authoritie For the second point when it pleased your Honour in sommer was two yeeres to haue some conference with me and to demaund mine opinion touching the state of the Country of Guiana and whether it were fit to be planted by the English I then to my no small ioy did admire the exact knowledge which you had gotten of those matters of Indian Nauigations and how carefull you were not to be ouertaken with any partiall affection to the Action appeared also by the sound arguments which you made pro contra of the likelihood and reason of good or ill successe of the same before the State and common wealth wherein you haue an extraordinarie voyce should be farther engaged In consideration whereof I thinke my selfe thrise happie to haue these my trauailes censured by your Honours so well approued iudgement Touching the third and last motiue I cannot but acknowledge my selfe much indebted for your fauourable letters heretofore written in my behalfe in mine honest causes Whereunto I may adde that when this worke was to passe vnto the presse your Honour did not onely intreate a worthy knight a person of speciall experience as in many others so in marine causes to ouersee and peruse the same but also vpon his good report with your most fauourable letters did warrant and with extraordinarie commendation did approue and allow my labours and desire to publish the same Wherefore to conclude seeing they take their life and light from the most cheerefull and benigne aspect of your fauour I thinke it my bounden dutie in all humilitie and with much bashfulnesse to recommend my selfe and them vnto your right Honorable and fauourable protection and your Honour to the mercifull tuition of the most High From London this 24. of October 1599. Your Honors most humble to be commanded Richard Hakluyt preacher ¶ A Catalogue of the English Voyages made by and within the Streight of Gibraltar to the South and Southeast quarters of the world conteined in the first part of this second volume Voyages before the Conquest 1 THe voyage of Helena the Empresse daughter of Coelus king of Britain and mother of Constantine the Great to Ierusalem An. 337. pag. 1.2 2 The voyage of Constantine the Great Emperour and king of Britaine to Greece AEgypt Persia and Asia Anno 339. pag. 2.3 3 The voyage of Pelagius Cambrensis vnder Maximus king of the Britaines into AEgypt and Syria Anno 390. pag. 4 4 The voyage of certaine Englishmen sent by the French king to Constantinople vnto Iustinian the Emperour about the yeere of our Lord 500. pag. 4 5 The memorable voyage of Sighelmus bishop of Shirburne sent by king Alphred vnto S. Thomas of India An. 883. confirmed by two testimonies pag. 5 6 The voyage of Iohn Erigen vnder king Alphred to Athens in the yeere of our Lorde 885. pag. 5.6 7 The voyage of Andrew Whiteman aliâs Leucander vnder Canutus the Dane to Palastina Anno 1020. pag. 6 8 The voyage of Swanus one of the sonnes of Earle Godwin vnto Ierusalem Anno 1052. pag. 6 9 A voyage of three Ambassadours sent in the time of king Edward the Confessor vnto Constantinople and from thence vnto Ephesus Anno 1056. pag. 7 10 The voyage of Alured bishop of Worcester vnto Ierusalem Anno 1058. pag. 8 11 The voyage of Ingulphus afterward Abbat of Croiland vnto Ierusalem An. 1064. pag. 8.9 Voyages since the Conquest 12 A Voyage made by diuerse of the honourable family of the Beauchamps with Robert Curtois the sonne of William the Conquerour to Ierusalem Anno 1096. pag. 10 13 The voyage of Gutuere an English Lady married vnto Baldwine brother of Godfrey duke of Bouillon toward Ierusalem An. 1097. 10.11 14 The voyage of Edgar the sonne of Edward which was the sonne of Edmund surnamed Ironside brother vnto king Edward the Confessor being accompanied with valiant Robert the sonne of Godwine to Ierusalem Anno 1102. 11 15 The voyage of Godericus a valiant Englishman who trauailed with his ships in an expedition vnto the holy land Anno 3. Hen. 1. 12 16 The voyage of Hardine an Englishman and one of the principall commaunders of 200 sayles of Christians ships which arriued at Ioppa Anno 1102 12. 13 17 A voyage by sea of Englishmen Danes and Flemings who arriued at Ioppa in the holy land the seuenth yeere of Baldwine the second king of Ierusalem and in the 8. yeere of Henry the first king of England pag. 13,14 15 18 The voyage of Athelard of Bathe to AEgypt and Arabia in the yeere of our Lord 1130 pag. 15. 16 19 The voyage of William Archbishop of Tyre to Ierusalem and to the citie of Tyre in Phoenicia Anno 1130. 16 20 The voyage of Robert Ketenensis vnder king Stephen to Dalmatia Greece and Asia Anno 1143. 16 21 A voyage of certaine Englishmen vnder the conduct of Lewis the French king vnto the holy land Anno 1147. 17 22 The voyage of Iohn Lacy to Ierusalem Anno 1173 17 23 The voyage of William Mandeuile Erle of Essex to Ierusalem Anno 1177. 17 24 The famous voyage of Richard the first king of England into Asia for the recouering of Ierusalem out of the hands of the Saracens Anno 1190. 20 25 The voyage of Baldwine Archbishop of Canterbury vnto Syria and Palaestina in the yeere 1190. 28 26 The voyage of Richard Surnamed Canonicus vnder king Richard the first into Syria and Palaestina Anno 1190. 30 27 The voyage of Gulielmus Peregrinus vnder king Richard the first to Palaestina Anno 1190. 30 28 The voyage of Hubert Walter bishop of Salisbury vnder king Richard also vnto Syria Anno 1190. 31 29 The voyage of Robert Curson a nobleman of England and a Cardinall vnder Hen. the third to Damiata in AEgypt Anno 1218. 31. 32 30 The voyage of Rainulph Earle of Chester of Saer Quincy Earle of Winchester of William de Albanie Earle of Arundel c. to the holy land Anno 1218. 32 31 The voyage of Henry Bohun and Saer Quincy to the holy land in the yeere of our Lord 1222. 32 32 The voyage of Rainulph Glanuile Earle of Chester to the holy land and to Damiata in AEgypt 32 33 The voyage of Petrus de Rupibus bishop of Winchester to Ierusalem Anno 1231. 33 34 The honourable voyage of Richard Earle of Cornwall brother to king Hen. the third accompanied with William Long-espee Earle of Salisburie and diuerse other noblemen into Syria Anno 1240. 33 35 The voyage of William Long-espee or Long-sword Erle of Salisburie into AEgypt with Lewis the French king Anno 1248. 33 36 The voyage of prince Edward the sonne of king Henry the third into Syria An. 1270. 36 37 The voyage of Robert Turneham vnder the said prince Edward into Syria in the yeere of our Lord 1270 38.39 38 The voyage of Frier Beatus Odoricus to Asia minor Armenia Chaldaea Persia India China and other remote parts c. 39.53 39 The voyage of Matthew Gurney an
English knight against the Moores of Alger to Barbary and to Spaine 67 40 The voyage of Henrie Earle of Derby after Duke of Hereford and lastly Henry the fourth king of England with an army of Englishmen to Tunis in Barbary 69 41 The trauailes and memorable victories of Iohn Hawkwood Englishman in diuerse places of Italy in the reigne of Richard the second 70 42 The voyage of Lord Iohn of Holland Earle of Huntington brother by the mother to K. Richard the second to Ierusalem and S. Katherins mount Anno 1394. 70 43 The voyage of Thomas Lord Mowbrey duke of Norfolke to Ierusalem in the yeere of our Lord 1399. 70 44 The voyage of the bishop of Winchester to Ierusalem Anno 1417. 71 45 A voyage intended by king Henry the fourth to the holy land against the Saracens and Infidels Anno 1413. 71. 72 46 A voyage made with two ships called The holy Crosse and The Matthew Gunson to the Isles of Candia and Chio about the yeere 1534. 98 47 Another voyage vnto Candia and Chio made by the foresayd ship called The Matthewâ— Gunson Anno 1535. 98 48 The voyage of the valiant Esquire M. Peter Read to Tunis in Barbarie 1538 recorded in his Epitaph 99 49 The voyage of Sir Thomas Chaloner to Alger with the Emperour Charles the fift Anno 1541. 99 50 The voyage of M. Roger Bodenâ—am with the great barke Aucher to Candia and Chio Anno 1550. 99 51 The voyage of M. Iohn Lok to Ierusalem Anno 1553. 101 52 The voyage of Iohn Foxe to the Streit of Gibraltar in a ship called The three halfe-moones Anno 1563. And his worthy enterprize in deliuering 266 Christians from the captiuitie of the Turkes at Alexandria Anno 1577. 131.132 53 The voyage of M. Laurence Aldersey to the cities of Ierusalem and Tripolis in the yeere 1581. 150 54 The voyage of The Susan of London to Constantinople wherein M. William Hareborne was sent first Ambassadour vnto Zuldan Murad Can the great Turke Anno 1582. 165 55 The voyage of a ship called The Iesus to Tripolis in Barbary Anno 1583. 184 56 The voyage of M. Henry Austel by Venice to Ragusa and thence ouer-land to Constantinople and from thence through Moldauia Polonia Silesia and Germany into England Anno 1586. 194 57 The voyage of Master Cesar Frederick into the east India and beyonde the Indies Anno 1563. 213 58 The long dangerous and memorable voyage of M. Ralph Fitch marchant of London by the way of Tripolis in Syria to Ormuz to Goa in the East India to Cambaia to the riuer of Ganges to Bengala to Bacola to Chonderi to Pegu to Siam c. begunne in the yeere 1583 and ended in the yeere 1591. 250 59 The voyage of M. Iohn Eldred to Tripolis in Syria by sea and from thence by land and riuer to Babylon and Balsara Anno 1583. 268 60 The voyage of M. Iohn Euesham by sea into AEgypt Anno 1586. 281 61 The voyage of M. Laurence Aldersey to the cities of Alexandria and Cairo in Aegypt Anno 1586. 282 62 The voyage of fiue marchants ships of London into Turkie and their valiant fight in their returne with 11 gallies and two frigats of the king of Spaine at Pantalarea within the Streits of Gibraltar Anno 1586. 285 63 The voyage of Master William Hareborne ouer-land from Constantinople to London Anno 1588. 289 64 A description of a voyage to Constantinople and Syria begun the 21 of March 1593 and ended the ninth of August 1595 wherein is shewed the manner of deliuering the second present by M. Edward Barton her Maiesties ambassadour which was sent from her Maiestie to Sultan Murad Can the Emperour of Turkie 33 The Ambassages Letters Priuileges Discourses Aduertisements and other obseruations depending vpon the Voyages contayned in the first part of this second Volume 1 A Testimony that the Britons were in Italy and Greece with the Cimbrians and Gauls before the incarnation of Christ. pag. 1 2 A testimony that certain Englishmen were of the guard of the Emperour of Constantinople in the time of Iohn the sonne of Alexius Comnenus 17 3 A great supply of money sent to the Holy land by King Henry the second 18 4 A letter written from Manuel the Emperour of Constantinople vnto Henry the second King of England Ann. 1177 wherein mention is made that certaine of king Henries noblemen and subiects were present with the sayd Emperour in a battel against the Soldan of Iconium 18 5 A note drawen out of a very auncient booke in the custodie of the right Wor. M. Thomas Tilney Esquire touching Sir Fredericke Tilney his ancester knighted for his valour at Acon in the Holyland by king Richard the first 29 6 A large contribution to the succour of the holy land made by king Iohn king of England Anno 1201. 30 7 The comming of Baldwin the Emperour of Constantinople into England An. 1247. 31 8 A testimony concerning Anthony Beck bishop of Duresme that he was elected Patriarke of Ierusalem and confirmed by Clement the 5 bishop of Rome Anno 1305. 39 9 The comming of Lyon king of Armenia into England Anno 1â—86 to make a treaty of peace betweene Richard the second king of England and the French king 67 10 The comming of the Emperour of Constantinople into England to desire the ayde of king Henry the fourth against the Turkes Anno 1400. 70 11 A relation of the siege and taking of the citie of Rhodes by Sultan Soliman the great Turke Wherein honorable mention is made of diuers valiant English knights Anno 1522. 72 12 An ambassage from Don Ferdinando brother to the Emperour Charles the fift vnto King Henry the eight crauing his ayde against Soliman the great Turke An. 1527. 95 13 The antiquitie of the trade of English marchants vnto the remote parts of the Leuant seas Anno 1511 1512 c. 96 14 A letter of Henry the eight king of England to Iohn the third king of Portugale for a Portugale ship fraighted at Chio with the goods of Iohn Gresham William Lok and others and wrongfully vnladen in Portugale Anno 1531. 96 15 The maner of the entring of Soliman the great Turke with his army into Alepo in Syria as hee was marching toward Persia agaiâ—st the great Sophi Anno 1553. 112 16 A note of the presents that were giuen at the same time in Alepo to the Grand Signor and the names of the presenters 113 17 The safe conduct granted by Sultan Soliman the great Turke to M. Anthony Ienkinson at Alepo in Syria Anno 1553. 114 18 A discourse of the trade to Chio written by Gaspar Campion in the yeere 1569. 114 19 A letter of the sayd Gaspar Campion to M. William Winter in the yeare 1569. 116 20 A briefe description of the Isle of Cyprus 119 21 A report of the siege and taking of Famagusta the strongest citie in al Cyprus by Mustafa Bassa Generall of the great Turkes army Anno 1571. 121 22 The
de pace ad eos legatos mitâ—unt quam nostris dare placuit vt soluta certa pecuniae summa ab omni deinceps Italiae Galliaeque ora manus abstinerent Ita peractis rebus post paucos menses quà m eo itum erat domum repediaâ—um est The same in English THe French in the meane season hauing gotten some leasure by meanes of their truce and being sollicited and vrged by the intreaties of the Genuois vndertooke to wage warre against the Moores who robbed and spoyled all the coasts of Italy and of the Ilandes adiacent Likewise Richard the second king of England being sued vnto for ayde sent Henry the Earle of Derbie with a choice armie of English souldiers vnto the same warfare Wherefore the English and French with forces and mindes vnited sayled ouer into Africa who when they approched vnto the shore were repelled by the Barbarians from landing vntill such time as they had passage made them by the valour of the English archers Thus hauing landed their forces they foorthwith marched vnto the royall citie of Tunis and besieged it Whereat the Barbarians being dismayed sent Ambassadours vnto our Christian Chieftaines to treat of peace which our men graunted vnto them vpon condition that they should pay a certaine summe of money and that they should from thencefoorth abstaine from piracies vpon all the coasts of Italy and France And so hauing dispatched their businesse within a fewe moneths after their departure they returned home This Historie is somewhat otherwise recorded by Froysard and Holenshed in manner following pag. 473. IN the thirteenth yeere of the reigne of king Richard the second the Christians tooke in hand a iourney against the Saracens of Barbarie through sute of the Genouois so that there went a great number of Lords Knights and Gentlemen of France and England the Duke of Burbon being their Generall Out of England there went Iohn de Beaufort bastarde sonne to the Duke of Lancaster as Froysard hath noted also Sir Iohn Russell Sir Iohn Butler Sir Iohn Harecourt and others They set forwarde in the latter ende of the thirteenth yeere of the Kings reigne and came to Genoa where they remayned not verie long but that the gallies and other vessels of the Genouois were ready to passe them ouer into Barbarie And so about midsomer in the begining of the foureteenth yere of this kings reigne the whole army being embarked sailed forth to the coast of Barbary where neere to the city of Africa they landed at which instant the English archers as the Chronicles of Genoa write stood all the company in good stead with their long bowes beating backe the enemies from the shore which came downe to resist their landing After they had got to land they inuironed the city of Africa called by the Moores Mahdia with a strong siege but at length constrained with the intemperancy of the scalding ayre in that hot countrey breeding in the army sundry diseases they fell to a composition vpon certaine articles to be performed in the behalfe of the Saracens and so 61 dayes after their arriuall there they tooke the seas againe and returned home as in the histories of France and Genoa is likewise expressed Where by Polydore Virgil it may seeme that the lord Henry of Lancaster earle of Derby should be generall of the English men that as before you heard went into Barbary with the French men and Genouois The memorable victories in diuers parts of Italie of Iohn Hawkwood English man in the reigne of Richard the second briefly recorded by M. Camden pag. 339. AD alteram ripam fluuij Colne oppositus est Sibble Heningham locus natalis vt accepi Ioannis Hawkwoodi Itali Aucuthum cortupâ—èvocant quem illi tantopere ob virtutem militarem suspexerunt vt Senatus Florentinus propter insignia merita equâ—stri statua tumuli honore in eximiae fortitudinis fideique testimonium ornauit Res â—ius gestas Itali pleno ore praedicant Paulus Iouius in elogijs celebrat sat mihi sit Iulij Feroldi tetrastichon adijcere Hawkwoode Anglorum decus decus addite genti Italicae Italico praesidiúmque solo Vt tumuli quondam Fâ—orentia sic simulachri Virtutem Iouius donat honore tuam William Thomas in his Historie of the common wealthes of Italy maketh honorable mention of him twise to wit in the common wealth of Florentia and Ferrâ—ra The voyage of the Lord Iohn of Holland Earle of Huntington brother by the mothers side to King Richard the second to Ierusalem and Saint Katherins mount THe Lord Iohn of Holland Earle of Huntington was as then on his way to Ierusalem and to Saint Katherins mount and purposed to returne by the Realme of Hungarie For as he passed through France where he had great cheere of the king and of his brother and vncles hee heard how the king of Hungary and the great Turke should haue battell together therefore he thought surely to be at that iourney The voiage of Thomas lord Moubray duke of Norfolke to Ierusalem in the yeere of our Lord 1399. written by Holinshed pag. 1233. THomas lord Moubray second sonne of Elizabeth Segraue and Iohn lord Moubray her husband was aduanced to the dukedome of Norfolke in the 21. yeere of y e reigne of Richard the 2. Shortly after which hee was appealed by Henry earle of Bullingbroke of treason and caried to the castle of Windsore where he was strongly safely garded hauing a time of combate granted to determine the cause betweene the two dukes the 16. day of September in the 22. of the sayd king being the yeere of our redemption 1398. But in the end the matter was so ordred that this duke of Norfolke was banished for euer whereupon taking his iourney to Ierusalem he died at Venice in his returne from the said citie of Ierusalem in the first yeere of king Henry the 4. about the yeere of our redemption 1399. The comming of the Emperor of Constantinople into England to desire the aide of Henry the 4. against the Turkes 1400. SVb eodem tempore Imperator Constantinopolitanus venit in Angliam postulaturus subsidium contra Turcas Cui occurrit rex cum apparatu nobili ad le Blackheath die sancti Thomae Apostoli suscepÃtque prout decuit tantum Heroem duxÃâ—que Londonias per multos dies exhibuit gloriose pro expenâ—iâ— hospiâ—ij suâ—â—oluens eum respiciens tanto falligio donariuis Et paulò post His auditis rumoribus Imperator laetior recessit ab Anglis honoratus à rege donarijs preciosis The same in English ABout the same time the emperor of Constantinople came into England to seeke ayde against the Turkes whom y e king accompanied with his nobilitie met withall vpon Black-heath vpon the day of saint Thomas the Apostle and receiued him as beseemed so great a prince and brought him to London and roially entertained him for a long season defraying the charges of his diet and giuing him many
the said Simon to saile for England and spoiled the said craier and also tooke and caried away with them the goods and marchandises of the said Simon being in the foresaid ship to the value of 66. pounds Item in the yeere of our Lord 1397. certaine malefactors of Wismer and Rostok with certaine others of the Hans tooke a crayer of one Peter Cole of Zeland called the Bussship which Alan Barret the seruant and factor of the foresaid Simon Durham had laden with mastes sparres and other marchandize for the behalfe of the said Simon and vniustly tooke from thence the goods of the said Simon to the value of 24. pounds and caried the same away Item in the yeere of our Lord 1394. certaine malefactors of Wismer and others of the Hans vniustly tooke vpon the sea and caried away with them a packe of woollen cloth of the foresaid Simon worth 42. pounds out of a certain crayer of one Thomas Fowler of Lenne being laden and bound for Dantzik in Prussia Item pitifully complaining the marchants of Lenne doe auouch verifie affirme that about the feast of S. George the martyr in the yeere of our Lord 1394. sundry malefactors and robbers of Wismer Rostok and others of the Hans with a great multitude of ships arriued at the towne of Norbern in Norway and tooke the said town by strong assault and also wickedly and vniustly took al the marchants of Lenne there residing with their goods cattels and burnt their houses and mansions in the same place and put their persons vnto great ransoms euen as by the letters of safeconduct deliuered vnto the said marchants it may more euidently appeare to the great damage and impouerishment of the marchants of Lenne namely Imprimis they burnt there 21. houses belonging vnto the said marchants to the value of 440. nobles Item they tooke from Edmund Belyetere Thomas Hunt Iohn Brandon and from other marchants of Lenne to the value of 1815. pounds Concerning this surprise Albertus Krantzius in the sixt book of his history of Norway and the 8. Chapter writeth in maner following IN the meane while Norway enioyed peace vnder the gouernment of a woman vntil Albertus king of Suecia who had now seuen yeeres continued in captiuity vnder Queen Margaret was to be set at liberty Which when the common souldiers of Rostok Wismer called the Vitalians perceiued who whilest their king was holden captiue in the right of the forenamed cities for the behalfe of their lord the king being prince of Mekleburg by birth vndertooke and waged warre al the time of his captiuitie banding their forces together they resolued at their own costs charges but in the right of the said cities to saile into the 3. kingdoms and to take such spoiles as they could lay hold on These common souldiers therfore sâ—eing an end of their tyrannical and violent dealing to approch sassed into Norway vnto the towne of Norbern being a mart town for al the marchants of Germanie who transporting fishes from thence doe bring thither marchandises of all kinds especially corne vnto the scarcitie wherof vnlesse it be brought out of other countreys that kingdome as we haue said is very much subiect Departing out of their ships and going on shore they set vpon the towne and by fire and sword they easily compelled the inhabitants dwelling in weake wodden houses to giue place Thus these Vitalians entring and surprising the towne conueyed such spoiles vnto their ships as them pleased and hauing laden their ships with those booties they returned home frolike vnto the ports of their own cities Without all respect they robbed and rifled the goods aswel of the Germanes as of the Noâ—uagians and like lewde companions wasting and making hauock of all things prooued themselues neuer the wealthier For it is not the guise of such good fellowes to store vp or to preserue ought The citizens at the first seemed to be inriched howbeit afterward no man misdoubting any such calamitie goods ill gotten were worse spent Thus farre Kranâ—zius Item pitifully complaining the foresaide marchants auouch verifie and affirme that vpon the 14. day after the feast of S. George in the yeere of our Lord next aboue written as 4. ships of Lenne laden with cloth wine and other marchandises were sailing vpon the maine sea with all the goods and wares conteined in them for Prussia sundry malefactors of Wismer and Rostok with others of the Hans being in diuers ships came vpon them and by â—orce of armes and strong hand tooke the said ships with the goods and marchandises contained in them and some of the people which were in the saide foure ships they slew some they spoyled and others they put vnto extreame ransomes And carying away with them those foure ships with the commodities and marchandise therin they parted stakes thâ—rwith as them listed to the great impâ—uerishment losse of the said marchants of Lenne namely in cloth of William Silesden Tho. Waterden Ioh. Brandon Ioh. WesenhaÌ„ other marchants of Lenne to the value of 3623 li.5.s.11 d. Item pitifully complaining the foresaid marchants doe affirme that one Henry Lambolt and other his adherents in the yeere of our Lord 1396. looke vpon the maine sea betweene Norway and Sâ—aw one crayer laden with osmunds and with diuers other marchandises perteining vnto Iohn Brandon of Lenne to the summe and value of 443 li.4.s.2.d Moreouer they tooke from Iohn Lakingay 4. lasts and an halfe of osmunds to the value of 220 lib.10.s Item the foresaid marchants complaine that certain malefactors of Wismer with other their compliâ—es of the Hans in the yeere of our Lord 1396. tooke from Thomas Ploker of Lenne out of a certaine ship sailing vpon the maine sea towaâ—ds Sconâ—land whereof Iames Snycop was master cloth and other marchandise to the summe and value of 13 lib.13.s.4.d Item the aboue-named marchants complaine saying that certaine malefactors of Wismer with others of the Hans society in the yere of our Lord 1397. wickedly and vniustly took out of a certaine ship of Dantzik whereof Laurence van Russe was master from Ralph Bedingam of Lenne one fardel of cloth worth 52 li.7.s.6.d Also for the ransome of his seruant 8 li.6.s.8.d Itemâ— they tooke from Thomas Earle diuers goods to the value of 24. pounds Item the foresaid marchants complainâ—â— that certaine malefactors of Wismer Rostok with others of the Hans in the yeere of our Lord 1399. wickedly vniustly tooke one crayer pertayning vnto Iohn Lakingliâ—h of Lenne laden with diuers goods and marchandise pertaining vnto sundry marchants of Lenne namely from the forenamed Iohn one fardel of cloth and one chest full of harneis and other things to the value of 90 lib Item they took out of the foresaid ship from Roger Hood one fardel of cloth and one chest with diuers goods to the value of 58 lib Item from Iohn Pikeron one fardell of cloth and one chest with
whatsoeuer hee or they bee that then and in such case wee will doe all that in vs is to cause restitution reparation and satisfaction to bee duely made to the said English marchants by our letters and otherwise as shall stand with our honour and be consonant to equitie and iustice 10 Item for vs our heires and successours wee doe promise and graunt to performe mainteine corroborate autenticate and obserue all and singular the aforesaide liberties franchises and priuiledges like as presently we firmely doe intend and will corroborate autentike and performe the same by all meane and way that we can as much as may be to the commoditie and profite of the said English Marchants and their successours for euer And to the intent that all and singuler the saide giftes graunts and promises may bee inuiolably obserued and performed we the said Iohn Vasiliuich by the grace of God Emperor of Russia great Duke of Nouogrode Mosco c. for vs our heires and successors by our Imperiall and lordly word in stead of an othe haue and doe promise by these presents inuiolably to mainteyne and obserue and cause to be inuiolably obserued and mainteined all and singuler the aforesayde giftes graunts and promises from time to time and at all and euery time and times heereafter And for the more corroboration hereof haue caused our Signet hereunto to be put Dated in our Castle of Mosco the 20. day of in the yeere The Charter of the Marchants of Russia graunted vpon the discouerie of the saide Countrey by King Philip and Queene Marie PHilip and Marie by the grace of God King and Queene c. To all manner of officers true Iurie men ministers aud subiects and to all other people as well within this our Realme or elsewhere vnder our obeysance iurisdiction and rule or otherwise vnto whome these our letters shall bee shewed séene or read greeting Whereas wee be credibly informed that our right trusâ—ie right faithfull and welbeloued Counsailors William Marques of Winchester Lord high Treasurer of this our Realme of England Henrie Earle of Arundel Lord Steward of our housholde Iohn Earle of Bedford Lord keeper of our priuie Seale William Earle of Pembroke William Lorde Howard of Esfingham Lorde high Admirall of our saide Realme of England c. Haue at their owne aduenture costs and charges prouided rigged and tackled certaine ships pinnesses and other meete vessels and the same furnished with all things necessary haue aduanced and set forward for to discouer descrie and finde Iles landes territories Dominions and Seigniories vnknowen and by our subiects before this not commonly by sea frequented which by the sufferance and grace of Almightie God it shall chaunce them sailing Northwards Northeastwards and Northwestwards or any partes thereof in that race or course which other Christian Monarches being with vs in league and amitie haue not heeretofore by Seas traffiqued haunted or frequented to finde and attaine by their said aduenture as well for the glorie of God as for the illustrating of our honour and dignitie royall in the increase of the reuenues of our Crowne and generall wealth of this and other our Realmes and Dominions and of our subiects of the same And to this intent our subiects aboue specified and named haue most humbly beseeched vs that our abundant grace fauour and clemencie may be gratiously extended vnto them in this behalfe Whereupon wee inclined to the petition of the foresaide our Counsailours subiects and marchants and willing to animate aduance further and nourish them in their said godlie honest and good purpose and as we hope profitable aduenture and that they may the more willingly and readily atchieue the same Of our especiall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion haue graunted and by these presents doe graunt for vs our heires and successours vnto our said right trustie and right faithfull and right welbeloued Counsailours and the other before named persons that they by the name of marchants aduenturers of England for the discouery of lands â—erritories Iles Dominions and Seigniories vnknowen and not before that late aduenture or enterprise by sea or Nauigation commonly frequented as aforesaid shal be from hâ—nceforth one bodie and perpetuall fellowship and communaltie of themselues both in deede and in name and them by the names of Marchants aduenturers for the discouerie of lands territories Iles sâ—igniories vnknowen and not by the seas and Nauigations before their saide late aduenture or enterprise by sea or Nauigation commonly frequented We doe incorporate name and declare by these presents and that the same fellowship or communalty from henceforth shal be and may haue one Gouernour of the saide fellowship and communaltie of Marchants aduenturers And in consideration that one Sebastian Cabota hath bin the chiefest setter forth of this iourney or voyage therefore we make ordeine and constitute him the said Sebastian to be the first and present gouernour of the same fellowship and communaltie by these presents To haue and enioy the said office of Gouernour to him the said Sebastian Cabota during his naturall life without amouing or dimissing from the same roome And furthermore we graunt vnto the saine fellowship and communaltie and their successors that they the saide fellowship and communaltie and their successors afâ—er the decease of the saide Sebastian Cabota shall and may freely and lawfully in places conuenient and honest assemble themselues together or so many of them as will or can assemble together as well within our citie of London or elsewhere as it shall please them in such sort and maner as other worshipfull corporations of our saide citie haue vsed to assemble and there yeerely name elect and choose one Gouernour or two of themselues and their liberties and also as well yeerely during the natural life of the said Sebastian Cabota now Gouernour as also at the election of such saide Gouernour or gouernours before his decease to choose name and appoint eight and twenty of the most sad discreete and honest persons of the saide fellowship and communaltie of Marchant aduenturers as is aboue specified and 4. of the most expert and skilfull persons of the same 28. to be named and called Consuls and 24. of the residue to be named and called Assistants to the saide Gouernour or gouernours and Consuls for the time being which shal remaine and stand in their authorities for one whole yeere then nâ—â—t following And if it shall fortune the saide Gouernour Consuls and assistants or any of them so to be elected and chosen as is aforesaid to die within the yeere after his or their election that then and so often it shall and may be lawfull to and for the said fellowship and communalty to elect and choose of themselues other Gouernour or gouernours Consuls and assistants in the place and sleade of such as so shall happen to die to serue out the same yeere And further we do make ordeine and constitute George Barnes knight and Alderman of our
Domini 1172 fundata fuit abbatia de Stanlaw per dominum Iohannem Lacy Constabularium Cestriae dominum de Halton qui obijt in Terra sancta anno sequenti qui fuit vicessimus annus regni regis Henrici secundi ¶ The same in English IN the yere of our Lord 1172 was founded the abbey of Stanlaw by the lord Iohn Lacy Constable of Chester lord of Halton who deceased in the Holy land the yere following which was in the twentieth yere of king Henry the second The voyage of VVilliam Mandeuile to Ierusalem VVIlliam Mandeuile earle of Essex with diuers English lords and knights went to the Holy land in the 24 yere of Henry the second Holinshed pag. 101. English men were the guard of the Emperours of Constantinople in the reigne of Iohn the sonne of Alexius Comnenus Malmesburiensis Curopolata and Camden pag. 96. IAminde Anglia non minus belli gloria quà m humanitatis cultu inter Florentissimas orbis Christiani gentes inprimis floruit Adeo vt ad custodiam corporis Constantinopolitanorum Imperatorum euocati fuerint Angli Ioannes enim Alexij Comneni filius vt refert noster Malmesburiensis eorum fidem suspiciens praecipue familiaritati suae applicabat amorem eorum filio transcribens Adeo vt iam inde longo tempore fuerint imperatorum illorum satellites Inglini Bipenniferi Nicetae Choniatae Barangi Curopolatae dicti Qui vbique Imperatorem prosequebantur ferentes humetis secures quas tollebant cum Imperator ex oratorio spectandum se exhibebat Anglicè vitam diuturnam secures suas collidentes vt sonitum ederent comprecabantur The same in English FRom this time forward the kingdome of England was reputed amongst the most flourishing estates of Christendome no lesse in chiualrie then humanitie So farforth that the English men were sent for to be the guarders of the persons of the Emperours of Constantinople For Iohn the sonne of Alexius Comnenus as our countreyman William of Malmesburie reporteth highly esteeming their fidelity vsed them very nere about him recommending them ouer to his sonne so that long time afterwards the guard of those Emperours were English halberâ—iers called by Nicetas Choniata Inglini Bipenniseri and by Europolata Barangi which alwayes accompanied the Emperour with their halberds on their shoulders which they held vp when the Emperour comming from his Oratorie shewed himselfe to the people and clafhing their halberds together to make a terrible sound they in the English tongue wished vnto him long life A great supply of money to the Holy land by Henry the 2. THe same yeere King Henry the second being at Waltham assigned an aide to the maintenance of the Christian souldiers in the Holy lande That is to wit two and fortie thousand markes of siluer and fiue hundred markes of golde Matth. Paris and Holens pag. 105. A letter written from Manuel the Emperour of Constantinople vnto Henrie the second King of England Anno Dom. 1177. wherein mention is made that certaine of king Henries Noble men and subiects were present with the sayd Emperour in a battell of his against the Soldan of Iconium Recorded by Roger Houeden in Annalium parte posteriore in regno Hen. 2. fol. 316 317. EOdem anno Manuel Constantinopolitanus imperator habito praelio campestri cum Soltano Iconij illo devicto in hac forma scripsit Domino regi Angliae Manuel in Christo deo Porphyrogenitus diuinitùs coronatus sublimis potens excelsus semper Augustus moderator Romanorum Comnenus Henrico nobilissimo regi Angliae charissimo amico suo salutem omne bonum Cum imperium nostrum necessarium reputet notificare tibi vt dilecto amico suo de omnibus quae sibi obueniunt ideò de his quae nunc acciderunt ei opportunum iudicauit declatare tuae voluntati Igitur a principio coronationis nostrae imperium nostrum aduersus dei inimicos Persas nostrum odium in corde nutriuit dum cernetet illos in Christianos gloriari eleuarique in nomen dei Christianorum dominari regionibus Quocirca alio quidem tempore in differentèr inuasit eos prout deus ei concessit sic fecit Et quae ab ipso frequenter patrata sunt ad contritionem ipsorum perditionem imperium nostrum credit nobilitatem tuam non latere Quoniam autem nunc maximum exercitum contra eos ducere proposuit bellum contra omnem Persidem mouere quia res cogebat Et non vt voluit multum aliquem apparatum fecit sicut ei visum est Veruntamen prout tempus dabat rerum status potentèr eos inuasit Collegit ergo circa se imperium nostrum potentias suas sed quia carpenta ducebat armorum machinarum aliorum instrumentorum conserentium ciuitatum expugnationibus pondera portantia idcircò nequa quam cum festinatione iter suum agere poterat Ampliùs autem dum adhuc propriam regionem peragraret antequam barbarorum aliquis aduersus nos militaret in bellis aduersarius aegritudo dissicillima fluxus ventris invasit nos qui diffâ—sus per agmina imperij nostri pertransibat depopulando inteâ—imendo multos omni pugnatore grauior Et hoc maluÌ„ inuslescens maximè nos contriuit Ex quo verò fines Turcorum inuasimus bella quidem primum frequentia concrepabant agmina Turcorum cum exercitibus imperij nostri vndique dimicabant Sed Dei gratia ex toto à nostris in fugam vertebantur barbari Post verò vbi eâ— qui illic adjaceâ— angustiae loci quae à Persis nominatur Cibrilcimam propinquâ—uimus tot Persarum turmae peditum equitum quorum pleraeque ab interioribus partibus Persidis occurrerant in adiutorium contribulium suorum exercitui nostro superuenerunt quot penè nostrorum excederent numerum Exercitu ita que imperij nostri propter viae omnino angustiam difficultatem vsque ad decem milliaria extenso cum neque qui praeibant possent postremos defendere neque versa vice rursus postremi possent praeeuntes iuuare non mediocritèr ab inuicem hos distare accidit Sanè primae cohortes permultùm ab acie imperij nostri diuide bantur postremarum oblitae illas non praestolantes Quoniam igitur Turcorum agmina ex iam factis praelijs cognouerant non conferre sibi à fronte nobis repugnare loci angustiam bonum subuentorem cum inuenissent posteriora statuerunt inuadere agmina quod fecerunt Arctissimo igitur vbique loco existente instabant barbari vndique à dextris â sinistris aliundè dimicantes tela super nos quasi imbres descendentia interimebant viros equos complures Ad haec itaque imperium nostruÌ„ vbi malum superabundabat reputans secum oportunuÌ„ iudicabat retrò expectare atque illos qui illic erant adiuuare expectando vtiquè contra infinita illa Persarum agmina bellum sustinuit Quanta quidem
loose townes and lordships and that hee should not take ouermuch thought for it and as for his promise he bade that he should not doubt in any thing and that he should not feare any displeasure to his person and that he should goe with his people without feare With these wordes the sayd lord thanked him and tooke his leaue and departed FINIS ¶ Lenuoy of the Translator GOe little booke and woefull Tragedie Of the Rhodian fearefull oppugnation To all estates complaining ruthfully Of thine estate and sudden transmutation Excusing me if in thy translation Ought be amisse in language or in werke I me submit with their supportation To be correct that am so small a clerke An ambassage from Don Ferdinando brother to the emperor Charles the 5. vnto king Henry the 8. in the yere 1527. desiring his aide against Solyman the great Turke Holinshed pag. 894. ON the 14. day of March 1527. were conueied from London to Greenwich by the earle of Rutland and others the lord Gabriel de Salamanca earle of Ottonburge Iohn Burgraue of Syluerberge and Iohn Faber a famous clerke after bishop of Vien as ambassadours from Don Ferdinando brother to Charles the emperor newly elect king of Hungarie and Beame after the death of his brother in law king Lewes which was slaine by Solyman the Turke the last Sommer This company was welcommed of the high officers and after brought into the kings presence all the nobilitie being present and there after great reuerence made M. Faber made a notable oration taking his ground out of the Gospell Exijt seminator seminare semen suum and of that hee declared how Christ and his disciples went foorth to sowe and how their seed was good that fel into the good ground and brought foorth good fruite which was the Christian faith And then he declared how contrary to that sowing Mahomet had sowen seed which brought foorth euillfruit He also shewed from the beginning how the Turkes haue increased in power what realmes they had conquered what people they had subdued euen to that day He declared further what actes the great Turke then liuing had done and in especiall he noted the getting of Belgrade and of the Rhodes and the slaying of the king of Hungarie to the great rebuke as he sayd of all the kings christened Hee set foorth also what power the Turke had what diuersities of companies what capitaines he had so that he thought that without a marueilous great number of people hee could not be ouerthrowen Wherefore be most humbly besought the king as S. Georges knight and defender of the faith to assist the king his master in that godly warre and vertuous purpose To this oration the king by the mouth of Sir Thomas Moore answered that much hee lamented the losse that happened in Hungarie and if it were not for the warres which were betweene the two great pruices he thought that the Turke would not haue enterprised that acte wherefore he with all his studie would take paine first to set an vnitie and peace throughout all Christendome and after that both with money and men he would be readie to helpe toward that glorious warre as much as any other prince in Christendome After this done the ambassadours were well cherished and diuers times resorted to the court and had great cheere and good rewards and so the third day of May next following they tooke their leaue departed homeward The antiquitie of the trade with English ships into the Leuant IN the yeeres of our Lord 1511. 1512. c. till the yeere 1534. diuers tall ships of London namely The Christopher Campion wherein was Factor onâ— Râ—ger Whitcome the Mary George wherein was Factor William Gresham the great Mary Grace the Owner whereof was William Gunson and the master one Iohn Hely the Trinitie Fitz-williams whereof was master Laurence Arkey the Mathew of London whereof was master William Capling with certaine other ships of Southampton and Bristow had an ordinarie and vsuall trade to Sicilia Candie Chio and some whiles to Cyprus as also to Tripolis and Barutti in Syria The commodities which they caried thither were fine Kersies of diuers colours course Kersies white Westerne dozens Cottons certaine clothes called Statutes and others called Cardinal-whites and Calueskins which were well sold in Sicilie c. The commodities which they returned backe were Silks Chamlets Rubarbe Malinesies Muskadels and other wines sweete oyles cotten wooll Turkie carpets Galles Pepper Cinamom and some other spices c. Besides the naturall inhabitants of the foresayd places they had euen in those dayes traffique with Iewes Turkes and other forreiners Neither did our merchants onely employ their owne English shipping before mentioned but sundry strangers also as namely Candiots Raguseans Sicilians Genouezes Venetian galliasses Spanish and Portugale ships All which particulars doe most euidently appeare out of certaine auncient Ligier bookes of the R. W. Sir William Locke Mercer of London of Sir William Bowyer Alderman of London of master Iohn Gresham and of others which I Richard Hakluyt haue diligently perused and copied out And here for authorities sake I doe annexe as a thing not impertinent to this purpose a letter of king Henry the eight vnto Don Iohn the third king of Portugale A letter of the king of England Henry the eight to Iohn king of Portugale for a Portingale ship with the goods of Iohn Gresham and Wil. Locke with others vnladen in Portugale from Chio. SErenissimo Principi domino Ioanni Dei gratia Regi Portugallieâ— Algarbiorum citra vltra mare in Africa ac domino Guineae conquistae nauigationis commercij AEthiopiae Arabiae Persiae atque Indiae c. Fratri amico nostro charissimo Henricus Dei gratia Rex Angliae Franciae fidei desensor ac dominus Hiberniae Serenissimo Principi domino Ioanni eadem gratia Regi Portugallie AlgarbioruÌ„ citra vltra mare in Africa ac domino Guinee conquistae nauigationis coÌ„mercij AEthiopiae Arabiae Persiae atque Indiae c. Fratri amico nostro charissimo saluteÌ„ Tanto libentiùs promptiúsque iustas omnes causas vestre Serenitati commendandas suscipimus quanto apertiori indiès nostroruÌ„ qui in eiusdem vestre Serenitatis regno ac ditione negociantur subditorum testimonio cognoscimus ipsam ex optimi principis officio ita accuratè exactéque ius suum cuÃque praebere vt ad eaÌ„ nemo iustitiae consequendae gratia frustrà vnquam confugiar Cúm itaque dilectus ac fidelis subditus noster Ioannes Gresham mercator Londoniensis nuper nobis humiliter exposuerit quod quidaÌ„ Willielmus Heith ipsius Factor negotiorum gestor nauim quandam Portugallensem cui nomen erat Sancto Antonio praeerátque Diego Peres Portugallensis superioribus mensibus in Candia conduxerit cum nauisque praefecto conuenerit vtin insulam Chium ad quas dam diuersi generis merces onerandas primo nauigaret in Candiámque mox aliarum
prouince of Tlapa to the riuer of Tlacolula For they may as I haue sayd carâ—â—e the timber in lighters or rafts downe the riuers and may vse the Indians in the townes thereabout to fell and draw the same out of the cold mountaines for in the warme countreyes the most is plaine ground whereas with very fewe men and oxen it may be brought vnto the place where it should be imbarqued There may come flat bottomes and canoas vnto the townes thereabout and lade themselues with victuals For they haue already come by that riuer to the rode of Ometepec made there prouision at the mansion of Don Mattheo and at the farmes at that time when his Maiestie did people the plaines which are betweene these riuers conteining a large and voyde countrey sufficient for the erecting of 20. manours being a countrey well furnished with water and pasture without any danger or perill according to the description hereunto annexed This small harbour of Tecuanapa being seene and viewed seemeth very commodious for to build shippes in by reason of the great abundance of mountaines full of good timber for that purpose with the commodities of riuers and with the seruice and victuals from the townes thereabout which be very good for coast townes The desire of him that made this relation hath bene with zeale to serue your excellencie who therewithall desireth the Lord God to giue the successe THE PRINCIPAL VOYAGES OF the English Nation to the Isles of Trinidad Margarita Dominica Deseada Monserrate Guadalupe Martinino and all the rest of the Antilles As likewise to S. Iuan de Puerto rico to Hispaniola Iamaica and Cuba and also to Tierra firma and all along the coast and Islands therof euen from Cumana and the Caracoâ— to the neckland of Dariene and ouer it to the Gulfe of S. Michael and the Isle of Perles in the South sea and further to Cabeça Catiua Nombre de dios and Venta de cruzes to Puerto Belo Rio de Chagre and the Isle of Escudo along the maine of Beragua to the Cape and Gulfe of the Honduras to Truxillo Puerto de cauallos and all other the principall Townes Islands and harbours of accompt within the said Gulfe and vp Rio dolce falling into this Gulfe aboue 30. leagues As also to the Isle of Coçumel and to Cape Cotoâ—he the towne of Campeche and other places vpon the land of Iucatan and lower downe to S. Iuan de Vllua Vera Cruz Rio de Panuco Rio de Palmas c. within the bay of Mexico and from thence to the Isles of the Tortugas the port of Hanana the Cape of Florida and the Gulfe of Bahama homewards With the taking sacking ransoming or burning of most of the principall Cities and townes vpon the coasts of Tierra sirma Nueua Espanna and all the foresaid Islands since the most traiterous burning of her Maiesties ship the Iesus of Lubeâ— and murthering of her Subiects in the port of S. Iuan de Vllua and the last generall arrest other Highnesse people with their ships and goods throughout all the dominions of the King of Spaine in the moneth of Iune 1585. Besides the manifold and tyrannicall oppressions of the Inquisition inflicted on our nation vpon most light and friuolous occasionâ— The voyage of Sir Thomas Pert and Sebastian Cabot about the eight yeere of King Henry the eight which was the yere 1516. to Brasil Santo Domingo and S. Iuan de Puerto rico THat learned and painefull writer Richard Eden in a certaine Epistle of his to the duke of Northumberland before a worke which he translated out of Munster in the yeere 1553 called A treatiâ—e of new India maketh mention of a voyage of discouerie vndertaken out of England by sir Thomas Pert and Sebastian Cabota about the 8. yere of King Henry the eight of famous memorie imputing the ouerthrow thereof vnto the cowardise and want of stomack of the said Sir Thomas Pert in maner following If manly courage saith he like vnto that which hath bene seene proued in your Grace as well in forreine realmes as also in this our countrey had not bene wanting in other in these our dayes at such time as our soueraigne lord of famous memorie king Henry the 8. about the same yeere of his raigne furnished and sent out certaine shippes vnder the gouernance of Sebastian Cabot yet liuing and one sir Thomas Pert whose faint heart was the cause that the voyage tooke none effect it I say such manly courage whereof wee haue spoken had not at that time beene wanting it might happily haue come to passe that that rich treasurie called Perularia which is nowe in Spaine in the citie of Siuill and so named for that in it is kept the infinite riches brought thither from the newfound land of Peru might long since haue beene in the â—ower of London to the kings great honour and wealth of this realme Hereunto that also is to bee referred which the worshipfull M. Robert Thorne wrote to the sayde king Henry the 8. in the yeere 1527. by doctor Leigh his ambassadour sent into Spaine to the Emperour Charles the fift whose wordes bee these Now rest to be discouered the North parts the which it seemeth vnto me is onely your highnes charge and dutie because the situation of this your realme is thereunto neerest and aptest of all other and also for that already you haue taken it in hand And in mine opinion it will not seeme well to leaue so great and profitable an enterprise seeing it may so easily and with so litle cost labour and danger be followed and obteined Though hitherto your grace haue made thereof a proofe found not the commoditie thereby as you trusted at this time it shal be none impediment for there may be now prouided remedies â—or things then lacked and the inconueniences and lets remooued that then were cause your graces desire tooke no full effect which is the courses to be changed and to follow the aforesayd new courses And concerning the mariners ships and prouiâ—ion an order may be deuised and taken meeâ—e and conuenient much better then hitherto by reason whereof by Gods grace no doubt youâ— purpose shall take effect And whereas in the aforesayd wordes M. Robert Thorne sayth that he would haue the old courses to bee changed and the newe courses to the North to be followed It may plainely be gathered that the former voyage whereof twise or thrise he maketh mention wherein it is like that sir Thomas Pert and Sebastian Cabot were set foorth by the king was made towarde Brasill and the South parts Moreouer it seemeth that Gonsaluo de Ouiedo a famous Spanish writer assudeth vnto the sayde voyage in the beginning of the 13. chapter of the 19. booke of his generall and natural historie of the West Indies agreeing very well with the time about which Richard Eden writeth that the foresaid voyage was begun The authors wordes are these as I finde them translated
saile out of Norway arriued vpon the Isle of Lewis then that Magnus the king of Norway came into the same seas with 160. sailes and hauing subdued the Orkney Isles in his way passed on in like conquering maner directing his course as it should seeme euen through the very midst and on all sides of the Hebrides who sailing thence to Man conquered it also proceeding afterward as farre as Anglesey and lastly crossing ouer from the Isle of Man to the East part of Ireland Yea there they shall read of Godredus the sonne of Olauus his voiage to the king of Norway of his expedition with 80. ships against Sumerledus of Sumerled his expedition with 53. ships against him of Godred his flight and second iourney into Norway of Sumerled his second arriual with 160. shippes at Rhinfrin vpon the coast of Man and of many other such combates assaults voyages which were performed onely vpon those seas Islands And for the bringing of this woorthy monument to light we doe owe great thanks vnto the iudiciall and famous Antiquarie M. Camden But sithens we are entred into a discourse of the ancient warrelike shipping of this land the Reader shall giue me leaue to borow one principall note out of this litle historie before I quite take my leaue thereof and that is in few words that K. Iohn passed into Ireland with a Fleet of 500. sailes so great were our sea-forces euen in his time Neither did our shipping for the warres first begin to flourish with king Iohn but long before his dayes in the reign of K. Edward the Confessor of William the Conqueror of William Rufus and the rest there were diuers men of warre which did valiant seruice at sea and for their paines were roially rewarded All this and more then this you may see recorded pag. 17. out of the learned Gentleman M. Lambert his Perambulation of Kent namely the antiquitie of the Kentiâ—h Cinque ports which of the sea-townes they were how they were infranchised what gracious priuileges and high prerogatiues were by diuers kings vouchsafed vpon them and what seruices they were tied vnto in regard thereof to wit how many ships how many souldiers mariners Garsons and for how many dayes each of them and all of them were to furnish for the kings vse and lastly what great exploits they performed vnder the conduct of Hubert of Burrough as likewise against the Welsâ—men vpon 200. French ships and vnder the commaund of captaine Henry Pay Then haue you pag. 117. the franke and bountifull Charter granted by king Edward the first vpon the foresayd Cinque portes next thereunto a Roll of the mightie fleet of seuen hundred ships which K. Edward the third had with him vnto the siege of Caleis out of which Roll before I proceed any further let me giue you a double obseruation First that these ships according to the number of the mariners which were in all 14151. persons seeme to haue bene of great burthen and secondly that Yarmouth an hauen towne in Northfolke which I much wonder at set foorth almost twise as many ships and mariners as either the king did at his owne costs and charges or as any one citie or towne in England besides Howbeit Tho. Walsingham maketh plaine and euident mention of a farre greater Fleete of the same king namely of 1100. shippes lying before Sandwich being all of them sufficiently well furnished Moreouer the Reader may behold pag. 186. a notable testimonie of the mightie ships of that valiant prince king Henry the 5. who when after his great victory at Agincourt the Frenchmen to recouer Harflew had hired certaine Spanish and Italian ships and forces had vnited their owne strength vnto them sent his brother Iohn duke of Bedford to encounter them who bidding them battell got the victory taking some of their ships and sinking others and putting the residue to dishonorable flight Likewise comming the next yeere with stronger powers and being then also ouercome they were glad to conclude a perpetuall league with K. Henry propter eorum naues saieth mine Author that is for the resistance of their ships the sayd king caused such huge ships to be built quales non erant in mundo as the like were not to be found in the whole world besides But to leaue our ancient shipping and descend vnto later times I thinke that neuer was any nation blessed of IEHOVAH with a more glorious and wonderfull victory vpon the Seas then our vanquishing of the dreadfull Spanish Armada 1588. But why should I presume to call it our vanquishing when as the greatest part of them escaped vs and were onely by Gods out-stretched arme ouerwhelmed in the Seas dashed in pieces against the Rockes and made fearefull spectacles and examples of his iudgements vnto all Christendome An excellent discourse whereof as likewise of the honourable expedition vnder two of the most noble and valiant peeres of this Realme I meane the renoumed Erle of Essex and the right honorable the lord Charles Howard lord high Admirall of England made 1596. vnto the strong citie of Cadiz I haue set downe as a double epiphonema to conclude this my first volume withall Both of which albeit they ought of right to haue bene placed among the Southerne voyages of our nation yet partly to satisfie the importunitie of some of my special friends and partly not longer to depriue the diligent Reader of two such woorthy and long-expected discourses I haue made bold to straine a litle curtesie with that methode which I first propounded vnto my selfe And here had I almost forgotten to put the Reader in mind of that learned and Philosophical treatise of the true state of Iseland and so consequently of the Northren Seas regions lying that way wherein a great number of none of the meanest Historiographers and Cosmographers of later times as namely Munster Gemma Frisius Zieglerus Krantzius Saxo Grammaticus Olaus Magnus Peucerus and others are by euident arguments conuinced of manifold errors that is to say as touching the true situation and Northerly latitude of that Island and of the distance thereof from other places touching the length of dayes in Sommer and of nights in Winter of the temperature of the land and sea of the time and maner of the congealing continuance and thawing of the Ice in those Seas of the first Discouerie and inhabiting of that Isâ—â—nd of the first planting of Christianitie there as likewise of the continuall flaming of mountains strange qualities of fountains of hel-mouth and of purgatorie which those authors haue fondly written and imagined to be there All which treatise ought to bee the more acceptable first in that it hath brought sound trueth with it and secondly in that it commeth from that farre Northren climate which most men would suppose could not affoord any one so learned a Patrone for it selfe And thus friendly Reader thou seest the briefe summe and scope of all my labours for the common-wealths sake and
the Whale 413. 113 The deposition of William Burrough to certeine Interrogatories mooued vnto him concerning the Narue and Kegor 414. 114 The reasons of M. William Burrough to disswade the vse of a trade to the Narue by the way through Sweden 416. 115 A remembrance of aduise giuen to the Moscouie merchants touching a voyage for Cola abouesaid 416. 116 An Epistle dedicatorie vnto the Queenes most excellent Maiestie written by M. William Burrough 417. 117 The Queenes Maiesties letters to Shaugh Thamas the great Sophy of Persia. 418. 118 The Latitudes and Meridian Altitudes of diuers places in Russia from the North to the South 431. 119 Directions giuen by M. Richard Hakluyt Esquire to Morgan Hubblethorne Dier sent into Persia. 432. 120 A Commission giuen by sir Rowland Heyward knight and George Barne Aldermen and gouernours of the Moscouie Companyâ— to Arthur Pet and Charles Iackman for the discouery by Sea towards Cathay 433. 121 Rules and orders giuen to be obserued by them in that Discouery 435. 122 Briefe aduises giuen by M. Iohn Dee to that purpose 437. 123 Instructions giuen them by Richard Hakluyt Esquire to that purpose also 437,438 124 The letter of Gerard. Mercator to Richard Hakluyt of Oxford touching that discouery 443. 125 Instructions giuen by the Moscouie Company vnto Richard Gibbs William Biggat Iohn Backhouseâ— c. Masters of their ships 453. 126 The opinion of M. William Burrough sent to a friend requiring his iudgement for the fittest time of the departure of our ships toward S. Nicolas in Russia 455. 127 The Queenes Maiesties Commission giuen to sir Ierome Bowes authorizing him her highnesse Ambassadour with the Emperour of Moscouie 455. 128 The Queenes Maiesties letters written to the Emperour by sir Ierome Bowes in his commendation 457. 129 The discourse of the Ambassage of sir Ierome Bowes to the aforesaid Emperour 458. 130 The maner of preferring suites in Russia 463. 131 A letter of M. Henry Lane to M. William Sanderson merchant of London conteyning a briefe discourse of all things passed in our Northren discoueries for the space of 33. yeeres 464. 132 The most solemne and magnificent Coronation of Pheodor Iuanowich Emperour of Russia set downe by M. Ierome Horsey 466. 133 The Priuileges graunted by the newe Emperour to the English merchants and obteined by the foresaid Ierom Horsey 470. 134 The Ambassage of M. Giles Fletcher Doctor of the Ciuil lawe from her Maiestie to the Emperour of Russia 473. 135 A notable description of Ruâ—â—ia 475 c. 136 A speciall note gathered by the excellent Venetian Cosmographer M. Iohn Baptista Ramusius concerning the Northeast passage 495. 137 The Lord Boris Pheodorowich his letter to the right honourable William Burghley Lord high Treasurer of England 498. 138 The Queenes Maiesties letter to Pheodor Iuanowich Emperour of Russia 499. 139 The Queenes Maiesties letters to the Lord Boris Pheodorowich 501. 140 The L. Treasurer sir William Cecil his letter to the Lord Boris Pheodorowich 502. 141 A letter of Pheodor Iuanowich to the Queenes Maiestie 502. 142 An other letter to the Queenes most excellent Maiestie from the Lord Boris Pheodorowich 503. 143 A second letter from the Lord Boris Pheodorowich to the L. William Burghley 504. 144 A most gracious letter of Priuileges giuen to the English merchants by Pheodor Iuanowich 505. 145 The contents of M. Garlands Commission vnto Thomas Simkinson for the bringing of M. Iohn Dee to the Emperour of Russia his Court. 508. 146 A letter to the right worsh. M. Iohn Dee Esquier conteyning the summe and effect of M. Garland his message 508. 147 A branch of a letter from Iohn Merick touching the death of Pheodor Iuanowich 509. 148 A learned Epistle written vnto the famous Cosmographer M. Gerardus Mercator concerning the Countreys Riuers and Seas towards the Northeast 510. 149 The honourable testimonies of diuers strangers touching the notable discoueries of the English made in the North-east parts 513. 150 A briefe Commentarie of the true state of Island 515. 550. 151 A letter written by the graue and learned Gudbrandus Thorlacius Bishop of Holen in Island concerning the ancient state of Island and Gronland 590. THE FIRST VOLVME OF THE principall Nauigations Voyages Traffiques and Discoueries of the English nation made to the North and Northeast quarters of the World with the directions letters priuiledges discourses and obseruations incident to the same Certeine testimonies concerning K. Arthur and his conquests of the North regions taken out of the historie of the Kings of Britaine written by Galfridus Monumetensis and newly printed at Heidelberge Anno 1587. Lib. 9. cap. 10. ANno Christi 517. Arthurus secundo regni sui anno subiugatis totius Hyberniae partibus claslem suam direxit in Islandiam eámque debellato populo subiugauit Exin diuulgato per caeteras insulas rumore quod eâ— nulla Prouincia resistere poterat Doldauius rex Gotlandiae Gunfacius râ—x Orcadum vltrò venerunt promissoque vectigali subiectionem feceiunt Emensa deinde hyeme reuersus est in Britanniam statúmque regni in firmam pacem renouans moram duodecim annis ibidem fecit The same in English IN the yere of Christ 517. king Arthur in the second yeere of his reigne hauing subdued all parts of Ireland sailed with his fleet into Island and brought it and the people thereof vnder his subiection The rumour afterwards being spread thorowout all the other Islands that no countrey was able to withstand him Doldauius the king of Gotland and Gunfacius the king of Orkney came voluntarily vnto him and yeelded him their obedience promising to pay him tribute The Winter being spent he returned into Britaine and establishing his kingdome in perfect peace he continued there for the space of twelue yeres Lib. 9 cap. 12. MIssis deinde in diuersa regna Legatis inuitantur tam ex Gallijs quà m ex collatetalibus Insulis Oceani qui ad curiam venire deberent c. Et paulò post Ex collateralibus autem Insulis Guillaumurius rex Hyberniae Maluasius rex Islandiae Doldauius rex Gotlandiae Gunnasius rex Orchadum Lot rex Noruegiae Aschilius rex Danorum The same in English AFter that king Arthur sending his messengers into diuers kingdomes he summoned such as were to come to his Court aswell out of France as out of the adiacent Islands of the sea c. and a little after From those adiacent Islands came Guillaumurius king of Ireland Maluasius king of Island Doldauius king of Gotland Gunnasius king of Orkney Lot the king of Norway and Aschilius the king of Denmarke Lib. 9 cap. 19. AT reges caeterarum Insularum quoniam non duxerant in morem equites habere pedites quot quisque debebat promittunt ita vt ex sex Insulis videlicet Hyberniae Islandiae Gotlandiae Orcadum Noruegiae atque Daciae sexies viginti millia essent annumerata The same in English BUt the kings of the other Islands because it was not their custome
Olauus and appointed him to be their king In the yeere 1226. Olauus recouered his inheritance that is to say the kingdome of Man and of the Islands which Reginald his brother had gouerned for the space of 38. yeeres and he reigned two yeeres in safetie In the yeere 1228. Olauus with all his nobles of Man and the stronger part of his people sailed vnto the Islands A short space after Alanus lord of Galway Thomas earle of Athol king Reginald came vnto Man with a mightie army and wasted all the South part of Man spoiled the Churches and slue all the men whom they coulde take insomuch that the Southpart of the saide Island was brought almost into desolation And then Alanus returned with his army into his owne land leauing behind him bailiffes and substitutes in Man which should gather vp and render vnto him the tribute of the countrey Howbeit king Olauus came suddenly vpon them chaced them away and recouered his kingdome And the Mannians which of late were dispersed and scattered abroad began to vnite themselues and to inhabite without feare The same yeere in the time of Winter vpon the sudden and in the very dead of the night came king Reginald out of Galway with fiue ships and burnt all the ships of his brother Olauus and of the nobles of Man at the Isle of S. Patric concluding a peace with his brother remained at the port of Ragnolwath 40. dayes in the meane while hee allured vnto himselfe all the Islanders vpon the South part of Man who sware that they would aduenture their liues vntill hee had gotten the one halfe of his kingdome contrarywise Olauus ioyned vnto himselfe them of the North part vpon the 14. of February in the place called Tingualla a field was fought betweene the two brothers wherein Olauus got the victory and Reginald the king was by certaine souldiers slaine without the knowledge of his brother Also certaine pirates comming to the south part of Man wasted spoiled it The monkes of Russin conueyed the body of K. Reginald vnto the abbey of S. Mary of Fournes there he was interred in the place which his owne selfe had chosen for the purpose After these things Olauus traueiled vnto the king of Norway but before he was arriued there Haco king of Norway appointed a certaine noble man named Husbac the son of Owmund to be king of the Islands of the Hebrides called his name Haco Then came the said Haco with Olauus Godred Don the son of Reginald and a multitude of Noruegians vnto the islands and while they were giuing an assault vnto a castle in the island of Both Haco being hit with a stone died and was buried in Iona. In the yere 1230. came Olauus with Godredus Don certeine Noruegians vnto Man and they parted the kingdome among themselues Olauus stil receiuing Man Godred as he was going vnto the islands was slaine in the isle of Lewis Olauus inioyed the kingdome of the islands also In the yere 1237. vpon the 12. of the Kalends of Iune Olauus sonne of Godred king of Man deceased in the isle of S. Patric and was interred in the abbey of Russin He reigned 11. yeres two while his brother was aliue and nine after his death Haraldus his sonne being of the age of 14. yeres succeeded and he reigned 12. yeeres The first yere of his reigne taking his iourney vnto the islands he appointed one Loglen his kinsman to be his deputie in Man The Autumne folowing Haraldus sent the three sonnes of Nel namely Dufgaldus Torquellus Molmore and his friend Ioseph vnto Man that they might enter into coÌ„sultation together Wherfore the 25. day they assembled themselues at Tingualla and malice growing betweene the sonnes of Nel and Loglen they fel to blowes and skirmished sore on both parts Molmore Dufgald and the foresaid Ioseph being all slaine in the fray The Spring folowing king Harald came into the isle of Man and Loglen fleeing into Wales was himselfe together with Godred the sonne of Olauus his pupil and 40. others drowned by shipwracke In the yere 1238. Gospatricius and Gillescrist sonne of Mac-Kerthac came from the king of Norway vnto Man expelling Harald out of the said island and taking tribute on the behalfe of the Noruegian king because the said Harald refused to come vnto his Court. In the yere 1240. Gospaâ—ricius deceased and was buried in the abbey of Russin In the yere 1239. Haraldus went vnto the king of Norway who within two yeres conâ—irmed vnto him his heires and successors vnder seale all the islands which his predecessors enioyed In the yeere 1242. Haraldus returned out of Norway vnto Man and being honourably receiued by the inhabitants he liued in peace with the kings of England and Scotland In the yeere 1247. Haraldus like as his father also before him was knighted by the king of England and so being rewarded with many gifts he returned home The same yere he was sent for by the king of Norway and he maried his daughter And in the yere 1249. as he was returning home with his wife with Laurence the elect of Man and with many other nobles neere vnto the confines of Radland he was drowned in a tempest In the yere 1249. Reginald the sonne of Olauus and brother vnto Harald began to reigne the day next before the Nones of May and vpon the 30 day of the same moneth he was slaine by Yuarus a souldier and other of his complices in the South part of a certaine medow neere vnto the Church of the holy Trinitie and he was buried at the Church of S. Marie at Russin The same yere Alexander king of Scots prouided a great nauie of ships that he might conquere the islands vnto himselfe howbeit falling into an ague at the isle of Kerwary he deceâ—sed Then Haraldus the sonne of Godred Don vsurped the name of a king ouer the islands hee banished also all the princes of Harald the sonne of Olauus and ordeined his fugitiues to bee princes and nobles in their stead In the yere 1250. Haraldus the son of Godred Don being summoned by letters went vnto the king of Norway who deteined him in prison because he had vniustly possessed the kingdome The same yeere Magnus the sonne of Olauus and Iohn the sonne of Dugalt arriued at Roghalwaht which Iohn named himselfe king but the Mannians taking it grieuously that Magnus was not nominated draue them from their shoare and many of the company perished by shipwracke In the yeere 1252. came Magnus the sonne of Olauus vnto Man and was ordeined king The yere folowing he tooke his iourney vnto the king of Norway there he remained one whole yere In the yeere 1254. Haco king of Norway ordeined Magnus the sonne of Olauus king of the Islands confirming them to him and to his heires and by name vnto Harald his brother In the yere 1256. Magnus tooke his iourney into England and was by the king of England
and purposely described all the Northerne Islands with the indrawing seas and the record thereof at his returne he deliuered to the king of England The name of which booke is Inuentio Fortunata aliter fortunae qui liber incipit a gradu 54. vsque ad polum Which frier for sundry purposes after that did fiue times passe from England thither and home againe It is to be noted that from the hauen of Linne in Norfolke whereof the foresaid Francisan frier tooke his name to Island it is not aboue a fortnights sailing with an ordinarie winde and hath bene of many yeeres a very common and vsuall trade which further appeareth by the priuileges granted to the Fishermen of the towne of Blacknie in the said Countie of Norfolke by king Edward the third for their exemption and freedome from his ordinary seruice in respect of their trade to Island The voyage of Henry Earle of Derbie after Duke of Hereford and lastly king of England by the name of Henry the fourth An. Dom. 1390. into Prussia and Lettowe against the infidels recorded by Thomas of Walsingham DDominus Henricus Comes de Derbie per idem tempus profectus est in le Pruys vbi cum adjutorio marescalli dictae patriae cujusdam Regis vocati Wytot deuicit exercitum Regis de Lettowe captis quatuor ducibus tribus peremptis amplius quam trecentis de valentioribus exercitus supradicti pariter interemptis Ciuitas quoque vocatur Will in cujus castellum Rex de Lettowe nomine Skirgalle confugerat potenti virtute dicti Comitis maximè aâ—que suorum capta est Namque qui fuerunt de famâ—lia sâ— primi murum ascenderant vexillum ejus super muros caeteris vel torpentibus vel ignorantibus posuerunt Captaque sunt ibi vel occisa quatuor millia plebanorum fratre Regis de Poleyn inter caeteros ibi perempto qui aduersarius nostri fuitâ— Obsessumque fuit castrum dictae Ciuitatis per quinque hebdomadas Sed propter infirmitates quibus vexabatur exercitus magistri de Pruys de Lifland noluerunt diutius expectare Facti sunt Christiani de gente de Lettowe octo Et magister de Lifland duxit secum in suam patriam tria millia captiuorum The same in English ABout the same time L. Henry the Earle of Derbie trauailed into Prussia where with the helpe of the Marshall of the same Prouince and of a certaine king called Wytot hee vanquished the armie of the king of Lettowe with the captiuitie of foure Lithuanian Dukes and the slaughter of three besides more then three hundred of the principall common souldiers of the sayd armie which were slaine The Citie also which is called Wil or Vilna into the castle whereof the king of Lettow named Skirgalle fled for his sauegard was by the valour of the sayd Earle especially and of his followers surprised and taken For certaine of the chiefe men of his familie while others were slouthfull or at least ignorant of their intent skaling the walles aduanced his colours thereupon And there were taken and slaine foure thousand of the common souldiers and amongst others was slaine the king of Poland his brother who was our professed enemie And the castle of the foresaid Citie was besieged for the space of fiue weekes but by reason of the infirmities and inconueniences wherewith the whole armie was annoyed the great masters of Prussia and of Lifland would not stay any longer There were conuerted of the nation of Lettowe eight persons vnto the Christian faith And the master of Lifland carried home with him into his countrey three thousand captiues The voyage of Thomas of VVoodstocke Duke of Glocester into Prussia in the yeere 1391. written by Thomas Walsingham EOdem tempore dux Glouerniae Dominus Thomas de Woodstock multis moerentibus iter apparauit versùs le Pruys quem non Londinensium gemitus non communis vulgi moeror retinere poterant quiâ— proficisci vellet Nam plebs communis tà m Vrbana quà m rustica metuebant quòd eo absente aliquod nouum detrimentum succresceret quo praesente nihil tale timebant Siquidèm in eo spes solatium totius patriae reposita videbantur Ipse verò mòx vt fines patriae suae transijt illicò aduersa agitatus fortuna nunc hà c nunc illà c turbinibus procellosis circumfertur in tantum destituitur vt de vita etiam desperaret Tandem post Daciam post Norwagiam post Scoticam barbariem non sine mortis pauore transcursam peruenit Northumbriam ad castellum se contulit de Tinnemutha velùt assylum antiquitùs notum sibi vbi per aliquot dies recreatus iter assumpsit versus manerium suum de Plashy magnum apportans gaudium toti regno tam de ejus euasione quà m de aduentu suo The same in English AT the same time the Duke of Glocester Lord Thomas of Woodstock the yongest sonne of Edward the third to the great griefe of many tooke his iourney towards Prussia whom neither the Londoners mones nor yet the lamentation of the communaltie could restraine from his intended expedition For the common people both of the Citie and of the countrey feared lest in his absence some newe calamitie might happen which they feared not while he was present For in him the whole nation seemed to repose their hope and comfort Howbeit hauing skarce passed as yet the bounds of his owne countrey he was immediatly by hard fortune tossed vp and downe with dangerous stormes and tempests and was brought into such distresse that he despaired euen of his owne life At length hauing not without danger of death sailed along the coastes of Denmarke Norway and Scotland he returned into Northumberland and went to the castle of Tinmouth as vnto a place of refuge knowen of olde vnto him where after hee had refreshed himselfe a fewe dayes hee tooke his iourney toward his Mannour of Plashy bringing great ioy vnto the whole kingdome aswell in regard of his safetie as of his returne The verâ—es of Geofrey Chaucer in the knights Prologue who liuing in the yeere 1402. as hee writeth himselfe in his Epistle of Cupide shewed that the English Knights after the losse of Acon were wont in his time to trauaile into Prussia and Lettowe and other heathen lands to aduance the Christian faith against Infidels and miscreants and to seeke honour by feats of armes The English Knights Prologue A Knight there was and that a worthie man that from the time that he first began to riden out he loued Cheualrie trouth honour freedome and Curtesie full worthy was he in his lords warre and thereto had hee ridden no man farre As well in Christendome as in Heathennesse and euer had honour for his worthinesse At Alisandre hee was when it was wonne full oft time hee had the bourd begon abouen all nations in Pruce In Lettowe had hee riden and in
hauing sent certaine of their factors and seruants with three shippes into your dominions there to exercise traffique and the sayd ships being laden in the hauen of your towne of Tonnesbergh with Herrings and other commodities to a great value and also the said mariners men and seruants of the foresayd shippes being licenced by vertue of the safe conduct which you had granted them freely to returne from your kingdome vnto the parts of England with their ships and goods aforesayd but afterward not being able to depart out of your hauen by reason of contrary windes certaine of your bayliffes vpon occasion of the slaughter of a knight being himselfe also of late your bayliffe of Vikia committed by malefactors and Pirates vpon the sea whilest the sayd shippes remained in the hauen aforesayd did at your commandement as they say arrest and for along season also deâ—eiâ—ed vnder that arrest the foresaid ships with all the men and goods that were in them namely vntill such time as the men and mariners aforesaide beeing driuen perforce and constrained thereunto should lay in sufficient securitie for the payment of fortie pounds sterling vpon a certain day appointed vnto your vse for euery of the foresaide ships and also vntill they had moreouer deliuered three pledges for the bringing of the saide ships and men backe againe into the foresaid hauen before the feast of the natiuitie of S. Iohn the Baptist next ensuing then and there to stand vnto your fauour and curtesie as touching the said persons and those ships of theirs which dealing the parties themselues take very grieuously yea and all others that heare thereof thinke it to be a strange and vnwonted course And because it is most vndoubtedly contrary to all reason equitie iustice and lawe that the faults or demerits of offenders should in any sort be punished in such persons or in their goods as neither haue bene accessory nor partakers in the crime nor haue had any society with the saide offenders we doe heartily intreat and request your Highnes that weighing and pondering the matter in the balance of iustice you would of your loue and friendship command the foresaid pledges to be set at libertie and the said securitie vtterly to bee released and acquited And know you this for a certaintie that if the foresaide malefactors who as it is reported slewe your Knight aforesaide shall any where within our realme and dominions be found we wil cause iustice and iudgement to bee executed vpon them according to the Lawe and custome of our sayde Realme For we cannot in these times conueniently and well indure that the ships aforesaide or any other ships of our kingdome which ought alwayes to be in a readinesse for our seruice should without speciall licence depart out of our saide kingdome vnto forreine dominions Nowe what you shall think good at this our request to performe in the premisses may it please you by the bearer of these presents to returne an answere vnto vs. Geuen at Windsore the 16. of April Another Letter of Edward the second to Haquinus King of Norway in the behalfe of certaine English Marchants MAgnifico Principi Dom. Haquino Dei gratia regi Norwegiae illustri amico suo charissimo Edwardus eadem Dei gratia Rex Angliae dominus Hyberniae dux Aquitaniae salutem cum dilectione sincera Querelam dilectorum Mercatorum nostroâ—um Thomae de Swyn de Waynfleâ—te Simonis filij Alani de eadem recepimus continentem Quod cùm ipsi nuper quosdam seruientes suos infrà regnum vestrum pro suis ibidem exercendis mercimonijs transmisissent Thesaurarius vester bona mercimonia praedictorum Thomae Simonis ad valenciam quadraginta librarum quae seruientes praedicti in villa de Northberne in sua custodia habuerunt die Sancti Michaelis vltimò praeterita fecit absque causa rationabili arestari ea adhuc taliter arestata detinet iniustè in ipsorum Thomae Simonis damnum non modicum depauperationem manifestam Et quia eisdem mercatoribus nostris subuenire volumus quatenus suadente iustitia poterimus in hac parte vestram amicitiam requirimus cum affectu quatenus audita querela praedictorum Thomae Simonis vel ipsorum atturnatorum super restitutione bonorum mercimoniorum praedictorum impendere velitis eisdem celeris iustitiae complementum Iâ—a quod pro defectu exhibitions iustitiae super arestatione praedicta non oporteat nos pro mercatoribus nostris praedictis de alio remedio prouidere Nobis autem quid ad hanc nostram instantiam duxeritis faciendum rescribere velitis per presentium portitorem Datae vt suprà The same in English TO the mightie Prince Lord Haquinus by the grace of God the famous King of Norway his most deare friend Edward by the same grace of God king of England Lorde of Ireland and Duke of Aquitaine greeting and sincere loue Wee receiued the complaint of our welâ—elo-Merchants Thomas de Swyn of Waynfleet and Simon the sonne of Alanus of the same towne the contents whereof are that whereas of late the saide parties sent certaine of their seruants to traffike in your kingdome your Treasurer vpon the feast of S. Michael last past without any iust or reasonable occasion caused the goods and merchandise of the foresaide Thomas and Simon to the value of fortie pound which their said seruants had vnder their custodie at the towne of Northberne to be arrested and as yet also iniuriously deteineth the same vnder the same arrest to the great damage and impouerishing of the sayd Thomas and Simon And for asmuch as our desire is to succour these our marchants so far foorth as we can Iustice requiring no lesse in this behalfe wee doe right earnestly request you that hauing hearde the complaint and supplication of the foresayde Thomas and Simon or of their Atturneyes you woulde of your loue and friendship vouchsafe them speedie administration of Iustice about the restitution of their goods and merchandise aforesaide least that for want of the exhibiting of Iustice about the foresaid arrest we be constrained to prouide some other remedie for our marchants aforesaid Our request is that you would by the bearer of these presents returne an answere vnto vs what you are determined to doe at this our instant motion Giuen as aboue A third letter of King Edward the second to Haquinus King of Norway in the behalfe of certaine English Marchants MAgnifico Principi Domino Haquino Dei gratia Regi Norwegiae illustri amico suo charissimo Edwardus eadem Dei gratia Rex Angliae dominus Hyberniae dux Aquitaniae salutem cum dilectione sincera Pro mercatoribus nostris Lennae partium vicinarum quos Balliuus Officiarij vestri ciuitatis vestrae Bergen dudum ceperunt stricto carceri manciparunt quorum multi vt iam intelleximus propter alimentorum subtractionem duritiam ac asperitatem carceris perierunt vt ipsorum bonorum
forasmuch as the foresaid Master general and our Order do know no iust occasion wherby they haue deserued your maiesties indignation but are firmely and most vndoubtedly perswaded to finde all curtesie fauour and friendship at your Highnesse according to your wonted clemencie the said Master generall therefore maketh no doubt that al the aboue writtenâ—damages molestations being in such sort against God and iustice offred vnto his subiects by yours be altogether vnknown vnto your magnificence committed against your mind wherfore presently vpon the foresaid arrest of your marchants goods he dispatched his messengers vnto your roial maiesty Wherof one deceased by the way namely in the territory of Holland the other remained sick in those parts for a long season so that ambassage took none effect Wherfore the said master general was desirous to send vs now y e second time also vnto your Highnes We do make our humble sute therfore in the name behalf of our Master and Order aforesaid vnto your kingly supremacy that hauing God and iustice before your eies and also the dutifull and obsequious demeanor of the said master and order towards you you would vouchsafe to extend your gracious clemency for the redresse of the premisses wherby the foresaid losses may be restored and repaied vnto our subiects All which notwithstanding that it would please you of your wisedome prouidence to procure so absolute a remedy by meanes whereof in time to come such dealings and inconueniences may be auoided on both parts finally that your marchants may quietly be possessed of their goods arrested in Prussia and our marchants may be admitted vnto the possession of their commodities attached in England to conuert apply them vnto such vses as to themselues shal seem most conuenient Howbeit most gracious prince and lord we are to sollicite your Highnesse not onely about the articles to be propounded concerning the losses aforesaide but more principally for certain sinister reports and superstitious slanders wherwith certaine of your subiects not seeking for peace haue falsly informed your maiesty your most honorable discreete CouÌ„cel affirming that at the time of y e aforesaid arrest your marchants were barbarously intreated that they were cast into lothsom prisons brenched in myre and water vp to y e neck restrained from al conference and company of men and also that their meat was thrown vnto them as a bone to a dog with many other enormities which they haue most slanderously deuised concerning the master general aforesaid and his people and haue published them in these dominions vpon the occasion of which falshoods certain marchants of our parts and of other regions of Alemain who of your special beneuolence were indued with certaine priuileges and fauours in your citie of London and in other places were as malefactors apprehended and caried to prison vntil such time as the trueth was more apparant Whereupon the foresaide master generall propoundeth his humble sute vnto your maiestie that such enemies of trueth and concord your Maiesty woulde vouchsafe in such sort to chastise that they may be an example vnto others presuming to doe the like Moreouer high and mighty Prince and lord it was reported vnto our Master general that his former Legats required of your maiesty safe conduct freely to come into your highnesse Realme Which when hee heard he was exceedingly offended therat sithence vndoubtedly they did not this at his commaundement or direction We therefore humbly beseech your Grace as touching this ouersight to holde the Master generall excused because there is no need of safeconduct between so speciall friends Furthermore sundry damages and complaints of the foresaid general Master and his subiects are briefly exhibited and put downe in the billes following Also all and singular damnified persons besides other proofes were compelled to verifie their losses by their formall othes taken vpon the holy Bible Lastly we doe make our humble suite and petition vnto the prouidence and discretion of your Highnes and of your honorable Councell that concerning the premisses and all other matters propounded or to be propounded vnto your Maiesty we may obtaine a speedy answere and an effectuall end For it would redound vnto our great charges and losse to make any long delayes An agreement made by the Ambassadors of England and Prussia confirmed by king Richard the second RIchard by the grace of God king of England and France and lorde of Ireland To all vnto whom these present letters shall come greeting We haue seene and considered the composition ordination concord and treatie betweene our welbeloued clearke master Nicholas Stocket licentiat in both lawes Walter Sibel and Thomas Graa citizens of our cities of London York our messengers and ambassassadors on the one part and the honourable and religious personages Conradus de Walrode great commander Sifridus Walpode de Bassenheim chiefe hospitalary commander in Elburg and Vlricus Hachenberg Treasurer the messengers and ambassadors of the right reuerend and religious lord lord Conradus Zolner de Rothenstein master generall of the knightly order of the Dutch hospital of Saint Mary at Ierusalem on the other part lately concluded and agreed vpon in these words In the name of the supreame and indiuisible Trinitie the Father the Sonne and the holy Ghost Amen Forasmuch as the author of peace will haue peace-makers to be the sons of blessednes and the execrable enemie of peace to be expelled out of the dominions of Christians therefore for the perpetuall memorie of the thing be it knowen vnto all men who shall see or heare the tenour of these presents that there being matter of dissension and discord bred betweene the most renowmed prince and king Richard by the grace of God king of England and France and lord of Ireland and his subiects on the one part and the right reuerend and religious lord lord Conradus Zolner de Rothinstein Master generall of the knightly order of the Dutch hospitall of S. Marie at Ierusalem and his land of Prussia and his subiects also on the other part the foresaid lord and generall master vpon mature counsell and deliberation had sent his honourable ambassadours towards England vnto the forenamed most soueraigne prince and king to propound and make their complaint vnto him of violence and iniuries offered as it is sayd by the English vnto the Prussians in consideration whereof certaine goods of the marchants of England were arrested in the land of Prussia Whose complaint the foresayd most gracious prince did courteously and friendly admit receiue and accept and after many speeches vttered in this treaty louingly dismissed them vnto their owne countrey againe promising by his letters vnto the foresayd reuerend Master generall that hee would dispatch his ambassadours vnto the land of Prussia Whereupon in the yeere 1388. he sent hono and reuerend personages Master Nicholas Stocket licentiate of both lawes Thomas Graa and Walter Sibill citizens of London and Yorke with sufficient authority and full
and messengers haue put to their seales Giuen in the towne of Dordract the 15. day of December in the yere of our Lord 1405. William Esturmy knight and Iohn Kington canon of Lincolne being in this behalfe sufficiently authorized and deputed as Ambassadours procurators messengers and commissioners by our said soueraigne lord the king namely in regard of the molestations iniuries and damages vniustly done and committed against the liege people and subiectes of the foresaide most excellent Prince and lord Lord Henry by the grace of God king of England France and Lord of Ireland by the commumalties of the cities of Wismer and Rostok vnderwritten their common couÌ„sel being assembled for the same purpose authorized also and as well closely as expresly maintained and ratified by the whole companie of the common society of the marchants of the Dutch Hans doe in this present diet at the towne of Hage situate in the countrey of Holland being appointed for the very same occasion demaund of you Syr Iohn de Aa knight and Hermannus Meyer deputies for the cities of Wismer and Rostok and sufficiently ordeined by authority requisite in this behalfe to be the procurators and messengers of the said cities that conuenient iust and reasonable satisfaction and recompense may certainely and effectually be done vnto the iniuried and endamaged parties who are specified in the articles vnder written Imprimis that about the feast of Easter in the yeere of our Lord 1394. Henry van Pomeren Godekin Michael Clays Sheld Hans Howfoote Peter Hawfoote Clays Boniface Rainbek and many others with them of Wismer and of Rostok being of the societie of the Hans tooke by maine force a ship of Newcastle vpon Tine called Godezere sailing vpon the Sea towards Prussia being of the burthen of two hundred tunnes and belonging vnto Roger de Thorneton Robert Gabiford Iohn Paulin and Thomas de Chester which ship together with the furnâ—ture thereof amounteth vnto the value of foure hundred pounds also the woollen cloth the red wine the golde and the summes of money contained in the said ship amounted vnto the value of 200. marks of English money moreouer they vniustly slew Iohn Patanson and Iohn Russell in the surprising of the shippe and goods aforesaide and there they imprisoned the sayde parties taken and to their vtter vndoing detayned them in prison for the space of three whole yeeres Item that in the yeere of our Lorde 1394. certaine persons of Wismer and Rostok with others of the Hans their confederates robbed one Richard Horuse of Hull of diuers goods anyâ— marchandizes in a ship called the Shipper Berline of Prussia beeing then valued at 160. nobles Item that in the yeere of our Lorde 1395. Hans van Wethemonkule Clays Scheld Godekin Mighel and one called Strotbeker by force of armes and by the assistance of the men of Wismer and Rostok and others of the Hans did vpon the Sea neere vnto Norway wickedly and vniustly take from Iohn Tutteburie fiue pieces of ware foure hundred of werke and halfe a last of osmundes and other goods to the value of foure hundred seuentie sixe nobles Item in the yeere of our Lorde 1396. one Iohn van Derlowe Hans van Gelder and other their complices of the Hans villainously and vniustly tooke a shippe of William Terry of Hul called the Cogge with thirtie wollen broad clothes and a thousand narrow clothes to the value of 200. pounds Item in the yeere of our Lorde 1398. one Iohn van Derlowe Wilmer Hans van Gelder Clays Scheld Euerade Pilgrimson and diuers others of the Hans did vpon the Sea neere vnto Norway villainously and vniustly take a shippe of Iohn Wisedome of Hull called the Trinitie with diuers goods and marchandizes namely oyle waxe and werke to the value of 300. pounds Item in the yeere of our Lord 1399. one Clays Scheld and others aboue written of Wismer and Rostok with certaine others of the Hans their confederates wickedly and vniustly took from one William Pound marâ—hant of Hull two cakes of waxe to the value of 18. poundes out of the ship called the Hawkin Derlin of Dantzik Item in the yeere of our Lord 1394. one Goddekin Mighel Clays Scheld Storbiker and diuers others of Wismer and Rostok and of the Hans wickedly and vniustly tooke out of a ship of Elbing the master whereof was called Henry Puys of the goods and marchandizes of Henrie Wyman Iohn Topeliffe aud Henry Lakenswither of Yorke namely in werke waxe osmunds and bowstaues to the value of 1060. nobles Item in the yeere of our Lorde 1394. certaine malefactors of Wismer and Rostok with others of the Hans their confederats wickedly vniustly took out of a ship of Holland the master whereof was called Hinkensman 140. woollen clothes the price of one of the which clothes was eight nobles from Thomas Thester of Yorke and a chest with armour siluer and golde of the foresaid Thomas to the value of 9. pounds Item in the yere of our Lord 1393. certaine malefactors of Wismer and Rostok and others their complices of the Hans wickedly and vniustly tooke from one Richard Abel of London woollen cloth greene cloth meale and fishes to the value of 133. li.6.s. Item in the yeere of our Lorde 1405. about the feast of S. Michael one Nicholas Femeer of Wismer marchant of the Hans with the assistance of other his complices of the Hans aforesaide wickedly and vniustly tooke from one Richard Morley citizen of London fiue lasts of herrings besides 32. pounds in the sea called Northsound Item in the yeere of our Lord 1398. about the moneth of September one Godekin Wisle and Gerard Sleyre of Wismer and Rostok with others of the Hans their confederats wickedly and vniustly took out of a ship of Prussia wherof the master was named Rorebek from Iohn Seburgh marchant of Colchester two packs of woollen cloth to the value of an 100. markes from Stephan Flispe and Iohn Plumer marchants of the same town two packs of woollen cloth to the value of 60. pounds from Robert Wight marchant of the same towne two packes of woollen cloth to the value of an 100. marks from William Munde marchant of the same town two fardels of woollen cloth worth 40 li from Iohn Dawe and Thomas Cornwaile marchants of the same towne three packs of woollen cloth worth 200. marks Moreouer they tooke and imprisoned certaine English men which were in the said ship namely William Fubborne seruant vnto Iohn Diere Thomas Mersh seruant vnto Robert Wight which Thomas paid for this ransome 20. nobles of English money William Munde marchant of the towne aforesaide which William by reason of the extremity of that imprisonment lost the sight of his eyes and Thomas Cornwaile marchant of the foresaide Towne which Thomas paide for his raunsome twentie nobles Item in the yeere of our Lorde 1394. certaine malefactors of Wismer and Rostok vpon the coastes of Denmarke and Norway
beneath Scawe and at Anold tooke Thomas Adams and Iohn Walters marchants of Yermouth and Robert Caumbrigge and Reginald Leman marchants of Norwich in a certaine shippe of Elbing in Prussia whereof one Clays Goldesmith was master with diuers woollen clothes of the saide Thomas Iohn Robert and Reginald to the value of one thousande marks English and carried the persons and goods aforesaide away with them and the said Thomas Iohn Robert and Reginald they imprisoned at Courtbuttressow and there detained them vntill they paide an hundred markes for their redemption Item in the yeere of our Lorde 1401. some of the inhabitants of Wismer and of Rostok wickedly tooke at Longsound in Norway a certaine shippe of West-Stowe in Zeland the Master whereof was one Gerard Dedissen laden with diuerse goods and marchandises of Iohn Hughson of Yermouth namely with the hides of oxen and of sheepe with butter masts sparres boordes questingstones and wilde werke to the value of an hundred marks and do as yet detaine the said things in their possession some of the Hans being their assistants in the promisses Item in the yeere of our Lorde 1402. certaine of the Hans of Rostok and of Wismer tooke vpon the coast of England neere vnto Plimmouth a certaine barge called the Michael of Yarmouth whereof Hugh ap Fen was the owner and Robert Rigweys the master laden with bay salt to the quantitie of 130. wayes and with a thousand canuasse clothes Britaine and doe as yet detaine the saide goods in their possession the said Hugh being endamaged by the losse of his ship and of his goods aforesaid 800. nobles and the foresaid Master and the mariners loosing in regard of their wages canuas and armour 200. nobles Item in the yeere of our Lord 1405. certaine malefactors of Wismer wickedly and vniustly tooke in a certaine port of Norway called Selaw a ship of Yarmouth the owner whereof was William Oxney and the master Thomas Smith laden with salt cloth and salmon to the value of 40. pound and doe as yet detaine the said ship and goods in their possession some of the Hans their confederates ayding and assisting them at the same time Item in the yeere of our Lord 1395. one Godekin Mighel Clays Scheld Stertebeker and other their accomplices of the Hans tooke vpon the sea a certain ship of one Iohn Dulwer of Cley called the Friday whereof Laurence Tuk of Cley was master and conueighed the said ship vnto Maustrond in Norway and the saide Master and mariners they robbed of diuers commodities namely of artillery furniture and salt fishes being in the same ship to the value of 500. nobles Item in the yeere of our Lord 1395. Godekin Mighel Clays Scheld Stertebeker and other their accomplices of the Hans vnlawfully tooke vpon the sea a certaine ship of one William Bets of Cley called the Margaret wherein Robert Robines was master and conueyed the ship it self vnto Mawstrond in Norway and there robbed the master and his partners of diuers commodities namely of artillerie furniture and salt fishes to the value of 400. nobles and one of the said masters mates they maliciously drowned Item in the yere of our Lord 1395. about the feast of the natiuitie of S. Iohn Baptist the forenamed Godekin and Stertebeker with others their accomplices of the Hans vnlawfully took vpon the sea a certain ship of Nicholas Steyhard and Iohn Letis of Cley called the Nicholas wherof Iohn Prest was master and conueyed the said ship vnto Mawstrond and there robbed the said master and his companie of diuers commodities namely of furniture and salt fishes being in the said ship to the value of 320. nobles Item in the yeere of our Lord 1395. about the feast aforesaid the said Godekins and Stertebeker their companions of the Hans vniustly took vpon the sea a certaine ship of Thomas Peirs of Cley called the Isabel whereof William Noie was master and conueyed it vnto Mawstrond and there robbed the said master and his company of diuers commodities as namely of furniture and salt fishes being in the said ship to the value of 406. nobles Item in the yeere next aboue mentioned vpon the Saterday about the foresaid feast the forenamed Godekins and Stertebeker and other their accomplices of the Hans vnlawfully took vpoÌ„ the sea a certain ship of one Thomas Lyderpole of Cley called the Helena wherein Robert Alwey was master also wickedly and vniustly drowned in the bottom of the sea diuers commodities as namely salt fishes together with the ship itselfe Item in the yeere of our Lord 1398. about the feast of S. Michael the archangel the foresaid Godekin Stertebeker with other their coÌ„federats of the Hans took at Langsound in Norway a certain crayer of one Thomas Motte of Cley called the Peter wherein Thomas Smith was master the foresaid crayer they wickedly and vniustly caried away being worth 280. nobles Item in the yeere of our Lord 1395. about the feast of the natiuitie of S. Iohn Baptist the forenamed Godekins and Stertebeker and others of the Hans vniustly tooke a certain ship of Simon Durham called the Dogger-ship and the Peter of Wiueton laden with salt fishes whereof Iohn Austen was master vpon the coast of Denmarke And they caried away the saide Dogger with the furniture thereof and the foresaid salt fishes to the value of 170. pound Moreouer the master and 25â— mariners in the same ship they maliciously slewe and a certaine ladde of the saide Dogger they caried with tâ—em vnto Wismer Item in the foresaid yeere and about the feast aforesaid the forenamed Godekins and Stertebeker with other their complices vniustly tooke vpon the sea a certaine ship of Thomas Lyderpole and Iohn Coote of Wiueton and the master and mariners which were in the saide shippe they villanously slue among whom they put to death one Simon Andrew the godsonne nephew and seruant of the foresaid Simon Durham Which ship with the goods and furniture that were therein was worth 410. nobles Item in the very same yeere about the feast aforesaid the forenamed Godekins and Stertebeker other their complices wickedly spoiled a certaine ship of the foresaid Simon Durham called the Dogger wherein Geruase Cat was master lying at an anker while the companie were occupied about fishing and likewise vniustly tooke away with them the salt fishes and furniture of the said ship Moreouer the master and his company that were in the said Dogger they beate and wounded so that they vtterly lost their fishing for that yeere the master and his said companie being endamaged thereby to the summe of 200. nobles Item in the yere of our Lord 1396. the foresaid Godekins and Stertebeker and other their complices vniustly tooke vpon the sea a certain crayer called the Buss of Zeland which one Iohn Ligate marchant and seruant vnto the forenamed Simon Durham had laden in Prussia on the behalfe of
Lords came thider by assent To his worship but in a certaine day Hee bad shippes to bee redie of aray For to visit Saint Iohns Church hee list Rowing vnto the good holie Baptist Hee assigned to Erles Lords and knights Many ships right goodly to sights And for himselfe and eight kings moo Subiect to him hee made kepe one of thoo A good shippe and entrede into it With eight kings and downe did they sit And eche of them an ore tooke in hand At ore hales as I vnderstand And he himselfe at the shippe behinde As steris man it became of kinde Such another rowing I dare well say Was not seene of Princes many a day Lo than how hee in waters got the price In lande in see that I may not suffice To tell O right O magnanimitee That king Edgar had vpon the see An incident of the Lord of the sea King Edward the third Of king Edward I passe and his prowes On lande on sea yee knowe his worthines The siege of Caleis ye know well all the matter Round about by land and by the water Howe it lasted not yeeres many agoe After the battell of Creeye was ydoe Howe it was closed enuiron about Olde men sawe it which liuen this is no doubt Did Knights say that the Duke of Burgoyn Late rebuked for all his golden coyne Of ship on see made no besieging there For want of shippes that durst not come for feare It was nothing besieged by the see Thus call they it no siege for honestee Gonnes assailed but assault was there none No siege but fuge well was he that might be gouer This maner carping haue knights ferre in age Expert through age of this maner language But king Edward made a siege royall And wanne the towne and in especiall The sea was kept and thereof he was Lord. Thus made he Nobles coyned of record In whose time was no nauie on the see That might withstand his maiestie Battell of Scluse yee may rede every day Howe it was done I leue and goe my way It was so late done that yee it knowe In comparison within a litle throwe For which to God giue we honour and glorie For Lord of see the king was with victorie Another incident of keeping of the see in the time of the marueilous werriour and victorious Prince King Henrie the fifth and of his great shippes ANd if I should conclude all by the King Henrie the fift what was his purposing Whan at Hampton he made the great dromons Which passed other great ships of all the commons The Trinitie the Grace de Dieu the holy Ghost And other nwe which as nowe bee lost What hope ye was the kings great intent Of thoo shippes and what in minde hee meant It was not ellis but that hee cast to bee Lorde round about enuiron of the see And when Harflew had her siege about There came caracks horrible great and stoute In the narrow see willing to abide To stoppe vs there with multitude of pride My Lord of Bedford came on and had the cure Dâ—stroyed they were by that discomfiture This was after the king Harflew had wonne Whan our enemies to siege had begonne That all was staine or take by true relation To his worshippe and of his English nation There was present the kings chamberlaine At both battailes which knoweth this in certaine He can it tell otherwise then I Aske him and witte I passe foorth hastily What had this king of his magnificence Of great courage of wisedome and prudence Prouision forewitte audacitee Of fortitude iustice and agilitee Discretion subtile auisednesse Attemperance Noblesse and worthinesse Science prowesse deuotion equitie Of most estate with his magnanimitie Liche to Edgar and the saide Edward As much of both liche hem as in regard Where was on liue a man more victorious And in so short time prince so maruellous By land and sea so well he him acquitte To speake of him I stony in my witte Thus here I leaue the king with his noblesse Henry the fift with whom all my processe Of this true booke of pure policie Of sea keeping entending victorie I leaue endly for about in the see No Prince was of better strenuitee And if he had to this time liued here He had bene Prince named withoutenpere His great ships should haue ben put in preese Unto the ende that he ment of in cheefe For doubt it not but that he would haue bee Lord and master about the round see And kept it sure to stoppe our enemies hence And wonne vs good and wisely brought it thence That no passage should be without danger And his licence on see to moue and sterre Of vnitie shewing of our keeping of the see with an endly or finall processe of peace by authoritie Chap. 12. NOw in than for loue of Christ and of his ioy Bring it England out of trouble and noy Take heart and witte and set a gouernance Set many wits withouten variance To one accord and vnanimitee Put to good will for to keepe the see First for worship and profite also And to rebuke of eche euill wisted foe Thus shall worship and riches to vs long Than to the Noble shall we doe no wrong To beare that coyne in figure and in deede To our courage and to our enemies dreede For which they must dresse hem to peace in haste Or ellis their thrift to standen and to waste As this processe hath proued by and by All by reason and expert policy And by stories which proued well this parte Or ellis I will my life put in ieoparte But many londs would seche her peace for nede The see wel kept it must bee dâ—â— for drede Thus must Flanders for nede haue vnitee And peace with vs it will non other bee Within short while and ambassadours Would bene here soone to treate for their succours This vnitee is to God pleasance And peace after the werres variance The ende of battaile is peace sikerly And power causeth peace finally Kept than the sea about in speciall Which of England is the towne wall As though England were likened to a citie And the wall enuiron were the see Kepe then the sea that is the wall of England And than is England kept by Goddes hande That as for any thing that is without England were at ease withouten doubt And thus should euery lond one with another Entercommon as brother with his brother And liue togither werrelesse in vnitie Without rancour in very charitie In rest and peace to Christes great pleasance Without strife debate and variance Which peace men should enserche with businesse And knit it saddely holding in holinesse The Apostle seith if ye list to see Bee yee busie for to keepe vnitee Of the spirit in the bond of peace Which is nedeful to all withouten lese The Prophet biddeth vs peace for to enquire To pursue it this is holy desire Our
said Peraslaue the 3. of February where I remained vnder the charge of a gentleman hauing then a house appointed me allowance of victuals but so straitly kept that none of our nation or other might come or sende vnto me nor I to them And the 14. of March fâ—lowing I was sent for to the Court and being within three miles of the same a poste was sent to the Gentleman which had charge of me to returne backe againe with mee to the said Peraslaue and to remaine there vntill his Maiesties further pleasure wherewith I was much dismayed and marueiled what that sudden change ment and the rather because it was a troublesome time and his Maiestie much disquieted through the ill successe of his affaires as I did vnderstand And the twentieth of the same I was sent for againe to the Court and the 23. I came before his Maiestie who caused mee to kisse his hande and gaue gratious audience vnto my Oration gratefully receiuing and accepting the Queenes Maiesties princely letters and her present in the presence of all his nobilitie After I had finished my Oration too long here to rehearse and deliuered her highnesse letters and present as aforesaid the Emperour sitting in royall estate stood vp and said How doth Queene Elizabeth my sister is she in health to whom I answered God doth blesse her Maiestie with health and peace and doeth wish the like vnto thee Lord her louing brother Then his Maiestie sitting downe againe commaunded all his nobilitie and others to depart and auoyde the chamber sauing the chiefe Secretarie and one other of the Counsell and willing me to approch neere vnto him with my Interpretor said vnto me these words Anthony the last time thou wast with vs heere wee did commit vnto thee our trustie and secret Message to be declared vnto the Queenes Maiestie herselfe thy Mistresse at thy comming home and did expect thy comming vnto vs againe at the time wee appointed with a full answere of the same from her highnesse And in the meane time there came vnto vs at seuerall times three messengers the one called Manly the other George Middleton and Edward Goodman by the way of the Narue about the Merchants affaires to whom wee sent our messenger to know whether thou Anthony were returned home in safetie and when thou shouldest returne vnto vs againe but those messengers could tell vs nothing and did miscall and abuse with euil words both our messenger and thee wherewith wee were much offended And vnderstanding that the said Goodman had letters about him we caused him to be searched with whom were found many letters wherein was written much against our Princely estate and that in our Empire were many vnlawfull things done whereat we were much grieued would suffer none of those rude messengers to haue accesse vnto vs and shortly after wee were infourmed that one Thomas Randolfe was come into our Dominions by the way of Dwina Ambassadour from the Queene and we sent a Gentleman to meete and conduct him to our Citie of Mosco at which time we looked that thou shouldest haue returned vnto vs againe And the said Thomas being arriued at our said Citie wee sent vnto him diuers times that hee should come and conferre with our Counsell whereby we might vnderstand the cause of his comming looking for answere of those our princely affaires committed vnto thee But hee refused to come to â—ur said Counsell wherefore and for that our saide Citie was visited with plague the saide Thomas was the longer kept from our presence Which being ceased foorthwith wee gaue him accesse and audience but all his talke with vs was about Merchants affaires and nothing touching ours Wee knowe that Merchants matters are to bee heard for that they are the stay of our Princely treasures But first Princes affaires are to be established and then Merchants After this the said Thomas Randolfe was with vs at our Citie of Vologda and wee dealt with him about our Princely affaires whereby amitie betwixt the Queenes Maiestie and vs might bee established for euer and matters were agreed and concluded betwixt your Ambassadour and vs and thereupon wee sent our Ambassadour into England with him to ende the same but our Ambassadour returned vnto vs againe without finishing our said affaires contrary to our expectation and the agreement betwixt vs and your said Ambassadour Thus when his Maiestie had made a long discourse I humbly beseeched his highnesse to heare me graciouâ—ly and to giue me leaue to speake without offence and to beleeue those wordes to be true which I should speake Which he graunted and these were my words Most noble and famous Prince the message which thy highnesse did sende by mee vnto the Queene her most excellent Maiestie touching thy Princely and secret affaires immediatly and so soone as I came home I did declare both secretly and truely vnto the Queenes Maiestie her selfe word for word as thou Lord diddest commaund mee Which her highnesse did willingly heare and accept and being mindefull thereof and willing to answere the same the next shipping after her Maiestie did sende vnto thee Lord her highnesse Ambassadour Thomas Randolfe whose approoued wisedome and fidelitie was vnto her Maiestie well knowen and therefore thought meete to bee sent to so worthy a Prince who had Commission not onely to treate with thy Maiestie of Merchants affaires but also of those thy Princely and secret affaires committed vnto mee And the cause most gracious Prince that I was not sent againe was for that I was imployed in seruice vpon the Seas against the Queenes Maiesties enemies and was not returned home at such time as Master Thomas Randolfe departed with the Shippes to come into thy Maiesties Countrey otherwise I had bene sent And whereas thy Maiestie saith that Thomas Randolfe would not treate with thy Counsell of the matters of his Legation hee did Lord therein according to his Commission which was First to deale with thy Maiestie thy selfe which order is commonly vsed among all Princes when they send their Ambassadours about matters of great waight And whereas the saide Thomas is charged that hee agreed and concluded vpon matters at the same time and promised the same should bee perfourmed by the Queene her Maiestie Whereupon Lord thou diddest send thy Ambassadour with him into England for answere thereof It may please thy Maiestie to vnderstand that as the saide Thomas Randolfe doeth confesse that in deede hee had talke with thy Highnesse and counsell diuers times about princely affaires euen so hee denieth that euer hee did agree conclude or make any promise in any condition or order as is alleaged otherwise then it should please the Queene her Maiestie to like of at his returne home which hee did iustifie to thy Highnes Ambassador his face in England Wherefore most mighty Prince it doth well appeare that either thy Ambassador did vntruly enforme thy Maiestie or els thy princely minde and the true meaning of the Queenes highnes her
Ambassador for want of a good Interpretor was not well vnderstood and how thankefully the Queene her Maiestie did receiue thy highnes commendations and letters sent by thy Maiesties Ambassador and how gratiously shee gaue him audience sundry times vsing him with such honour in all points for thy sake Lord her louing brother as the like was neuer shewed to any Ambassador in our Realme and how honourably with full answere in all things her Maiestie dismissed him when hee had finished all thy princely affaires as it seemed to his owne contentation it may well appeare by a true certificate lately sent with her highnes letter vnto thee Lord by her messenger Robert Beast and her Maiestie did suppose that that thy Ambassador would haue made report accordingly and that by him thy highnes would haue bene satisfied in all things otherwise she would haue sent her Maiesties Ambassador with him vnto thee Lord againe But now her highnes perceiuing that thy Maiestie is not fully satisfied in thy Princely affaires neither by Thomas Randolfe her highnes Ambassador nor by thine owne Ambassador Andrea Sauin nor yet by her Maiesties letter sent by the said Andrea and also vnderstanding thy great griefe and displeasure towards sir William Garret and his company merchants traffiking in thy Maiesties dominions hath thought good to send mee at this present vnto thee Lord Emperor and great duke as wel with her highnes ful mind touching thy princely affaires as also to know the iust cause of thy Maiesties said displeasure towards the said company of merchants and hath commanded me to answere to all things in their behalfe and according to their true meanings For her highnes doth suppose thy Maiesties indignation to proceede rather vpon the euill and vntrue reports of thy late Ambassador in England and of such wicked persons of our nation resident here in thy highnes dominions rebels to her Maiestie and their Countrey then of any iust deserts of the said merchants who neuer willingly deserued thy highnesse displeasure but rather fauour in all their doings and meanings And since the first time of their traffiking in thy Maiesties dominions which is now nineteene yeres the said merchants haue bene and are alwayes ready and willing truely to serue thy highnesse of all things meete for thy Treasurie in time of peace and of warre in despite of all thy enemies although the Princes of the East Seas were agreed to stoppe the sound and the way to the Narue and haue brought and do bring from time to time such commoditie to thee Lord as her Maiestie doeth not suffer to be transported foorth of her Realme to no other Prince of the world And what great losses the said sir William Garret with his company hath sustained of late yeeres in this trade as well by Shipwracke as by false seruants it is manifestly knowen and what seruice the said companies Ships did vnto thy Maiestie against thy enemies two yeeres past in going to the Narue when they sought with the king of Poles shippes Freebooters and burnt the same and slew the people and as many as were taken aliue deliuered vnto thy Captaine at the Narue I trust thy highnesse doth not forget Wherefore most mighty prince the premises considered the Queene her most excellent Maiestie thy louing sister doeth request thy highnes to restore the said sir William Garret with his company into thy princely fauour againe with their priuiledges for free traffique with thy accustomed goodnes and iustice to be ministred vnto them throughout all thy Maiesties dominions as aforetime and that the same may be signified by thy Princely letters directed to thy officers in all places any thy highnesse commaundement or restraint to the contrary notwithstanding And further that it will please thy Maiestie not to giue credite to false reports and vntrue suggestions of such as are enemies and such as neither would haue mutuall amitie to continue betwixt your Maiesties nor yet entercourse betwixt your countries And such rebels of our nation as Ralfe Rutter and others which lye lurking here in thy highnes dominions seeking to sowe dissenâ—ions betwixt your Maiesties by false surmises spending away their masters goods riotously and will not come home to giue vp their accompts aduancing themselues to be merchants and able to serue thy highnes of all things fit for thy treasurie whereas indeed they be of no credite nor able of themselues to do thy Maiestie any seruice at all the Queenes highnes request is that it would please thy Maiestie to commaund that such persons may be deliuered vnto me to be caried home least by their remayning here and hauing practises and friendship with such as be not thy highnesse friendes their euil doing might be a cause hereafter to withdraw thy goodnes from sir William Garret and his company who haue true meaning in all their doings and are ready to serue thy highnesse at all times vsing many other words to the aduancement of your credits and the disgracing of your enemies and so I ended for that time Then sayd his Maiestie We haue heard you and will consider of all things further when wee haue read the Queene our sisters letters to whom I answered that I supposed his Maiestie should by those letters vnderstand her highnesse full minde to his contentation and what wanted in writing I had credite to accomplish in word Wherewith his Maiestie seemed to be wel pleased and commaunded me to sit downe And after pawsing a while his Maiestie said these words vnto me It is now a time which we spend in fasting and praying being the weeke before Easter and for that we will shortly depart from hence towards our borders of Nouogrod wee â—an not giue you answere nor your dispatch here but you shall goe from hence and tary vs vpon the way where wee will shortly come and then you shall knowe our pleasure and haue your dispatch And so I was dismissed to my lodging and the same day I had a dinner ready drest sent me from his Maiestie with great store of drinkes of diuers sorts and the next day following being the foure and twentieth of March aforesayde the chiefe Secretary to his Maiesty sent vnto mee a Gentleman to signifie vnto mee that the Emperours Maiesties pleasure was I should immediatly depart towards a Citie called Otwer three hundred miles from the aforesaid Sloboda and there to tary his highnes comming vnto a place called Staryts three score miles from the sayd Otwer Then I sent my Interpretor to the chiefe Secretary requesting him to further and shew his fauour vnto our saide merchants in their sutes which they should haue occasion to moue in my absence who sent me word againe that they should be wel assured of his friendship and furâ—herance in all their sutes And forthwith post horses were sent me with a Gentleman to conduct me And so departing from the said Sloboda I arriued at the said Otwer the 28. of March aforesaid where I remained til the
letter to carry to her Maiesty which the ambassadour for that he knew it conteined nothing that did concerne his ambassage refused till he saw his danger grow too great neither would the Emperour suffer the ambassadour to reply ought nor well he could for they had now of purpose taken away his interpretor being yet vnwilling as it sâ—emed and suspecting the ambassadours purpose that the Emperor and other should know how dishonorably he had beene handled for there was at that time in that presence a noble braue gentleman one Boris Pheodorouich Godenoe brother to the Emperor that now is who yet after the death of the Emperour did alwayes vse the ambassadour most honorably and would very willingly haue done him much more kindenesse but his authority was not yet till the coronation of the Emperor but notwithstanding he sent often vnto him not long before his departure and accompanied his many honorable fauours with a present of two faire pieces of cloth of golde and a tymber of very good sables and desired that as there was kindnesse and brotherhood twixt the Emperor and her Maiesty so there might be loue and brotherhood twixt him and the ambassadour Sauing from this man there was now no more fauour nor friendship left for the ambassadour in Moscouia for the chanceller Shalkan had now sent him word that the English Emperor was dead he had now nothing offered him but dangers and disgraces too many and a hasty dispatch from the Mosco that he might not tary the coronation of the new Emperour offences many in his preparation for his long iourney onely one meane gentleman appointed to accompany him to the sea side expecting daily in his passage some sudden reuenge to be done vpon him for so he vnderstood it was threatned before his comming from the Mosco therefore with resolution prouided by all the meanes he might by himself and his sâ—ruants for his defence for now was his danger knowen such as the English merchants did altogether leaue him although he commanded them in her Maiesties name to accompany him that if any such thing should happen to be offered him as many of them as he could that should offer to execute it should die with him for company which being perceiued was thought to make his passage the safer So afterward being driuen to disgest many iniuries by the way at length he recouered S. Nicholas where remembring his vnfortunate losse of the old Emperor and his ill vsage since then at the Mosco he being forced to take a bare letter for the summe of his dispatch conteyning nothing of that he came for and the poore and disgracefull present sent him in the name of the Emperour in respect of that that was meant him by the old Emperor knowing all these to be done in disgrace of her Maiestie and himselfe determined now to be discharged of some part of them in such sort as he could and so prouiding as he might to preuent his danger in getting to his shippe furnishing and placing his men to answere any assault that should be offered him after he had bidden farewell to the vncourteous gentleman that brought him thither by three or foure of the valiantest and discreetest men he had he sent to be deliuered him or left at his lodging his maisters weake letter and worsse present and so afterwards happily though hardly recouered his ship in safetie although presently afterwards there was great hurly burly after him to force him to receiue the same againe but failed of their purpose So came the ambassadour from S. Nicholas the twelft day of August and arriued at Grauesend the twelft of September following and attended her Maiestie at the court at Otelands where after hauing kist her Maiesties hands and deliuered some part of the successe of his ambassage he presented her an Elke or Loshe the Red deere of the countrey and also a brace of Raine deare Buck and Doe both bearing very huge hornes they in her Maiesties presence drew a sled and a man vpon it after the maner of the Samoeds a people that inhabite in the Northeast from Russia and were that yeere come ouer the sea in the winter season vpon the yce in their sleds drawen with these deere into Russia where the ambassadour bought of them seuenteene whereof he brought nine aliue into Kent The maner of the preferring of sutes in Russia by the example of our English merchants bill exhibited to the Emperour IOhn Basiliwich Lord King and great Duke of all Russia the English merchants William sonne of Thomas with his company sue vnto Lord in the 7082. yeere of the worlds creation thy Maiesties treasurer named Gregorie Mekitowich Borozden tooke of vs for thy vse 12. poods of loafe sugar prised at 8. robles the pood which sugar was sent to the Sloboda More the sayd Gregorie treasurer tooke of vs for thy Maiestie 200. reames of paper prised at 20. altines the reame for all which the money hath not bene payd which amounteth to 216. robles And in the 84. yeere thy diake Stephan Lighachdo tooke of vs for thy Maiesty copper plates for the summe of 1032. robles and one fourth part vnpayd for Also in the said 84. yeere thy Maiesties diakes called Iuan Blasghoy and Iuan Sobakin tooke of vs for thy vse sundry commodities and haue not payd 630. robles the rest of the money due for the said goods In the 85. yeere thy Maiesties treasurer Peter Gâ—olouen tooke of vs for thy Maiestie cloth of sundry sorts and hath not payd of the money due therefore 538. robles In the 88. yeere thy diakes Andrea Shalkan and Istomay Yeuskoy tooke of vs lead for thy Maiestie to the value of 267. robles and a halfe not payd And in the same yeere thy Maiesties diak Boris Gregoriwich had for thy vse 15. broad'cloths of diuerse sorts prised at 210. robles whereof 90. robles are vnpayd Also in the said 88. yere thy diak Andrea Shalkan tooke from vs 1000. robles for thee Lord in ready money yet we know not whether by thy Maiesties appointment And also in the 89. yeere Lord thy diak Andrea Shalkan tooke from vs for thy Maiesty 500. robles we know not whether by thy Maiesties order or no because that thy authorized people do yeerely take away from vs neither do they giue vs right in any cause All the mony Lord which is not payd vs out of thy Maiesties treasury for our commodities or wares with the money taken from vs by Andrea Shalkan is 4273. robles 25. altines Right noble king and Lord shew they mercy and cause the money to be payd vs which is owing for our goods as also that which hath beene taken from vs extend thy fauor King and Lord. A letter of M. Henrie Lane to the worshipfull M. VVilliam Sanderson conteining a briefe discourse of that which passed in the Northeast discouery for the space of three and thirtie yeeres MAster Sanderson as you lately requested mee so haue I sought
princes There came also Ambassadors from the Emperor of Almaine the Pole the Swethen the Dane c. And since his coronation no enemie of his hath preuailed in his attempts It fell out not long after that the Emperor was desirous to send a message to the most excellent Queene of England for which seruice he thought no man fitter than M. Ierome Horsey supposing that one of the Queenes owne men and subiects would be the more acceptable to her The summe of which message was that the Emperor desired a continuance of that league friendship amitie and intercourse of traffique which was betweene his father and the Queens maiestie and her subiects with other priuate affaires besides which are not to be made common Master Horsey hauing receiued the letters and requests of the Emperour prouided for his iourney ouer land and departed from Mosco the fift day of September thence vnto Otuer to Torshook to great Nouogrod to Vobsky and thence to Nyhouse in Liuonia to Wenden and so to Riga where he was beset and brought foorthwith before a Cardinall called Rageuil but yet suffred to passe in the end From thence to Mito to Golden and Libou in Curland to Memel to Koningsburgh in Prussia to Elbing to Dantzike to Stetine in Pomerland to Rostock to Lubeck to Hamborough to Breme to Emden and by sea to London Being arriued at her maiesties roiall court and hauing deliuered the Emperors letters with good fauour and gracious acceptance he was foorthwith againe commaunded to repasse into Ruffia with other letters from her maiestie to the Emperor and prince Boris Pheodorowich answering the Emperors letters and withall requesting the fauour and friendship which his father had yeelded to the English merchants and hereunto was he earnestly also solicited by the merchants of London themselues of that company to deale in their behalfe Being thus dispatched from London by sea he arriued in Mosco the 20. of April 1586. and was very honorably welcommed And for y t merchants behoofe obtained all his requests being therein specially fauoured by y e noble prince Boris Pheodorowich who alwayes affected M. Horsey with speciall liking And hauing obtained priuiledges for the merchants he was recommended from the Emperor againe to the Queene of England his mistresse by whom the prince Boris in token of his honorable and good opinion of the Queens maiestie sent her highnesse a roiall present of Sables Luzarns cloth of gold and other rich things So that the Companie of English merchants next to their thankfulnes to her maiestie are to account M. Horseis paines their speciall benefit who obtained for them those priuileges which in twentie yeeres before would not be granted The maner of M. Horseis last dispatch from the Emperor because it was very honorable I thought good to record He was freely allowed post horses for him and his seruants victuals and all other necessaries for his long iourney at euery towne that he came vnto from Mosco to Vologda which is by land fiue hundred miles he receiued the like free and bountifull allowances at the Emperors charge New victuall and prouision were giuen him vpon the riuer Dwina at euery towne by the kings officers being one thousand miles in length When he came to the new castle called Archangel he was receiued of the Duke Knez Vasili Andrewich Isuenogorodsky by the Emperors commission into the Castle gunners being set in rankes after their vse where he was sumptuously feasted from thence hee was dispatched with bonntifull prouision and allowance in the Dukes boat with one hundred men to rowe him and one hundred Gunners in other boats to conduct him with a gentleman captaine of the Gunners Comming to the road where the English Dutch and French ships rode the gunners discharged and the ships shot in like maner 46. pieces of their ordinance so he was brought to his lodging at the English house vpon Rose Island And that which was the full and complete conclusion of the fauour of the Emperor and Boris Pheodorowich toward M. Horsey there were the next day sent him for his further prouision vpon the fea by a gentleman and a captaine the things folowing 16. liue oxen 70. sheepe 600. hens 25. fâ—itches of Bacon 80. bushels of meale 600. loaues of bread 2000. egs 10. geese 2. cranes 2. swans 65. gallons of mead 40. gallons of Aquauitae 60. gallons of beere 3. yong beares 4. hawkes Store of onions and garlike 10. fresh salmons A wild bore All these things were brought him downe by a Gentleman of the Emperors and another of prince Boris Pheodorowich were receiued in order by Iohn Frefe seruant to M. Horsey together with an honorable present and reward from the prince Boris sent him by M. Francis Cherry an Englishman which present was a whole very rich piece of cloth of gold a faire paire of Sables This Gentleman hath obserued many other rare things concerning those partes which hereafter God willing at more conuenient time and laisure shall come to light Pheodor Iuanowich the new Emperors gracious letter of priuilege to the English Merchants word for word obtained by M Ierome Horsey 1586. THrough the wil of the almightie and without beginning God which was before this world whom we glorifie in y e Trinitie one only God the father the sonne and the holy ghost maker of all things worker of all in all euery where fulfiller of all things by which will and workingâ— he both loueth and giueth life to man That our onely God which inspireth euery one of vs his onely children with his word to discerne God through our Lord Iesus Christ and the holy quickning spirit of life now in these perilous times Establish vs to keep the right Scepter and suffer vs of our selues to raigne to the good profite of the land and to the subduing of the people together with the enemies and to the maintenance of vertue We Pheodor the ofspring of Iohn the great Lord Emperor king and great prince of all Russia of Volodemeria Moscouia and Nouogrod king of Cazan king of Astracan Lord of Plesko and great prince of Smolensko of Tuer Yougoria Permia Viatsko of Bolghar and others lord and great prince of the land of the lower Nouogrod Chernigo Rezan Polotsko Rostow Yeraslaue the White lake Liefland Oudor Condensa and Ruler of all Siberia and all the North-side and lord of many other countries I haue gratified the merchants of England to wit sir Rowland Haiward and Richard Maâ—tin Aldermen sir George Barnes Thomas Smith esquire Ierome Horsey Richard Saltonstall with their fellowes I haue licensed them to saile with their shippes into our dominion the land of Dwina with all kind of commodities to trade freely and vnto our kingdom and the citie of Mosco and to all the cities of our empire of Moscouia And the english merchants sir Rowland Haiward his societie desired vs that we would gratifie them to trade into our kingdom of Moscouia and into our
Astracan William Cecill Lord Burghley Knight of the noble Order of the Garter and Lord high Treasurer of England sendeth greeting RIght honourable my very good Lord vpon the last returne of our merchants shippes out of Russia there was brought vnto my handes by one Francis Cherrie an English merchant a letter directed to the Queenes Maiestie from the great and mightie Emperour of Russia and another letter from your Lordship directed to me which sayd letter written from the Emperor to her Maiesty hath beene considerately and aduisedly by her Highnesse read and perused and the matter of complaint against Ierome Horsey therein comprised thorowly examined which hath turned the same Horsey to some great displeasure I did also acquaâ—nt our Maiesty with the contents of your Lordships letters written to mee and enformed her of your Lordships honourable fauour shewed to her Highnesse merchants from time to time who tooke the same in most gracious part and confessed her selfe infinitly beholding vnto your Lordship for many honourable offices done for her sake the which she meant to acknowledge by her letters to be written to your Lordship vnder her princely hand and seale And forasmuch as it hath pleased your good Lordshippe to take into your handes the protection of her Maiesties merchants and the redresse of such iniuries as are or shall be offered vnto them contrary to the meaning of the priuiledges and the free liberty of the entercourse wherein in some points your Lordship hath already vsed a reformation as appeareth by your sayd letters yet the continuance of traffique moouing new occasions and other accidents tending to the losse of the sayd merchants whereof some particulars haue beene offered vnto me to treat with your Lordship vpon I thought it good to referre them to your honourable consideration that order might be taken in the same for that they are apparantly repugnant to the Emperours letters written to her Maiestie and doe much restraine the liberty of the trade one is that at the last comming of our merchants to the port of Saint Michael the Archangel where the mart is holden their goods were taken by the Emperours officers for his Highnesse seruice at such rates as the sayd officers were disposed to set vpon them so farre vnder their value that the merchants could not assent to accept of those prices which being denied the sayd officers restrained them of all further traffique for the space of three weekes by which meanes they were compelled to yeeld vnto their demaund how vnwillingly soeuer Another is that our sayd merchants are driuen to pay the Emperours officers custome for all such Russe money as they bring downe from the Mosco to the Sea side to employ there at the Mart within the Emperours owne land which seemeth strange vnto me considering the same money is brought from one place of the Countrey to another and there imployed without any transport ouer of the sayd money These interruptions and impositions seeme not to stand with the liberties of the Emperours priuileges and freedome of the entercourse which should be restrained neither to times or conditions but to be free and absolute whereof it may please your Lordship to be aduised and to continue your honourable course holden betweene the Emperour and her Maiesty to reconcile such differences as any occasion doth offer to their league or trafficke Thus not doubting of your Lordships furtherance herein I humbly take my leaue of your good Lordship From her Maiesties royall palace of Whitehall this 15 of Ianuary 1591. A Letter from the Emperour of Russia Theodore Iuanouich to the Queenes Maiestie THrough the tender merrie of our God whereby the day-spring from on high hath visited vs thereby to guide our feet into the way of peace Euen this our God by mercy we glorifie in Trinitie We the great Lord King and great Duke Theodore Iuanowich gouernour of all Russia of Volodimer Mosco and Nouogrod King of Cazan and Astracan Lord of Vobsco and great Duke of Smolensco Otuer Vghori Perme Viatsky Bulgary and other regions Lord and great Duke also of Nouogrod in the low countrey of Chernigo of Rezan Polotsko Rostoue Yeroslaue Bealozera and of Lifland of Vdorsky Obdorsky Condinsky and all the countrey of Siberia and commander of all the North parts and Lord ouer the countrey of Iuersky and King of Grusinsky and of the countrey of Kabardinsky Cherchasky and Duke of Igorsky Lord and ruler of many countreys more c. To our louing sister Elizabeth Queene of England France and Ireland c. Louing sister your letters sent by your seruant Thomas Lind we haue receiued and read what you haue written in the same touching our title and touching your order holden in your letters heretofore sent vs by your seruant Ierome Horsey wherein you haue answered vs sufficiently and most graciously And whereas your Maiestie hath written in your letter concerning the goods of William Turnebull late deceased in our kingdome that your subiects for whom he was factour should haue debts growing vnto them from him by account we at your Maiesties request haue caused not onely order to be taken but for your Highnesse sake louing sister we haue caused the goods to be sought out and deliuered to your merchants Agent and his company together with his stuffe bookes billes and writings as also money to the value of sixe hundred rubbles which Christopher Holmes and Francis Cherry are to pay for yâ—arie and we haue set at libertie the sayd Turnebulles kinseman Raynold Kitchin and his fellowes and deliuered them to your merchants Agent And further where you write vnto vs for such your subiects as haue departed out of your maiesties Realme secretly without licence that we should giue order to send them home concerning such your subiects for which you haue written vnto our Maiestie by letters we will cause search to be made and such as are willing to goe home into your kingdome we will command forthwith to be deliuered vnto your merchants Agent and so to passe And such of your Maiesties people as haue giuen themselues vnder our gouernment as subiects we thinke it not requisite to grant to let them passe And further where you haue written vnto vs concerning the goods of Iohn Chappell we haue written heretofore the whole discourse thereof not once but sundry times and therefore it is not needfull to write any more thereof And such goods as were found out of the goods of the sayd Chappell the money thereof was restored to your Maiesties people William Turnbull and his fellowes Your Maiesties seruant Thomas Lind we haue sent with our letters the same way whereby he came into our kingdome The long abiding heere of your Maiesties seruant in our kingdome was for the comming of your people from the Sea port Written in our princely court and royall seat in the city of Mosco in the yeere from the beginning of the world 7101 in the moneth of Ianuary To
proofe cast lots who shall take his oath for the more ready triall of the cause And in no wise to take any fee or duetie of the aforesaid English merchants for the said iudgement in Lawe We wil and commaund all this to be obserued and kept in all parts of our dominions by all our subiects and authorised people by vertue of these our royal letters patents And the said letters not to be diminished in any part or parsell thereof by any persons howsoeuer they be named And whosoeuer shall withstand not regard these our gracious letters shal be in our high displeasure and shal incurre the losse of his life This our gracious letter was giuen in our kingdom and royal City of Mosco in the yere from the beginning of the world 7104. in the moneth of May. Subscribed by the Emperours Chancellour and Secretarie Vasili Shalcan The contents of M. Garlands Commission vnto Thomas Simkinson for the bringing of M. Iohn Dee to the Emperour of Russia his Court. FRiend Thomas Simkinson I pray you goe to Brounswik or Cassil and inquire if Master Iohn d ee be there or where he is and when you finde him certifie him howe that I haue sent you purposely to knowe where hee doeth remaine and at your returne I will come and speake with him my selfe Also you may certefie him that the Emperour of Russeland hauing certaine knowledge of his great learning and wisdome is marueilous desirous of him to come into his Countrey And hath giuen me his letter with his hand and golden seale at it for to bring him into the Countrey with mee if it be possible and for his liuing shewe him that he shall be sure of 2000. pound yeerely and also all prouision for his table out of the Emperours kitching free and if he thinke this too little I will assure him that if he aske asmuch more hee shall haue it and for his charges into the Countrey I haue sufficient of the Emperours allowance to bring him and all his royally into the Countrey And because hee may doubt of these proffers hee shall remaine at the borders vntill the Emperour be certified of him and of his requests which he would haue And I am sure he shall be conueyed through the land with fiue hundred horses and hee shal be accompted as one of the chiefest in the land next the Emperour Also shew him howe that my Lord Protectour at my comming away did take me in his armes and desired me as hee should be my friend to bring him with me and he would giue him of his owne purse yeerely 1000. rubbles besides the Emperours allowance All these foresaide grauntes and demaunds doe I Thomas Simkinson acknowledge to be spoken by Edward Garland to mee and to be sent to declare the same vnto Master Iohn Dee◠And in witnesse that this is of a trueth I haue written the same with my owne hand and thereunto set my name in Wittingaw otherwise called Trebona the 18. of September Anno 1586. By me Thomas Sinkinson of Hull A letter to the right worshipfull M. Iohn Dee Esquire conteyning the summe and effect of M. Edward Garland his message deliuered to Master Dee himselfe Letterwise for a more perfect memoriall thereof Anno 1586. RIght worshipfull it may please you to vnderstand that I was sen◠vnto you from the most mightie Prince Feodor Iuanowich Lord Emperour and great duke of Russia c. As also from the most excellent prince Boris Feodorowich Lord Protector of Russia to giue your worship to vnderstand the great good will and heartie desire they beare vnto you for that of long time they haue had great good report of your learning wisedom as also of your good counsel vnto Princes whereupon his Maiesties most earnest desire and request is vnto you that you would take the paines to come vnto his citie of Mosco to visite his Maiesties Court for that hee is desirous of your company and also of your good counsell in diuers matters that his Maiestie shall thinke needfull And for the great goodwill that his Maiestie beareth vnto you he will giue you yeerely toward your mainteinance 2000. pound starling and the Lord Protectour will giue you a thousand rubbles as also your prouision for your table you shall haue free out of his Maiesties kitchin And further whatsoeuer you shall thinke needefull or conuenient for you in any part or parts of his dominion it shall be at your worships commaundement And this is the summe and effect of my message and commandement giuen me by his Maiestie and the Lord Protectour In witnesse whereof I haue written this with my owne hand the 17. of December 1586. By me Edward Garland In Trebona Castel otherwise called Wittingaw in Boëmia to which place this M. Edward Garland came to M. d ee with two Moscouites to serue him c. He had sixe more which by M. Dees counsell were sent backe Witnesse M. Edward Kelley and M. Francis Garland brother to foresaid Edward and diuers others IT seemeth that this princely offer of the Emperour Pheodor Iuanowich and of the L. Boris Pheodorowich Protectour to his Maiestie was made vnto the learned and famous Mathematitian M. Iohn Dee partly to vse his counsell direction about certaine discoueries to the Northeast and partly for some other weighty occasions but because their conquest to Siberia was not as then fully settled for diuers other secret reasons it was for y e time with al thankfulnes refused A branch of a letter from M. Iohn Merick Agent vnto the Moscouie company in Russia closed vp in the Mosco the 14. of March Anno 1597. touching the death of Pheodor Iuanowich late Emperour of all Russia c. HAuing thus farre proceeded with this my answere vnto the chiefest points of your worships letters receiued my desire was to haue sent one vnto you long since as you may perceiue by the first date but by reason I could not get leaue I haue deferred it of till this instant for that there was none suffered to passe out of the land The causes may be iudged for that it pleased God to call out of this world the Emperour his Maiestie who departed about the 7. of Ianuary and euer since hath bene a mourning time no suites for any matter could be heard But it hath bene a very dead season Yet thankes be to God through the wise gouernment of Lord Boris Pheodorowich the Lord Protector vnto the saide late Emperour since his death all things haue bene very quiet without any dissention as the like in such a great kingdome I haue not heard of And now through the prouidence of Almightie God and by surrender of the late Empresse Irenia Feodoruna and the common consent of the Patriarch Nobles Bishops and the whole Cleargie with the whole Commons besides choise is made of none other but of the said Lord Protector L. Boris Pheodorowich to be Emperour and great duke of all
plurimos annos exportatis affatim nostrarium quibusuis commodis pecudum pecorumque carnibus butyro piscium copia quotannis penè immodica quaedam quasi cella penuaria fuit Sensere huius Insulae commoda etiam Hollandiae olim Angliae vrbes aliquot Praeterea Danis Bremènsibus Lubecensibus cum Islandis commercia diu fuerunt Sed a nullis vnquam tale encomium talem gratiam reportarunt qualis hec est Gregoriana calumnia In vestrà vestrà inquam vrbe nata edita iterata si non tertiata que alias nationes quibus Islandia vix ac ne vix quidem nomine tenus alioqui innotuerat ad huius gentis opprobrium contemptum armauit quam à ciue vestro acceptam iniuriam iam 30. annos plus cò Islandia sustinet Sed etiam inscio magistratu eiusmodi multa saepè fiunt Neque enim dubitamus quin viri boni ciusmodi scripta famosa indignè ferant ne edantur diligenter caueant cum tales editiones pugnent cum iure naturali Ne alteri facias quod tibi factum non velis Et Caesareo de libellis famosis in quo irrogatur poena grauissima ijs qui tales libellos componunt scribunt proferunt emi vendiue curant aut non statim repertos discerpunt Caeterum iam tandem receptui canamus Nósque ad te Islandia parens carissima quam nec paupertas nec frigora nec id genus incommoda alia quamdiu Christo hospitia cupidè libenter exhibere non desistis inuisam facient conuertamus Vbi te primùm ad id quod modò diximus nempè serium ardens studium ac amorem DEI diuine scientiae nobis in Christo pate factae totis viribus hortamur vt vni huic cuncta posthabeas doctrinae verbi cupiditate flagres Sacrum ministerium ministros non parum cures non contemnas aut odio prosequare sed reuerearis foueas ames Contra facientes pro impijs profanis habeas vt omnia ad pietatis honestatis praescriptum geras in vita priuata communi vt huic status ordines Ecclesiastici Politici in vniuersum obtemperent In vtroque vitae genere ab illa amussi seu norma aequi boni dependeas caeteros qui pertinacia ac impietate ab ea deflectunt auerseris quos aequum est poenis condignis affici id quod magistratui curae futurum non diffidimus In primis verò nullos nisi spectatae fidei probitatis viros quique ad istas virtutes reliquas huc pertinentes coniungant ad gubernacula admittas qua ratione reliquis incommodis ritè occurritur Res ista enim si probè curetur vt videlicet qui munus publicum gerunt ex bonis omnibus optimi quique deligantur improbi huic rei inepti procul inde arceantur subditorum conditio longè erit optatissima vita mores tantò magis laudabiles sequentur pietas honestas tantò erunt illustriores At verò si secus fiat si Pastores Ecclesiarum suo muneri vel vita vel doctrina non respoÌ„deant si ad administrationeÌ„ politicam promiscuè admittantur quicunque eò propria leuitate ambitione vel auaritia contentione honoris ruunt si ijdem criminum aut improbitaris vel suspecti vel conuicti sint aut suspectorum conuictorum protectores vel ijsdem illicitè indulgentes quis tuus quaeso demum futurus est status quae facies quae conditio Certè longè omnium miserrima Nec enim alio pacto citius ad ruinam interitum tuum appropinquabis quà m si istis te regendam commiseris qui quod in ijs est licet sint ipsi ex tuis iugulum tuum propter emolumenta priuata odia latentia quotidiè petere coÌ„tendunt Quamobrem ne ista pluribus agam quanti intersit vt haec probè curentur sacilè ô Patria intelligis Sed dum haec tuls auribus à me occinuntur utinam gemitus meos altissimos qui sub hac ad te Apostrophe latent Serenissimae Regiae Maiestatis aures exaâ—diant apud quam ego pro te ita deploro damna publica quae ea de causa exoriuntur maximè quòd patria à regia sede conspectu tantò interuallo sit remota vt multi propterea tantò sibi maiorem sumant licentiam linpunitatem securius promittant Caeterum ista numini iustissimo quod aequis omnia oculis aspicit committenda ducimus Reliquum est ô patria vt studium in te nostrum eo quo speramus animoâ—i comi benigno suscipias quod quamuis minimè tale est quale optaremus tamen cum VELLE SIT INSTAR OMNIVM nolui idcirco desistere quod pro tuo nomine tua dignitate tua innocentia pugnate me satis strenuè diffiderem Quin potius quicquid id est si modò quicquam est quantulum cunque tandem quod ad tui patrociniumâ— pro mea tenui parte afferte possem nequaquam supprimendum putaui nec enim illos laudare soleo Qui quòd desperent inuicti membra Glyconis Nodosa nolunt corpus probibere Chiragra Me sanè si haec commentatiuncula non erit tibi aut mihi dedecori operae nequaquaÌ„ poenitebit Quòd si ad laudem vel aliquale patrocinium tui aliquid faciat operam perdidisse haud videbor Sin verò alios alumnos tuos meos conterraneos arte industria superiores ad causam tuam vel nunc vel in posterum suscipiendam hoc conatu tenello excitauero quid est cur operae precium non fecisse dicar quibus seribentibus licet mea fama in obscuro futura est tamen praestantia illorum qui nomini officient meo me consolabor Nam etsi famae nominis cura summa esse debet maior tamen patriae cuius dignitate salua incolumni nos quoque saluos incolumes reputabimus Scripsi Holis Hialtaedalensium in Islandia AErae Christianae Anno 1592. 17. Kalendas Maias A BRIEFE COMMENTARIE of Island wherin the errors of such as haue written concerning this Island are detected and the slanders and reproches of certaine strangers which they haue vsed ouer-boldly against the people of Island are confuted By Arngrimus Ionas of Island To the most mighty Prince and Lord Lord Christian the 4. of Denmarke Norway and of the Vandals and Gothes King elect of Sleswic Holste Stormar and Duhmarse Duke Earle of Oldenburg and Delmenhorst His most gratious Lord. THat heroical attempt of Anchurus sonne of King Midas most gratious prince and that pietie towards his countrey in maner peerelesse deserueth highly to be renowmed in histories in that freely and couragiously he offered his owne person for the stopping vp of an huge gulfe of earth about Celoena a towne in Phrigia which dayly swallowed multitudes of men and what soeuer else came neere vnto it For when his
began to recount vnto Drake the forces of all the Spanish Fleet and how foure mightie Gallies were separated by tempest from them and also how they were determined first to haue put into Plimmouth hauen not expecting to bee repelled thence by the English ships which they thought could by no meanes withstand their impregnable forces perswading themselues that by means of their huge Fleete they were become lords and commaunders of the maine Ocean For which cause they marueled much how the English men in their small ships durst approch withâ—n musket shot of the Spaniards mightie woodden castles gathering the wind of them with many other such like attempts Immediately after Valdez and his company being a man of principal authoritie in the Spanish Fleete and being descended of one and the same familie with that Valdez which in the yeere 1574. besieged Leiden in Holland were sent captiues into England There were in the sayd ship 55. thousand ducates in ready money of the Spanish kings gold which the souldiers merily shared among themselues The same day was set on fire one of their greatest shippes being Admirall of the squadron of Guipusco and being the shippe of Michael de Oquendo Uice-admirall of the whole Fleete which contained great store of gunnepowder and other warrelike prouision The vpper part onely of this shippe was burnt and all the persons therein contained except a very few were consumed with fire And thereupon it was taken by the English and brought into England with a number of miserable burnt and skorched Spaniards Howbeit the gunpowder to the great admiration of all men remained whole and vnconsumed In the meane season the lord Admirall of England in his ship called the Arke-royall all that night pursued the Spaniards so neere that in the morning hee was almost left alone in the enimies Fleete and it was foure of the clocke at afternoone before the residue of the English Fleet could ouertake him At the same time Hugo de Moncada gouernour of the foure Galliasses made humble sute vnto the Duke of Medina that he might be licenced to encounter the Admirall of England which libertie the duke thought not good to permit vnto him because hee was loth to exceed the limites of his commission and charge Upon Tuesday which was the three and twentie of Iuly the naâ—y being come ouer against Portland the wind began to turne Northerly insomuch that the Spaniards had a fortunate and fit gale to inuade the English But the Englishmen hauing lesser and nimbler Ships recouered againe the vantage of the winde from the Spaniards whereat the Spaniards seemed to bee more iucensed to fight then before But when the English Fleete had continually and without intermission from morning to night beaten and battered them with all their shot both great and small the Spaniardes vniting themselues gathered their whole Fleete close together into a roundell so that it was apparant that they ment not as yet to inuade others but onely to defend themselues and to make hast vnto the place prescribed vnto them which was neere vnto Dunkerk that they might ioine forces with the duke of Parma who was determined to haue proceeded secretly with his small shippes vnder the shadow and protection of the great ones and so had intended circumspectly to performe the whole expedition This was the most furious and bloodie skirmish of all in which the lord Admirall of England continued fighting amidst his enimies Fleete and seeing one of his Captaines afarre off hee spake vnto him in these wordes Oh George what doest thou Wilt thou nowe frustrate my hope and opinion conceiued of thee Wilt thou forsake mee nowe With which wordes hee being enflamed approched foorthwith encountered the enemie and did the part of a most valiant Captaine His name was George Fenner a man that had bene conuersant in many Sea-fights In this conflict there was a certaine great Venetian ship with other small ships surprised and taken by the English The English nauie in the meane while increased whereunto out of all Hauens of the Realme resorted ships and men for they all with one accord came flocking thither as vnto a set field where immortall fame and glory was to be attained and faithfull seruice to bee performed vnto their prince and countrey In which number there were many great and honourable personages as namely the Erles of Oxford of Northumberland of Cumberland c. with many Knights and Gentlemen to wit Sir Thomas Cecill Sir Robert Cecill Sir Walter Raleigh Sir William Hatton Sir Horatio Palauicini Sir Henry Brooke Sir Robert Carew Sir Charles Blunt Master Ambrose Willoughbie Master Henry Nowell Master Thomas Gerard Master Henry Dudley Master Edward Darcie Master Arthur Gorge Master Thomas Woodhouse Master William Haruie c. And so it came to passe that the number of the English shippes amounted vnto an hundreth which when they were come before Douer were increased to an hundred and thirtie being notwithstanding of no proportionable bignesse to encounter with the Spaniards except two or three and twentie of the Queenes greater shippes which onely by reason of their presence bred an opinion in the Spaniardes mindes concerning the power of the English Fleet the mariners and souldiers whereof were esteemed to be twelue thousand The foure and twentie of Iuly when as the sea was calme and no winde stirring the fight was onely betweene the foure great Galleasses and the English shippes which being rowed with Oares had great vauntage of the sayde English shippes which not withstanding for all that would not bee forced to yeeld but discharged their chaine-shot to cut asunder their Cables and Cordage of the Galleasses with many other such Stratagemes They were nowe constrained to send their men on land for a newe supplie of Gunne-powder whereof they were in great â—karcitie by reason they had so frankely spent the greater part in the former conflicts The same day a Counsell being assembled it was decreed that the English Fleete should bee deuided into foure squadrons the principall whereof was committed vnto the lord Admirall the second to Sir Francis Drake the third to Captaine Hawkins the fourth to Captaine Frobisher The Spaniards in their sailing obserued very diligent and good order sayling three and foure and somtimes more ships in a ranke and folowing close vp one after another and the stronger and greater ships protecting the lesser The fiue and twentie of Iuly when the Spaniardes were come ouer-against the Isle of Wight the lord Admirall of England being accompanied with his best ships namely the Lion Captaine whereof was the lord Thomas Howard The Elizabeth Ionas vnder the commandement of Sir Robert Southwel soone in lawe vnto the lord Admirall the Beare vnder the lord Sheffield nephew vnto the lord Admirall the Victorie vnder Captaine Barker and the Galeon Leicester vnder the forenamed Captaine George Fenner with great valour and dreadfull thundering of shot encountered the Spanish Admiral being in the very midst
of all his Fleet. Which when the Spaniard perceiued being assisted with his strongest ships he came forth and entered a terrible combate with the English for they bestowed each on other the broad sides and mutually discharged all their Ordinance being within one hundred or an hundred and twentie yards one of another At length the Spaniardes hoised vp their sayles and againe gathered themselues vp close into the forme of a roundel In the meane while Captaine Frobisher had engaged himselfe into a most dangerous conflict Whereupon the lord Admirall comming to succour him found that hee had valiantly and discreetly be haued himselfe and that hee had wisely and in good time ouer the fight because that after so great a batterie he had sustained no damage For which cause the day following being the sixe and twentie of Iuly the lord Admirall rewarded him with the order of knighthood together with the lord Thomas Howard the lord Sheffield M. Iohn Hawkins and others The same day the lord Admirall receiued intelligence from Newhauen in France by certaine of his Pinnasses that all things were quiet in France and that there was no preparation of sending aide vnto the Spaniards which was greatly feared from the Guisian faction and from the Leaguers but there was a false rumour spread all about that the Spaniards had conquered England The seuen and twentie of Iuly the Spaniards about the sunne-setting were come ouer-against Douer and rode at ancre within the sight of Caleis intending to hold on for Dunkerk expecting there to ioyne with the duke of Parma his forces without which they were able to doe litle or nothing Likewise the English Fleete following vp hard vpon them ancred iust by them within culuering-shot And here the lord Henry Seymer vnited himselfe vnto the lord Admiral with his fleete of 30. ships which road before the mouth of Thames As the Spanish nauie therefore lay at ancre the duke of Medina sent certaine messengers vnto the duke of Parma with whom vpon that occasion many Noblemen and Gentlemen went to refresh themselues on land and amongst the rest the prince of Ascoli being accounted the kings base sonne and a very proper and towardly yong gentleman to his great good went on shore who was by so much the more fortunate in that hee had not opportunitie to returne on boord the same ship out of which he was departed because that in returning home it was cast away vpon the Irish coast with all the persons contained therein The duke of Parma being aduertised of the Spanish Fleetes arriuall vpon the coast of England made all the haste hee could to bee present himselfe in this expedition for the performance of his charge vainely perswading himselfe that nowe by the meanes of Cardinall Allen hee should be crowned king of England and for that cause hee had resigned the gouernement of the Lowe countries vnto Count Mansfeld the elder And hauing made his vowes vnto S. Mary of Hall in Henault whom he went to visite for his blind deuotions sake hee returned toward Bruges the 28. of Iuly The next day trauelling to Dunkerk hee heard the thundering Ordinance of either Fleet and the same euening being come to Dixmud hee was giuen to vnderstand the hard successe of the Spanish Fleete Upon Tuesday which was the thirtieth of Iuly about high noone hee came to Dunkerk when as all the Spanish Fleete was now passed by neither durst any of his ships in the meane space come foorth to assist the sayd Spanish Fleete for feare of fiue and thirtie warrelike ships of Holland and Zeland which there kept watch and warde vnder the conduct of the Admirall Iustin of Nassau The foresayd fiue and thirtie shippes were furnished with most cunning mariners and olde expert souldiers amongst the which were twelue hundred Musketiers whom the States had chosen out of all their garisons and whom they knew to haue bene heretofore experienced in sea-fights This nauie was giuen especially in charge not to suffer any shippe to come out of the Hauen nor to permit any Zabraes Pataches or other small vessels of the Spanish Fleete which were more likely to aide the Dunkerkers to enter thereinto for the greater ships were not to be feared by reason of the shallow sea in that place Howbeit the prince of Paâ—ma his forces being as yet vnreadie were not come on boord his shippes onely the English Fugitiues being seuen hundred in number vnder the conduct of Sir William Stanleyâ— came in fit time to haue bene embarked because they hoped to giue the first assault against England The residue shewed themselues vnwilling and loath to depart because they sawe but a few mariners who were by constraint drawne into this expedition and also because they had very bare prouision of bread drinke and other necessary victuals Moreouer the shippes of Holland and Zeland stood continually in their sight threatening shot and powder and many inconueniences vnto them for feare of which shippes the Mariners and Sea-men secretly withdrew themselues both day and night least that the duke of Parma his souldiers should compell them by maine force to goe on boord and to breake through the Hollanders Fleete which all of them iudged to bee impossible by reason of the straightnesse of the Hauen But it seemeth that the Duke of Parma and the Spaniards grounded vpon a vaine and presumptuous expectaâ—ion that all the ships of England and of the Low countreys would at the first sight of the Spanish and Dunkerk Nauie haue betaken themselues to flight yeelding them sea roome and endeuouring onely to defend themselues their hauens and sea coasts from inuasion Wherefore their intent and purpose was that the Duke of Parma in his small and flat-bottomed shippes should as it were vnder the shadow and wings of the Spanish fleet conuey ouer all his troupes armour and warlike prouision and with their forces so vnited should inuade England or while the English fleet were busied in fight against the Spanish should enter vpon any part of the coast which he thought to be most conuenient Which inuasion as the captiues afterward confessed the Duke of Parma thought first to haue attempted by the riuer of Thames vpon the bankes whereof hauing at his first arriuall landed twenty or thirty thousand of his principall souldiers he supposed that he might easily haue woonne the Citie of London both because his small shippes should haue followed and assisted his land-forces and also for that the Citie it-selfe was but meanely fortified and easie to ouercome by reason of the Citizens delicacie and discontinuance from the warres who with continuall and constant labour might be vanquished if they yeelded not at the first assault They were in good hope also to haue mette with some rebels against her Maiestie and such as were discontented with the present state as Papists and others Likewise they looked for ayde from the fauourers of the Scottish Queene who was not long before
the English Nation made without the Streight of Gibraltar to the Islands of the Açores of Porto Santo Madera and the Canaries to the kingdomes of Barbary to the Isles of Capo Verde to the Riuers of Senega Gambra Madrabumba and Sierra Leona to the coast of Guinea and Benin to the Isles of S. Thomé and Santa Helena to the parts about the Cape of Buona Esperanza to Quitangone neere Mozambique to the Isles of Comoro and Zanzibar to the citie of Goa beyond Cape Comori to the Isles of Nicubar Gomes Polo and Pulo Pinaom to the maine land of Malacca and to the kingdome of Iunsalaon ¶ By RICHARD HACKLVYT Preacher and sometime Student of Christ-Church in Oxford Imprinted at London by George Bishop Ralph Newbery and Robert Barker ANNO 1599. TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE Sir Robert Cecil Knight principall Secretarie to her Maiestie master of the Court of Wardes and Liueries and one of her Maiesties most honourable priuie Counsell RIght honorable hauing newly finished a Treatise of the long Voyages of our Nation made into the Leuant within the Streight of Gibraltar from thence ouer-land to the South and Southeast parts of the world all circumstances considered I found none to whom I thought it fitter to bee presented then to your selfe wherein hauing begun at the highest Antiquities of this realme vnder the gouernment of the Romans next vnder the Saxons and thirdly since the conquest vnder the Normans I haue continued the histories vnto these our dayes The time of the Romans affoordeth small matter But after that they were called hence by â—orren inuasions of their Empire and the Saxons by degrees became lords in this Iland and shortly after receiued the Christian faith they did not onely trauell to Rome but passed further vnto Ierusalem and therewith not contented Sigelmus bishop of Shireburne in Dorcetshire caried the almes of king Alfred euen to the Sepulcher of S. Thomas in India which place at this day is called Maliapor and brought from thence most fragrant spices and rich iewels into England which iewels as William of Malmesburie in two sundry treatises writeth were remaining in the aforesayd Cathedrall Church to be seene euen in his time And this most memorable voyage into India is not onely mentioned by the aforesayd Malmesburie but also by Florentius Wigorniensis a graue and woorthy Author which liued before him and by many others since and euen by M. Foxe in his first volume of his Acts and Monuments in the life of king Alfred To omit diuers other of the Saxon nation the trauels of Alured bishop of Worcester through Hungarie to Constantinople and so by Asia the lesse into Phoenicia and Syria and the like course of Ingulphus not long afterward Abbot of Croiland set downe particularly by himselfe are things in mine opinion right worthy of memorie After the comming in of the Normans in the yeere 1096 in the reigne of William Rufus and so downward for the space of aboue 300 yeeres such was the ardent desire of our nation to visite the Holy land and to expell the Saracens and Mahumetans that not only great numbers of Erles Bishops Barons and Knights but euen Kings Princes and Peeres of the blood Roiall with incredible deuotion courage and alacritie intruded themselues into this glorious expedition A sufficient proofe hereof are the voiages of prince Edgar the nephew of Edmund Ironside of Robert Curtois brother of William Rufus the great beneuolence of king Henry the 2. and his vowe to haue gone in person to the succour of Ierusalem the personall going into Palestina of his sonne king Richard the first with the chiualrie wealth and shipping of this realme the large contribution of king Iohn and the trauels of Oliuer Fitz-Roy his sonne as is supposed with Ranulph Glanuile Erle of Chester to the siege of Damiata in AEgypt the prosperous voyage of Richard Erle of Cornwall elected afterward king of the Romans and brother to Henry the 3 the famous expedition of prince Edward the first king of the Norman race of that name the iourney of Henry Erle of Derbie duke of Hereford and afterward king of this realme by the name of Henry the 4 against the citie of Tunis in Africa and his preparation of ships and gallies to go himselfe into the Holy land if he had not on the sudden bene preuented by death the trauel of Iohn of Holland brother by the mothers side to king Richard the 2 into those parts All these either Kings Kings sonnes or Kings brothers exposed themselues with inuincible courages to the manifest hazard of their persons liues and liuings leauing their ease their countries wiâ—es and children induced with a Zelous deuotion and ardent desire to protect and dilate the Christian faith These memorable enterprises in part concealed in part scattered and for the most part vnlooked after I haue brought together in the best Method and breuitie that I could deuise Whereunto I haue annexed the losse of Rhodes which although it were originally written in French yet maketh it as honourable and often mention of the English natioÌ„ as of any other Christians that serued in that most violent siege After which ensueth the princely promise of the bountifull aide of king Henry the 8 to Ferdinando newly elected king of Hungarie against Solyman the mortall enemie of Christendome These and the like Heroicall intents and attempts of our Princes our Nobilitie our Clergie our Chiualry I haue in the first place exposed and set foorth to the view of this age with the same intention that the old Romans set vp in wax in their palaces the Statuas or images of their worthy ancestors whereof Salust in his treatise of the warre of Iugurtha writeth in this maner Saepe audiui ego Quintum maximum Publium Scipionem praeterea ciuitatis nostrae praeclaros viros solitos ita dicere cum maiorum imagines intuerentur vehementissimè animum sibi ad virtutem accendi Scilicet non ceram illam neque figuram tantam vim in sese habere sed memoria rerum gestarum flammam eam egregijs viris in pectore crescere neque prius sedari quà m virtus eorum famam gloriam adaequauerit I haue often heard quoth he how Quintus maximus Publius Scipio and many other worthy men of our citie were woont to say when they beheld the images and portraitures of their ancestors that they were most vehemently inflamed vnto vertue Not that the sayd wax or portraiture had any such force at all in it selfe but that by the remembring of their woorthy actes that flame was kindled in their noble breasts and could neuer be quenched vntill such time as their owne valure had equalled the fame and glory of their progenitors So though not in wax yet in record of writing haue I presented to the noble courages of this English Monarchie the like images of their famous predecessors with hope of like effect in their posteritie And here by the way if any man shall think
sumus Indè archiepiscopi ceterique principes imperij Alemanniam per dextram repetentes nos versùs Franciam ad sinistram declinantes cum inenarrabilibus gratijs osculis ab inuicem discessimus Et tandem de triginta equitibus qui de Normannia pingues exiuimus vix viginti pauperes peregrini omnes pedites macie multa attenuati reuersi sumus The same in English I Ingulphus an humble seruant of reuerend Guthlac and of his monastery of Croiland borne in England and of English parents at the beautifull citie of London was in my youth for the attaining of good letters placed first at Westminster and afterward sent to the Uniuersitie of Oxford And hauing excelled diuers of mine equals in learning of Aristotle I inured my selfe somewhat vnto the first second Rhethorique of Tullie And as I grew in age disdayning my parents meane estate and forsaking mine owne natiue soyle I affected the Courts of kings and princes and was desirous to be clad in silke and to weare braue and costly attire And loe at the same time William our souereigne king now but then Erle of Normandie with a great troup of followers and attendants came vnto London to conferre with king Edward the Counfessour his kinsman Into whose company intruding my selfe and proffering my seruice for the performance of any speedy or weightie affayres in short time after I had done many things with goood successe I was knowen and most entirely beloued by the victorious Erle himselfe and with him I sayled into Normandie And there being made his secretarie I gouerned the Erles Court albeit with the enuie of some as my selfe pleased yea whom I would I abased and preferred whom I thought good When as therefore being carried with a youthfull heat and lustie humour I began to be wearie euen of this place wherein I was aduanced so high aboue my parentage and with an inconstant minde and affection too too ambitious most vehemently aspired at all occasions to climbe higher there went a report throughout all Normandie that diuers Archbishops of the Empire and secular princes were desirous for their soules health and for deuotion sake to goe on pilgrimage to Ierusalem Wherefore out of the family of our lorde the Earle sundry of vs both gentlemen and clerkes principall of whom was my selfe with the licence and good will of our sayd lord the earle sped vs on that voiage and trauailing thirtie horses of vs into high Germanie we ioyned our selues vnto the Archbishop of Mentz And being with the companies of the Bishops seuen thousand persons sufficiently prouided for such an expedition we passed prosperously through many prouinces and at length attained vnto Constantinople Where doing reuerence vnto the Emperour Alexius we sawe the Church of Sancta Sophia and kissed diuers sacred reliques Departing thence through Lycia we fell into the hands of the Arabian theeues and after we had bene robbed of infinite summes of money and had lost many of our people hardly escaping with extreame danger of our liues at length wee ioyfully entered into the most wished citie of Ierusalem Where we were receiued by the most reuerend aged and holy patriarke Sophronius with great melodie of cymbals and with torch-light and were accompanied vnto the most diuine Church of our Sauiour his sepulchre with a solemne procession aswell of Syrians as of Latines Here how many prayers we vttered what abundance of teares we shed what deepe sighs we breathed foorth our Lord Iesus Christ onely knoweth Wherefore being conducted from the most glorious sepulchre of Christ to visite other sacred monuments of the citie we saw with weeping eyes a great number of holy Churches and oratories which Achim the Souldan of Egypt had lately destroyed And so hauing bewailed with sadde teares and most sorowful and bleeding affections all the ruines of that most holy city both within and without and hauing bestowed money for the reedifying of some we desired with most ardent deuotion to go forth into the countrey to wash our selues in the most sacred riuer of Iordan and to kisse all the steppes of Christ. Howbeit the theeuish Arabians lurking vpon euery way would not suffer vs to trauell farre from the city by reason of their huge and furious multitudes Wherefore about the spring there arriued at the port of Ioppa a fleet of ships from Genoa In which fleet when the Christian merchants had exchanged all their wares at the coast townes and had likewise visited the holy plâ—ces wee all of vs embarked committing our selues to the seas and being tossed with many stormes and tempests at length wee arriued at Brundusium and so with a prosperous iourney trauelling thorow Apulia towaâ—ds Rome we there visited the habitations of the holy apostles Peter and Paul and did reuerence vnto diuers monuments of holy martyrs in all places thorowout the city From thence the archbishops and other princes of the empire trauelling towards the right hand for Alemain and we declining towards the left hand for France departed asunder taking our leaues with vnspeakable thankes and courtesies And so at length of thirty horsemen which went out of Normandie fat Iusly and frolique we returned thither skarse twenty poore pilgrims of vs being all footmen and consumed with leannesse to the bare bones ¶ Diuers of the honourable family of the Beauchamps with Robert Curtoys sonne of William the Conqueror made a voyage to Ierusalem 1096. Hol. pag. 22. vol. 2. POpe Vrbane calling a councell at Clermont in Auuergne exhorted the Christian princes so earnestly to make a iourney into the Holy land for the recouery thereof out of the Saracens hands that the saide great and generall iourney was concluded vpon to be taken in hand wherein many noble men of Christendome went vnder the leading of Godfrey of Bouillon others as in the Chronicles of France of Germanie and of the Holy land doeth more plainely appeare There went also among other diuers noble men foorth of this Realme of England specially that worthily bare the surname of Beauchampe ¶ The voyage of Gutuere an English Lady maried to Balduine brother of Godfreide duke of Bouillon toward Ierusalem about 1097. And the 11. yeere of William Rufus King of England THe Christian armie of Godfrie of Bouillon passing the citie of Iconium alias Agogna in the countrey of Licaonia and from thence by the city of Heraclia came at length vnto the citie of Marasia where they encamped and soiourned there three whole dayes because of the wife of Balduine brother germane of the duke of Loraigne Which Lady being long time vexed with a grieuous malady was in extremitie where at length paying the debt due to nature she changed this transitorie lite for life eternall Who in her life time was a very worthy and vertuous Lady borne in England and descended of most noble parentage named Gutuere Which according to her degree was there most honourably enterred to the great griefe of all the whole armie As reporteth William
English HVbert Walter bishop of Sarisburie a vertuous man and famous for his good wit and piety was one of the chiefest of them that followed king Richard into Syria going against the Saracens As he returned from Palaestina and came in his iourney into Sicilia he there heard of the ill fortune of the king being fallen into his enemies handes and thereupon leauing his iourney homewards he went presently and in all haste to the place where the king was captiued whom the king immediatly vpon his comming sent into England that by the authority of the councell a tribute might be collected for his redemption which this Hubert performed with great diligâ—nce and deliuered the king After this he was made Archbishop of Canterburie and after the death of king Richard he shewed the like dueties of fidelitie and trust to his brother Iohn that succeeded him For by a long oration he perswaded the whole nation of the English men that he was a very circumspect man vertuous valiant borne of noble parentage and most woorthy of the crowne Whereupon he was so receiued of all the people and crowned king He wrote certaine books and died at the last with very great griefe of minde in the yeere 1205 hauing beene archbishop the space of 11 yeres 8 moneths and sixe dayes by reason of the ciuil discords abroad whereby all things went topsie turuy and in the reigne of king Iohn The trauailes of Robert Curson RObertus Curson ex nobili quodam Anglorum ortus genere disciplinis tum prophanis tum sacris studiosus incubuit idque quantum ex coniecturis colligo in celebratissima Oxonij Academia Praestantissimis illic institutoribus vsus ex summa circa ingenuas artes industria assiduo literarum labore famam sibi inter suos celeberrimam comparauit Ampliora deinde meditatus Parisiorum Lutetiam aâ—que Romam ipsam perijt illic Theologus Doctor hic verò Cardinalis effectus Vnde vterque Matthaeus Parisius ae Westmonasterius hoc de ipso testimonium adferunt hic libro 2. ille 8. suoâ—um Chronicorum Anno Domini 1218 inquiunt in captione Damiatae AEgypti vrbis sub Ioanne Brenno Hierosolymorum rege fuit cum Pelagio Albanensi Magister Robertus de Curson Anglus Clericus celebertimus genere nobilis ac Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinalis c Bostonus Buriensis in suo Catalogo Cursonum aliquos libros composuisle narrat Claruit anno superius numerato per praedictos testes in Anglia regnante Henrico tertio Ioannis regis filio fuÃtque hic diebus Honorij tertij Romani pontificis in Angliam Bostono teste legatus The same in English RObert Curson descended of a noble family of England vsed great diligence aswell in prophane as in diuine studies in the famous Uniuersity of Oxford as I coniecture He had there the best scholemasters that were to be gotten and was most industrious in the arts and continual exercises of learning by meanes whereof he grew to be of great renowne where he liued Afterward thinking of greater matters he went to Paris and thence to Rome it selfe and at Paris he proceeded doctor of Diuinity at Rome he was made cardinall whereupon both Matthew Paris Matthew of Westminster produce this testimony of him the one in his second booke the other in his eight booke of Chronicles In the yere of our Lord say they 1218 at the taking of Damiata a city of Egypt vnder Iohn Brenne king of Ierusalem M. Robert Curson an English man a most famous clearke of noble parentage and cardinall of the church of Rome was there with Pelagius Albanensis c. Boston of Burie in Suffolke in his catalogue reporteth that he wrote diuers books He flourished in the yeere aforesayd by the witnesses aforesayd Henry the third sonne of king Iohn being then king of England and by the further testimony of Boston this Curson was legate into England in the dayes of Honorius the third bishop of Rome The voyage of Ranulph earle of Chester of Saer Quincy earle of VVinchester William de Albanie earle of Arundel with diuers other noble men to the Holy land in the second yere of K. Henry the third Matth. Paris Holensh pag. 202. IN the yeere 1218 Ranulph earle of Chester was sent into the Holy land by king Henry the third with a goodly company of souldiers and men of warre to ayde the Christians there against the Infidels which at the same time had besieged the city of Damiata in Egypt In which enterprise the valiancy of the same earle after his comming thither was to his great praise most apparant There went with him in that iourney Saer de Quincy earle of Winchester William de Albanie earle of Arundel besides diuers barons as the lord Robert fitz Walter Iohn constable of Chester William de Harecourt and Oliuer fitz Roy sonne to the king of England and diuers others The voyage of Henry Bohun and Saer Quincy to the Holy land THis yere being the sixt yere of Henry the third deceased Henry de Bohun earle of Hereford and Saer de Quincy earle of Winchester in their iourney which they made to the Holy land Matth. Paris Holensh pag. 202. colâ— 2. The trauailes of Ranulph Glanuile earle of Chester RAnulphus Glanuile Cestriae Comes vir nobilissimi generis vâ—roque iure eruditus in albo illustâ—ium virorum à me meritò ponendus venit Ita probè omnes adolescentiae suae annos legibus tum humanis tum diuinis consecrauit vt non prius in hominem per aetatem euaserit quà m nomen decúsque ab insigni eruditione sibi comparauerit Cum profecti essent Francorum Heroes Ptolemaidem inito cum Ioanne Brenâ—o Hierosolymorum rege concilio Damiatam AEgypti vrbem obsidendam constituebant aâ—no salutis humanae 1218. Misitillùe Henricus rex ab Honorio 3 Rom. Pontifice rogatus cum magna armatorum manu Ranulphum ad rem Christian am iuuandam Cuius viâ—tus Polydoro teste in eo bello mitis omnium laudibus celebrata â—uit Quo confecto negotio Ranulphus in patriam reuersus scripfit De legibus Angliae librum vnum Fertur praeterea alia quaedam scripsisse sed tempus edax rerum ea nobis abstulit Claruit anno à Seruatoris nostri natiuitate 1230 confectus senio dum Henricus terâ—ius sub Antichristi tyrannide in Anglia regnaret The same in English RAnulph Glanuile earle of Chester a man of a very noble house and learned in both the Lawes deserues of duetie to be here placed by me in the catalogue of woorthy and notable men He applied so well all the yeeres of his youth to the study of humane and diuine Lawes that he came not so soone to the age of a man as he had purchased to himselfe by reason of his singular learning renowme and honour When the noble men of France went to Ptolomais vpon the counsell of Iohn Brenne king of Ierusalem they resolued to besiege Damiata a city
French armie as afterwards it appeared ¶ The Voyage of Prince Edward the sonne of king Henry the third into Asia in the yeere 1270. ABout the yeere of our Lord 1267. Octobonus the Popes Legate being in England prince Edward the sonne of king Henry and diuers other Noble men of England tooke vpon them the crosse vpon S. Iohn Baptists day by the sayd Legates hands at Northhampton to the reliefe of the Holy land and the subuersion of the enemies of the crosse of Christ. For which purpose and for the better furnishing of the prince towards the iourney there was granted him a subsidie throughout all the realme and in the moneth of May in the yeere of our Lord 1270. he began to set forward At Michaelmas following he with his company came to Eguemortes which is from Marsilia eight leagues Westward and there taking ship againe hauing a mery and prosperous wind within ten dayes arriued at Tunez where he was with great ioy welcommed and entertained of the Christian princes that there were to this purpose assembleâ— as of Philip the French King whose father Lodouicus died a litle before of Carolus the king of Sicilia and the two kings of Nauarre and Arragon and as this lord Edward came thither for his father the king of England thâ—ther came also Henry the sonne of the king of Almaine for his father who at his returne from the voyage was slaine in a chappell at Viterbium When prince Edward demanded of these kings and princes what was to be done they answered him againe and sayd the prince of this citie and the prouince adioyning to the same hath bene accustomed to pay tribute vnto the king of Sicily euery yere and now for that the same hath bene for the space of seuen yeeres vnpaied and more therefore we thought good to make inuasion vpon him But the king knowing the same tribute to be but iustly demaunded hath now according â—o our owne desire satisfied for the time past and also paied his tribute before hand Then sayd â—e My Lords what is this to the purpose are we not here all assâ—mbled haue taken vpon vs the Lords Character to fight against the infidels enemies of Christ What meane you then to conclude a peace with them God forbid we should do so for now the land is plaine and hard so that we may approch to y e holy city IerusaleÌ„ Then said they now haue we made a league with them neither is it lawful for vs to breake the same But let vs returne againe to Sicilia and when the winter is past we may well take shipping to Acra But this counsel nothing at all liked him neither did he shew himselfe wel pleased there with but after hee had made them a princely banket he went into his closet or priuy chamber from amongst them neither would be partaker of any of that wicked money which they had taken They notwithstanding continuing their purpose at the next mery wind tooke shipping and for want of ships left 200. of their men a shore crying out and pitioufly lamenting for the peril and hazard of death that they were in wherewith prince Edward being somewhat mooued to compassion came backe againe to the land and receiued and stowed them in his owne ships being the last that went aboord Within seuen dayes after they arriued in the kingdom of Sicilia ouer agaynst the Citie Trapes casting their ankers a league from thence within the sea for that their shippes were of great burden and throughly fraught and from the hauen of the citie they sent out barges and boates to receiue and bring such of the Nobilitie to land as would but their horses for the most part and all their armour they kept still within boord At length towards the euening the sea began to be rough increased to a great tempest and a mightie insomuch that their ships were beaten one against anothers sides and drowned there was of them at that tempest lying at anker more then 120. with all their armour and munition with innumerable soules besides and that wicked money also which they had taken before likewise perished and was lost But the tempest hurt not so much as one ship of prince Edwards who had in number 13. nor yet had one man lost thereby for that as it may be presupposed he consented not to the wicked counsell of the rest When in the morning the princes and kings came to the sea side and saw all their ships drowned and saw their men and horses in great number cast vpon the land drowned they had full heauie hearts as well they might for of all their ships and mariners which were in number 1500. besides the common souldiers there was no more saued then the mariners of one onely ship and they in this wise There was in that ship a good wise Matrone a Countesse or an Erles wife who perceiuing the tempest to grow fearing her selfe called to her the M. of the ship asked him whether in attempting to the shoare it were not possible to saue theÌ„selues he answered that to saue the ship it was impossible howbeit the men that were therein by Gods helpe he doubted not Then sayd the countesse for the ship force no whit saue the soules therein and haue to thee double the value of the shippe who immediatly hoising the sailes with all force ran the shippe aground so nere the shore as was possible so that with the vehemency of the weather force he came withall he brast the ship and saued all that was within the same as he had shewed and sayd before Then the kings and princes altering their purpose after this so great a shipwracke returned home againe euery one vnto their owne lands onely Edward the sonne of the king of England remained behinde with his men and ships which the Lord had saued and preserued Then prince Edward renouating his purpose tooke shipping againe and within fifâ—eene daies after Easter arriued he at Acra and went aland taking with him a thousand of the best souldiers and most expert and taried there a whole moneth refreshing both his men and horses and that in this space he might learne and know the secrets of the land After this he tooke with him sixe or seuen thousand souldiers and marched forward twenty miles from Acra and tooke Nazareth and those that he found there he slew and afterward returned againe to Acra But their enemies following after them thinking to haue set vpon them at some streit or other aduantage were espied by the prince and returning againe vpon them gaue a charge and slew many of them and the rest they put â—o flight After this about Midsummer when the prince had vnderstanding that the Saracens began to gather at Cakow which was forty miles from Acra he marching thither set vpon them very earely in the morning and slew of them more then a thousand the rest he put to flight and tooke rich spoiles
honorable presents And a litle afterward Upon the hearing of these newes the emperor departed with great ioy out of England whom the king honoured with many precious gifts The Voiage of the bishop of VVinchester to Ierusalem in the sixe yeere of the reigne of Henry the fift which was the yeere of our Lord 1417. Thomas Walsing VLtimo die mensis Octobris episcopus Wintoniensis accessit ad concilium Constanciense peregrinaturus Hierosolymam post electioneÌ„ summi pontificis celebratam vbi tantum valuit elus facunda persuasio vâ— excitaret dominos Cardinales ad concordiam ad electionem summi pontificis se ocyâ—s praepararent The same in English THe last day of October the bishop of Winchester came to the Councell of Constance which after the chusing of the Pope determined to take his iourney to Ierusalem where his eloquent perswasion so much preuailed that he both perswaded my lords the Cardinals to vnity and concord and also moued them to proceed more speedily to the election of the Pope A preparation of a voyage of King Henrie the fourth to the Holy land against the infidels in the yere 1413 being the last yere of his reigne wherein he was preuented by death written by Walsingham Fabian Polydore Virgile and Holenshed IN this foureteenth and last yere of king Henries reigne a councell was holden in the White friets in London at the which among other things order was taken for ships and gallies to be builded and made ready and all other things necessary to be prouided for a voyage which he meant to make into the Holy land there to recouer the city of Ierusalem from the infidels for it grieued him to consider the great malice of Christian princes that were bent vpon a mischieuous purpose to destroy one another to the perill of their owne soules rather then to make warre against the enemies of the Christian faith as in conscience it seemed to him they were bound We finde sayeth Fabian in his Chronicle that he was taken with his last sickenesse while he was making his prayers at Saint Edwards shrine there as it were to take his leaue and so to proceede foorth on his iourney He was so suddenly and grieuously taken that such as were about him feared least he would haue died presently wherefore to relieâ—e him if it were possible they bare him into a chamber that was next at hand belonging to the Abbot of Westminster where they layd him on a pallet before the fire and vsed all remedies to reuiue him At length he recouered his speech and perceiuing himselfe in a strange place which he knew not he willed to knowe if the chamber had any particular name whereunto answere was made that it was called Ierusalem Then sayde the king Laâ—des be giuen to the father of heauen for now I knowe that I shall die here in this chamber according to the prophesie of mee declared that I should depart this life in Ierusalem Of this intended voyage Polydore Virgile writeth in manner following POst haec Henricus Rex memor nihil homini debere esse entiquius quà m ad officium iustiâ—iae quae ad hominum vellitatem perâ—inet omne suum studium conferre protinùs omisso ciuili bello quo pudebat videre Christianos omni tempore turpitèr occupari de republica Anglica benè gubernanda de bello in hostes communes sumendo de Hierosolymis tandem aliquando recipiendis plura destinabat classemque iam parabat cum ei talia agenti atque meditanti casus mortem attulit subito enim morbo tentatus nulla medicina subleuari potuit Mortuus est apud Westmonasterium annum agens quadragesimum sextum qui fuit annus salutis humanae 1413. The same in English AFterward King Henry calling to minde that nothing ought to be more highly esteemed by any man then to doe the vtmost of his indâ—uour for the performance of iustice which â—endeth to the good and benefite of mankinde altogether abandoning ciuill warre wherewith he was ashamed to see how Christians at all times were dishonourably busied cutered into a more derye consideration of well gouerning his Realme of England of waging warre against the common enemie and of recouering in processe of time the citie of Ierusalem yea and was prouiding a nauie for the same purpose whenas in the very midst of this his heroâ—call action and enterprise he was surprised with death for falling into a sudden disease he could not be cured by any kinde of phisicke He deceased at Westminster in the 46 yeare of his age which was in the yeere of our Lord 1413. A briefe relation of the siege and taking of the Citie of Rhodes by Sultan Soliman the great Turke translated out of French into English at the motion of the Reuerend Lord Thomas Dockwray great Prior of the order of Ierusalem in England in the yeere 1524. WIlling faithfully to write and reduce in veritie Historiall the great siege cruel oppugnation and piteous taking of the noble and renowmed citie of Rhodes the key of Christendome the hope of many poore Christian men withholden in Turkie to saue and keepe them in their faith the rest and yeerely solace of noble pilgrimes of the holy supulchre of Iesu Christ and other holy places the refuge and refreshing of all Christian people hauing course of marchandise in the parties of Leuant I promise to all estates that shall see this present booke that I haue left nothing for feare of any person nor preferred it for fauour And first I shall shewe the occasions that mooued this cruell bloodshedder enemie of our holy Christian faith Sultan Soliman now being great Turke to come with a great hoste by sea and by lande to besiege and assayle the space of sixe moneths night and day the noble and mightie citie of Rhodes The yere of the incarnation of our Lord Iesu Christ 1522. The occasions why the great Turke came to besiege the Citie of Rhodes THe first and principall cause was that he did consider and sawe by experience that there was none other Towne nor place in Leuant that warred against him nor kept him in doubt but this poore rocke of Rhodes And hearing the continuall complaintes of his subiectes aswell of Syria as of Turkie for the domages and prises dayly done of their bodies and goods by Christian men of warre receiued into Rhodes And also of the shippes and gallies of the religion he tooke conclusion in himselfe that if he might put the sayde Towne in his power and subiection that then he should be peaceable lord of all the parties of Leuant and that his subiects should complaine no more to him The second that he might followe the doings of his noble predecessouâ—s and shewe himselfe very heire of the mightie and victorious lord Sultan Selim his father willing to put in execution the enterprise by him left the yeere one thousand fiue hundred twentie and one The which Selim the great Turke put in all
and some other spices The saide shippe called the Holy Crosse was so shaken in this voyage and so weakened that she was layd vp in the docke and neuer made voyage after Another voyage to the Iles of Candia and Chio made by the shippe the Mathew Gonson about the yeere 1535 according to the relation of Iohn Williamson then Cooper in the same ship made to M. Richard Hackluit in the yeere 1592. THe good shippe called the Mathew Gonson of burden 300 tunnes whereof was owner old M. William Gonson pay-master of the kings Nauie made her voyage in the yere 1535. In this ship went as Captaine Richard Gray who long after died in Russia Master William Holftocke afterward Controuller of the Queenes Nauie went then as purser in the same voyage The Master was one Iohn Pichet seruant to old M. William Gonson Iames Rumnie was Masters mate The master cooper was Iohn Williamson citizen of London liuing in the yeere 1592 and dwelling in Sant Dunstons parish in the East The M. Gunner was Iohn Godfrey of Bristoll In this ship were 6 gunners and 4 trumpetters all which foure trumpetters at our returne homewards went on land at Messina in the Iland of Sicilia as our ship road there at anker gat them into the Gallies that lay neere vnto vs in them went to Rome The whole number of our companie in this ship were about 100. men we were also furnished with a great bote which was able to cary 10 tunnes of water which at our returne homewards we towed all the way from Chio vntill we came through the straight of Gibaltar into the maine Ocean We had also a great long boat and a skiff We were out vpon this voyage eleuen moneths yet in all this time there died of sicknesse but one man whose name was George Forrest being seruant to our Carpenter called Thomas Plummer In a great lygier booke of one William Eyms seruant vnto Sir William Bowyerâ— Alderman of London bearing date the 15 of Nouember 1533 and continued vntill the 4 of Iuly 1544. I find that he the said William Eyms was factor in Chio not only for his Master but also for the duke of Norfolkes grace for many other worshipful marchants of London among whom I find the accompts of these especially to wit of his said Master sir William Bowyer of William Nicholas Wilford Marchant-taylors of London of Thomas Curtis pewterer of Iohn Starky Merter of William Ostrige Marchant of Richard Field Draper And further I find in the said ligier booke a note of the said Eyms of all such goods as he left in the hands of Robert Bye in Chio who became his Masters factor in his roome and another like note of particulers of goods that he left in the hands of Oliuer Lesson seruant to William and Nicholas Wilford And for proofe of the continuance of this trade vntill the end of the yeere 1552. I found annexed vnto the former note of the goods left with Robert Bye in Chio a letter being dated the 27 of Nouember 1552 in London The Epitaph of the valiant Esquire M. Peter Read in the south I le of Saint Peters Church in the citie of Norwich which was knighted by Charles the fift at the winning of Tunis in the yeere of our Lord 1538. HEre vnder lyeth the corpes of Peter Reade Esquire who hath worthily serued not onely his Prince and Countrey but also the Emperour Charles the fift both at his conquest of Bâ—rbarie and at his siege at Tunis as also in other places Who had giuen him by the sayd Emperour for his valiant deedes the order of Barbary Who dyed the 29 day of December in the yeere of our Lord God 1566. The voyage of Sir Thomas Chaloner to Alger with Charles the fift 1541 drawen out of his booke De Republica Anglorum instauranda THomas Chalonerus patria Londinensis studio Cantabrigensis educatione aulicus religione pius veréque Christianus fuit Itaque cum inuenilem aetatemâ— mentemque suam humanioribus studijs roborasset Domino Henrico Kneuetto à potentissimo rege Henrico eius nominis octauo ad Carolum quintum imperatorem transmisâ—o legato vnà cum illo profectus est tanquam familiaris amicus veleidem à confilijs Quo quidem tempore Carolo quinto nauali certamine à Genua Corsica in Algyram in Africa contra Turcas classem soluente ac hostiliter proficiscente ornatissimo illo Kneuetto legato regis Thoma Chalonero Henrico Knolleo Henrico Isamo illustribus viris eundem in illa expeditione suapte sponte sequentibus pariterque militantibus mirifice vitam suam Chalonerus tutatus est Nam triremi illa in qua fuerat vel scopulis allisa vel grauissimis procellis conquassata naufragus cum se diù natatu defendisset deficientibus viribus brachijs manibusque languidis ac quasi eneruatis prehensa dentibus cum maxima difficultate rudenti quae ex altera triremi iam propinqua tum fuerat eiecta non sine dentium aliquorum iactura ac fractura sese tandem recuperauit ac domum integer relapsus est The same in English THomas Chaloner was by birth a Londiner by studie a Cantabrigian by education a Courtier by religion a deuout and true Christian. Therfore after he had confirmed his youth and minde in the studies of good learning when Sir Henry Kneuet was sent ambassadour from the mighty Prince Henry the 8. to the Emperour Charles the fift he went with him as his familiar friend or as one of his Councell At which time the said Charles the 5. passing ouer from Genoa and Corsica to Alger in Africa in warlike sort with a mighty army by sea that honorable Kneuet the kings ambassadour Thomas Chaloner Henry Knolles and Henry Isham right worthy persons of their owne accord accompanied him in that expedition serued him in that warre wherin Thomas Chaloner escaped most wonderfully with his life For the gally wherein he was being either dashed against the rockes or shaken with mighty stormes and so cast away after he had saued himselfe a long while by swimming when his strength failed him his armes hands being faint and weary with great difficulty laying hold with his teeth on a cable which was cast out of the next gally not without breaking and losse of certaine of his teeth at length recouered himselfe and returned home into his countrey in safety The voyage of M. Roger Bodenham with the great Barke Aucher to Candia and Chio in the yeere 1550. IN the yeere 1550. the 13 of Nouember I Roger Bodenham Captaine of the Barke Aucher entered the said ship at Grauesend for my voiage to the Ilands of Candia and Chio in the Leuant The master of my ship was one William Sherwood From thence we departed to â—ilbery hope and there remained with contrarie windes vntill the 6. of Ianuary 1551. The 6 of Ianuarie the M. came to Tilbery and I had prouided a skilfull pylot to
and the Turke is growen mighty whereby our ships doe not trade as they were woont I finde that the Uenetians doe bring those commodities hither and doe sell them for double the value that we our selues were accustomed to fetch them Wherefore as I am informed by the aboue named men that there is none so fit to furnish this voyage as your selfe my request is that there may be a shippe of conuenient burthen prepared for this voyage and then I will satisfie you at large what is to be done therein And because the Turke as I sayd before is waxen strong and hath put out the Christian rulers and placed his owne subiects we may doubt whether we may so peacealy trade thither as we were woont therefore I dare vndertake to obtaine a safeconduct if my charges may be borne to goe and come Of the way how this may be done M. Locke can satisfie you at large Moreouer I can informe you more of the trade of that countrey then any other for that I haue bene in those parts these thirty yeeres and haue bene married in the very towne of Chio full foure and twenty yeres Furthermore when one of our ships commeth thither they bring at the least sixe or eight thousand carsies so that the custome thereof is profitable for the prince and the returne of them is profitable to the common people for in barter of our wares we tooke the commodities which the poore of that towne made in their houses so that one of our shippes brought the prince and countrey more gaines then sixe ships of other nations The want of this our trade thither was the onely cause why the Christian rulers were displaced for when they payd not their yerely tribute they were put out by force Touching the ship that must go she must obserue this order she must be a ship of countenance and she must not touch in any part of Spaine for the times are dangerous nor take in any lading there but she must lade in England either goods of our owne or els of strangers and go to Genoa or Legorno where we may be wel intreated and from thence she must make her money to buy wines by exchange to Candia for there both custome exchange are reasonable and not do as the Math. Gonson other ships did in time past who made sale of their wares at Messina for the lading of their wines and payed for turning their white money into golde after foure and fiue in the hundreth and also did hazzard the losse of shippe and goods by carying away their money Thus by the aforesayd course we shall trade quietly and not be subiect to these dangers Also from Legorno to Castilla de la mar which is but 16 miles from Naples and the ready way to Candia you may lade hoopes which will cost carolins of Naples 27 and a halfe the thousand which is ducats two and a halfe of Spaine And in Candia for euery thousand of hoops you shall haue a but of Malmesey cleare of all charges Insomuch that a ship of the burden of the Mathew Gonson will cary foure hundreth thousand hoops so that one thousand ducats will lade her and this is an vsual trade to Candia as M. Michael Locke can testifie Furthermore it is not vnknowen to you that the oiles which we do spend in England for our cloth are brought out of Spaine and that very deare and in England we cannot sell them vnder 28 pound and 30 pound the tunne I say we may haue good oile and better cheape in diuers places within the streights Wherefore if you thinke good to take this voyage in hand I will informe you more particularly when you please In the meane time I rest your worships to command Yours at your pleasure Iasper Campion The true report of the siege and taking of Famagusta of the antique writers called Tamassus a city in Cyprus 1571. In the which the whole order of all the skirmishes batteries mines and assaults giuen to the sayd fortresse may plainly appeare Englished out of Italian by William Malim To the right honourable and his singular good Lord and onely Patron the Earle of Leicester Baron of Denbigh Knight of the honourable order of the Garter one of the Queenes Maiesties most honourable priuy Councell c. William Malim wisheth long health with increase of honour IT hath bene a naturall instinct right honourable and mine especiall good lord ingraffed in noble personages hearts much approued and confirmed also by custome for them to seeke from time to time by some meanes in their life by the which they after their death might deliuer ouer their name to their posteritie least otherwise with their body their fame also altogether might perchance be buried Vpon the which consideration we reade many notable and famous things to haue bene erected in time past of noble personages hauing had wealth at will in such sort that not onely certaine ruines of the same sumptuous works builded so many hundred yeres past do still remaine but also the most part of those princes the authours of them do continually by them dwell in our memories As the Pyramides made at Memphis or neere the famous riuer of Nilus by the great expenses of the kings of Egypt the tower called Pharia made in the Iland of Pharos by king Ptolomee the walles of Babylon made or at the least reedified by queene Semiramis Dianas church at Ephesus builded by all the noble persons of Asia Mausolus toome or sepulchre made by his wife queene of Caria Colossus Solis placed at Rhodes I remember not by what Princes charge but made by the hands of Cares Lindius scholar to Lysippus and the image of Iupiter made of Yuory by the hands of the skilfull workman Phydias The which monuments made of barbarous and heathen Princes to redeeme themselues from obliuion deserued both for the magnificence and perfect workmanship of the same to be accounted in those dayes as the seuen woonders of the world Since the which time an easier readier and lighâ—er way being also of more continuance then the former hath bene found out namely Letters which were first inuented by the Caldies and Egyptians as we reade and augmented since by others to our great benefit and now last of all no long time past the same to haue bene committed to Printers presses to the greatest perfection of the same men being first inforced to write their actes and monuments in beasts skinnes dried in barkes of trees or otherwise perchance as vnreadily By the which benefit of letters now reduced into print we see how easie a thing it is and hath bene for noble persons to liue foreuer by the helpe of learned men For the memory of those two woorthy and valiant captaines Scipio and Hannibal had bene long before this present quite forgotten except Titus Liuiâ—s or â—ome such learned Historiographer had written of them in time And Alexander Magnus himselfe that great conquerour had nothing
Giambelat Bey the Sangiaccho of Tripolis the Begliarbei of Greece the Bassa of Sciuassi and of Marasco Ferca Framburaro the Sangiaccho of Antipo Soliman Bey three Sangiacchos of Arabia Mustafa Bey generall of the Uenturers Fergat gouernour of Malathia the Framburaro of Diuerie the Sangiaccho of Arabia and other Sangiacchos of lesser credite with the number of fourescore thousand persons besides as by the muster made by his Commission might well appeare The Framburaro which was at Rhodes was appointed and left gouernour at Famagusta and the report was that there should bee left in all the Island of Cyprus twentie thousand persons with two thousand horses many of the which I saw being very leane and euill appoynted for seruice It seemeth also a thing not impertinent to the matter to signifie to you how I by the especiall grace of God was deliuered out of their cruel hands I hauing paied within two fortie dayes all the which time I was slaue fiue hundred Zechins for my ransome to him whose prisoner I was by the meanes of the Consul for the French merchants a ligier then at Tripolis who a litle before came from Tripolis in Syria vnto Cyprus into the Turkes campe Yet for all that I had paied this summe of money to him hee would not so set me at libertie but fed mee vp still with faire wordes and promised mee that hee would first bring mee vnto his gouernement which abutted vpon a piece of the famous riuer of Euphrates and afterward dismisse me The which malice and falsehood of his I perceiuing determined with my selfe to giue him the slip and to flee so I waiting my time and repairing often to the Citie at length met with a small Fisher boate of the which a poore Grecian was Owner and master with whom in one night with two onely dares and a small saile made of two shirts I passed ouer from Cyprus vnto Tripolis being a very great danger of drowning whereas I remained in couert in the house of certaine Christians vntill the fiue and twentie of September at what time I departed from thence in a little French shippe called Santa Victor which came into these partes and as wee rode wee touched at a part of Cyprus Westward called Capo delle Garte where as I came on land and talking with certaine of the inhabitants of the Uillages who were then by chaunce a Hauking demaunded of them how they were intreated of the Turkes and after what sort the Island was tilled to the which they answered that they could not possiblie bee in worse pickle then they were at that present not enioying that quietly which was their owne being made villaines and slaues and almost alwayes carying away the Bastonados so that now they sayd they knew by triall too perfectly the pleasant and peaceable gouernment of the Christians wishing and praying God that they might shortly returne And concerning the tillage of the Island they made answere moreouer that no part of it was plowed or laboured sauing onely that mountaine which was towards the West and that because they were litle troubled with the crueltie of the Turkes but as for the plaine and East part of the Island there was small seede sowen therein but became in a maner desert there being left but few inhabitants and lesse store of cattell there Afterward wee departing from thence arriued in Candia I for my part being clothed in sackecloth whereas soone after by the great curtesie of the right honourable Signior Latino Orsino I was new apparelled accordingly friendly welcommed and my necessitie relieued From whence I shortly after sayling in a Cypriottes ship thankes be to almightie God arriued in this Citie in health and â—m safely come home now at the honorable feete of your highnesse The Captains of the Christians slaine in Famagusta THe lord Estor Baglione The lord Aluigi Martinengo The lord Federico Baglione The knight of Asta Uicegouernor The capitaine Dauid Noce Master of the Campe. The capitaine Meani of Perugia Serieant Maior The earle Sigismond of Casoldo The earle Francesco of Lobi of Cremona The captaine Francesco Troncauilla The captaine Hannibal Adamo of Fermo The captaine Scipio of the citie of Castello The captaine Charles Ragonasco of Cremona The captaine Francesco Siraco The captaine Roberto Maluezzo The captaine Caesar of Aduersa The captaine Bernardin of Agubio The captaine Francesco Bugon of Verona The captaine Iames of Fabiano The captaine Sebastian del Sole of Florence The captaine Hector of Brescia the successour to the captaine Caesar of Aduersa The captaine Flaminio of Florence successor vnto Sebastian del Sole The captaine Erasmus of Fermo successor to the captaine of Cernole The captaine Bartholomew of Cernole The captaine Iohn Battista of Riuarole The captaine Iohn Francesco of Venice The names of Christians made slaues THe Earle Herocles Martinengo with Iulius Caesar Ghelfo a Souldiour of Bressa The earle Nestor Martinengo which fled The captaine Marco Criuellatore The lord Herocles Malatesta The captaine Peter Conte of Montalberto The captaine Horatio of Veletri The captaine Aluigi Pezano The Conte Iames of Corbara The captaine Iohn of Istria The captaine Soldatelli of Agubio The captaine Iohn of Ascoli The captaine Antonie of the same towne The captaine Sebastian of the same towne The captaine Salgano of the citie of Castello The captaine Marcheso of Fermo The captaine Iohn Antonio of Piacenza The captaine Carletto Naldo The captaine Lorenzo Fornaretti The captaine Barnardo of Brescia The captaine Barnardino Coco The captaine Simon Bagnese successour to the captaine Dauid Noce The captaine Tiberio Ceruto successor vnto Conte Sigismond The captaine Ioseph of Lanciano successour vnto captaine Francesco Troncauilla The captaine Morgante successor to captain Hannibal The Lieutenant successour vnto the captaine Scipio The Standerdbearer successour to captaine Roberto The captaine Ottauio of Rimini successour to the captaine Francesco Bugon The captaine Mario de Fabiano successour to captaine Iacomo The captaine Francesco of Venice successour vnto captaine Antonio The captaine Matteo of Capua The captaine Iohn Maria of Verona The captaine Mancino The Fortifiers Iohn Marmori slaine The knight Maggio slaue Turkish Captaines at Famagusta MVstafa Generall The Bassa of Aleppo The Bassa of Natolia slaine Musafer Bassa of Nicosia The Bassa of Caramania The Aga of the Giannizers Giambelat Bey The Sangiaccho of Tripolis slaine The Begliarbei of Greece The Bassa of Sciuassi and Marasco Ferca Framburaro The Sangiaccho of Antipo slaine Soliman Bey slaine Three Sangiacchos of Arabia slaine Mustafa Bey General of the Venturers slain Fergat ruler of Malathia slaine The Framburaro of Diuerie slaine The woorthy enterprise of Iohn Foxe an English man in deliuering 266. Christians out of the captiuitie of the Turkes at Alexandria the 3. of Ianuarie 1577. AMong our merchants here in England it is a common voiage to traffike into Spaine whereunto a ship being called The three halfe Moones manned with 38. men and well fensed with munitions
time without the consent of the Gouernour for the time being and the more part of the said Company And further wee of our more ample and abundant grace meere motion and certaine knowledge haue graunted and by these patenâ—s for vs our heires and successors doe graunt to the saide Edward Thomas Richard and William their executors and administrators that they the saide Edward Thomas Richard and Willam their executors and administrators and the said person and persons by them the said Edward and Richard to be nominated or appointed as afore is said together with such two other persons as wee our heires or successors from time to time during the sayd terme shall nominate shall haue the whole trade and trafique and the whole entire onely libertie vse and priuilege of trading and trafiquing and vsing feate of marchandise into and from the said dominions of the said Grand Signior and euery of them And when there shall be no such persons so nominated or appointed by vs our heires or successors that then the said Edward Osborne Thomas Smith Richard Staper and William Garret their executors and administrators and such persons by them so to be appointed shall haue the saide whole trade and trafique and the whole entire and onely libertie vse and priuilege of trading and trafiquing aforesaid And that they the said Edward Thomas Richard and William their executors administrators and also al such as shal so be nominated or appointed to be partners or aduenturers in the said trade according to such agreement as is abouesaid and euery of them their seruants factors and deputies shal haue ful and free authoritie libertie facultie licence and power to trade and trafique into and from all and euery the saide dominions of the saide Grand Signior and into and from all places where by occasion of the said trade they shall happen to arriue or come whether they be Christians Turkes Gentiles or other and into and from all Seas riuers ports regions territories dominions coastes and places with their ships barks pinâ—esses and other vessels and with such mariners and men as they will lead with them or send for the said trade as they shall thinke good at their owne proper cost and expenses any law statute vsage or matter whatsoeuer to the contrary notwithstanding And that it shal be lawful for the said Edward Thomas Richard and William and to the persons aforesaid and to and for the mariners and seamen to bee vsed and employed in the said trade and voyage to set and place in the tops of their ships and others vessels the armes of England with the red crosse ouer the same as heretofore they haue vsed the red crosse any matter or thing to the contrary notwithstanding And we of our further royal fauor and of our especiall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion haue graunted and by these presents doe graunt to the said Edward Osbâ—rne Thomas Smith Richard Staper and William Garret their executors and administrators by these presents that the said lands territories and dominions of the said Grand Signior or any of them shall not be visited frequented nor haunted by way of marchandise by any other our subiects during the said terme contrary to the true meaning of these patents And by vertue of our high prerogatiue royall which wee will not haue argued or brought in question we straightly charge and commaund and prohibite for vs our heires and successours all our subiects of what degree or qualitie soeuer they be that none of them directly or indirectlâ— do visite haunt frequent or trade trafique or aduenture by way of marchandise into or from any of the Dominions of the sayde Grand Signior or other places abouesayde by water or by lande other then the said Edward Thomas Richard and William their executours or administrators or such as shal be admitted and nominated as is aforesaide without expresse licence agreement and consent of the said Gouernour and company or the more part of them whereof the said Gouernour alwayes to be one vpon paine of our high indignation and of forfeiâ—nre and losse as well of the ship and shippes with the furniture thereof as also of the goods marchandizes and things whatsoeuer they be of those our Subiects which shall attempt or presume to saile trafique or aduenture to or from any the dominions or places abouesaid contrary to the prohibition aforesaid the one halfe of the same forfeiture to be to the vse of vs our heires successors and the other halfe to the vse of the said Edward Thomas Richard and William and the said companie and further to suffer imprisonment during our pleasure and such other punishment as to vs for so high contempt shal seeme meete and conuenient And further of our grace speciall certaine knowledge and meere motion we haue condescended and graunted and by these patents for vs our heires and successors doe condescend and grant to the said Edward Thomas Richard William their executors and administrators that we our heires successors during the said terme will not grant liberty licence or power to any person or persons whatsoeuer contrary to the tenor of these our letters patents to saile passe trade or trafique into or from the said dominions of the said Grand Signior or any of them without the coÌ„sent of the said Edward Thomas Richard William and such as shal be named or appointed as afore is said or the most of them And that if at any time hereafter during the said terme y e said Edward Thomas Richard and William or the suruiuors of them shal admit or nominate any of our subiects to be partners aduenturers in the said trade to the number of 12. or vnder as afore is said that then we our heires and successors at the instance and petition of the said Edward Thomas Richard and William or the suruiuors of them in our Chauncerie to be made and vpon the sight of these presents will grant and make to the said Edward Thomas Richard and William or to the suruiuors of them and to such persons as so shall be nominated or appointed by their speciall names surnames additions as is aforesaid new letters patents vnder the great seale of England in due forme of law with like agreement clauses prohibitions prouisoes and articles mutatis mutandis as in these our letters patents are conteined for and during the residue of the said terme of seuen yeres then remaining vnexpired And that the sight of these presents shal be sufficient warrant to the Lord Chancellour or Lord keeper of the great seale for the time being for the making sealing and passing of such new letters patents without further writ or warrant for the same to be required had or obtained And the said Edward Osburne Thomas Smith and Richard Staper and William Garret and such others as shal be so nominated and appointed as is aforesaid to be of their trade or companie shall yeerely during 6. of the last yeres of
Reichenbach The 19. we passed by Baudzen and Cannitz and that night to Rensperg The 20. we passed by Hayn by Strelen where we should haue passed the riuer of Elbe but the boate was not there so that night we lay at a towne called Mulberg The 21. we passed the said riuer wee went by Belgern by Torga by Dumitch and at night to Bretsch The 22. wee passed the Elbe againe at Wittenberg which is a very strong towne with a good Uniuersitie and that day we passed by Coswig The 23. wee passed through Zerbst in the morning and that night to Magdeburg a very strong Towne and well gouerned as wee did heare The most part of the Countrey after wee were come one dayes iourney on this side Breslawe to this place belongeth to the Duke of Saxon. The 24. wee passed by a castle of the Marques of Brandenburg called Wolmerstat and that night we lay at Garleben The 25. wee lay at Soltwedel The 26. at Berg. The 27. we baited at Lunenborg that night we lay at Winson The 28. we came to Hamborg and there stayed one weeke The 5. of December wee departed from Hamborg and passed the Elbe by boate being much frosen and from the riuer went on foote to Boxtehoede being a long Dutch mile off and there we lay and from thence passed ouer land to Emden Thence hauing passed through Friseland and Holland the 25. being Christmas day in the morning we came to Delft where wee found the right honourable the Earle of Leicester with a goodly company of Lords knights gentlemen and souldiers The 28. at night to Roterodam The 29. to the Briel and there stayed eight dayes for passage The fifth of Ianuary we tooke shipping The 7. we landed at Grauesend and so that night at London with the helpe of almightie God The Turkes passeport or safeconduct for Captaine Austell and Iacomo Manuchio KNow thou which art Voyuoda of Bogdania Valachia other our officers abiding and dwelling on the way by which men commonly passe into Bogdania and Valachia that the Embassador of England hauing two English gentlemen desirous to depart for England the one named Henry Austel and the other Iacomo de Manuchio requested our highnesse letters of Safeconduct to passe through our dominions with one seruant to attende on them Wherefore wee straightly charge you and all other our seruants by whom they shall passe that hauing receiued this our commandement you haue diligent care and regard that they may haue prouided for them in this their iourney for their money all such necessary prouision as shal be necessary for themselues and their horses in such sort as they may haue no cause hereafter to complaine of you And if by chaunce they come vnto any place where they shal stand in feare either of their persons or goods that then you carefully cause them to bee guarded with your men and to be conducted through all suspected places with sufficient company But haue great regard that they conuey not out of our countrey any of our seruiceable horses Obey our commandement and giue credite to this our Seale A Passeport of the Earle of Leicester for Thomas Forster gentleman trauailing to Constantinople RObertus Comes Leicestriae baro de Denbigh ordinum Garterij Sancti Michaelis eques auratus Serenissimae Regine Angliae a Secretioribus consilijs magister equorum dux capitaneus generalis exercitus eiusdem Regiae maiestatis in Belgio gubernator generalis Hollandiae Zelandiae prouinciarum vnitarum associatarum omnibus and quos praesentes literae petuenerint salutem Cùm lator praesentium Thomas Forster nobilis Anglus necessarijs de causis hinc Constantinopolim profecturus si◠inde ad nos quanta potest celeritate reuersurus petimus ab omnibus singulis Regibus principibus nobilibus magistratibus alijs mandent permittant dicto Thomae cum duobus famulis liberum transirum per corum ditiones territoria sine detentione aut impedimento iniusto prouideri sibi de necessarijs iustum precium reddenti ac aliter conuenienter humaniter tractari vt occasiones eius eundi redeundi requirent Sicut nos Maiestates Serenitates Celsitudines dominationes vestrae paratos inuenietis vt vestratibus in similibus casibus gratum similiter faciamus Datum in castris nostris Duisburgi decimo die Septembris anno 1586. stylo veteri A description of the yeerely voyage or pilgrimage of the Mahumitans Turkes and Moores vnto Mecca in Arabia Of the Citie of Alexandria ALexandria the most ancient citie in Africa situated by the seaside containeth seuen miles in circuite and is enuironed with two walles one neere to the other with high towers but the walles within be farre higher then those without with a great ditch round about the same yet is not this Citie very strong by reason of the great antiquitie being almost halfe destroyed and ruinated The greatnesse of this Citie is such that if it were of double habitation as it is compassed with a double wall it might be truely said that there were two Alexandrias one builded vpon another because vnder the foundations of the saide City are great habitations and incredible huge pillers True it i◠that this part vnderneath remaineth at this day inhabitable because of the corrupt aire as also for that by tune which consumeth all things it is greatly ruinated It might well be sayd that the founder hereof as he was worthy in all his enterprises so likewise in building hereof he did a worke worthy of himselfe naming it after his owne name This Citie hath one defect for it is subiect to an euill ayre which onely proceedeth of that hollownesse vnderneath out of the which issueth infinite moisture and that this is true the ayre without doth euidently testifie which is more subtile and holesome then that beneath The waters hereof be salt by reason that the soile of it selfe is likewise so And therefore the inhabitants at such time as the riuer Nilus floweth are accustomed to open a great ditch the head wherof extendeth into the said riuer and from thence they conueigh the same within halfe a mile of Alexandria and so consequently by meanes of conduct-pipes the water commeth vnto the cesternes of Alexandria which being full serue the citie from one inundation to another Within the citie is a Pyramide mentioned of in Histories but not of great importance Without the citie is La colonna di Pompeio or the pillar of Pompey being of such height and thicknesse that it is supposed there is not the like in the whole world besides Within the citie there is nothing of importance saue a litle castle which is guarded with 60 Ianizaries Alexandria hath three portes one towardes Rossetto another to the land ward the third to the sea ward which is called Babelbar without which appeareth a broad Iland called Ghesira in the Moores tongue which is not wholy an Iland
almost there is not any passage From Cao Comori to the Iland of Zeilan is 120. miles ouerthwart Zeilan ZEilan is an Iland in my iudgement a great deale bigger then Cyprus on that side towards the Indies lying Westward is the citie called Columba which is a hold of the Portugales but without walles or enimies It hath towards the Sea a free port the lawfull king of that Iland is in Columbo and is turned Christian and maintained by the king of Portugall being depriued of his kingdome The king of the Gentiles to whom this kingdome did belong was called Madoni which had two sonnes the first named Barbinas the prince and the second Ragine This king by the pollicie of his yoonger sonne was depriued of his kingdome who because hee had entised and done that which pleased the armie and souldiours in despight of his father and brother being prince vsurped the kingdome and became a great warriour First this Iland had three kings the king of Cotta with his conquered prisoners the king of Candia which is a part of that Iland and is so called by the name of Candia which had a reasonable power ◠and was a great friend to the Portugals which sayd that hee liued secretly a Christian the third was the king of Gianifampatan In thirteene yeeres that this Ragine gouerned this Iland he became a great tyrant In this Iland there groweth fine Sinamom great store of Pepper great store of Nuttes and Arochoe there they make great store of Cairo to make Cordage it bringeth foorth great store of Christall Cats eyes or Ochi de Gati and they say that they finde there some Rubies but I haue sold Rubies well there that I brought with me from Pegu. I was desirous to see how they gather the Sinamom or take it from the tree that it groweth on and so much the rather because the time that I was there was the season which they gather it in which was in the moneth of Aprill at which time the Portugals were in armes and in the field with the king of the countrey yet I to satisfie my desire although in great danger tooke a guide with mee and went into a wood three miles from the Citie in which wood was great store of Sinamome trees growing together among other wilde trees and this Sinamome tree is a small tree and not very high and hath leaues like to our Baie tree In the moneth of March or Aprill when the sappe goeth vp to the toppe of the tree then they take the Sinamom from that tree in this wise They cut the barke of the tree round about in length from knot to knot or from ioint to ioint aboue and belowe and then easilie with their handes they take it away laying it in the Sunne to drie and in this wise it is gathered and yet for all this the tree dieth not but agaynst the next yeere it will haue a new barke and that which is gathered euery yeere is the best Sinamome for that which groweth two or three yeeres is great and not so good as the other is and in these woods groweth much Pepper Negapatan FRom the Iland of Zeilan men vse to goe with small shippes to Negapatan within the firme land and seuentie two miles off is a very great Citie and very populous of Portugals and Christians of the countrey and part Gentiles it is a countrey of small trade neither haue they any trade there saue a good quantitie of Rice and cloth of Bumbast which they carie into diuers partes it was a very plentifull countrey of victuals but now it hath a great deale lesse and that abundance of victuals caused many Portugales to goe thither and build houses and dwell there with small charge This Citie belongeth to a noble man of the kingdome of Bezeneger being a Gentile neuerthelesse the Portugales and other Christians are well intreated there and haue their Churches there with a monasterie of Saint Francis order with great deuotion and very well accommodated with houses round about yet for all this they are amongst tyrants which alwayes at their pleasure may doe them some harme as it happened in the yeere of our Lord God one thousand fiue hundred sixtie and fiue for I remember very well how that the Nayer that is to say the lord of the citie sent to the citizens to demaund of them certaine Arabian horses and they hauing denied them vnto him and gainesayd his demaund it came to passe that this lord had a desire to see the Sea which when the poore citizens vnderstood they doubted some euill to heare a thing which was not woont to bee they thought that this man would come to sacke the Citie and presently they embarked themselues the best they could with their mooueables marchandize iewels money and all that they had and caused the shippes to put from the shore When this was done as their euill chance would haue it the next night following there came such a great storme that it put all the shippes on land perforce and brake them to pieces and all the goods that came on land and were saued were taken from them by the souldiours and armie of this lord which came downe with him to see the Sea and were attendant at the Sea side not thinking that any such thing would haue happened Saint Thomas or San Tome FRom Negapatan following my voyage towards the East an hundred and fiftie miles I found the house of blessed Saint Thomas which is a Church of great deuotion and greatly regarded of the Gentiles for the great miracles they haue heard to haue bene done by that blessed Apostle neere vnto this Church the Portugals haue builded them a Citie in the countrey subiect to the king of Bezeneger which citie although it bee not very great yet in my iudgement it is the fairest in all that part of the Indies and it hath very faire houses and faire gardens in vacant places very well accommodated it hath streete◠large and streight with many Churches of great deuotion their houses be set close one vn 〈◊〉 other with little doores euery house hath his defence so that by that meanes it is of force sufficient to defend y e Portugals against the people of that countrey The Portugals there haue no other possession but their gardens and houses that are within the citie the customes belong to the king of Bezeneger which are very small and easie for that it is a countrey of great riches and great trade there come euery yeere two or three great ships very rich besides many other small ships one of the two great ships goeth for Pegu and the other for Malacca laden with fine Bumbast cloth of euery sort painted which is a rare thing because those kinde of clothes shew as they were gilded with diuers colours and the more they be washed the liuelier the colours will shew Also there is other cloth of Bumbast which is wouen with
sword and he tooke their city which was very mighty seated vpon the sea which is called Ceuta in their language Confirmatio treugarum inter Regem Angliae Eduardum quartum Ioannem secundum Regem Portugalliae datarum in oppido montis Maioris 8 Februarij apud Westmonasterium 12 Septembris 1482 anno regni 22 Regis Eduardi quarti lingua Lusitanica ex opere sequenti excerpta Libro das obras de Garcia de Resende que tracta da vida è feitos del Rey dom Ioham secundo Embaixada que el Rey mandou à el Rey d' Inglaterra cap. 33. EDa qui de Monte Mor mandou el Rey por embaixadores à el rey dom Duarte de Inglaterra Ruy de Sousa pessoa principal è de muyto bon saber é credito de que el Rey muyto confiaua é ho doutor Ioam d' Eluas é Fernam de Pina por secretario E for am por mar muy honradamente com may boa companhia hos quaes foram en nome del Rey confirmar as ligas antiquas com Inglaterra que polla condisan dellus ho nouo Rey de hum reyno é do outro era obrigado à mandar confirmar é tambien pera mostrarem ho titolo que el rey tinha no senhorio de Guinee pera que depois de visto el rey d'Inglaterra defendesse em todos seus reynos que ninguen armassenem podesse mandar à Guinee é assi mandasse desfazer huna armada que pera laa faziam per mandado do Duque de Medina Sidonia hum Ioam Tintam é bum Guilherme Fabiam Ingreses Com ha qual embaixada el rey d' Inglaterra mostrou receber grande contentamento é foy delle com muyta honra recebida é em tudo fez inteiramente ho que pellos embaixadores Ibe foy requerido De que elles trouxeran autenticas escrituras das diligencias que con pubricos pregones fizeram é assi as prouisones das aprouasones que eran necessarias é com tudo muyto ben acabado é ha vontade del rey se vieram The Ambassage which king Iohn the second king of Portugall sent to Edward the fourth king of England which in part was to stay one Iohn Tintam and one William Fabian English men from proceeding in a voyage which they were preparing for Guinea 1481 taken out of the booke of the workes of Gracias de Resende which intreateth of the life and acts of Don Iohn the second king of Portugall Chap. 33. ANd afterwards the king sent as Ambassadours from the towne of Monte maior to king Edward the fourth of England Ruy de Sonsa a principall person and a man of great wisedome and estimation and in whom the king reposed great trust with doctor Iohn d'Eluas and Ferdinand de Pina as secretarie And they made their voyage by sea very honourably being very well accompanied These men were sent on the behalfe of their king to confirme the ancient leagues with England wherein it was conditioned that the new king of the one and of the other kingdome should be bound to send to confirme the olde leagues And likewise they had order to shew and make him acquainted with the title which the king held in the segneury of Ginnee to the intent that after the king of England had seene the same he should giue charge thorow all his kingdomes that no man should arme or set foorth ships to Ginnee and also to request him that it would please him to giue commandement to dissolue a certaine fleet which one Iohn Tintam and one William Fabian English men were making by commandement of the duke of Medina Sidonia to goe to the aforesayd parts of Ginnee With which ambassage the king of England seemed to be very well pleased and they were receiued of him with very great honour and he condescended vnto all that the ambassadours required of him at whose hands they receiued authenticall writings of the diligence which they had performed with publication thereof by the heralds and also prouisoes of those confirmations which were necessary And hauing dispatched all things well and with the kings good will they returned home into their countrey A briefe note concerning an ancient trade of the English Marchants to the Canarie-ilands gathered out of an olde ligier booke of M. Nicolas Thorne the elder a worshipfull marchant of the city of Bristoll IT appeareth euidently out of a certaine note or letter of remembrance in the custody of me Richard Hakluyt written by M. Nicolas Thorne the elder a principall marchant of Bristoll to his friend and factour Thomas Midnall and his owne seruant William Ballard at that time resident at S. Lucar in Andeluzia that in the yeere of our Lord 1526 and by all circumstances and probabilities long before certaine English marchants and among the rest himselfe with one Thomas Spacheford exercised vsuall and ordinary trade of marchandise vnto the Canarie Ilands For by the sayd letter notice was giuen to Thomas Midnall and William Ballard aforesayd that a certaine ship called The Christopher of Cadiz bound for the West Indies had taken in certaine fardels of cloth both course and fine broad and narrow of diuers sorts and colours some arouas of packthreed sixe cerons or bagges of sope with other goods of M. Nicolas Thorne to be deliuered at Santa Cruz the chiefe towne in Tenerifa one of the seuen Canary-ilands All which commodities the sayd Thomas and William were authorised by the owner in the letter before mentioned to barter sell away at Santa Cruz. And in lieu of such mony as should arise of the sale of those goods they were appointed to returne backe into England good store of Orchell which is a certaine kinde of mosse growing vpon high rocks in those dayes much vsed to die withall some quantity of sugar and certaine hundreds of kid-skinnes For the procuring of which and of other commodities at the best and first hand the sayd Thomas and William were to make their abode at Santa Cruz and to remaine there as factours for the abouesayd M. Nicolas Thorne And here also I thought good to signifie that in the sayd letters mention is made of one Thomas Tison an English man who before the foresayd yere 1526 had found the way to the West Indies and was there resident vnto whom the sayd M. Nicolas Thorne sent certaine armour and other commodities specified in the letter aforesayd A description of the fortunate Ilands otherwise called the Ilands of Canaria with their strange fruits and commodities composed by Thomas Nicols English man who remained there the space of seuen yeeres together MIne intent is particularly to speake of the Canaria Ilands which are seuen in number wherein I dwelt the space of seuen yeres and more because I finde such variety in sundry writers and especially great vntruths in a booke called The New found world Antarctike set out by a French man called Andrew Theuet the which
about 5 leagues to the Southward we sawe a great day here we had 4 degrees and 27 minuts The 16 we met with a French ship of Hunfleur who robbed our pinnesse we sent a letter by him and this night we saw another spot in the Sunne at his going downe And towards euening we were thwart of a riuer and right ouer the riuer was a high tuft of trees The 17 we ankered in the riuers mouth and then we found the land to be Cauo de las Palmas and betweene vs the cape was a great ledge of rockes one league and a halfe into the sea and they bare to the West of the Cape we saw also an Island off the point of the foreland thus it waâ—ed night that we could perceiue no more of the lande but onely that it trended in like a bay where there runneth a streame as if it were in the riuer of Thames and this was the change day of the Moone The 19 a faire temperate day and the wind South we went East and the lande a sterne of vs West and it shewed low by the water side like Islands this was the east of Cauo de las Palmas and it trended in with a great sound and we went East all night and in the morning wee were but 3 or 4 leagues from the shore The 20 we were thwart of a riuer called Rio de los Barbos The 21 we went along the shore East 3 or 4 leagues to the West of Cauo de tres puntas I find the bay to be set deeper then it is by 4 leagues and at 4 of the clocke the land begun to shewe high and the first part of it full of Palme trees The 24 still going by the shore the land was very low and full of trees by the water side and at 12 of the clocke we ankered thwart of the riuer called Rio de Boilas Here we sent our boate a shore with the marchants but they durst not put into the riuer because of a great billow that continually brake at the enterance vpon the barre The 28 we sailed alongst the shore and ankered at night in seuen fadom because a great current would haue put vs backe which came from the East Southeast from Papuas The 29 at noone we were thwart of Arda and there we tooke a Carauel but the men were fled on land then we went aboord her but she had nothing in her but only a litle oyle of Palme trees and a few roots The next morning our Captaine and marchants went to meete Portugals that came in a boate to speake with vs where they communed about the buying of the Carauell of our men againe and the Portugals promised that we should haue for the Carauell certaine bullocks and Elephants teeth and they gaue vs one tooth and one bullocke presently and sayd they would bring vs the rest the next day The first of Ianuarie our Captaine went on land to speake with the Portugales but when he saw they did dissemble he came aboord againe and presently we vnrigged the Carauell and set her on fire before the towne Then we set saile and went along the coast where we saw a Date tree the like whereof is not in all that coast vpon the water side also we fell on ground a litle in one place Thus we went to Villa longa and there ankered The third we were as far shot as Rio de Lagoa where our marchants went a shore and vpon the barre they found 3 fadom flat but they went not in because it was late There is also to the Eastward of this riuer a Date tree higher then all the rest of the other trees thereabout Thus we went along the coast and euery night ankered al the shore as we went was full of trees and thicke woods The 6 day in the morning it was very foggy so that we could not see the land and at three of the clocke in the afternoone it cleared vp then we found our selues thwart of the riuer of Iaya and when we found the shallow water we bare into the sea South as we did the voyage before and came to an ancre in fiue fadom water The next day we set saile againe and towards noone we were thwart of the riuer of Benin in foure fadom water The 10 day our Captaine went on land with the shallop at 2 a clocke in the afternoone All this weeke it was very foggy euery day vntill ten a clocke and all this time hitherto hath beene as temperate as our summer in England This day we went into the road and ankered the west point of the road bare East northeast off vs we riding in foure fadome water The 21 a faire temperate day this day M. Hassald went to the towne of Goto to heare newes of the Captaine The 23 came the Carauell and Samuell in her and she brought 63 Elephants teeth and three bullocks The 28 a faire temperate day and towards night there fell much raine lightning and thunder this day our boate came aboord from Goto The 24 of Februarie we tooke in 298 Cerons or sackes of pepper and 4 Elephants teeth and the winde was at Southeast And the 26 we put the rest of our goods into the Carauell and M. Hassald went with her to Goto The 5 of March y e Carauel came againe brought 21 Cerons of pepper 4 Elephants teeth The 9 of Aprill our Carauell came aboord with water for our prouision for the sea and this day also we lost our shallope The 17 a drowsie rainie day and in the afternoone we saw 3 great spoutes of raine two on our larbord side and one right with the ships head but God be thanked they came not at vs and this day we tooke in the last of our water for the sea and the 26 we victualed our Carauell to go with vs to the sea The 27 we set saile to goe homewarde with the winde at Southwest and at two a clocke in the afternoone the riuer of Benin was Northeast 8 leagues from vs. The 3 of May we had such a terrible gust with raine lightning thunder that it tore and split our fore saile and also the Carauels fore-sayle and maine-sayle with the wind at Southeast The 12 a faire temperate day much like our â—ommer mornings in England being but one degree a halfe from the line but at midnight we had a cruell gust of raine the wind at northeast The 24 we were South from from Cauo de las Palmas â—7 leagues The first of Iuly we had sight of the Island of Braua and it bare East 7 leagues off and this Island is one of the Islands of Cauo Verde The 13 of August we spake with the Queenees ships the Lord Thomas Howard being Admirall and sir Richard Greeneuill Uiceadmirall They kept vs in their company vntill the 15
the comfort that remayneth to his friends is that hee hath ended his life honourably in respect of the reputation wonne to his nation and countrey and of the same to his posteritie and that being dead he hath not outliued his owne honour For the rest of her Maiesties ships that entred not so farre into the fight as the Reuenge the reasons and causes were these There were of them but sixe in all whereof two but small ships the Reuenge ingaged past recouery The Iland of Flores was on the one side 53 saile of the Spanish diuided into squadrons on the other all as full filled with sâ—uldiers as they could containe Almost the one halfe of our men sicke and not able to serue the ships growne foule vnroomaged and scarcely able to beare any saile for want of balast hauing bene sixe moneths at the sea before If all the rest had entred all had bene lost for the very hugenes of the Spanish fleete if no other violence had beene offered would haue crusht them betweene them into shiuers Of which the dishonour and losse to the Queene had bene farre greater then the spoyle or harme that the enemie could any way haue receiued Notwithstanding it is very true that the Lord Thomas would haue entred betweene the squadrons but the rest would not condescend and the master of his owne ship offred to leape into the sea rather then to conduct that her Maiesties ship and the rest to bee a pray to the enemie where there was no hope nor possibilitie either of defence or victory Which also in my opinion had ill sorted or answered the discretion and trust of a Generall to commit himselfe and his charge to an assured destruction without hope or any likelyhood of preuailing thereby â—o diminish the strength of her Maiesties Nany and to enrich the pride and glory of the enemie The Foresight of the Queenes commaunded by M. Thomas Vauisor performed a very great fight and stayed two houres as neere the Reuenge as the weather would permit him not forsaking the fight till he was like to be encompassed by the squadrons with great difficultie cleared himselfe The rest gaue diuers voleis of shot and entred as farre as the place permitted and their owne necessities to keepe the weather gage of the enemie vntill they were parted by night A fewe dayes after the fight was ended and the English prisoners dispersed into the Spanish and Indie ships there arose so great a storme from the West and Northwest that all the fleete was dispersed as well the Indian fleete which were then come vnto them as the rest of the Armada that attended their arriuall of which 14. saile together with the Reuenge and in her 200 Spaniards were cast away vpon the Isle of S. Michael So it pleased them to honor the buriall of that renowmed ship the Reuenge not suffering her to perish alone for the great honour she atchieued in her life time On the rest of the Ilandes there were cast away in this storme 15 or 16 more of the ships of warre and of an hundred and odde saile of the Indie fleete expected this yeere in Spaine what in this tempest and what before in the bay of Mexico and about the Bermudas there were 70 and odde consumed and lost with those taken by our shippes of London besides one very rich Indian ship which set her selfe on fire beeing boorded by the Pilgrim and fiue other taken by master Wats his ships of London between the Hauana and Cape S. Antonio The fourth of this moneth of Nouember we receiued letters from the Tercera affirming that there are 3000 bodies of men remaining in that Iland saued out of the perished ships that by the Spaniards owne confession there are 10000 cast away in this storme besides those that are perished betweene the Ilands and the maine Thus it hath pleased God to fight for vs and to defend the iustice of our cause against the ambicious and bloody pretenses of the Spaniard who seeking to deuoure all nations are themselues deuoured A manifest testimony how iniust and displeasing their attempts are in the sight of God who hath pleased to witnes by the successe of their affaires his mislike of their bloody and iniurious designes purposed and practised against all Christian princes ouer whom they seeke vnlawfull and vngodly rule and Empery One day or two before this wracke happened to the Spanish fleete when as some of our prisoners desired to be set on shore vpon the Ilandes hoping to be from thence transported into England which libertie was formerly by the Generall promised One Morice Fitz Iohn sonne of olde Iohn of Desmond a notable traytour cousin german to the late Earle of Desmond was sent to the English from shippe to shippe to perswade them to serue the King of Spaine The arguments hee vsed to induce them were these The increase of pay which he promised to be trebled aduancement to the better sort and the exercise of the true Catholique Religion and safetie of their soules to all For the first euen the beggerly and vnnaturall behauiour of those English and Irish rebels that serued the King in that present action was sufficient to answere that first argument of rich pay For so poore and beggerly they were as for want of apparell they stripped their poore Countrey men prisoners out of their ragged garments worne to nothing by sixe months seruice and spared not to despoyle them euen of their bloody shirtes from their wounded bodies and the very shooes from their feete A notable testimonie of their rich entertainment and great wages The second reason was hope of aduancement if they serued well and would continue faithfull to the King But what man can bee so blockishly ignorant euer to expect place or honour from a forraine King hauing no other argument or perswasion then his owne disloyaltie to be vnnaturall to his owne Countrey that bred him to his parents that begat him and rebellious to his true Prince to whose obedience he is bound by oath by nature and by Religion No they are onely assured to be imployed in all desperate enterprises to bee helde in scorne and disdaine euer among those whom they serue And that euer traitour was either trusted or aduanced I could neuer yet reade neither can I at this time remember any example And no man coulde haue lesse becommed the place of an Orator for such a purpose then this Morice of Desmond For the Erle his cosen being one of the greatest subiects in that kingdom of Ireland hauing almost whole Countreis in his possession so many goodly Mannors castles and lordships the Count Palatine of Kerry fiue hundred gentlemen of his owne name and family to follow him besides others all which he possessed in peace for three or foure hundred yeeres was in lesse then three yeeres after his adhering to the Spaniards and rebellion beaten from all his holdes not so many as ten gentlemen of his name left liuing
the sea comming out of the Southwest and the wind very violent at North they were put all into great extremitie and then first lost the Generall of their fleete with 500 men in her and within three or foure dayes after an other storme rising there were fiue or sixe other of the biggest shippes cast away with all their men together with their Uice-Admirall And in the height of 38. degrees about the end of August grew another great storme in which all the fleâ—t sauing 48. sailes were cast away which 48. sailes kept together vntill they came in sight of the Islands of Coruo and Flores about the fift or sixt of September at which time a great storme separated them of which number fifteene or sixeteene were after seene by these Spanyards to ride at anchor vnder the Tercera and twelue or foureteene more to beare with the Island of S. Michael what became of them after that these Spaniards were taken cannot yet be certified their opinion is that very few of thee fleet are escaped but are either drowned or taken And it is otherwaies of late certified that of this whole fleete that should haue come into Spaine this yeere being one hundred twentie and three sayle there are arriued as yet but fiue and twentie This note was taken out of the examination of certaine Spaniardes that were brought into England by sixe of the ships of London which tooke sâ—uen of the aboue named Indian Fleete neere the Islands of Açores A report of Master Robert Flicke directed to Master Thomas Bromley Master Richard Staper and Master Cordall concerning the successe of a part of the London supplies sent to my Lord Thomas Howard to the Isles of the Azores 1591. WOrshipfull my heartie commendations vnto you premised By my last of the twelfth of August from this place I aduertised you particularly of the accidents of our Fleete vntill then It remayneth now to relate our endeuours in accomplishing the order receiued for the ioyning with my Lorde Thomas Howard together with the successe wee haue had Our departure from hence was the seuenteenth of August the winde not seruing before The next day following I caused a Flagge of Counsell to be put foorth whereupon the Captaines and Masters of euery shippe came aboord and I acquainted them with my Commission firmed by the Right honourable the Lordes of her Maiesties Counsell and with all the aduertisements of Sir Edward Denny of my Lordes determination to remaine threescore leagues to the West of Fayal spreading North and South betwixt thirtie seuen and a halfe or thirty eight and a halfe degrees And not finding him in this heigth to repaire to the Isles of Flores and Coruo where a Pinnesse of purpose should stay our comming vntill the last of August with intent after that day to repaire to y e coast of Spaine about the heigth of The Rocke some twentie or thirtie leagues off the shoare The which being aduisedly considered of hauing regard vnto the shortnesse of time by reason of our long abode in this place and the vncertainety of the weather to fauour vs it was generally holden for the best and securest way to meete with my Lorde to beare with the heigth of The Rocke without making any stay vpon the coast and so directly for the Islands which was accordingly fully agreed and performed The 28 day wee had sight of the Burlings and the 29 being thwart of Peniche the winde seruing vs without any stay we directed our course West for the Islands The 30 day we met with Captaine Royden in the Red-Rose sometime called the Golden Dragon separated from my Lorde of Cumberland in a storme who certified vs of 50 sayles of the Spanish kings Armadas to be gone for the Ilands but could not informe vs any newes of my Lord Thomas Howard otherwise then vpon presumption to remaine about the Islandes and so wee continued our course the winde standing with vs. The 4 of September we recouered Tercera and ranged along all the Islands both on the South and North sides the space of foure dayes during which time it was not our hap to meete with any shipping whereby either to vnderstand of my Lord or of the Indian Fleete hereupon we directed our course to the West from Fayal according to the instructions of Sir Edward Denny The 11 day in the plying to the Westwards we descried a sayle out of our maine toppe and in the afternoone betweene two and three of the clocke hauing raysed her hull the weather became calme so that the ship could not fetch her I sent off my Skiffe throughly manned furnished with shot and swords The Cherubin and the Margaret and Iohn doing the like Upon this the sayle stood off againe and the night approching our boates lost her and so returned In this our pursute after the sayle the Centurion being left a sterne the next morning wee missed her and spent that day in plying vp and downe seeking her And for as much as euery of the ships had recâ—iued order that if by extremity of weather or any other mischance they should be seuered from our Fleete they should meete and ioyne at Flores we according to the instructions of Sir Edward Denny proceeded to the finding of my Lord Thomas Howard being in the heigth appointed and not aâ—le to holde the same by reason of extreme tempestes which forced vs to the Isles of Flores and Coruo which we made the 14 day in the morning aud there also ioyned againe with the Centurion whose company before we had lost who declared vnto vs that the 12 day being the same day they lost vs they met with fiue and forty sailes of the Indian Fleete The same night vpon these newes we came to an anker betweene Flores and Coruo and the morow following at the breake of day a flagge of Counsell being put out the Captaines Masters came abord me where for the desire to vnderstand some tidings of my Lord as also the supplying of our want of water it was thought good to send our boats â—urnished on shore vnder the conduct of Captaine Brothus and then it was also ordered after our departure thence to range along the Southsides of the Islands to the end we might either vnderstand of my Lord or â—lse light on the Indian fleete and in the missing of our purpose to direct our course for Cape Sant Vincente The boates according to the foresayd determination being sent on shoare it chaunced that The Costely ryding vttermost in the roade did weigh to bring her selfe more neere among vs for the succour of the boates sent off and in opening the land discouered two sayles which we in the roade could not perceiue whereupon shee gaue vs a warning piece which caused vs to waue off our boates backe and before they could recouer our shippes the discryed ships appeared vnto vs towardes the which we made with all haste and in a very happie houre as it pleased God In that wee had
not so soone cleared the lande and spoken with one of them which wâ—s a Barke of Bristoll who had also sought my Lorde in the heigths appointed and could not finde him but a violent storme arose in such manner as if we had remained in the roade we had beene in daunger of perishing and the same extremely continued during the space of threescore houres In which storme I was separated from our Fleete except the Cherubin and the Costely which kept company with mâ—e And so sayling among the Ilands I viewed the roade of Fayal and finding no Roaders there went directly for the Isle Tercera The ninâ—teenth day in the morning comming vnto y â— same with intent to edge into the Road a tempest arose and scanted the winde that we could not seaze it from the which being driuen we fell among certaine of the Indian Fleete which the sayde storme dispersed and put them from the road wherâ—upon my selfe with the other two ships in companie gaue seuerall chases and thereby lost the company each of other In following our chase aboue noone we made her to strike and yeelde being a Portugall laden with hides salsa-perilla and Anile At this very instant we espied another and taking our Prize with vs followed her and somewhat before night obtayned her named the Conception Francisco Spinola being Captaine which was laden with hides Cochonillio and certaine raw sâ—lke And for that the seas were so growen as neither with boate nor shippe they were to bee boorded we kept them till fit opportunitie The same night a litle before day there happened another into our company supposing vs by our two prizes to be of their Fleete which we vntill the morning dissembled The 20 day in the morning the sayle being shot somewhat a head of vs hauing a speciall care for the safe keeping of the two former we purposed to cause our Prizes to put out more sayle thereby to keepe them neere in giuing chase to the other vnto the which the Master would not â—earken nor be peâ—swaded but that they would follow vs by the which his wilfulnâ—sse by such time as we had caused the other to yeelde and sent men aboord the Conception Francisco Spinola Captaine being brought a sterne and hauing gotten the winde of vs stood off with all her sayles bearing so as we were forced to make a new chase of her and had not the winde enlarged vpon vs we had lost her In the puâ—sute before we recouered her and brought our selues againe in company of our other Prizes the whole day was spent and by this meanes we lost the oportunitie of that day the weather fitly seruing to boord the Portugall Prize which was in great distresse and made request to take them being readie to sinke and as we well perceiued they ceased not to pumpe day and night the which ship to all our iudgements the same night perished in the sea The one and twentie day the Conception whereof Francisco Spinola was Captaine being also in a leake and the same still increasing notwithstanding the continuall pumping in such sort as not to be kept long aboue water I tooke and discharged out of her two and forty chestes of Cochonillio and silkes and so left her with 11 foote water in holde and her furniture and 4700 hides vnto the seas The other Prize which we haue brought into the harborough is named Nostra Sennâ—â—â—â—e los remedios whereof Francisco Aluares is Captaine laden with 16 chests of Cochonillio certaine fardels of raw silke and about 4000 hides Upon the discharge of the goods your worships shall be particularly aduertised thereof In the boording of the Prizes the disorder of the company was such as that they letted not presently besides the rifling of the Spaniards to breake open the chests and to purloyne such money as was in them notwithstanding that it was ordered at conuenient leasure to haue gone aboord my selfe and there in the presence of three or foure witnesses to haue taken a iust account thereof and the same to haue put in safe keeping according to the effects of articles receiued in this behalfe And whereas there wâ—re also certaine summes of money taken from the company which they had thus purloyned and embeseled and the same with some other parcels brought aboord my ship amounting vnto 2129 pezoes a halfe the company as pillage due vnto them demanded to haue the same shared which I refused openly at the maine maste read the articles firmed by my Lord Treasurer and my lord Admirall whereby we ought to be directed and that it was not in mee any way to dispose thereof vntill the same were finally determined at home Hereupon they mutined and at last grew into such furie as that they would haue it or els breake downe the cabbine which they were also readie to put in practise whereby I was forced to yeeld least the Spaniards which we had abord being many perceiuing the same might haue had fit opportunitie to rise against vs which after their brawles were appeased they sought to haue put in execution By the last aduise from Castile the Generall of the kings Armada which is lately come to sea hath receiued commaundement to ioyne his Fleete with those of the Indies and for to stay altogether at Tercera vntill the 15 of October for that 6 pataches with 7 or 8 millions of the kings treasure will come by that time or els they stay their comming from Hauana vntil Ianuary next or the kings further pleasure therein to be knowen These Pataches are said to be of 300 tuns the piece and to cary 30 pieces of brasse and also of saile reported to haue the aduantage of any shipping There perished of the Indies Fleete sunke in the sea before their comming to Flores 11 sailes whereof the General was one and not one man saued And it is by the Spaniards themselues presupposed that the stormes which we had at Flores at Tercera haue deuoured many more of them whereof in part we were eye witnesses And so what by the seas and our men of warre I presume that of 75 sailes that came from Hauana halfe of them will neuer arriue in Spaine The 11 day of October at night we came to anker in the sound of Plimouth and the next morning with our Prize came into Cattewater for which God be thanked for that a vehement storme arose and with such fury increased as that the Prize was forced to cut ouer her maine maste otherwise with the violence of the storme her ground tackle being bad she had driuen on shore which was the most cause that moued me to put in here intending now here to discharge the goods without further aduenture and haue certified thus much vnto my Lord Admirall and therewith also desired to vnderstande the direction of the Lords of the Counsell together with yours insomuch as my Lord Thomas Howard is not returned How the rest of our consorts which were
he might be Uiceroy But when he once had receiued his patent with full power authoritie from the king to be Uiceroy he changed so much from his former behauior that by reason of his pride they all began to feare and curse him and that before hee departed out of Lisbon as it is often seene in many men that are aduanced vnto state and dignitie The 20 of Ianuarie 1591. there was newes brought out of Portugall into Tercera that the Englishmen had takeÌ„ a ship that the king had sent into the Portugal-Indies w t aduise to the Uiceroy for the returning againe of the 4 ships that should haue gone to India because the ships were come backe againe that ship was stuffed and laded as full of goods as possible it might be hauing likewise in ready money 500 thousand duckets in roials of 8 besides other wares It departed from Lisbon in the moneth of Nouember 1590. met with the Englishmen with whoÌ„ for a time it fought but in the end it was taken and caried into England with men all yet when they came there the men were set at libertie and returned into Lisbon where the captaine was committed prisoner but he excused himselfe and was released with whom I spake my selfe he made this report vnto me At the same time also they tooke a ship that came from the Mine ladeÌ„ with gold 2 ships laden with pepper spices that were to saile into Italy the pepper onely that was in them being worth 170 thousand duckets all these ships were caried into England made good prise In the moneth of Iuly 1591. there hapned an earthquake in the Iland of S. Michael which continued froÌ„ the 26 of Iuly to the 12 of August in which time no man durst stay within his house but fled into the fields fasting praying with great sorow for that many of their houses fel down and a towne called Villa Franca was almost cleane razed to the ground all the cloisters houses shaken to the earth and therein some people slaine The land in some places rose vp and the cliffs remooued from one place to another and some hils were defaced and made euen with the ground The earthquake was so strong that the ships which lay in the road and on the sea shaked as if the world would haue turned round there sprang also a fountaine out of the earth from whence for the space of 4 daies there flowed a most cleare water after that it ceased At the same time they heard such thunder noise vnder the earth as if all the deuils in hell had bin assembled together in that place wherewith many died for feare The Iland of Tercera sâ—ooke 4 times together so that it seemed to turne about but there hapned no misfortune vnto it Earthquakes are common in those Ilands for about 20 yeres past there hapned another earthquake wherein a high hill that lieth by the same towne of Villa Franca fell halfe downe couered all the towne with earth and killed many men The 25 of August the kings Armada comming out of Ferol arriued in Tercera being in all 30 ships Biskaines Portugals and Spaniards and 10 dutch flieboats that were arrested in Lisbon to serue the king besides other small ships pataxos that came to serue as messengers from place to place and to discouer the seas This nauie came to stay for and conuoy the ships that should come from the Spanish Indies and the flieboats were appointed in their returne home to take in the goods that were saued in the lost ship that came from Malacca and to conuoy them to Lisbon The 13 of September the said Armada arriued at the Iland of Coruo where the Englishmen with about 16 ships as then lay staying for the Spanish fleet whereof some or the most part were come and there the English were in good hope to haue taken them But wheÌ„ they perceiued the kings army to be strong the Admiral being the lord Thomas Howard commanded his Fleet not to fal vpon them nor any of them once to separate their ships from him vnlesse he gaue commission so to do notwithstanding the viceadmirall sir Richard Greenuil being in the ship called the Reuenge went into the Spanish fleet and shot among them doing them great hurt thinking the rest of the company would haue folowed which they did not but left him there sailed away the cause why could not be knoweÌ„ Which the Spaniards perceiuing with 7 or 8 ships they boorded her but she withstood them all fighting with them at the least 12 houres together and sunke two of them one being a new double Flieboat of 600 tunnes and Admiral of the Flieboats the other a Biscain but in the end by reason of the number that came vpon her she was taken but to their great losse for they had lost in fighting and by drowning aboue 400 men and of the English were slaine about 100 Sir Richard Greenuil himselfe being wounded in his braine whereof afterwards he died He was caried into the ship called S. Paul wherein was the Admirall of the fleet Don Alonso de Baçan there his wounds were drest by the Spanish surgeons but Don Alonso himselfe would neither see him nor speake with him all the rest of the captaines and gentlemen went to visite him and to comfort him in his hard fortune wondering at his courage and stout heart for y t he shewed not any signe of faintnes nor changing of colour but feeling the houre of death to approch he spake these words in Spanish and said Here die I Richard Greenuil with a ioyful quiet mind for that I haue ended my life as a true souldier ought to do that hath fought for his countrey Queene religion and honor whereby my soule most ioyfull departeth out of this body shal alwayes leaue behind it an euerlasting fame of a valiant true souldier that hath done his dutie as he was bound to doe When he had finished these or such other like words he gaue vp the Ghost with great stout courage no man could perceiue any true signe of heauines in him This sir Rich. Greenuil was a great and a rich gentleman in England had great yeerely reuenues of his owne inheritance but he was a man very vnquiet in his mind and greatly affected to war insomuch as of his owne priuate motion he offred his seruice to the Queene he had performed many valiant acts and was greatly feared in these Ilands and knowen of euery man but of nature very seuere so that his owne people hated him for his fiercenesse spake very hardly of him for when they first entred into the fleet or Armada they had their great saile in a readinesse and might possibly enough haue â—ailed away for it was one of the best ships for saile in England and the master perceiuing that the other ships had left them folowed not after commanded the great
granted vnto Iohn Cabot and his 3. sonnes Lewis Sebastian and Sancius for the discouery of new and vnknowen lands Anno 1495. pag. 4 The signed bill of K. Henry the 7. on the behalfe of Iohn Cabot pag. 5â— 6 A briefe extract concerning the discouery of Newfoundland pag. 10 The large pension granted by K. Edward the 6. to Sebastian Cabota constituting him Grand pilote of England Anno 1549. pag. 10 A discourse written by sir Humfrey Gilbert knight to proue a passage by the Northwest to Cataya and the East Indies pag. 11 Experiences and reasons of the Sphere to prooue all parts of the worlde habitable and thereby to â—onfute the position of the fiue Zones pag. 48 A letter of M. Martin Frobisher to certaine Englishmen which were trecherously taken by the Saluages of Meta incognita in his first voyage pag. 70 Articles and orders prescribed by M. Martin Frobisher to the Captaines and company of euery ship which accompanied him in his last Northwestern voyage pag. 75 A generall and briefe description of the country and condition of the people which are founde in Meta incognita pag. 93 The letters patents of her Maiesty graunted to M. Adrian Gilbert and others for the search and discouery of a Northwest passage to China pag. 96 A letter of M. I. Dauis to M. Wil. Sanderson of London concerning his second voyage p. 108 A letter of M. Iohn Dauis to M. Wil. Sanderson of London concerning his 3. voyage p. 114 A trauerse-booke of M. Iohn Dauis contayning all the principall notes and obseruations taken in his third and last voyage to the Northwest pag. 115 A report of M. Iohn Dauis concerning his three voyages made for the discouery of the Northwest passage taken out of a treatise of his intituled The worlds hydrographical description pag. 119 A testimony of Ortelius for the credit of the history of M. Nicolas M. Antonio Zeni p. 128. A catalogue of sundry voyages made to Newfoundland to the isles of Ramea and the isle of Assumption otherwise called Natiscotec as also to the coasts of Cape Briton and Arambec THe voyage of two ships whereof the one was called The Dominus vobiscum set out the 20 of May 1527 for the discouery of the North parts pag. 129 The voyage of M. Hore and diuers other gentlemen to Newfoundland and Cape Briton in the yere 1536. pag. 129 The voyage of Sir Humfrey Gilbert to Newfoundland An. 1583. pag. 143,165 The first discouery of the isle of Ramea made by for Monsieur de la court pre Rauillon grandpre with the ship called The Bonauenture to kill and make trane-oile of the beasts called The Morses with great teeth Anno 1591. pag. 189 The voyage of the ship called The Marigolde of M. Hill of Redriffe vnto Cape Briton and beyond to the latitude of 44 degrees and a halfe Anno 1593. pag. 191 The voyage of M. George Drake of Apsham to the isle of Ramea in the yere 1593. pag. 193 The voyage of The Grace of Bristoll vp into the gulfe of S. Laurence to the Northwest of Newfoundland as far as the isle of Assumption or Natiscotec Anno 1594. pag. 194 The voyage of M. Charles Leigh and diuers others to Cape Briton and the isle of Ramea 1597. pag. 195 The patents discourses letters aduertisements and other obseruations incident to the voyages vnto Newfoundland next before rehearsed An act against the exaction of money or any other thing by any officer for licence to traffique into Newfoundland and Iseland made Anno 2. Edwardi sexti pag. 131 A letter written to M. Richard Hakluyt of the Midle Temple contayning a report of the true state and commodities of Newfoundland by M. Antony Parkhurt 1578. pag. 133 The letters patents granted by her Maiestie to sir Humfrey Gilbert knight for inhabiting some part of America 1578. pag. 135 A learned and stately Poeme written in Latine Hexamiters by Stephanus Parmenius Budeius concerning the voyage of sir Humfrey Gilbert to Newfound-landâ— for the planting of an English colonie there containing also a briefe remembrance of certaine of our principal English captâ—ines by sea pag. 138 Orders agreed vpon by the Captaines and Masters to bee obserued by the fleete of sir Humfrey Gilbert pag. 147 A briefe relation of Newfound-land and the commodities thereof pag. 152 Reckonings of the Master and Masters mate of the Admirall of sir Humfrey Gilbert in their course from cape Rase to cape Briton and to the Isle of Sablon pag. 155 The maner how the sayd Admirall was lost pag. 156 A letter of the learned Hungarian Stephanus Parmenius Budeius to master Richard Hakluyt the collectour of these voyages pag. 161. 16â— A relation of Richard Clarke of Weymouth master of the ship called The Delight which went as Admirall of sir Humfrey Gilberts fleete for the discouerie of Norumbega 1583 written in excuse of the casting away the sayd ship and the men imputed to his ouersight pag. 163 A discourse of the necessitie and commoditie of planting English colonies vpon the North paâ—tes of America pag. 165 A letter of the right honourable sir Francis Walsingham to master Richard Hakluyt then of Christ-church in Oxford incouraging him in the studie of Cosmography and furthering of new discoueries 1582. pag. 181 A letter of the right honourable sir Francis Walsingham to master Thomas Aldworth marchant and at that time Mayor of the citie of Bristol concerning their aduenture in the Westerne discouerie 1582. pag. 182 A letter written from master Aldworth marchant and mayor of the citie of Bristol to the right honourable sir Francis Walsingham concerning a voyage intended for the discouerie of the coast of America lying to the Southwest of cape Briton 1583. pag. 182 A briefe and summarie discourse vpon a voyage intended to the hithermost parts of America written by master Christopher Carlile 1583. pag. 182 Articles set downe by the committies appointed on the behalfe of the company of the Moscouian marchants to conferre with master Carlile vpon his intended discouery of the hithermost partes of America pag. 188 A letter sent to the right honourable sir William Cecil Lord Burghley Lord high Treasurer of England c. from master Thomas Iames of Bristol concerning the discouerie of the Isle of Ramea 1591. pag. 19â— A briefe note of the Morse and of the vse thereof pag. 191 Certaine obseruations touching the countries and places where master Charles Leigh touched in his voyage to cape Briton and to the Isle of Ramea anno 1597. pag. 200 A catalogue of certaine voyages made for the discouery of the gulfe of Saint Laurence to the West of Newfound-land and from thence vp the riuer of Canada to Hochelaga Saguenay and other places THe first voyage of Iaques Cartier of Saint Malo to Newfound-land the gulfe of Saint Laurence and the Grand Bay Anno 1534. pag. 201 The second voyage of Iaques Cartier by the Grand bay vp the riuer of Canada to Hochelaga Anno 1535. pag. 212
William Hawkins of Plimmouth father vnto sir Iohn Hawkins to Brasil Anno 1530. pag. 700 The second voyage of M. William Hawkins to Brasil 1532. pag. 700 The voyage of M. Robert Reniger M. Tho. Borey to Brasil in the yere 1540. p. 701 The voyage of one Pudsey to Baya in Brasil 1542. pag. 701 The voyage of M. Stephan Hare in the Minion of London to Brasil anno 1580. pag. 704 The prosperous voyage of Master Iames Lancaster to the towne of Fernambuck in Brasil 1594. pag. 708 The letters discourses instructions obseruations and ruttiers depending vpon the voyages to Brasil A Letter written to M. Richard Staper by Iohn Whithal from Santos in Brasil the 26. of Iune 1578. pag. 701 A letter of the aduenturers for Brasil sent to Iohn Whithal dwelling at Santos by the Minion of London dated the 24. of October 1580. pag. 703 An intercepted letter of Francis Suarez to his brother Diego Suarez dwelling in Lisbon written from the riuer of Ienero in Brasil in Iune 1596. concerning an exceeding rich trade newly begunne betweene that place and Peru by the way of the riuer of Plate with small barkes of 30. or 40. tunnes pag. 706 An intercepted letter written from Feliciano Cieça de Carualho the gouernour of Paraiua in the most Northren part of Brasil 1597. to Philip the second King of Spaine concerning the conquest of Rio grande c. pag. 716 A speciall note concerning the currents of the sea betweene the Cape of Buena Esperança and the coast of Brasilia pag. 719 An excellent ruttier describing the course to be kept from Cabo verde to the coast of Brasil and all along the said coast from Fernambuck to the riuer of Plate pag. 719 A ruttier from the riuer of Plate to the Streights of Magellan pag. 724. A note of two voyages of Englishmen into the Riuer of Plate A Voyage of two Englishmen to the riuer of Plate in the company of Sebastian Cabota 1527. pag. 726 The voyage of M. Iohn Drake after his departure from M. Fenton vp the riuer of Plate 1582. pag. 726 A Ruttier which declareth the situation of the coast of Brasil from the yle of Santa Catelina vnto the mouth of the riuer of Plate and all along vp within the said riuer and what armes mouths it hath to enter into it as farre as it is nauigable with small barkes pag. 728. A Catalogue of diuers English voyages some intended and some performed to the Streights of Magellan the South sea along the coasts of Chili Peru Nicaragua and Nuéua Galicia to the headland of California and to the Northwest thereof as farre as 43. degrees as likewise to the yles of the Ladrones the Philippinas the Malucos and the Iauas and from thence by the Cape of Buâ—na Esperanza and the yle of Santa Helena the whole globe of the earth being circompassed home againe into England THe famous voyage of sir Francis Drake into the South sea and therehence about the globe of the whole earth begunne Anno 1577. pag. 742 The voyage of Nunno de Silua a Portugal Pilot taken by sir Francis Drake at the yles of Cabo Verde and caried along with him as farre as the hauen of Guatulco vpon the coast of New Spaine with his confession made to the Viceroy of Mexico of all matters that befell during the time that he accompanied sir Francis Drake pag. 742 The voyage of M. Iohn Winter into the South sea by the Streight of Magellan in consort with sir Francis Drake begun in the yeere 1577. he being the first Christian that euer repassed the said Streight pag. 748 The voyage of M. Edward Fenton and M. Luke Ward his viceadmirall with 4. ships intended for China but performed onely to the coast of Brasil as farre as 33. degrees of Southerly latitude begunne in the yeere 1582. pag. 757 The voyage of M. Robert Withrington and M. Christopher Lister intended for the South sea with two tal ships set forth at the charges of the right honourable the Earle of Cumberland but performed onely to the Southerly latitude of 44. degrees begun Anno 1586. pag. 762 The prosperous voyage of M. Thomas Candish esquire into the South sea and so round about the circumference of the whole earth begun in the yere 1586. and finished 1588. pag. 803 The voyage of the Delight a ship of Bristol one of the consorts of M. Iohn Chidley esquire and M. Paul Wheele made to the Streights of Magellan begun in the yere 1589. pag. 840 The last voyage of M. Thomas Candish intended for the South sea the Philippinas and the coast of China with three tall ships and two barks begun 1591. pag. 842 The principall obseruations discourses instructions letters ruttiers and intelligences belonging to the voyages immediatly going before THe names of the kings of Iaua at the time of sir Francis Drakes being there pag. 742 Certaine words of the naturall language of Iaua with the interpretation thereof pag. 742 The confession of Nunno de Silua a Portugall pilot taken by sir Francis Drake which he made to the viceroy of Mexico concerning the proceeding of sir Francis Drake c. 157â— pag. 742 A letter written in the South sea by sir Francis Drake vnto his consort M. Iohn Winter 748 Instructiâ—ns giuen by the R.H. the lords of the councell to M. Edward Fenton esquire for the order to be obserued in the voyage recommended vnto him for the East Indies and Cathay April 9. 1582. pag. 754 A discourse of the West â—ndies and the South sea written by Lopez Vaz a Portugall conteining diuers memorable maâ—ters not to be found in any other writers and continued vnto the yere 1587. pag. 778 Certaine rare and speciall notes most properly belonging to the voyage of M. Thomas Candish about the world concerning the latitudes soundings lying of lands distances of places the variation of the compasse and other notable obseruations diligently taken by M. Thomas Fuller of Ipswich pag. 825 A letter of M. Thomas Candish to the R. H. the olde Lord Hunsdon L. Chamberlaine one of her Maiesties most honourable priuiâ— councell touching the successe of his voyage rounde about the worlde 837 Certaine notes or references taken out of a large map of China brought home by M. Thomas Candish 1588. 837 A petition made in the streight of Magellan by certeine of the company of the Delight of Bristoll vnto Robert Burnet the Master of the sayd ship and one of the consorts of M. Chidley the 12 of February 1589. pag. 840 The testimoniall of the company of the Desire a ship of M. Canâ—ishes fleet in his last voyage touching the loosing of their generall which appeareth to haue bene vtterly against their meanings 845 The letters of the Queenes most eâ—cellent Maiestie sent in the yere 1596 to the emperour of China by M. Richard Allot and M. Thomas Bromefield merchants of London who were embarked in the fleet whereof M. Beniamin Wood was generall pag. 852 Three seuerall
although they be diligently by arte husbanded and seene vnto and the cause thereof are the Northerne driuing winds which comming from the sea are so bitter and sharpe that they kill all the yoong tender plants and suffer scarse any thing to grow and so is it in the Islands of Meta incognita which are subiect most to East Northeastern winds which the last yere choaked vp the passage so with ice that the fleet could hardly recouer their port Yet notwithstanding all the obiections that may be the countrey is habitable for there are men women children sundry kind of beasts in great plenty as beares deere hares foxes and dogs all kinde of flying fowles as ducks seamewes wilmots partridges larks crowes hawks and such like as in the third booke you shall vnderstand more at large Then it appeareth that not onely the middle zone but also the Zones about the poles are habitable Which thing being well considered and familiarly knowen to our Generall captaine Frobisher aswell for that he is thorowly furnished of the knowledge of the sphere and all other skilles appertaining to the arte of nauigation as also for the confirmation he hath of the same by many yeres experience both by sea and land and being persuaded of a new and nerer passage to Cataya then by Capo de buona Sperança which the Portugals yerely vse he began first with himselfe to deuise and then with his friends to conferre and layed a plaine plat vnto them that that voyage was not onely possible by the Northwest but also he could proue easie to be performed And further he determined and resolued with himselfe to go make full proofe thereof and to accomplish or bring true certificate of the truth or els neuer to returne againe knowing this to be the only thing of the world that was left yet vndone whereby a notable minde might be made famous and fortunate But although his will were great to performe this notable voyage whereof he had conceiued in his minde a great hope by sundry sure reasons and secret intelligence which here for sundry causes I leaue vntouched yet he wanted altogether meanes and ability to set forward and performe the same Long time he conferred with his priuate friends of these secrets and made also many offers for the performing of the same in effect vnto sundry merchants of our countrey aboue 15 yeres before he attempted the same as by good witnesse shall well appeare albeit some euill willers which challenge to themselues the fruits of other mens labours haue greatly iniured him in the reports of the same saying that they haue bene the first authours of that action and that they haue learned him the way which themselues as yet haue neuer gone but perceiuing that hardly he was hearkened vnto of the merchants which neuer regard vertue without sure certaine and present gaines he repaired to the Court from whâ—nce as from the fountaine of our Common wealth all good causes haue their chiefe increase and maintenance and there layed open to many great estates and learned men the plot and summe of his deuice And amongst many honourable minds which fauoured his honest and commeâ—dable enterprise he was specially bound and beholding to the right honourable Ambrose Dudley earle of Warwicke whose fauourable minde and good disposition hath alwayes bene ready to countenance and aduance all honest actions with the authours and executers of the same and so by meanes of my lord his honourable countenance he receiued some comfort of his cause and by litle and litle with no small expense and paine brought his cause to some perfection and had drawen together so many aduenturers and such summes of money as might well defray a reasonable charge to furnish himselfe to sea withall He prepared two small barks of twenty and fiue and twenty tunne a piece wherein he intended to accomplish his pretended voyage Wherefore being furnished with the foresayd two barks and one small pinnesse of ten tun burthen hauing therein victuals and other necessaries for twelue moneths prouision he departed vpon the sayd voyage from Blacke-wall the 15 of Iune anno Domini 1576. One of the barks wherein he went was named The Gabriel and the other The Michael and sailing Northwest from England vpon the 11 of Iuly he had sight of an high and ragged land which he iudged to be Frisland whereof some authors haue made mention but durst not approch the same by reason of the great store of ice that lay alongst the coast and the great mists that troubled them not a litle Not farre from thence he lost company of his small pinnesse which by meanes of the great storme he supposed to be swallowed vp of the Sea wherein he lost onely foure men Also the other barke named The Michael mistrusting the matter conueyed themselues priuily away from him and returned home with great report that he was cast away The worthy captaine notwithstanding these discomforts although his mast was sprung and his toppe mast blowen ouerboord with extreame foule weather continued his course towards the Northwest knowing that the sea at length must needs haue an ending that some land should haue a beginning that way and determined therefore at the least to bring true proofe what land and sea the same might be so farre to the Northwestwards beyond any man that hath heretofore discouered And the twentieth of Iuly he had sight of an high land which he called Queene Elizabeths Forland after her Maiesties name And sailing more Northerly alongst that coast he descried another forland with a great gut bay or passage diuiding as it were two maine lands or continents asunder There he met with store of exceeding great ice all this coast along and coueting still to continue his course to the Northwards was alwayes by contrary winde deteined ouerthwart these straights and could not get beyond Within few dayes after he perceiued the ice to be well consumed and gone either there ingulfed in by some swift currents or indrafts carried more to the Southwards of the same straights or els conueyed some other way wherefore he determined to make proofe of this place to see how farre that gut had continuance and whether he might carry himselfe thorow the same into some open sea on the backeside whereof he conceiued no small hope and so entred the same the one and twentieth of Iuly and passed aboue fifty leagues therein as he reported hauing vpon either hand a great maine or continent And that land vpon his right hand as he sailed Westward he iudged to be the continent of Asia and there to be diuided from the firme of America which lieth vpon the left hand ouer against the same This place he named after his name Frobishers streights like as Magellanus at y e Southwest end of the world hauing discouered the passage to the South sea where America is diuided from the continent of that land which lieth vnder the South
pezos of gold neuer were there before that day souldiours so rich in so small a time and with so little danger And in this iourney for want of yron they did shooe their horses some with gold and some with siluer This is to bee seene in the generall historie of the West Indies where as the doings of Pizarro and the conquest of Peru is more at large setforth To this may I adde the great discoueries and conquests which the princes of Portugall haue made round about the West the South and the East parts of Africa and also at Calicut and in the East Indies and in America at Brasile and elsewhere in sundry Islands in fortifying peopling and planting all along the sayd coastes and Islands euer as they discouered which being rightly weyed and considered doth minister iust cause of incouragement to our Countreymen not to account it so hard and difficult a thing for the subiects of this noble realme of England to discouer people plant and possesse the like goodly lands and rich countreys not farre from vs but neere adioyning offring themselues vnto vs as is aforesayd which haue neuer yet heretofore bene in the actuall possession of any other Christian prince then the princes of this Realme All which as I thinke should not a little animate and encourage vs to looke out and aduenture abroad vnderstanding what large Countreys and Islands the Portugals with their small number haue within these few yeeres discouered peopled and plâ—nted some part whereof I haue thought it not amisse briefly in particular to name both the Townes Countreys Islands so neere as I could vpon the sudden call them to remembrance for the rest I doe referre the Reader to the histories where more at large the same is to be seene First they did winne and conquere from the princes of Barbary the Island of Geisera towne of Arzala not past an 140. mile distant from their Metropolitane chiefe city of Fessâ— and after that they wonne also from the said princes the townes of Tanger Ceuta Mazigam Azamor and Azaffi all alongst the Sea coasts And in the yeere of our Lord 1455. Alouis de Cadomosta a Gentleman Uenetian was hee that first discouered for their vse Cape Verd with the Islâ—nds adioyning of which he then peopled and planted those of Bonauista and Sant Iago discouering also the riuer Senega otherwise called Niger and Cape Roxo Sierra Leone and in a few yeeres after they did discouer the coast of Guinea and there peopled and built the castleof Mina then discouered they further to the countreys of Melegetres Benin and Congo with the Ilands of Principe da Nobon S. Matthewe and S. Thomas vnder the Equinoctiall line which they propled and built in the said Island of S. Thomas the hauen towne or port of Pauosan After that about the yeere of our Lord 1494. one Bartholomew Dias was sent foorth who was the first man that discouered and doubled that great and large Cape called de Bon Esperanze passing the currents that run vpon the said coast on the Southeast part of Africa between the said maine land the Island of S. Laurence otherwise called of the antients Madagascar he discouered to y e harbor named the Riuer of y e Infant After that since the yeere of our Lord God 1497. and before the ful accomplishment of the yeere of Christ 1510. through the trauailes and discoueries of Vasques de Gama Peter Aluares Thomas Lopes Andrew Corsalc Iohn de Empoli Peter Sintra Sancho de Toar and that noble and worthy gentleman Alonso de Albuquerque they did discouer people and plant at Ceffala being vpon the East side of Africa in the twenty degrees of latitude of the south Pole and direct West from the Iland of S. Laurence at which port of Ceffala diuers doe affirme that king Salomon did fetch his gold as also vpon the said East side of Africa they did afterward discouer people and plant at Mozambique Quiolâ— Monbaza and Melinde two degrees of Southerly latitude and so vp to the streight of Babel-Mandell at the entring of the red sea all vpon the East coast of Africa from whence they put off at the Cape of Guarda Fu and past the great gulfe of Arabia and the Indian Sea East to Sinus Persicus and the Island of Ormus and so passing the large and great riuer Indus where he hath his fall into the maine Ocean in 23. degrees and an halfe vnder the tropike of Cancer of Septentrional latitude they made their course againe directly towards the South and began to discouer people and plant vpon the West side of the hither India at Goa Mangalor Cananor Calecut and Cochin and the Island of Zeilam And here I thinke good to remember to you that after their planting vpon this coast their forces grew so great that they were able to compell all the Moores the subiectes of the mightie Emperour of the Turkes to pay tribute vnto them euer as they passed the gulfe of Arabia from the port of Mecca in Arabia Foelix where Mahomet lieth buried or any of the other portes of the sayd land euer as they passed to and from the hauens of Cochin Calecut and Cananor and by their martiall maner of discipline practised in those partes the great and mightie prince the Sophie Emperour of the Persians and professed enemie to the Turke came to the knowledge and vse of the Caliuer shot and to enterlace and ioyne footemen with his horsemen sithence which time the Persians haue growen to that strength and force that they haue giuen many mightie and great ouerthrowes to the Turke to the great quiet of all Christendome And from the Island of Zeilam aforesayd they also discouered more East in passing the gulfe of Bengala and so pâ—ssed the notable and famous riuer of Ganges where hee hath his fall into the maine Ocean vnder the tropike of Cancer and to the Cape of Malaca and vnto the great and large Islands of Sumatra Iaua maior Iaua minor Mindanao Palobane Celebes Gilolo Tidore Mathin Borneo Machian Terenate and all other the Islands of Molucques and Spiceries and so East alongst the coasts of Cathaia to the portes of China Zaiton and Quinsay and to the Island of Zipango and Iapan siâ—uate in the East in 37. degrees of Septemerionall latitude and in 195. of longitâ—de These are their noble and worthie discoueries Here also is not to bee forgotten that in the yere of our Lord 1501. that famous and worthy gentleman Americus Vespucius did discouer people and plant to their vse the holdes and forts which they haue in Brasill of whom he being but a priuate gentleman the whole countrey or firme land of the West Indies is commonly called and knowen by the name of America I doe greatly doubt least I seeme ouer tedious in the recitall of the particular discoueries and conquests of the East and West Indies wherein I was the more bold to vrge the patience
but in very deede they are all firme land and if you come on the South and Southwest side you shall see a hill diuided into 2. parts which I called The three hillockes which is right within the hauen And for another better marke of the sayd harbour you shall see an Isle like vnto a Floure de lice distant from the sayd hauen 6. leagues at the least and this Isle and the sayd hauen lie Northeast and Southwest a quarter to the North and South And on the sayd Isle there is good pebble stone to drie fish vpon But to the West thereof there is a very faire countrey and there is a banke of sand which runneth the length of a cable hauing not past one fathom water vpon it From the sayde Isle along the firme land the coast lyeth East and West and you shall see as it were a great forrest running Eastwaâ—d and the Easterne Cape is called Cape du Chapt and is great and red toward the Sea And betweene the sayd lands you shall see as it were a small Island but it ioyneth to the firme land on the Southwest part and there is good shingle to drie fish on And you must coast the shore with boates and not with ships by reason of the shallowes of the sayd coast For I haue seene without Cape du Chapt in faire weather the ground in two fathoms water neere a league and an halfe from shore and I iudged by reason of the highnesse of the land that there had bene aboue thirtie fathoms water which was nothing so and I haue sounded comming neere the shore in more or lesse depth The coast stretcheth three leagues to the West from Lisle Blanch or the white Isle vnto the entrance of a riuer where we slewe and killed to the number of fifteene hundred Morses or Sea oxen accounting small and great where at full sea you may come on shoare with boates and within are two or three fathoms water From thence the coast trendeth foure leagues to the West ¼ to the Northwest vnto the Isle Hupp which is twentie leagues in circuit and is like the edge of a knife vpon it there is neither wood nor grasse there are Morses vpon it but they bee hard to be taken From thence the coast trendeth to the Northwest and Northnorthwest which is all that I haue seene to wit the two sides and one ende of the Isle And if I had had as good lucke as my Masters when I was on the Northwest side with my shippe I would haue aduenturâ—d to haue sayled South-southeast to haue discouered the Easterne shoare of the sayd Isle In your returne to the East as you come from the hauen of Cape du Chapt vnto the sayde hauen are sandes and sholds And three good leagues from Cape du Chapt there is a small Island conteining about a league of ground where there is an hauen toward the Southeast and as you enter into the sayd hauen on the starreboord side a dented Cape all of redde land And you cannot enter into the said hauen but with the flood because of a barre which lieth halfe a league without the poynts of the sayd hauen The tydes are there at Southeast and Northwest but when the wind is very great it bloweth much into the hauen at halfe flood But ordinarily it sloweth fiue foote and an halfe The markes to enter into the sayd hauen are to leaue the Isle Blanche or White Island at your comming in on the starreboord and the poynt of â—he hauen towarde the West hath a thick Island which you shall see on the other side and it hath a little round Buttresse which lyeth on the East side of the Island There are also two other buttresses more easie to bee seene then hidden these are not to the East but to the West and they haue markes on â—hem Here you shall not haue aboue two fathom and an halfe at a full sea vpon this barre And the sounding is stone and rough ground At your entring in when you shall finde white sand which lyeth next the Southeast of the Cape then you are vpon the barre and bee not afrayd to passe vp the chanell And for markes towarde the West athwart the barre when you haue brought an Island euen which lyeth to the westward without with the thicke part of the high land which lyeth most to the West you shall bee past the barre and the chanell runneth due North. And for your anchoring in the sayd hauen see that you carefully seeke the middest of the sayd Thicke landâ— which lyeth in the bottome of the sayd hauen for you must anchor betweene two bankes of sand where the passage is but narrow And you must anker surely for there goeth a great tyde for the Sea runneth there as swiftly and more then in There is good ground and ankorage here and you shall ride in three fathom water And within the sayde hauen there is nothing to hurt you for you are free from all winds And if by chance you should be driuen Westward of the sayd hauen you may seeke an entrance which is right ouer against the small Island named before which is called The Isle of Cormorants and you may enter in theâ—e as at the other hauen at a full sea And you must passe vp on the West side and you shall finde on the Barre at a full sea foureteene foote water and great depth when you are entred in for the Sea runneth very swiftly in that place and the entrie theâ—eof lyeth Southeast and Northwest Right ouer against you on the other side you may passe with boates at a full sea And all these entrances make all but one hauen which is good within I sayâ— his because I haue passed into the maine Sea by the one and the other passage And the said Isle is not past two leagues ouer in the middest It is but two bankes of sande whereof one is like to that of S. Malo which let the Sea from passing through the middest of all the Isle But the two endes are high mountaines with Islands altogether cut and separated with streames and riuers To anker in the sayd harbour you must not ride farthâ—r then fiue or sixe cables length from the sayd hauen A letter sent to the right Honorable Sir VVilliam Cecill Lord Burghley Lord high Treasurer of England c. From M. Thomas Iames of Bristoll concerning the discouerie of the Isle of Ramea dated the 14 of September 1591. RIght Honourable my humble duetie to your good Lordship done I thought good humbly to aduertise your honour of the discouery of an Island made by two smal shippes of Saint Malo the one 8 daies past being prised neare Silley by a ship of which I am part owner called the Pleasure sent by this citie to my Lord Thomas Howard for her Maiesties seruice Which prise is sent backe to this Port by those of the sayd
and from thence arriued at the mouth of the riuer of Santo Domingo And as we sailed to Cape Tiburon three leagues to the Westward of Santo Domingo we tooke a boat of fifteene tunnes which had certeine iarres of malosses or vnrefined sugar with three men which men with their boat wee caried with vs to Cape Tiburon which in respect of seruice done vnto vs in furnishing vs with fresh water we dismissed Thus contrary to other Englishmens courses we shaped ours to the Southward of Iamaica and our shallop with 12 men ranged the coast but sound nothing Thence we ranged the three islands of the Caimanes and landed at Grand Caiman being the Westermost where we found no people but a good riuer of fresh water and there we turned vp threescore great tortoises and of them we tooke our choise to wit fifteene of the females which are the best and fullest of egges whereof two serued an hundred men a day And there with stones we might kill turtle doues wilde geese other good fowles at our pleasures Thence we came to Cape de Corrientes on Cuba to water and from thence to Cape S. Antonio and so went ouer for the Tortugas without taking of any new prize and thence cut ouer to Rio de puercos on the coast of Cuba There we tooke a small barke of twenty tunnes with foure men and forty liue hogs with certeine dried porke cut like leather ierkins along and dried hogs tongues and neats tongues and 20 oxe hides Then passing thence within foure dayes we tooke a ship of 80 tunnes laden with hides indico salsa perilla North of an headland called Corugna theâ—ce the current set vs to the East to the old chanel There we tooke a frigat of 20 tunnes hauing certeine pieces of Spanish broad cloth other small pillage there continuing off the Matanças 12 dayes with the winde so Westerly that we could hardly recouer Hauana in the moneth of May. Here we tooke two boats laden with tortoises which we sunke sauing some of the tortoises setting the men on shore Then at length we recouered vp to Hauana where we came so neere to the forts that for one houres fight they ouer-reached vs with their long ordinance Then came out the two gallies hauing 27 banks on a side and fought with vs another houre which for that time left vs by reason of the increasing of the winde Then passing alongst nine leagues to the Westward we found out an excellent harbour hauing three fadome water at the flood able within to receiue a thousand saile where we found hog-houses which they terme coralles and tooke away certeine hogs and pigs As we came out of this harbour the weather being calme we were incountered by the gallies which had followed vs and fought with them three houres oftentimes within caliuer shot but wee made such spoile of their men and oares that they beganne to be weary and gaue vs ouer with their great losse Here within foure dayes after as we lay to the Northward sixe leagues off this harbour of Cauannas we met with master captaine Lane Generall of master Wats his fleet and captaine Roberts in the Exchange a ship of Bristol of an hundred and forty tunnes and master Beniamin Wood with his foure ships which were set out by my lord Thomas Howard with captain Kenel of Limehouse captaine of the Cantar of Weymouth All we being heere together espied a ship of some 50 tunne which we chased with their boats but my shallope first boorded her and tooke her which had in her sacke Canary-wine muscadell tent in iarres and good store oâ— oâ—le in iarres The ship we vnladed and burned the men ran on shore Hence wee came all together being about 13 sailes before Hauana but passing by we gaue chase to a ship of 60 tun which entred into an harbour a league to the Northwest of Hauana which with boats was boorded and found to be of Puerto de Cauallos in the bay of Honduras laden with tanned hides salsa perilla Indico raw hides and good store of balsamum and she had foure chests of gold which they got on land before we could come to them We brought this ship into England Thus spending a seuen night in lying off and on for purchase and finding nothing come I set saile for England and arriued at Douer about the tenth of Nouember 1592â— A briefe note of a voyage to the East Indies begun the 10 of April 1591 wherein were three tall ships the Penelope of Captaine Raimond Admirall the Merchant royall whereof was Captaine Samuel Foxcroft Viceadmirall the Edward Bonauenture whereof was Captaine M. Iames Lancaster Rereadmirall with a small pinnesse Written by Henry May who in his returne homeward by the West Indies suffred shipwracke vpon the isle of Bermuda wherof here is annexed a large description THe tenth of April 1591 we departed from Plymmouth with the ships aforesayd In May following wee arriued at Grand Canaria one of the fortunate Islands Also toward the end of this moneth we tooke a Portugall shippe being bound for Brasil within three degrees to the Northward of the Equinoctiall which serued greatly to our refreshing The 29 of Iuly following we came to Aguada Saldania a good harbour neere the cape of Buona Sperança where we stayed about a moneth with the Merchant royall which by reason of sicknesse in our fleet was sent home for England with diuers weake men Here we bought an oxe for a knife of three pence a sheepe for a broken knife or any other odde trifle of the people which were Negros clad in cloaks or mantles of raw hides both men and women The 8 of September the Penelope the Edward Bonauenture weyed anker and that day we doubled the cape of Buona Sperança The 12 following we were taken with an extreame tempest or huricano This euening we saw a great sea breake ouer our admirall the Penelope and their light strooke out and after that we neuer saw them any more In October following we in the Edward fell with the Westermost part of the isle of S. Laurence about midnight knowing not where we were Also the next day we came to an anker at Quitangone a place on the main land of Africa which is two or three leagues to the Northward of Moçambique where the Portugals of the isle of Moçambigue fetch all their fresh water Here we tooke â— pangaia with a Portugall boy in it which is a vessell like a barge with one mat saile of Coco nut leaues The barge is sowed together with the rinâ—es of trees and pinned with woodden pinnes In this pangaia we had certeine corne called millio hennes and some fardels of blew Calicut cloth The Portugall boy we tooke with vs and dismissed the rest From this place we went for an island called Comoro vpon the coast of Melinde which standeth about 11 degrees to the South of the equinoctial in which
at sea which was feared would turne to the losse of the life of Martin Cockeram his pledge Neuerthelesse the Sauages being fully perswaded of the honest dealing of our men with thâ—ir prince restored againe the said pledge without any harme to him or any man of the company which pledge of theirs they brought home againe into England with their ship fraighted and furnished with the commodities of the countrey Which Martin Cockeram by the witnesse of Sir Iohn Hawkins being an officer in the towne of Plimmouth was liuing within these fewe yeeres An ancient voyage of M. Robert Reniger and M. Thomas Borey to Brasil in the yeere of our Lord 1540. I Haue bene certainly informed by M. Anthony Garrard an ancient and worshipfull marchant of the citie of London that this commondious and gainefull voyage to Brasil was ordinarily and vsually frequented by M. Robert Reniger M. Thomas Borey and diuers other substantial and wealthie marchants of Southampton about 60. yeeres past that is to say in the yeere 1540. A voyage of one Pudsey to Baya in Brasil anno 1542. ALso the worshipfull M. Edward Cotton of Southhampton Esquire gaue mee more particularly to vnderstand how that one Pudsey of Southampton a man of good skill and resolution in marine causes made a voyage in like maner 62. yeeres agoe to Baya de todos los Santos the principall towne of all Brasil and the seate of the Portugal vice-roy and of the bishop and that he built a fort not farre distant from that place in the foresaid yeere 1542. A letter written to M. Richard Staper by Iohn VVhithal from Santos in Brasil the 26. of Iune 1578. WOrshipfull sir and welbeloued friend M. Staper I haue me most heartily commended vnto you wishing your health euen as mine owne These few words may bee to let you vnderstand that whereas I wrote vnto you not many dayes past by the way of Lisbon howe that I determined to bee with you very shortly it is in this countrey offered mee to marry and to take my choice of three or foure so that I am about three dayes agoe conâ—orted with an Italian gentleman to marry with his daughter within these foure dayes This my friend and father in law Signor Ioffo Dore is borne in the citie of Genua in Italy his kindred is well knowen amongst the Italians in London also hee hath but onely this childe which is his daughter which hee hath thought better bestowed vpon mee then on any Portugal in all the countrey and doeth giue with her in marriage to me part of an Ingenio which he hath that doeth make euery yeere a thousand roues of sugar This my mariage will be worth to me two thousand duckets little more or lesse Also Signor Ioffo Dore my father in lawe doeth intende to put into my handes the whole Ingenio with sixtie or seuentie slaues and thereof to make me factor for vs both I giue my lining Lord thankes for placing me in such honour and plentifulnesse of all things Also certaine dayes past I talked with the Prouedor and the Captaine and they haue certified me that they haue discouered certaine Mines of siluer and gold and looke euery day for Masters to come to open the said Mines which when they be opened will inrich this countrey very much This place is called S. Vincent and is distant from you two thousand leagues and in 24. degrees of latitude on the South side of the Equinoctial line almost vnder the Tropike of Capricorne A countrey it is very healthfull without sicknesse Moreouer I haue talked with the Captaine and Prouedor and my father in law who rule all this countrey for to haue a ship with goods to come from London hither which haue promised mee to giue mee licence saying that nowe I am free dâ—nizen of this countrey To cause a ship to come hither with such commodities as would serue this countrey would come to great gaines God sending in safety the profite and gaines In such wares and commodities as you may ship hither from London is for euery one commoditie deliuered here three for one and then after the proceed may be imployed in white sugar at foure hundred reis the roue I meane also to haue a â—riend in London to sende mee a ship of 60. or 70. tunnes little more or lesse with such commodities as I shall giue aduise for This voyage is as good as any Peru-voyage If you and Master Osborne will deale here I will deale with you before any other because of our old friendly friendship in time past If you haue any stomacke thereto in the Name of God do you espie out a sine barke of seuentie or eightie tunnes and send her hither with a Portugal Pilot to this port of S. Vincent in Brasil bordering vpon the borders of Peru. Also I herewith write vnto you in what forme and maner you shall furnish this voyage both in commodities and otherwise First you must lade in the said ship certaine Hampshire and Deuonshire karsies for the which you must let her depart from London in October and to touch in the Canaries and there to make sale of the saide karsies and with the proceed thereof of lade fifteene tunnes of wines that be perfect and good and siâ—e dozen of Cordouan skinnes of these colours to wit orenge tawnie yellow red and very fine black I thinke you shall not finde such colours there Therefore you must cause them that shall go vpon this voyage to take saffron with them to cause the same skinnes to bee put into the saide colours Also I thinke you shall finde oyles there Three hogsheads of sweete oyle for this voyage are very necessary or a hundred fiftie iarres of oyle Also in London you may lade in the said ship these parcels of commodities or wares as followeth In primis Foure peeces of hollands of middle sort Item One peece of fine holland Foure hundred elles of osenbriges very fine Foure dozen of sizzors of all sorts Sixteene kintals of pitch of the Canaries Twentie dozen of great kniues which be made in fardles of a low price Foure dozen of a small sort Sixe peeces of bayes of the lowest sort One very fine peece of dayes Foure hundred elles of Manchester-cottons most blacke greene some yellow Eight or tenne dozen of hats the one halfe trimmed with taffata the other plaine with the bands od Cypresse Sixe dozen of course shirts Three dozen of doublets of canuas Three dozen of doublets of stitched canuas One peece of fine Millan-fustian barred Sixe dozen of locks for doores and chests Sixe thousand of all maner of fish hooks Foure dozen reames of paper Two dozen of glasses of diuers sorts Two dozen of Venice glasses the one halfe great the other middle sort Two dozen of mantles of frize of the lowest price that can be Three dozen of frize gownes Foure hundred pound of tinne of the vse of Portugall most smal dishes and trenchers Foure pound
but notwithstanding the time that they had to strengthen themselues and the towne yet to giue an attempt for the winning of it and therefore wee prouided our pinnesses carauels and boates for the enterprise and as we were departing from our shippes the winde turned directly contrary to our course so that our determination for that time was broken and wee returned againe to our ships and to say the trueth if the weather and winde had serued our attempt had bene very desperate considering the number of Portugals and Indians which were then gathered together to the number of seuen or eight thousand and their artillery vpon the shore playing vpon vs but neuerthelesse we had proceeded if the winds had fauoured vs. The 16 day we went to certaine Ingenios of the Portugals where we found the people fled and we entred their houses without resistance We found in their purging house 1000 pots of sugar some halfe purged some a quarter and some newly put into the pots so that euery man tooke his pot of sugar for their prouision and set all the rest on fire The 17 day wee all weyed to goe to another Ingenio to see if wee could find there better sugar and in the way we met with a prize which was a carauel which wee found driuing with the weather and entred her and had in her onely three Faulcons of yron which our pinnesse brought away and set the ship on fire Dalamor in the small prize ran so farre in that hee brought his ship on ground where shee lay three or foure houres till such time as there came from the towne fiue carauels full of men which being perceiued of vs our captaine with our men went to him to ayde him The carauels came within Faulcon shot of vs but durst come no neerer lest they might haue tasted of the like banket that they receiued the last time About halfe flood came the galley againe and three carauels more but before they came the barke was a floate and set sayle and then they all went to gard their Ingenios which we had purposed to visit but the night comming on perswaded vs to the contrary The 19 day we set sayle to goe into the roade of Baya againe with our pinnesses and a flag of truce to see if we could recouer our foure men which remained aliue of those ten that perished in our boate of whom we spake before which foure were vnfortunately fallen into their hands but they at our approching neere the towne shot at vs and wee as ready as they gaue them in all 27 shot and so ankored a little from the towne to see what they would doe The 20 day riding still before the towne our Admirall sent a Negro ashore with letters from the Portugals that wee had prisoners aboord the effect of which letters was that if we might haue our men released and deliuered vs they should haue theirs from our ships The next day in the morning in stead of their bloody flagge they put vp two white flagges and sent a Gâ—ngatho off to vs with two Indians with letters of answere from the Gouernour but they would not consent in any case that we should haue our men and willed their Portugals to take their captiuitie patiently for they would not redeeme them a motion they made in their letters to buy againe one of their prizes which we had taken out of the rode but our admirall answered them no seeing they detained our men wee would keepe both their men and ships tooâ— The same euening we weyed and came out of the hauen halfe a league to seaward The 22 we set saile to sea and the 23 came to an Island twelue leagues to the Southward of Baya to wood and water The 24 day being aboord with our pinnesses we met with a Canoa wherein was one Portugall and siâ—e Indians we shot at the Canoa and killed an Indian and tooke the Portugall and one of the Indians and â—rought them aboord our shippes we there examined them and the Portugal confessed that there was a shippe â—aden with meale and other victuals bound for Fernambuck but put into a creeke because she dursâ— not goe along the coast hearing of our shippes Whereupon we manned both our pinnesses and tooke the Portugal with vs to goe and seeke the same ship but that night we could not find her The 26 day we went againe and found her being halled vp inâ—o a creeke where a man would haue thought a shippe boate could not haue entred wee found her indeede laden with meale principally but she hâ—d also in her fourteene chests of sugar of which two were in powder and twelue in loaues This ship was of the burden of one hundred and twenty tunnes and a new ship this being the first voyage that euer she made and as the Portugall confessed shee was straighted for Fernambuck but the men of Baya hauing great want of bread bought both the ship and her lading and so thought to stay her in this creeke till we were gone off the coast but it was our good hap to disappoint their pretense and to fetch her from thence where they thought her as safe as if she had bene at Lisbon The 28 day we deuided the meale amongst vs according to the want of euery ship The 30 day 16 or 17 Dutchmen went with their boate from the hulke to shoare to fill water and vpon a sudden they were assaulted with fifty or sixty Portugals and so many more Indians armed with shot and other weapons and they slew their Master and Purser and the rest were hurt but yet escaped with their liues a good warning for vs to bee circumspect and carefull in our landing The last day of May wee câ—st off one of our prizes which wee called the George and our Admirall and the hulke tooke the men and other necessaries out of her into them The same day the Portugals which had hurt the Dutchmen came to the shore and dared vs to come on land wherevpon wee went into our pinnesses with fortie shot but the cowardly villanes ranne all away to the hils from the watâ—â— side but master Lister with nine men followed them and they fled still before them and durst not stay their approch so they came backe againe and wee filled water quietly and at our pleasure The third day of Iune our captaine master Lister hauing a great desire for the performance of this voyage according to my Lords direction went to our admirall and requesâ—ed him to giue him siâ—e buts of wine one barrell of oile three or foure barrels of flesh and to haue Thomas Hood and seuen or eight seamen for some of our landmen and by Gods help he with the barke Clifford would alone proceede for the South sea but the admirall mightily withstoode his motion and would grant no iote of his particular requests The 7 of Iune hauing no vse at all of our prizes we burnt one and
villa Antiquitas commercij inter Angliam Norwegiaâ— The antiquity of traffique betweene England and Norway Maior Communitas stapulae Charta anno regni sexto conâ—ecta A Charter made in the sixt yeere of his reigne Eâ—â—seri seatres The first war mooued against the Prussian infifidels anno â—om 1239. The Prussians abandon Christianitie A memorable stratageme 4000â— This man sent an ambassage to Richard the second The great master ouercommeth the king of Polonia The king by treason ouerthroweth the Master The ancient assistance of the kings of England against infidels Edward the 3. The arresting of the English goods and marchants 1388. An ancient custome The priuiledges of the English marchaÌ„ts in Prussia 1403. 1405. 1406. These ships were taken by the English y e 20. of Iuly 1404. Hamburgh Bremâ— Stralessund Lubec Gripeswold Campen 1403. ‡ Namely the ship of Edgard Scof at Câ—leis The ship of Tidman Dordewant and Tidman Warowen at Orwel and Zepiswich Note well 1403. The anâ—cient friendship betweene England and Prussia Margaret queen of Denmarke 1403. The coÌ„plaints of the Liuonians Note well 1400. Newcastle An English ship of 200. tunnes â—ull Hull Hull Hull Hull Yorke Yorke London London Colchester Yermouâ—h Norwich Yermouth Longsound in Norway Yermouth Yermouth Selaw in Norway Cley Cley Cley Cley Cley Cley â—â—â—eton Wiueton Wiueton Wiueton Wiueton Lenne Lenne 21. houses of English marchants burnt at Norbern in Norway The Vitalians Lenne Lenne Lenne Lenne Lenne Lenne Note the 〈◊〉 treasons of the Hanâ— The ancient customes of wools Pence for the towne of Cales The great charter of marchants A speciall Charter The customers of the pety custome 1405 The customers of the subsidie The Hans societie determineth the ouerthrow of English marchaÌ„ts Statutes against y e English marchants in Norway and in Suedland How many which be the Hans townes A meting at Hage the 28. of August 1407. Here relation is had vnto y e king of the Romans Septem 27. 1408. A motion for a perpâ—tuall league A ship of the burthen of 300. Tonnes ‖ 1404. ‖ Notaâ— Naues maximae Henrici quinti. Incipit liber de custodia Maris praesertiâ— arcti inter Doueram Galisiam Sigismond died 1438. He was here 1416. Videns imperator Sigismundus duas villas inter caeteras Angliç scilicet Calisiam Doueream ponens suos duos digitos super duos suoâ— oculos ait regi Frater custodite istas duas villas sicut duos vestros oculos The Noble was coined by Edward the third Anno regni 18. Quatuor considerâ—ntur in monetâ— aurea Anglicâ— quae dicitur Nobile scilicet Rex Nauis gladius Mare Quae designant potestatem Anglicoâ—um super Mare In quorum opprobrium his diebus Britones minores Flandrenses alij dicunt Anglicis Tollite de vestro Nobile nauem imponite onem Intendentes quod sicut quondam á tempore Edwardi tertij Anglici erant domini Maris modo his diebus sunt vâ—â—ordes victi ad bellâ—ndum Mare obseruandum velut oâ—es Figges â—aisins Wine Bastard Datâ—s Lycoâ—as â—iuil Oyle Graynes White Pastel Sopâ— Waxe Iron Wadmolle Gotefell â—idfell Saffron Quickesiluer Flemish cloth made of English Wooll The necessarie coniunction of Spaine and Flanders Wine Osey Waxe Graine Figs Reisens Hony Cordeweyne Dates Salt Hides Note well The Britons great Rouers and Theeues Historia oâ—â—endenâ— quam ordinationem Rex Edwardus tertius fecit contra depraedatores marinos Britanniae minoris ad debellandum eos subiugandum Britannos minores Statutum Regis Edwardi tertij pro Lombardis Anno Domini 1436. Hen. 6.14 Pitch Tarre Board Flexe Collein threed Fustian Canuas Cardes Bokeram Siluer-plate Wedges of Siluer and Metall ‖ 〈◊〉 Woad An example of deceite ‖ Or loue Note diligeÌ„tly A woful complaint of lacke of nauie if need come A storie of destruction of Denmarke for destruction of their marchants The pâ—aâ—se of Richard of Whitingdon marchant Mader Woad Garlicke Onions saltfish What our marchants bye in that coste more then all other Of Hankin lions Lombards are cause enough to hurt this land although there were none other cause False colouring of goods by Lombards Alas for bâ—ibes gift of good feasts other means that sâ—oppen our policie This is the very state of our time It to a marueilous thing that so great a sicknes and hurt of y e land may haue no remedie of so many as take heÌ„selues wise men of gouernance * Or hunting Mynes of siluer and gold in Ireland This is now to be greatly feared This Lorde was the Earle of Ormond that told to me this matter that he would vndertake iâ— nâ— pain of losse of al his liuelihood But this proffer could not be admiâ—ted Ergo malè The trade of Bristow to Island The old trade of Scarborough to Island and the North. Thâ— ioy of Sigiâ—mond the Emperour that â—aleâ—s was English Harflew was loâ—t in the yere 1449 in the 27. of Henry the sixth * Dieit Chronica quod isle Edgaru cunctis praedâ— ceâ—io ibu â—uiâ— faelicâ—or nolli sâ—â—utaâ—â— inferior omnibus moâ—um 〈◊〉 are prellantior lucr◠〈◊〉 se Anglisnon minus t◠〈◊〉 quam Cyris Persia Catolin Fâ—anci Homulus verò Romanis Dicit Chronica preparauerâ—t naueâ— rob utissi nas numero â—ria millia sexcenta in quibus redeunie aellate omnem insulam ad retrorem extraneoeuÌ„ a suorum excitationem cum maximo apparatu ciâ—cumnauigate consâ—euerno Dicit Châ—onica c. vt non minus quantam ei eriam in bac vita boâ—orum operum mercolem donauerit cum aliquando ad maximâ—m cius festiuitatem reger comites mulâ—aâ—umque prouineiarum protector es conuenissent c. Caleis was yeâ—lded to y e English 1347. King Edward has 700 English ships and 14151. English mariners before Caleis The battell of Scluse by sea The great ships of Henry the fift made at Hampton Great caracks of Genua taken by the Duke of Bedford 1416. The French name thus onerâ— Hâ—owen was of fiue hundred saile The Trinitie the Grace de Dieu the holy Ghost Exâ—ortaâ—io generalis in cuslodiam toâ—lus Angliae per diligentiam custodiae circuirus maris circa littoâ—a eiusdem quae debeâ— esse per vnanimiâ—aâ—é Consiliaâ—ioâ—um regis hominum bonae vâ—luâ—tâ—tiâ— Tâ—â—â—â—unâ— câ—uâ—ae predictae custodiae sâ—ilicet hoâ—oâ— commodum â—egni opproâ—â—â—m iâ—iâ—â—iâ—is Ephes. 4. Solliciti sius seruate vnitatem spiritus in vinculo pacis Matth. 5. Beati pacifici quoniam filij Dei vocabuntur Cum placuâ—â—ine Domino viae hominis eius inimicos ad pacem conuertet Vibs beata Ierusalem dicta pacis visio The wise lord of Hungerfords iudgement of this booke 1462 A secrete The discouery of the North. By Sebastian Cabot and sir Thomas Pere in the right yere of his reigne And this is the voyage spoken of by Gonsaluo Ouiedo that came to S. Domingo Note Nauigation vnder the Pole Tartaria China New found land discouered by y e English Doctor Leys
day A full reuoluâ—ion of the Monne aboue their Horizon The colleagues of the fellowship for the discouery of the Northwest passage Free Denization granted This Patent remaiâ—ed in force fiue yeeres Authoritie to proceede at Sea against mutiners 1583. Musicians They depart from Silley Iuly Great store of whales The râ—uling of the yce together made a great roaring Yce turned into water The Land of Desolation Very blacke water Floting wood Colde by â—eason of yce They saile Northwestward aboue foure dayes Land in 64 degrees 15 min. The sound where our ships did ride was called Gilberts sound Musicians The people of the countrey came and conferred with our men Thirty seuen Canoas Their musike Great familiâ—rity with the Sauagesâ— Diuers sorts oâ— wood They may make much â—rame if they had meanes how to vse itâ— Moscouie glasse A fruit like corinths August Land in 66 degrees 40 min. Foure white beares A huge whiâ—e beare Timber sawen Fowle An image Probabilities for the passage Wee neuer came into any baâ— before or after but the waters colour was altered very blackish Faulcons Their returne September They saile from The land of desolation to England in 14. dayes Land discouered in 60. degrees Gentle and louing Sauages In 100 Canoâ—â— with diuers commodities Images trane ople and Seale skins in tan tubs A plaine champion countrey A goodly riuer A graue with a crosse layd ouer The Tartars and people of Iapon are also smal eyed Their manâ—r of kindling fire like to theirs in America A fire made of turfes Great theeues Their rude diet Their weapons Strange nets These Islanders warre with the people of the maine Copper oare Their language Muscles A strange whirlewinde Great Ilands Slings One oâ— the people taken which afteâ— dyed â— huge quantitie of yce in 63. degrees of latitudâ— The nature of foggâ—s Great heat 66. degrees 19. minutes Great hopâ— oâ— a passage 64. degr 20 min. A great â—urrent to the West Ilandsâ— They râ—nne 8. dayes Southward â—rom 67 to 57. degrees vpon the coast A harborough in 56. degrees Faire woods Store of cod A perfect hope oâ—â—he passage about 54. degrâ—es and an halfe Two oâ— our men slaine by the Sauages May. M. Dauis in the latitude of 60. deg diuideth his fleete into 2. parts The 7. of Iune Island descryâ—d 66. degrees Their commodities Their dwellings Their boats M. Iohn Roydon of Ipâ—wich They departed from Island Northwest Iuly Groneland diâ—â—couered The land of Desolation Groenland coasted from â—he 7. till the last of Iuly August The houses of Gronland Our men play at footeball with the Sauages Sweete wood found A skirmish between the Sauages and our men September The pinnesse neuer reâ—urned home Land descrâ—â—â—â— Salt kerned oâ— the rockes Isles in 64. degrees Store oâ— Whales in 67. degrees 7â— deg 12. min. The great variation of the compasse London coast Betweene Gâ—onland the Noâ—th of America aboue 40. leagues A mighâ—ie banke of yeâ— lying North and South Extreme heatâ— of the Sunne They were driuen West sixe points out of their course in 67. degrees 45. minutes Mount Raleigh The Earle oâ— Cumbeâ—lands Isles The variation of the compasse 30. deg Westward The land trendeth from this place Southwest and by South My lord Lumleys Inlet Warwicks Foreland A very forciblâ— current Westward â—â—idleys cape The lord Daâ—cies Island The fishing place betweene 54 and 55 degrees of latitude Abundance of whales in 52 degrees They arriue at Dartmouth the 15 of September The 1. voyage The 2. voyage The North parts of Americâ— all Islands The 3. voyage The ship of M. N. Zeno casâ— away vpon â—risland in Annâ— 1380. A forraine prince hapning to be in Frisland with armed men when M. Zenâ— suffered shipwracke therâ— came vnto him and spakâ— Latine Zichmni princâ— of Poâ—land or Duke of Zorani â—risland the â—ing oâ— Norâ—ayeâ— N. Zeno made â—night by Zichmni Ships laden with fish at Frisland â—or Flanders Bâ—itain England Scotland Noâ—way and Denmarke But not to bâ— proued that eâ—er any came thence A letter sent by M. N. Zeno from Fâ—island to his brother M. Antonio in Venice The end of the first letter Engâ—onâ—lâ—nâ— Pâ—eaching Fryâ—rs of Saint Thomâ—â— Winter oâ— 9. moneths Trade in summer â—ime from Trondon to S. Thomas Friers in Groneland Resâ—â—t of Fryâ—rs from Norway and Sueden to the Monastery in Engroneland called S. Tho. M. Fâ—obisheâ— brought these kinde of boats from â—hese parâ—s inâ—â— England In the Monastery of Saint Thomâ—s most of them spake the Latine tongue The end of the â— letter N. Zeno dyed in Frisland The discouerie of Estoâ—iland Westward Sixe fishermen taken Fishermen of Frisland speake Latine Sixe were fiue â—â—eres in Esâ—otiland One of the fisherâ— of Frisland reporteth of Estotiland Estotiland rich abounding with all â—he commodities of the world Abundance of golde Trade from Estotilâ—nd to Engroneland â— Skins brimstone and pitch golde corne and â—eere or ale Many cities and castles A countrey called Doâ—gio The 6 fishermen of Frisland onâ—ly saued by shewing the maner to take fish The chiefest oâ— the 6 fishers specified before and his companions In the space of 13 yeeres he serued 25 lords of Drogio He returned from Estotiland to Frisland Zichmni minded to send M. Antonio Zeno with a fleete towards thâ—sâ— parts of Esâ—otiland The 4 letter The fisherman dyed that should haue bene interpreter Certaine mariners taken in his sâ—eede which came with him from Estotiland Isle Ilose Zichmni his discouerie of the Island Icaâ—ia An Island man in Icaâ—ia The kings of of Icaria called Icari after the name of the first king of that place who as they report was sonne to Dedalus king of Scots Icarian Sâ—a The people of Icaria destrous of the Italian tongue Ten men of ten sundry nations Infinite multitudes of armed men in Icaâ—iâ— Zichmni departed from Icaria Wâ—stwards 100 men sent to discrie the countreâ— The 100 souldiers returned which had bene through â—he Island report what they saw and found M. Anâ—onio Zeno made chiefâ— captaine of those ships which went back to Frâ—sland The 5 letter Estotiland first discouered The second discouerie thereof Dâ—ogio M. Aâ—migil Wade Cape Briâ—on The Island of Penguin standeth about the latitude of 30. degrees M. Dawbneys report to M. Richard Hakluyt of the Temple They beheld the Sauges â—f Newfounland Extrâ—me famine Our men â—aâ—e one another foâ— famine The Capâ—aines Oration The English surprise a French ship wherein they returned home Haâ—kes and other foules Foules supposed â—o be storkes The French royally recompencâ—d by king Henry the 8. English Spaniards Portugals French Britons The fertility of Newfoundland Seueral sortes â— of fish Called by the Spaniards Anchunas and by the Portugals Capelinas 〈◊〉 Albioâ— Hugo Willobeius eques auratus Martinus Fâ—obisherus eques â—uratuâ—â— Antonius Ienkinsonuâ— Franciscus Dracus eques 〈◊〉 Sebastianuâ— Cabotus The coasts froÌ„ Fâ—orida Northward fiâ—â— discouâ—red bâ— the English natioÌ„ A 〈◊〉 consideration Probable confectâ—â—â— y t these lands North of Florida are
forsooth in deed Out of Bristowe and costes many one Men haue practised by nedle and by stone Thider wardes within a litle while Within twelue yere and without perill Gon and come as men were wont of old Oâ— Scarborough vnto the costes cold And nowe so fele shippes this yeere there ware That moch losse for vnfreyght they bare Island might not make hem to bee fraught Unto the Hawys thus much harme they caught Then here I ende of the commoditees For which neede is well to kepe the seas Este and Weste South and North they bee And chiefly kepe the sharpe narrow see Betweene Douer and Caleis and as thus that foes passe none without good will of vs And they abide our danger in the length What for our costis and Caleis in our strength An exhortation for the sure keeping of Caleis ANd for the loue of God and of his blisse Cherish yee Caleis better then it is See well thereto and heare the grete complaint That true men tellen that woll no lies paint And as yee know that wriâ—ing commeth from thence Doe nâ—t to England for slought so great offence But that redressed it bee for any thing Leste a song of sorrow that wee sing For litle weaâ—th the foole who so might these What harme it were good Caleis for to lese What wo it were for all this English ground Which wel câ—nceiued the Emperour Sigismound Thaâ— of all â—oyes made it one of the moste That Caleis was subiect vnto English coste Hun thought it was a iewel most of all Aâ—d so the same in Latine did it call And if yee wol more of Caleis heare and knowe I cast to write within a litle scrowe Like as I haue done before by and by In other parteis of our policie Loke how hard it was at the first to get And by my counsell lightly doe not it let For if wee lese it with shame of face Wilfully it is for lacke of grace Howe was Harflew tried vpon and Rone That they were likely for shought to be gone Howe was it warned and cried on in England I make record with this pen in my hand It was warened plainely in Normandie And in England and I thereon did crie The world was defrauded it betyde right so Farewell Harflew Iewdly it was a go Nowe ware Caleis I can say no better My soule discharge I by this present letter After the Chapitles of commodities of diuers lands sheweth the conclusion of keeping of the sea enuiron by a storie of King Edgar and two incidentâ— of King Edward the third and King Henrie the fifth Chap. 11. NOwe see we well then that this round see To our Noble by pariformitee Under the ship shewed there the sayle And our king with royal apparayle With swerd drawen bright and extent For to chastise enimies violent Should be lord of the sea about To keepe enimies from within and without To behold through Christianitee Mastâ—r and lord enuiron of the see All liuing men such a prince to dreed Of such a a râ—gne to bee aferd indeed Thus prâ—ue I well that it was thus of old Which by a Chronicle anon shal be told Right curious but I will interprete It into English as I did it gete Of king Edgar O most marueilous Prince liuing wittie and cheualerous So good that none of his predecessours Was to him liche in prudence and honours Hee was fortunate and more gracâ—ous Then other before and more glorious He was beneth no man in holines Hee passed all in vertuous sweetnes Of English kings was none so commendable To English men no lesse memorable Then Cyrus was to Perse by puissance And as great Charles was to them of France And as to the Romanes was great Romulus So was to England this worthy Edgarus I may not write more of his worthines For lacke of time ne of his holines But to my matter I him exemplifie Of conditions tweyne and of his policie Within his land was one this is no doubt And another in the see without That in time of Winter and of werre When boystrous windes put see men into fere Within his land about by all prouinces Hee passed through perceiuing his princes Lords aud others of the commontee Who was oppressour and who to pouertee Was drawen and brought and who was clene in life And was by mischiefe and by strife With ouer leding and extortion And good and badde of eche condition Hee aspied and his ministers al 's Who did trought and which of hem was fals Howe the right and lawes of the land Were execute and who durst take in hand To disobey his statutes and decrees If they were well kept in all countrees Of these he made subtile inuestigation Of his owne espie and other mens relation Among other was his great busines Well to ben ware that great men of riches And men of might in citie nor in towne Should to the poore doe non oppression Thus was hee wont in this Winter tide On such enforchise busily to abide This was his labour for the publike thing Thus was hee occupied a passing holy King Nowe to purpose in the Soonner faire Of lusty season whan clered was the aire He had redie shippes made before Great and huge not fewe but many a store Full three thousand and sixe hundred also Stately inough on our sea to goe The Chronicles say these shippes were full boysteous Such things long to kings victorious In Sommer tide would hee haue in wonne And in custome to be ful redie soone With multitude of men of good array And instruments of werre of best assay Who could hem well in any wise descriue It were not light for eny man aliue Thus he and his would enter shippes great Habtliments hauing and the fleete Of See werres that ioy full was to see Such a nauie and Lord of Maiestee There present in person hem among To saile and rowe enuiron all along So regal liche about the English isle To all strangers terrours and perile Whose fame went about in all the world stout Unto great fere of all that be without And exercise to Knights and his meynee To him longing of his natall cuntree For courage of nede must haue exercise Thus occupied for esshewin of vice This knew the king that policie espied Winter and Somer he was thus occnpied Thus conclude I by authoritee Of Chronike that enuiron the see Should bene our subiects vnto the King And hee bee Lord thereof for eny thing For great worship and for prostie also To defend his land fro euery foo That worthy king I leue Edgar by name And all the Chronike of his worthy fame Saffe onely this I may not passe away A worde of mightie strength till that I say That graunted him God such worship here For his merites hee was without pere That sometime at his great festiuitee Kings and Erles of many a countree And princes fele were there present And many
King to complaine But when no reason nor complaint would serue by reason of the proude Earle of Artoys the Kings brother which vpon spight and disdaine stood agaynst him he bidding the King farewell sayd hee would serue him no longer and so William de Longespee with the rest of his company breaking from the French hoste went to Achon Upon whose departure the earle of Artoys sayd Now is the army of French men well rid of these tailed people which words spoken in great despight were ill taken of many good men that heard them But not long after when the keeper of Cayro Babylonia bearing a good mind to the Christian religion and being offended also with the Souldan promised to deliuer the same to the French king instructing him what course was best for him to take to accomplish it the king hereupon in all haste sent for William Longespee promising him a full redresse of all his iniuries before receiued who at the kings request came to him againe and so ioyned with the French power After this it happened that the French king passing with his armie towardes Cayro aforesayd came to the great riuer Nilus on the further part whereof the Soldan had pitched himselfe to withstand his comming ouer there was at this time a Saracen lately conuerted to Christ seruing the earle Robert the French kings brother who told him of the absence of the Soldan from his tents and of a shallow foord in the riuer where they might easily passe ouer Whereupon the sayd earle Robert the Master of the Temple with a great power esteemed to the third part of the army issued ouer the riuer after whom followed W. Longspee with his band of English souldiers These being ioyned together on the other side of the water encountred the same day with the Saracens remaining in the tents put them to the worst Which victory being gotten the French â—â—â—le surprised with pride and triumph as though hee had conquered the whole earth would neeâ—s forward diuiâ—ing himselfe from the maine hoste thinking to winne the spurres alone To whom certaine sage men of the Temple giuing him contrary counsâ—ll aduised him not to do so but rather to returne and take their whole company with them and so should they be more sure against all deceits and dangers which might be layed priuily for them The maner of that people they sayd they better knew and had more experience thereof then he alledging moreouer their wearied bodies their tired horses their famished souldiers and the insufficiency also of their number which was not able to withstand the multitude of the enemies especially at this present brunt in which the aduersaries did well see the whole state of their dominion now to consist either in winning all or losing all Which when the proud earle did heare being inflated with no lesse arrogancy then ignorance with opprobrious taunts reuiled them calling them cowardly dastards bâ—trayers of the whole countrey obiecting vnto them the common report of many which sayd that the land of the holy crosse might soone be woon to Christendome were it not for rebellious Templaries with the Hospitalaries and their followers To these conâ—umelious rebukes when the master of the Temple answered againe for him and his fellowes bidding him display his ensigne when he would and where he durst they were as ready to follow him as he to goe before them Then began William de Longespe the worthy knight to speake desiring the earle to giue eare to those men of experience who had better knowledge of those countreyes and people then had he commending also their counsell to be discreet and wholesome and so turning to the master of the Temple began with gentle wordes to mittigate him likewise The knight had not halfe ended his talke when the Earle taking his wordes out of his mouth began to fume and sweare crying out of those cowardly Englishmen with tailes What a pure armie sayde he should we haue here if these tailes and tailed people were purged from it with other like words of villany and much disdaine whereunto the English knight answering againe well Earle Robert said he wheresoeuer you dare set your foote my step shall go as farre as yours and as I beleeue we goe this day where you shall not dare to come neere the taile of my horse as in deede in the euent it prooued true for Earle Robert would needes set forward weening to get all the glory to himselfe before the comming of the hoste and first inuaded a litle village or castle which was not farre off called Mansor The countrey Boores and Pagans in the villages seeing the Christians comming ranne out with such a maine cry and shout that it came to the Soldans hearing who was neerer then our men did thinke In the meane time the Christians inuading and enâ—ring into the munition incircumspectly were pelted and pashed with stones by them which stood aboue whereby a great number of our men were lost and the armie sore maymed and almost in despaire Then immediatly vpon the same commeth the Soldan with all his maine power which seeing the Christian armie to be deuided and the brother separated from the broâ—her had that which he long wished for and so inclosing them round about that none should escape had with them a cruell fight Then the earle began to repent him of his heady rashnes but it was too late who then seeing William the English knight doughtily fighting in the chiefe brunt of the enemies cried vnto him most cowardly to flie seeing God saith he doth fight against vs To whom the Knight answering againe God forbid sayth he that my fathers sonne should runne away from the face of a Saracene The Earle then turning his horse fled away thinking to auoid by the swiftnes of his horse and so taking the riuer Thafnis oppressed with harnesse was there sunken and drowned Thus the Earle being gone the Frenchmen began to dispaire and scatter Then William de Longespe bearing all the force of the enemies stoode against them as long as he could wounding and slaying many a Saracen till at length his horse being killed and his legges maymed he could no longer stande who yet notwithstanding as he was downe mangled their feete and legges and did the Saracens much sorrow till at last after many blowes and wounds being stoned of the Saracens he yeelded his life And after the death of him the Saracens setting vpon the residue of the armie whom they had compassed on enery side deuoured and destroyed them all insomuch that scarce one man remained aliue sauing two Templaries one Hospitaler and one poore rascall souldier which brought tidings hereof to the King And thus by the imprudent and foolish hardines of that French Earle the Frenchmen were discomfited and that valiant English Knight ouermatched to the griefe of all Christian people the glory of the Saracens and the vtter destruction and ruine of the whole