durst not appear amongst them Now my Lord proved by several Witnesses That after his return from the said Fryers he was civilly treated and charitably entertained by his said Friends and Relations To make this good John Minehead attested That Turbervil after his coming from Doway lay in the House of the Earl of Powis his former Master and was courteously entertained both by my Lord and the whole Family John Turbervil Brother to the Deponent attested He never knew that any of his Relations gave him an Angry word but on the contrary when he went to Paris his Sister bestowed on him Seven Pounds to bear his Charges Upon which he said He would never trouble them more UPon these Testimonies the Mannagers made these Observations First Though Turbervil might peradventure as Minehead attests be civily Treated by my Lord Powis in publick yet what Reproaches or unkind words might pass between my Lord and him in private Minehead might not hear Secondly It was no great Kindness in Turbervil 's Relations to give him Seven Pounds as his Brother attests never to see him more They rather purchased his absence then did him a Kindness by such a Favour To which the Papists answer To the first Groundless Surmises of private unkindnesses which none ever yet came to the knowledge of nor Turbervil himself so much as pretends Is a strange way of clearing a Man in open Court from the guilt of Perjury To frame and fancy things that possibly might be and draw prejudicial Inferences from thence as if they actually had been is unjust proceeding To the second Turbervil as his Brother attests never had one angry word from his Relations and when his Sister gave him Seven pounds it was not to purchase his absence nor did they turn him away But he himself ashamed it seems of his past misdemeanours and confounded at the goodness of his Friends Said He would never trouble them more FIfthly Turbervil in his Information given to the House of Commons Swore That be came to Live with the Lord Powis in the year 73. and came into England in the year 76. But the next day after he had given in this Information he altered the aforenamed Dates and instead of 73. caused to be inserted 72. And instead of 76. caused to be Inserted 75. which Alteration my Lord affirmed included Perjury UPon this proof the Managers made this Observation An Honest man may mistake as to point of time in an Evidence given even upon Oath And to Rectify such a mistake the very next day after it was committed denotes rather Tenderness of Conscience then Perjury in Turbervil To which the Papists answer No Honest man will positively Swear to what he knows not And it is argued Turbervil when he gave in his Information certainly knew whether the matters and circumstances he then Swore to were True or False or Dubious It the first he is Perjured in the Alteration If the second he is ●●jured in the Information If the third he is not a person of Honesty and Credit who will positively Swear without Hesitation to a thing of which he is ignorant whether True or False And therefore the Alteration made upon second Though s● cannot in such a Case be justly imputed to Tenderness of Conscience but to some not before conceived Apprehensions of being taken Tardy in a Lye SIxthly Turbervil in the Information given to the said House of Commons and Exhibited in Court Peremptorily Swore That my Lord came over out of France in the Company of Count Gramount by the way of Calais In direct opposition to this Information my Lord proved that he neither came out of France in the Company of Count Gramount not by the way of Calais but by the way of Deep a Month after Count Gramount was in England The Witnesses who gave Attestation of this were Mr. Wyborne who went over from England to Deep in the same Yacht which fetched my Lord and Mr. ●urness and George Leigh my Lords Servants who came with my Lord in the said Yacht from Deep to England UPon these Proofs of Perjury the Managers made this Observation When Mr. Turbervil Deposed My Lord came over by the way of Calais in the Company of Count Gramount it could not be his Intention to say this as a matter of his own knowledge seeing he himself in the same Affidavit tells us He came away before my Lord and had not his passage with him Put the words Candidly taken are to be understood That he was informed my Lord came over by the way of Calais in the Company of Count Gramoun Now that Mr. Turbervil was thus informed is evident as well by the Letter which he saith he received at Deep from my Lord as also by the asorementioned Attestation of
Mort who sayeth That being at Deep Turbervil told him if they went to Calais they might go over with my Lord in the Yacht so that in the whole Mr. Turbervil may be said to have been peradventure something unwary in expressing himself but not Perjured in his Evidence To which the Papists answer To excuse a man from Pejury by pretending an occuls meaning and intention in the Swearer not expressed in the words of his Oath is such an Evasion as if admitted would destroy the Integrity of an Oath and elude all proof of Perjury whatsoever Turbervil Swears in down right terms my Lord came over by the way of Calais in the Company of Count Gramount without any addition That he was Informed so In which Oath he is directly Perjured for he Swears as an absolute Truth and without Restriction what of it self is an absolute Lye and what at best he could but Guess at by report and hera-say It is true indeed he contradicts himself in the sequel of his Information by saying He came away before my Lord and had not his Passage with him but it is connatural to Perjury to include contradictions Wicked Men are often blinded with Malice Passion or Interest And no wonder to find Incoherence of parts in a Story divested of Truth The only thing can be collected of Probability in this whole matter is That Turbervil being at Paris in an Indigent condition and desirous to return home got imperfect Intelligence that an English Lord whose name as yet he knew not and a French Count called Gramount had a Yacht waited for them at Diep And having also a Brother then in Paris he sought by his means to gain admittance for a Passage in the said Yacht This design of his he imparts to Mort a Person in the same condition and who had the same purpose with himself Hereupon Mort and he go to Diep in hopes to find the Yacht there but they fail'd of their expectation and Turbervil missing the Yacht would have perswaded Mort to go in the search of it to Calais Whilst they were in this debate they lighted on a Fisher-Boat and so came over in it into England Thus much may be conjectured from the Relation of Mort. But that Turbervil during his stay at Diep reccived a Letter from my Lord intimating his intention of coming for England by the way of Calais and that he should hasten to meet him at London is a most palpable Forgery For neither could Turbervil when required produce any such Letter nor did my Lord come over by the way of Calais as Turbervil would have us believe that Letter Imported And indeed who can imagine my Lord should send word to his new Confederate at Diep to hasten to meet him at London when he himself remained at Paris as hath been proved above a month after and at length also came not to Calais but to Diep and from thence home so that here is nothing but contradictions in the whole course of Turbervil's Evidence SEventhly Turbervil in the last mentioned Information positively Swore That the Lord Castlemain was present at certain Fraiterous Consults at Powis-Castle several times within the years 72 or 73 Now my Lord proved that the said Earl of Casilemain was never at Powis-Castle within the compass of that whole time This was demonstrated by the Attestation of Mr. Lidcot a Protestant and Fellow of Kings-Colledge in Cambridge who having Lived with the Earl Nine years and particularly Accompanied him in all his Journeys and Residences during those two above named years gave this distinct account out of his Book of Journals viz. My Lord set forth from Liege to Paris January 1st 72. Stilo novo where he remained three Weeks and from thence arrived at London January 24. Stil ' vet there he staid till May 73 from thence he went to Liege again in June and from Liege he set forth to London in August and returned back to Liege October the 3. Stilo novo 73. where he remained till January 74. c. Thus much to the charge of Perjury UPon this proof of Perjury the Mannagers made this Observation Mr. Lydcot the Fellow of Kings-Colledge as he call'd himself was indeed so out in his Arithmatick so mistaken in the year And used the Roman stile or date so much more then the English That they suspected he was not so great a Protcstant as he pretended to be To which the Papists answer That a solid Witness ought not be Railed out of his Evidence in a matter of Life and Death Mr. Lydcot however skilled in Arithmatick however great or little Protestant substantially proved the Earl of Castlemain never was at or near Powis-Castle from the first of January 72 till past December 73. the inclusive time wherein Turbervil Swears He was at a Consult there And it is strange so weighty and convincing a proof of Perjury in a matter of so high and serious a concern should be shifted off by a trissing Jest LAstly My Lord upon occasion made some Remarks upon Turbervil's Beggery Loose manner of Life and divers odd Circumstances in the course of his Evidence which much reflected upon his Reputation To support it therefore the Managers produced these Witnesses Mr. Arnold Jones Hobby and Scudamore Deposed That they knew Turbervil but for their parts never heard or saw any evil by him Mr. Matthews a Minister Deposed the same as to Turbervil's Reputation and added That Turbervil a little before he made his Discovery owned himself a Roman-Catholick but seemed to have a mind to quit that Religion being convinced by the Arguments Matthews gave him of the Excellency of the Principles and Practices of the Protestant Church yet would never acknowledge he knew one Syllable of the Plot. UPon these several Remarques the Mannagers made this Observation The good Character here given of Turbervil by four Witnesses shew him a Man of much Vertue and Integrity And it ought to be considered as a farther addition to his Praise that he had the grace though indigent to refuse the proposal made to him by my Lord of Killing the King To which the Papists answer It is no sufficient proof of Turbervil's Vertue and Integrity that four Persons say They know no ill of him He may be guilty nevertheless of a Thousand Crimes unknown to them few or none are so intirely abandoned or detested by all Mankind as not to find four Persons in the World who will make a favourable report of them But it is evident from what hath been already proved That Turbervil was a man in all points compleatly equipped for a Knight of the Post For first he was indigent Secondly he was horridly addicted to Cursing and Swearing Thirdly he looked upon feigning Discoveries as the only way to get Moneys All this is manifested by his own Words and conversation with Mr. Yalden and Mr. Porter before mentioned As I hope for Salvation said he I know nothing of the Plot. The
the Law is adjudged Treason 2ly The Papists do not undertake to make good Oates's Charge of Perjury against Dugdale Smith and Turbervil Nor theirs against him But only to shew that the guilt of this Horrid Crime lyeth amongst them And consequently whether it be charged upon Oates as the Chief Swearing-Master and Original Author of the Plot Or upon Dugdale Smith and Turbervil at his Pedants and Accessaries in the Imposture Or as is most rational upon Both and All of them It follow 's That the Lord Stafford dyed by Perjury And Roman Catholicks have wrongfully suffered by their Villanies the loss of their Fortunes their Estates their Liberties their Lives Luke 19. Verse 22. Out of thine own Mouth will I Judge thee Thou Wicked Servant THus I have here Briefly and Impartially set down what occur's to me on this occasion And now for an Appology to the whole Treatise Seing the Papists as well as all other Men have a natural right when Impeached to defend their Innocence I hope it will not be Imputed a fault in me to have Rehearsed some of their Arguments as they lay within the Limits and Sphere of my Design If any Persons of Depraved Judgments shall from hence draw sinister Reflections upon the Justice of the Nation I declare they abuse both the Government themselves and Me by such their unjust Paraphrase FINIS Some Errors escaped the Press PAge 1. Line 30. for lesse read least p. 14. l. 36. for it is credible r. is it credible p. 30. 1. 10. for Deposited r. Deposed Ibid. 1. 16. for left himself to r. left to himself p. 31. l. 35. for injured r. invred p. 37. 1. 3. for Railed r. Railyed p. 39. 1. 2. for addressed r. addressed p. 49. 1. 37. for justifiable to her Tenents r. justifiable by her Tenents p. 54. 1. 36. for Creature r. Creator p. 67. 1. 12. for Implored r. I Implere Tryal p. 4. Pag. 7 c. Pag. 17 c The motives of his Perversion His Imployment in England pag. 21. c. His Contribution for Arms c. 50. l. Armies ready at an hours warning The Popes contribution 1000 l. Pag 25. c Pag. 25. c. his feigned Conversion The Provincial of Castile contribution 10000 l. Pickering receive'd a Discipline Afterwards a Promise of 30000 Masses Page 32. A Twenty pound Debt returned for a Reward to kill the King page 30 Page 17. The Papists plea against the Plot in general Pag. 70. Page 123. a Coleman's Tryal Coleman's Letters Sir Edmundbury Godfrey's Murder Pag. 20. Pag. 87. Pag. 136. Fire-Balls Sham-Plots c. The Votes of both Houses of Parliament declaring it a Plot. * See the Tryals of Wakeman Corker Marshal Earl of Castlemain Sir Tho. Gascoin Lady Powis Tempest c. Gunpowder-Treason French Massacre c. Ireland's Tryal Page 40. c. The first onset against My Lord. My Lords Address Page 25. c. Pag. 24. c. Dugdal 's Infamy and Beggery Pag. 94. c. Pag. 84. c. Pag. 87. c. Pag. 145 c. Pag. 163. Pag. 175 Pag. 147 Pag. 163. Pag. 168. Dugdale's Perjury Pag. 87. c. Pag. 175. Pag. 74. page 147. page 83. c page 80 c Page 132 c. Page 174. Page 177. Page 175. Page 178. Dugdales Subornation of Oaths Page 90. c. Pag. 138. c. Dugdale 's Improbable manner of Swearing Page 22. Page 46 c. Page ●28 c. Page 130 c. This Oates affirms in Langhorns Tryal Page 101. Page 179. Oates's new Porgeries Page 102. Page 25. Page 126. Oates his Apostacy and Sacriledge Page 123. Turbavil's Perjury in seven Particulars Page 120 c. Pag. 122. Pag. 152. Page 109. Page 151. Page 108. Page 113. Page 181. Page 106 Page 180. Page 112. Page 110 Page 182. Page 101. Page 116. Turbervil 's loose manner of Life Page 154. Page 163. c. The sum of my Lord's Plea as to matters of Fact Page 167. c. My Lord's Plea as to matters of Law Page 199. c. The sum of the Evidence against my Lord. Page 170. Page 171 c. Page 184. Page ●●● Answer to 〈◊〉 Lord's Plea in matters of Law Page 190. My Lord 's particular Address Page 198. Page 212. My Lord High Steward's Speech His Religion imputed to him as the C●●se of his Guilt Page 21● The Sentence Page 54. Page 53. Ibid. Ibid Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. An Objection Answered The intent of this Epistle 〈…〉 Christ a Eph. 2. 8. 1 Cor. 15. 22. applicable by Faith b Mark 16. 16 Heb. 11. 6. c Eph. 4. 4. c. Which is but One d Jam. 2. 10. e 1 Cor. 1. 20. Mat. 16. 17. Supernatural By the Divine Providence to be learnt f Isai 35. 8. By the Divine Providence to be learnt g Joh. 9. 41. h Mat. 11. 25. i John 15. 22. Not from private Interpretation of Scripture but from the Universal Church dilated continued and guided by the Holy Ghost for that end k 2 Pet. 3. 16. Pro. 14. 12. Mat. 22. 29. l 1 Jo. 4. 1 6. Prov. 12. 15. m Mat. 18. 17. Luke 10. 16. n Psal 2. 8 sa 2. 2 c. 49. 6. Matth. 5. 14. o Isai 59. 21. Joh. 16. 13. Ezek 37. 26. Eph. 5. 25. c. 1 Tim. 3. 15. Mat. 16. 18. p Mat. 28 20. Joh. 14 16. q Deut 17. ●8 c. Mat. 23. 2. This Church is the same with the Roman Chtholick From the Testimony of which we believe the Scripture to be Gods Word Divine Revelations only Matters of Faith r Can. 6. 8. Joh. 10. 16. Rom. 15. 5. Joh. 17. 22. Philip 2. 2. s Mat. 16. 18. 1 Tim. 3. 15. Mat. 18. 17. t Isai 59. 21. Joh. 14. 26. u 1 Cor. 11. 19. Mat. 18. 17. What Heresie what Schism How Matters of Faith are proposed by the Church x Tit. 3 10. 1 Cor. 1. 10. cap. 12. 25. y Joh. 5. 39. z Acts 15. per tot a 2 Thes 2. 15. cap. 3. 6. 2 Tim. 2. 2. b Jam. 2. 18. Gal. 1. 7 8. What is the Authority of General Councils c Deut. 17. 8. Mat. 18. 17. Acts 15. pertot Luke 10 16. Heb. 13. 7. 17. An Explanation of the same Authority d Joh. 14 16. e 1 Tim. 6. 20. A Deduction from thence concerning Allegiance A second Deduct on concerning the same Of the Oath of Allegiance The Bishop of Rome Supreme Head of the Church but not Infallible d Mat. 16. 17. Luke 22. 31. Jo 21. 17. e Eph. 4 11 c. Nor hath any Temporal Authority over Princes 1 Pet. 2. v. 17. c. The Church not responsible for the Errors of particular Divines King-Killing Doctrine Damnable Heresie Conc. Const Sess 15. Personal misdemeanours not to be imputed to the Church No Power on Earth can authorise Men to Lye Forswear Murther c. Equivocat●on not allowed in the Church Of Sacramental Absolution a Ex. 18. 21. 2 Cor. 7. 10. b Psa 32. 5. Pro.