whatsoeuer hee or they bee that then and in such case wee will doe all that in vs is to cause restitution reparation and satisfaction to bee duely made to the said English marchants by our letters and otherwise as shall stand with our honour and be consonant to equitie and iustice 10 Item for vs our heires and successours wee doe promise and graunt to performe mainteine corroborate autenticate and obserue all and singular the aforesaide liberties franchises and priuiledges like as presently we firmely doe intend and will corroborate autentike and performe the same by all meane and way that we can as much as may be to the commoditie and profite of the said English Marchants and their successours for euer And to the intent that all and singuler the saide giftes graunts and promises may bee inuiolably obserued and performed we the said Iohn Vasiliuich by the grace of God Emperor of Russia great Duke of Nouogrode Mosco c. for vs our heires and successors by our Imperiall and lordly word in stead of an othe haue and doe promise by these presents inuiolably to mainteyne and obserue and cause to be inuiolably obserued and mainteined all and singuler the aforesayde giftes graunts and promises from time to time and at all and euery time and times heereafter And for the more corroboration hereof haue caused our Signet hereunto to be put Dated in our Castle of Mosco the 20. day of in the yeere The Charter of the Marchants of Russia graunted vpon the discouerie of the saide Countrey by King Philip and Queene Marie PHilip and Marie by the grace of God King and Queene c. To all manner of officers true Iurie men ministers aud subiects and to all other people as well within this our Realme or elsewhere vnder our obeysance iurisdiction and rule or otherwise vnto whome these our letters shall bee shewed séene or read greeting Whereas wee be credibly informed that our right trusâ—ie right faithfull and welbeloued Counsailors William Marques of Winchester Lord high Treasurer of this our Realme of England Henrie Earle of Arundel Lord Steward of our housholde Iohn Earle of Bedford Lord keeper of our priuie Seale William Earle of Pembroke William Lorde Howard of Esfingham Lorde high Admirall of our saide Realme of England c. Haue at their owne aduenture costs and charges prouided rigged and tackled certaine ships pinnesses and other meete vessels and the same furnished with all things necessary haue aduanced and set forward for to discouer descrie and finde Iles landes territories Dominions and Seigniories vnknowen and by our subiects before this not commonly by sea frequented which by the sufferance and grace of Almightie God it shall chaunce them sailing Northwards Northeastwards and Northwestwards or any partes thereof in that race or course which other Christian Monarches being with vs in league and amitie haue not heeretofore by Seas traffiqued haunted or frequented to finde and attaine by their said aduenture as well for the glorie of God as for the illustrating of our honour and dignitie royall in the increase of the reuenues of our Crowne and generall wealth of this and other our Realmes and Dominions and of our subiects of the same And to this intent our subiects aboue specified and named haue most humbly beseeched vs that our abundant grace fauour and clemencie may be gratiously extended vnto them in this behalfe Whereupon wee inclined to the petition of the foresaide our Counsailours subiects and marchants and willing to animate aduance further and nourish them in their said godlie honest and good purpose and as we hope profitable aduenture and that they may the more willingly and readily atchieue the same Of our especiall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion haue graunted and by these presents doe graunt for vs our heires and successours vnto our said right trustie and right faithfull and right welbeloued Counsailours and the other before named persons that they by the name of marchants aduenturers of England for the discouery of lands â—erritories Iles Dominions and Seigniories vnknowen and not before that late aduenture or enterprise by sea or Nauigation commonly frequented as aforesaid shal be from hâ—nceforth one bodie and perpetuall fellowship and communaltie of themselues both in deede and in name and them by the names of Marchants aduenturers for the discouerie of lands territories Iles sâ—igniories vnknowen and not by the seas and Nauigations before their saide late aduenture or enterprise by sea or Nauigation commonly frequented We doe incorporate name and declare by these presents and that the same fellowship or communalty from henceforth shal be and may haue one Gouernour of the saide fellowship and communaltie of Marchants aduenturers And in consideration that one Sebastian Cabota hath bin the chiefest setter forth of this iourney or voyage therefore we make ordeine and constitute him the said Sebastian to be the first and present gouernour of the same fellowship and communaltie by these presents To haue and enioy the said office of Gouernour to him the said Sebastian Cabota during his naturall life without amouing or dimissing from the same roome And furthermore we graunt vnto the saine fellowship and communaltie and their successors that they the saide fellowship and communaltie and their successors afâ—er the decease of the saide Sebastian Cabota shall and may freely and lawfully in places conuenient and honest assemble themselues together or so many of them as will or can assemble together as well within our citie of London or elsewhere as it shall please them in such sort and maner as other worshipfull corporations of our saide citie haue vsed to assemble and there yeerely name elect and choose one Gouernour or two of themselues and their liberties and also as well yeerely during the natural life of the said Sebastian Cabota now Gouernour as also at the election of such saide Gouernour or gouernours before his decease to choose name and appoint eight and twenty of the most sad discreete and honest persons of the saide fellowship and communaltie of Marchant aduenturers as is aboue specified and 4. of the most expert and skilfull persons of the same 28. to be named and called Consuls and 24. of the residue to be named and called Assistants to the saide Gouernour or gouernours and Consuls for the time being which shal remaine and stand in their authorities for one whole yeere then nâ—â—t following And if it shall fortune the saide Gouernour Consuls and assistants or any of them so to be elected and chosen as is aforesaid to die within the yeere after his or their election that then and so often it shall and may be lawfull to and for the said fellowship and communalty to elect and choose of themselues other Gouernour or gouernours Consuls and assistants in the place and sleade of such as so shall happen to die to serue out the same yeere And further we do make ordeine and constitute George Barnes knight and Alderman of our
authoritie For the second point when it pleased your Honour in sommer was two yeeres to haue some conference with me and to demaund mine opinion touching the state of the Country of Guiana and whether it were fit to be planted by the English I then to my no small ioy did admire the exact knowledge which you had gotten of those matters of Indian Nauigations and how carefull you were not to be ouertaken with any partiall affection to the Action appeared also by the sound arguments which you made pro contra of the likelihood and reason of good or ill successe of the same before the State and common wealth wherein you haue an extraordinarie voyce should be farther engaged In consideration whereof I thinke my selfe thrise happie to haue these my trauailes censured by your Honours so well approued iudgement Touching the third and last motiue I cannot but acknowledge my selfe much indebted for your fauourable letters heretofore written in my behalfe in mine honest causes Whereunto I may adde that when this worke was to passe vnto the presse your Honour did not onely intreate a worthy knight a person of speciall experience as in many others so in marine causes to ouersee and peruse the same but also vpon his good report with your most fauourable letters did warrant and with extraordinarie commendation did approue and allow my labours and desire to publish the same Wherefore to conclude seeing they take their life and light from the most cheerefull and benigne aspect of your fauour I thinke it my bounden dutie in all humilitie and with much bashfulnesse to recommend my selfe and them vnto your right Honorable and fauourable protection and your Honour to the mercifull tuition of the most High From London this 24. of October 1599. Your Honors most humble to be commanded Richard Hakluyt preacher ¶ A Catalogue of the English Voyages made by and within the Streight of Gibraltar to the South and Southeast quarters of the world conteined in the first part of this second volume Voyages before the Conquest 1 THe voyage of Helena the Empresse daughter of Coelus king of Britain and mother of Constantine the Great to Ierusalem An. 337. pag. 1.2 2 The voyage of Constantine the Great Emperour and king of Britaine to Greece AEgypt Persia and Asia Anno 339. pag. 2.3 3 The voyage of Pelagius Cambrensis vnder Maximus king of the Britaines into AEgypt and Syria Anno 390. pag. 4 4 The voyage of certaine Englishmen sent by the French king to Constantinople vnto Iustinian the Emperour about the yeere of our Lord 500. pag. 4 5 The memorable voyage of Sighelmus bishop of Shirburne sent by king Alphred vnto S. Thomas of India An. 883. confirmed by two testimonies pag. 5 6 The voyage of Iohn Erigen vnder king Alphred to Athens in the yeere of our Lorde 885. pag. 5.6 7 The voyage of Andrew Whiteman aliâs Leucander vnder Canutus the Dane to Palastina Anno 1020. pag. 6 8 The voyage of Swanus one of the sonnes of Earle Godwin vnto Ierusalem Anno 1052. pag. 6 9 A voyage of three Ambassadours sent in the time of king Edward the Confessor vnto Constantinople and from thence vnto Ephesus Anno 1056. pag. 7 10 The voyage of Alured bishop of Worcester vnto Ierusalem Anno 1058. pag. 8 11 The voyage of Ingulphus afterward Abbat of Croiland vnto Ierusalem An. 1064. pag. 8.9 Voyages since the Conquest 12 A Voyage made by diuerse of the honourable family of the Beauchamps with Robert Curtois the sonne of William the Conquerour to Ierusalem Anno 1096. pag. 10 13 The voyage of Gutuere an English Lady married vnto Baldwine brother of Godfrey duke of Bouillon toward Ierusalem An. 1097. 10.11 14 The voyage of Edgar the sonne of Edward which was the sonne of Edmund surnamed Ironside brother vnto king Edward the Confessor being accompanied with valiant Robert the sonne of Godwine to Ierusalem Anno 1102. 11 15 The voyage of Godericus a valiant Englishman who trauailed with his ships in an expedition vnto the holy land Anno 3. Hen. 1. 12 16 The voyage of Hardine an Englishman and one of the principall commaunders of 200 sayles of Christians ships which arriued at Ioppa Anno 1102 12. 13 17 A voyage by sea of Englishmen Danes and Flemings who arriued at Ioppa in the holy land the seuenth yeere of Baldwine the second king of Ierusalem and in the 8. yeere of Henry the first king of England pag. 13,14 15 18 The voyage of Athelard of Bathe to AEgypt and Arabia in the yeere of our Lord 1130 pag. 15. 16 19 The voyage of William Archbishop of Tyre to Ierusalem and to the citie of Tyre in Phoenicia Anno 1130. 16 20 The voyage of Robert Ketenensis vnder king Stephen to Dalmatia Greece and Asia Anno 1143. 16 21 A voyage of certaine Englishmen vnder the conduct of Lewis the French king vnto the holy land Anno 1147. 17 22 The voyage of Iohn Lacy to Ierusalem Anno 1173 17 23 The voyage of William Mandeuile Erle of Essex to Ierusalem Anno 1177. 17 24 The famous voyage of Richard the first king of England into Asia for the recouering of Ierusalem out of the hands of the Saracens Anno 1190. 20 25 The voyage of Baldwine Archbishop of Canterbury vnto Syria and Palaestina in the yeere 1190. 28 26 The voyage of Richard Surnamed Canonicus vnder king Richard the first into Syria and Palaestina Anno 1190. 30 27 The voyage of Gulielmus Peregrinus vnder king Richard the first to Palaestina Anno 1190. 30 28 The voyage of Hubert Walter bishop of Salisbury vnder king Richard also vnto Syria Anno 1190. 31 29 The voyage of Robert Curson a nobleman of England and a Cardinall vnder Hen. the third to Damiata in AEgypt Anno 1218. 31. 32 30 The voyage of Rainulph Earle of Chester of Saer Quincy Earle of Winchester of William de Albanie Earle of Arundel c. to the holy land Anno 1218. 32 31 The voyage of Henry Bohun and Saer Quincy to the holy land in the yeere of our Lord 1222. 32 32 The voyage of Rainulph Glanuile Earle of Chester to the holy land and to Damiata in AEgypt 32 33 The voyage of Petrus de Rupibus bishop of Winchester to Ierusalem Anno 1231. 33 34 The honourable voyage of Richard Earle of Cornwall brother to king Hen. the third accompanied with William Long-espee Earle of Salisburie and diuerse other noblemen into Syria Anno 1240. 33 35 The voyage of William Long-espee or Long-sword Erle of Salisburie into AEgypt with Lewis the French king Anno 1248. 33 36 The voyage of prince Edward the sonne of king Henry the third into Syria An. 1270. 36 37 The voyage of Robert Turneham vnder the said prince Edward into Syria in the yeere of our Lord 1270 38.39 38 The voyage of Frier Beatus Odoricus to Asia minor Armenia Chaldaea Persia India China and other remote parts c. 39.53 39 The voyage of Matthew Gurney an
English knight against the Moores of Alger to Barbary and to Spaine 67 40 The voyage of Henrie Earle of Derby after Duke of Hereford and lastly Henry the fourth king of England with an army of Englishmen to Tunis in Barbary 69 41 The trauailes and memorable victories of Iohn Hawkwood Englishman in diuerse places of Italy in the reigne of Richard the second 70 42 The voyage of Lord Iohn of Holland Earle of Huntington brother by the mother to K. Richard the second to Ierusalem and S. Katherins mount Anno 1394. 70 43 The voyage of Thomas Lord Mowbrey duke of Norfolke to Ierusalem in the yeere of our Lord 1399. 70 44 The voyage of the bishop of Winchester to Ierusalem Anno 1417. 71 45 A voyage intended by king Henry the fourth to the holy land against the Saracens and Infidels Anno 1413. 71. 72 46 A voyage made with two ships called The holy Crosse and The Matthew Gunson to the Isles of Candia and Chio about the yeere 1534. 98 47 Another voyage vnto Candia and Chio made by the foresayd ship called The Matthewâ— Gunson Anno 1535. 98 48 The voyage of the valiant Esquire M. Peter Read to Tunis in Barbarie 1538 recorded in his Epitaph 99 49 The voyage of Sir Thomas Chaloner to Alger with the Emperour Charles the fift Anno 1541. 99 50 The voyage of M. Roger Bodenâ—am with the great barke Aucher to Candia and Chio Anno 1550. 99 51 The voyage of M. Iohn Lok to Ierusalem Anno 1553. 101 52 The voyage of Iohn Foxe to the Streit of Gibraltar in a ship called The three halfe-moones Anno 1563. And his worthy enterprize in deliuering 266 Christians from the captiuitie of the Turkes at Alexandria Anno 1577. 131.132 53 The voyage of M. Laurence Aldersey to the cities of Ierusalem and Tripolis in the yeere 1581. 150 54 The voyage of The Susan of London to Constantinople wherein M. William Hareborne was sent first Ambassadour vnto Zuldan Murad Can the great Turke Anno 1582. 165 55 The voyage of a ship called The Iesus to Tripolis in Barbary Anno 1583. 184 56 The voyage of M. Henry Austel by Venice to Ragusa and thence ouer-land to Constantinople and from thence through Moldauia Polonia Silesia and Germany into England Anno 1586. 194 57 The voyage of Master Cesar Frederick into the east India and beyonde the Indies Anno 1563. 213 58 The long dangerous and memorable voyage of M. Ralph Fitch marchant of London by the way of Tripolis in Syria to Ormuz to Goa in the East India to Cambaia to the riuer of Ganges to Bengala to Bacola to Chonderi to Pegu to Siam c. begunne in the yeere 1583 and ended in the yeere 1591. 250 59 The voyage of M. Iohn Eldred to Tripolis in Syria by sea and from thence by land and riuer to Babylon and Balsara Anno 1583. 268 60 The voyage of M. Iohn Euesham by sea into AEgypt Anno 1586. 281 61 The voyage of M. Laurence Aldersey to the cities of Alexandria and Cairo in Aegypt Anno 1586. 282 62 The voyage of fiue marchants ships of London into Turkie and their valiant fight in their returne with 11 gallies and two frigats of the king of Spaine at Pantalarea within the Streits of Gibraltar Anno 1586. 285 63 The voyage of Master William Hareborne ouer-land from Constantinople to London Anno 1588. 289 64 A description of a voyage to Constantinople and Syria begun the 21 of March 1593 and ended the ninth of August 1595 wherein is shewed the manner of deliuering the second present by M. Edward Barton her Maiesties ambassadour which was sent from her Maiestie to Sultan Murad Can the Emperour of Turkie 33 The Ambassages Letters Priuileges Discourses Aduertisements and other obseruations depending vpon the Voyages contayned in the first part of this second Volume 1 A Testimony that the Britons were in Italy and Greece with the Cimbrians and Gauls before the incarnation of Christ. pag. 1 2 A testimony that certain Englishmen were of the guard of the Emperour of Constantinople in the time of Iohn the sonne of Alexius Comnenus 17 3 A great supply of money sent to the Holy land by King Henry the second 18 4 A letter written from Manuel the Emperour of Constantinople vnto Henry the second King of England Ann. 1177 wherein mention is made that certaine of king Henries noblemen and subiects were present with the sayd Emperour in a battel against the Soldan of Iconium 18 5 A note drawen out of a very auncient booke in the custodie of the right Wor. M. Thomas Tilney Esquire touching Sir Fredericke Tilney his ancester knighted for his valour at Acon in the Holyland by king Richard the first 29 6 A large contribution to the succour of the holy land made by king Iohn king of England Anno 1201. 30 7 The comming of Baldwin the Emperour of Constantinople into England An. 1247. 31 8 A testimony concerning Anthony Beck bishop of Duresme that he was elected Patriarke of Ierusalem and confirmed by Clement the 5 bishop of Rome Anno 1305. 39 9 The comming of Lyon king of Armenia into England Anno 1â—86 to make a treaty of peace betweene Richard the second king of England and the French king 67 10 The comming of the Emperour of Constantinople into England to desire the ayde of king Henry the fourth against the Turkes Anno 1400. 70 11 A relation of the siege and taking of the citie of Rhodes by Sultan Soliman the great Turke Wherein honorable mention is made of diuers valiant English knights Anno 1522. 72 12 An ambassage from Don Ferdinando brother to the Emperour Charles the fift vnto King Henry the eight crauing his ayde against Soliman the great Turke An. 1527. 95 13 The antiquitie of the trade of English marchants vnto the remote parts of the Leuant seas Anno 1511 1512 c. 96 14 A letter of Henry the eight king of England to Iohn the third king of Portugale for a Portugale ship fraighted at Chio with the goods of Iohn Gresham William Lok and others and wrongfully vnladen in Portugale Anno 1531. 96 15 The maner of the entring of Soliman the great Turke with his army into Alepo in Syria as hee was marching toward Persia agaiâ—st the great Sophi Anno 1553. 112 16 A note of the presents that were giuen at the same time in Alepo to the Grand Signor and the names of the presenters 113 17 The safe conduct granted by Sultan Soliman the great Turke to M. Anthony Ienkinson at Alepo in Syria Anno 1553. 114 18 A discourse of the trade to Chio written by Gaspar Campion in the yeere 1569. 114 19 A letter of the sayd Gaspar Campion to M. William Winter in the yeare 1569. 116 20 A briefe description of the Isle of Cyprus 119 21 A report of the siege and taking of Famagusta the strongest citie in al Cyprus by Mustafa Bassa Generall of the great Turkes army Anno 1571. 121 22 The
Domini 1172 fundata fuit abbatia de Stanlaw per dominum Iohannem Lacy Constabularium Cestriae dominum de Halton qui obijt in Terra sancta anno sequenti qui fuit vicessimus annus regni regis Henrici secundi ¶ The same in English IN the yere of our Lord 1172 was founded the abbey of Stanlaw by the lord Iohn Lacy Constable of Chester lord of Halton who deceased in the Holy land the yere following which was in the twentieth yere of king Henry the second The voyage of VVilliam Mandeuile to Ierusalem VVIlliam Mandeuile earle of Essex with diuers English lords and knights went to the Holy land in the 24 yere of Henry the second Holinshed pag. 101. English men were the guard of the Emperours of Constantinople in the reigne of Iohn the sonne of Alexius Comnenus Malmesburiensis Curopolata and Camden pag. 96. IAminde Anglia non minus belli gloria quà m humanitatis cultu inter Florentissimas orbis Christiani gentes inprimis floruit Adeo vt ad custodiam corporis Constantinopolitanorum Imperatorum euocati fuerint Angli Ioannes enim Alexij Comneni filius vt refert noster Malmesburiensis eorum fidem suspiciens praecipue familiaritati suae applicabat amorem eorum filio transcribens Adeo vt iam inde longo tempore fuerint imperatorum illorum satellites Inglini Bipenniferi Nicetae Choniatae Barangi Curopolatae dicti Qui vbique Imperatorem prosequebantur ferentes humetis secures quas tollebant cum Imperator ex oratorio spectandum se exhibebat Anglicè vitam diuturnam secures suas collidentes vt sonitum ederent comprecabantur The same in English FRom this time forward the kingdome of England was reputed amongst the most flourishing estates of Christendome no lesse in chiualrie then humanitie So farforth that the English men were sent for to be the guarders of the persons of the Emperours of Constantinople For Iohn the sonne of Alexius Comnenus as our countreyman William of Malmesburie reporteth highly esteeming their fidelity vsed them very nere about him recommending them ouer to his sonne so that long time afterwards the guard of those Emperours were English halberâ—iers called by Nicetas Choniata Inglini Bipenniseri and by Europolata Barangi which alwayes accompanied the Emperour with their halberds on their shoulders which they held vp when the Emperour comming from his Oratorie shewed himselfe to the people and clafhing their halberds together to make a terrible sound they in the English tongue wished vnto him long life A great supply of money to the Holy land by Henry the 2. THe same yeere King Henry the second being at Waltham assigned an aide to the maintenance of the Christian souldiers in the Holy lande That is to wit two and fortie thousand markes of siluer and fiue hundred markes of golde Matth. Paris and Holens pag. 105. A letter written from Manuel the Emperour of Constantinople vnto Henrie the second King of England Anno Dom. 1177. wherein mention is made that certaine of king Henries Noble men and subiects were present with the sayd Emperour in a battell of his against the Soldan of Iconium Recorded by Roger Houeden in Annalium parte posteriore in regno Hen. 2. fol. 316 317. EOdem anno Manuel Constantinopolitanus imperator habito praelio campestri cum Soltano Iconij illo devicto in hac forma scripsit Domino regi Angliae Manuel in Christo deo Porphyrogenitus diuinitùs coronatus sublimis potens excelsus semper Augustus moderator Romanorum Comnenus Henrico nobilissimo regi Angliae charissimo amico suo salutem omne bonum Cum imperium nostrum necessarium reputet notificare tibi vt dilecto amico suo de omnibus quae sibi obueniunt ideò de his quae nunc acciderunt ei opportunum iudicauit declatare tuae voluntati Igitur a principio coronationis nostrae imperium nostrum aduersus dei inimicos Persas nostrum odium in corde nutriuit dum cernetet illos in Christianos gloriari eleuarique in nomen dei Christianorum dominari regionibus Quocirca alio quidem tempore in differentèr inuasit eos prout deus ei concessit sic fecit Et quae ab ipso frequenter patrata sunt ad contritionem ipsorum perditionem imperium nostrum credit nobilitatem tuam non latere Quoniam autem nunc maximum exercitum contra eos ducere proposuit bellum contra omnem Persidem mouere quia res cogebat Et non vt voluit multum aliquem apparatum fecit sicut ei visum est Veruntamen prout tempus dabat rerum status potentèr eos inuasit Collegit ergo circa se imperium nostrum potentias suas sed quia carpenta ducebat armorum machinarum aliorum instrumentorum conserentium ciuitatum expugnationibus pondera portantia idcircò nequa quam cum festinatione iter suum agere poterat Ampliùs autem dum adhuc propriam regionem peragraret antequam barbarorum aliquis aduersus nos militaret in bellis aduersarius aegritudo dissicillima fluxus ventris invasit nos qui diffâ—sus per agmina imperij nostri pertransibat depopulando inteâ—imendo multos omni pugnatore grauior Et hoc maluÌ„ inuslescens maximè nos contriuit Ex quo verò fines Turcorum inuasimus bella quidem primum frequentia concrepabant agmina Turcorum cum exercitibus imperij nostri vndique dimicabant Sed Dei gratia ex toto à nostris in fugam vertebantur barbari Post verò vbi eâ— qui illic adjaceâ— angustiae loci quae à Persis nominatur Cibrilcimam propinquâ—uimus tot Persarum turmae peditum equitum quorum pleraeque ab interioribus partibus Persidis occurrerant in adiutorium contribulium suorum exercitui nostro superuenerunt quot penè nostrorum excederent numerum Exercitu ita que imperij nostri propter viae omnino angustiam difficultatem vsque ad decem milliaria extenso cum neque qui praeibant possent postremos defendere neque versa vice rursus postremi possent praeeuntes iuuare non mediocritèr ab inuicem hos distare accidit Sanè primae cohortes permultùm ab acie imperij nostri diuide bantur postremarum oblitae illas non praestolantes Quoniam igitur Turcorum agmina ex iam factis praelijs cognouerant non conferre sibi à fronte nobis repugnare loci angustiam bonum subuentorem cum inuenissent posteriora statuerunt inuadere agmina quod fecerunt Arctissimo igitur vbique loco existente instabant barbari vndique à dextris â sinistris aliundè dimicantes tela super nos quasi imbres descendentia interimebant viros equos complures Ad haec itaque imperium nostruÌ„ vbi malum superabundabat reputans secum oportunuÌ„ iudicabat retrò expectare atque illos qui illic erant adiuuare expectando vtiquè contra infinita illa Persarum agmina bellum sustinuit Quanta quidem
loose townes and lordships and that hee should not take ouermuch thought for it and as for his promise he bade that he should not doubt in any thing and that he should not feare any displeasure to his person and that he should goe with his people without feare With these wordes the sayd lord thanked him and tooke his leaue and departed FINIS ¶ Lenuoy of the Translator GOe little booke and woefull Tragedie Of the Rhodian fearefull oppugnation To all estates complaining ruthfully Of thine estate and sudden transmutation Excusing me if in thy translation Ought be amisse in language or in werke I me submit with their supportation To be correct that am so small a clerke An ambassage from Don Ferdinando brother to the emperor Charles the 5. vnto king Henry the 8. in the yere 1527. desiring his aide against Solyman the great Turke Holinshed pag. 894. ON the 14. day of March 1527. were conueied from London to Greenwich by the earle of Rutland and others the lord Gabriel de Salamanca earle of Ottonburge Iohn Burgraue of Syluerberge and Iohn Faber a famous clerke after bishop of Vien as ambassadours from Don Ferdinando brother to Charles the emperor newly elect king of Hungarie and Beame after the death of his brother in law king Lewes which was slaine by Solyman the Turke the last Sommer This company was welcommed of the high officers and after brought into the kings presence all the nobilitie being present and there after great reuerence made M. Faber made a notable oration taking his ground out of the Gospell Exijt seminator seminare semen suum and of that hee declared how Christ and his disciples went foorth to sowe and how their seed was good that fel into the good ground and brought foorth good fruite which was the Christian faith And then he declared how contrary to that sowing Mahomet had sowen seed which brought foorth euillfruit He also shewed from the beginning how the Turkes haue increased in power what realmes they had conquered what people they had subdued euen to that day He declared further what actes the great Turke then liuing had done and in especiall he noted the getting of Belgrade and of the Rhodes and the slaying of the king of Hungarie to the great rebuke as he sayd of all the kings christened Hee set foorth also what power the Turke had what diuersities of companies what capitaines he had so that he thought that without a marueilous great number of people hee could not be ouerthrowen Wherefore be most humbly besought the king as S. Georges knight and defender of the faith to assist the king his master in that godly warre and vertuous purpose To this oration the king by the mouth of Sir Thomas Moore answered that much hee lamented the losse that happened in Hungarie and if it were not for the warres which were betweene the two great pruices he thought that the Turke would not haue enterprised that acte wherefore he with all his studie would take paine first to set an vnitie and peace throughout all Christendome and after that both with money and men he would be readie to helpe toward that glorious warre as much as any other prince in Christendome After this done the ambassadours were well cherished and diuers times resorted to the court and had great cheere and good rewards and so the third day of May next following they tooke their leaue departed homeward The antiquitie of the trade with English ships into the Leuant IN the yeeres of our Lord 1511. 1512. c. till the yeere 1534. diuers tall ships of London namely The Christopher Campion wherein was Factor onâ— Râ—ger Whitcome the Mary George wherein was Factor William Gresham the great Mary Grace the Owner whereof was William Gunson and the master one Iohn Hely the Trinitie Fitz-williams whereof was master Laurence Arkey the Mathew of London whereof was master William Capling with certaine other ships of Southampton and Bristow had an ordinarie and vsuall trade to Sicilia Candie Chio and some whiles to Cyprus as also to Tripolis and Barutti in Syria The commodities which they caried thither were fine Kersies of diuers colours course Kersies white Westerne dozens Cottons certaine clothes called Statutes and others called Cardinal-whites and Calueskins which were well sold in Sicilie c. The commodities which they returned backe were Silks Chamlets Rubarbe Malinesies Muskadels and other wines sweete oyles cotten wooll Turkie carpets Galles Pepper Cinamom and some other spices c. Besides the naturall inhabitants of the foresayd places they had euen in those dayes traffique with Iewes Turkes and other forreiners Neither did our merchants onely employ their owne English shipping before mentioned but sundry strangers also as namely Candiots Raguseans Sicilians Genouezes Venetian galliasses Spanish and Portugale ships All which particulars doe most euidently appeare out of certaine auncient Ligier bookes of the R. W. Sir William Locke Mercer of London of Sir William Bowyer Alderman of London of master Iohn Gresham and of others which I Richard Hakluyt haue diligently perused and copied out And here for authorities sake I doe annexe as a thing not impertinent to this purpose a letter of king Henry the eight vnto Don Iohn the third king of Portugale A letter of the king of England Henry the eight to Iohn king of Portugale for a Portingale ship with the goods of Iohn Gresham and Wil. Locke with others vnladen in Portugale from Chio. SErenissimo Principi domino Ioanni Dei gratia Regi Portugallieâ— Algarbiorum citra vltra mare in Africa ac domino Guineae conquistae nauigationis commercij AEthiopiae Arabiae Persiae atque Indiae c. Fratri amico nostro charissimo Henricus Dei gratia Rex Angliae Franciae fidei desensor ac dominus Hiberniae Serenissimo Principi domino Ioanni eadem gratia Regi Portugallie AlgarbioruÌ„ citra vltra mare in Africa ac domino Guinee conquistae nauigationis coÌ„mercij AEthiopiae Arabiae Persiae atque Indiae c. Fratri amico nostro charissimo saluteÌ„ Tanto libentiùs promptiúsque iustas omnes causas vestre Serenitati commendandas suscipimus quanto apertiori indiès nostroruÌ„ qui in eiusdem vestre Serenitatis regno ac ditione negociantur subditorum testimonio cognoscimus ipsam ex optimi principis officio ita accuratè exactéque ius suum cuÃque praebere vt ad eaÌ„ nemo iustitiae consequendae gratia frustrà vnquam confugiar Cúm itaque dilectus ac fidelis subditus noster Ioannes Gresham mercator Londoniensis nuper nobis humiliter exposuerit quod quidaÌ„ Willielmus Heith ipsius Factor negotiorum gestor nauim quandam Portugallensem cui nomen erat Sancto Antonio praeerátque Diego Peres Portugallensis superioribus mensibus in Candia conduxerit cum nauisque praefecto conuenerit vtin insulam Chium ad quas dam diuersi generis merces onerandas primo nauigaret in Candiámque mox aliarum
saile out of Norway arriued vpon the Isle of Lewis then that Magnus the king of Norway came into the same seas with 160. sailes and hauing subdued the Orkney Isles in his way passed on in like conquering maner directing his course as it should seeme euen through the very midst and on all sides of the Hebrides who sailing thence to Man conquered it also proceeding afterward as farre as Anglesey and lastly crossing ouer from the Isle of Man to the East part of Ireland Yea there they shall read of Godredus the sonne of Olauus his voiage to the king of Norway of his expedition with 80. ships against Sumerledus of Sumerled his expedition with 53. ships against him of Godred his flight and second iourney into Norway of Sumerled his second arriual with 160. shippes at Rhinfrin vpon the coast of Man and of many other such combates assaults voyages which were performed onely vpon those seas Islands And for the bringing of this woorthy monument to light we doe owe great thanks vnto the iudiciall and famous Antiquarie M. Camden But sithens we are entred into a discourse of the ancient warrelike shipping of this land the Reader shall giue me leaue to borow one principall note out of this litle historie before I quite take my leaue thereof and that is in few words that K. Iohn passed into Ireland with a Fleet of 500. sailes so great were our sea-forces euen in his time Neither did our shipping for the warres first begin to flourish with king Iohn but long before his dayes in the reign of K. Edward the Confessor of William the Conqueror of William Rufus and the rest there were diuers men of warre which did valiant seruice at sea and for their paines were roially rewarded All this and more then this you may see recorded pag. 17. out of the learned Gentleman M. Lambert his Perambulation of Kent namely the antiquitie of the Kentiâ—h Cinque ports which of the sea-townes they were how they were infranchised what gracious priuileges and high prerogatiues were by diuers kings vouchsafed vpon them and what seruices they were tied vnto in regard thereof to wit how many ships how many souldiers mariners Garsons and for how many dayes each of them and all of them were to furnish for the kings vse and lastly what great exploits they performed vnder the conduct of Hubert of Burrough as likewise against the Welsâ—men vpon 200. French ships and vnder the commaund of captaine Henry Pay Then haue you pag. 117. the franke and bountifull Charter granted by king Edward the first vpon the foresayd Cinque portes next thereunto a Roll of the mightie fleet of seuen hundred ships which K. Edward the third had with him vnto the siege of Caleis out of which Roll before I proceed any further let me giue you a double obseruation First that these ships according to the number of the mariners which were in all 14151. persons seeme to haue bene of great burthen and secondly that Yarmouth an hauen towne in Northfolke which I much wonder at set foorth almost twise as many ships and mariners as either the king did at his owne costs and charges or as any one citie or towne in England besides Howbeit Tho. Walsingham maketh plaine and euident mention of a farre greater Fleete of the same king namely of 1100. shippes lying before Sandwich being all of them sufficiently well furnished Moreouer the Reader may behold pag. 186. a notable testimonie of the mightie ships of that valiant prince king Henry the 5. who when after his great victory at Agincourt the Frenchmen to recouer Harflew had hired certaine Spanish and Italian ships and forces had vnited their owne strength vnto them sent his brother Iohn duke of Bedford to encounter them who bidding them battell got the victory taking some of their ships and sinking others and putting the residue to dishonorable flight Likewise comming the next yeere with stronger powers and being then also ouercome they were glad to conclude a perpetuall league with K. Henry propter eorum naues saieth mine Author that is for the resistance of their ships the sayd king caused such huge ships to be built quales non erant in mundo as the like were not to be found in the whole world besides But to leaue our ancient shipping and descend vnto later times I thinke that neuer was any nation blessed of IEHOVAH with a more glorious and wonderfull victory vpon the Seas then our vanquishing of the dreadfull Spanish Armada 1588. But why should I presume to call it our vanquishing when as the greatest part of them escaped vs and were onely by Gods out-stretched arme ouerwhelmed in the Seas dashed in pieces against the Rockes and made fearefull spectacles and examples of his iudgements vnto all Christendome An excellent discourse whereof as likewise of the honourable expedition vnder two of the most noble and valiant peeres of this Realme I meane the renoumed Erle of Essex and the right honorable the lord Charles Howard lord high Admirall of England made 1596. vnto the strong citie of Cadiz I haue set downe as a double epiphonema to conclude this my first volume withall Both of which albeit they ought of right to haue bene placed among the Southerne voyages of our nation yet partly to satisfie the importunitie of some of my special friends and partly not longer to depriue the diligent Reader of two such woorthy and long-expected discourses I haue made bold to straine a litle curtesie with that methode which I first propounded vnto my selfe And here had I almost forgotten to put the Reader in mind of that learned and Philosophical treatise of the true state of Iseland and so consequently of the Northren Seas regions lying that way wherein a great number of none of the meanest Historiographers and Cosmographers of later times as namely Munster Gemma Frisius Zieglerus Krantzius Saxo Grammaticus Olaus Magnus Peucerus and others are by euident arguments conuinced of manifold errors that is to say as touching the true situation and Northerly latitude of that Island and of the distance thereof from other places touching the length of dayes in Sommer and of nights in Winter of the temperature of the land and sea of the time and maner of the congealing continuance and thawing of the Ice in those Seas of the first Discouerie and inhabiting of that Isâ—â—nd of the first planting of Christianitie there as likewise of the continuall flaming of mountains strange qualities of fountains of hel-mouth and of purgatorie which those authors haue fondly written and imagined to be there All which treatise ought to bee the more acceptable first in that it hath brought sound trueth with it and secondly in that it commeth from that farre Northren climate which most men would suppose could not affoord any one so learned a Patrone for it selfe And thus friendly Reader thou seest the briefe summe and scope of all my labours for the common-wealths sake and
of the English nation EDuinus Nordanhumbrorum gentis id est eius quae ad borealem Humbri fluminis plagam inhabitat maiore potentia cunctis qui Britanniam incolunt Anglorum pariter Britonum populis praefuit praeter Cantuarios tantùm necnòn Menauias Britonum insulas quae inter Hiberniam Britanniam sitae sunt Anglorum subiecit potestati The same in English EDwin king of the people of Northumberland that is to say of them which inhabit to the North of the riuer Humber being of greater authoritie then any other potentate in the whole Isle of Britaine bare rule aswell ouer the English as the British nation except onely the people of Kent who also brought in subiection vnder the English the Isles of Man and Anglesey and the other Northwesterne Isles of the Britons which are situate betweene Britaine and Ireland Another testimonie alledged by Beda to the same purpose Lib. 2. cap. 9. ANno ab incarnatione Domini sexcente simo vicesimo quarto gens Nordanhumbrorum hoc est ea natio Anglorum quae ad aquilonarem Humbri fluminis plagam habitat cum rege suo Eduino verbum fidei praedicante Paulino cuius supra meminimus suscepit cui videlicèt regi in auspicium suscipiendae fidei regni coelestis potestas terreni creuerat imperij ita vt quod nemo Anglorum ante eum fecit omnes Britanniae fines qua velipsorum vel Britonum Prouinciae habitabantur sub ditione acceperit Quin Menauias insulas sicut supra docuimus imperio subiugauit Anglorum Quarum prior quae ad austrum est situ amplior frugum prouentu atque vbertate foelicior nongentarum sexaginta familiarum mensuram iuxta aestimationem Anglorum secunda trecentarum vltrà spatium tenet The same in English IN the yeere from the incarnation of our Lord sixe hundreth twentie and foure the people of Northumberland to wit those English people which inhabit on the North side of the riuer of Humber together with their king Edwin at the Christian preaching and perswasion of Paulinus aboue mentioned embraced the Gospel Under which king after he had once accepted of the Christian faith the power both of the heauenly of his earthly kingdome was inlarged insomuch that he which no English king had done before him brought vnder his subiection all the prouinces of Britaine which were inhabited either by the English men themselues or by the Britons Moreouer he subdued vnto the crowne of England as we haue aboue signified the Hebrides commonly called the Westerne Islands The principall wherof being more commodiously and pleasantly seated towards the South and more abounding with corne then the rest conteineth according to the estimation of the English roome enough for 960. families and â—he second for 300. and aboue The voyage of Bertus generall of an armie sent into Ireland by Ecfridus king of Northumberland in the yere of our Lord 684 out of the 4. Booke and 26. Chapter of Beda his Ecclesiasticall Hystorie ANno Dominicae incarnationis sexcentesimo octogesimo quarto Ecfridus rex Nordanhumbrorum misso Hiberniam cum excercitu duce Berto vastauit miserè gentem innoxiam nationi Anglorum semper amicissimam ita vt nec ecclesijs quidem aut monasterijs manus parceret hostilis At insulani quantum valuere armis arma repellebant inuocantes diuinae auxilium pietatis coelitus â—e vindicari continuis diù imprecationibus postulabant Et quamuis maledici regnum Dei possidere non possint creditum tamen est quòd hi qui merito impietatis suae maledicebantur ocyùs Domino vindice poenas sui reatus luerent The same in English IN the yeere of our Lord 684 Ecfrid the king of Northumberland sent captaine Bert into Ireland with an armie which Bert miserably wasted that innocent nation being alwayes most friendly vnto the people of England insomuch that the fury of the enemy spared neither churches nor monasteries Howbeit the Islanders to their power repelled armes with armes and crauing Gods aid from heauen with continuall imprecations and curses they pleaded for reuenge And albeit cursed speakers can by no meanes inherit the kingdome of God it was thought notwithstanding that they which were accursed for their impiety did not long escape the vengeance of God imminent for their offences The voyage of Octher made to the Northeast parts beyond Norway reported by himselfe vnto Alfred the famous king of England about the yere 890. OCther said that the countrey wherein he dwelt was called Helgoland Octher tolde his lord king Alfred that he dwelt furthest North of any other Norman He sayd that he dwelt towards the North part of the land toward the West coast and affirmed that the land notwithstanding it stretcheth marueilous farre towards the North yet it is all desert and not inhabited vnlesse it be very few places here and there where certeine Finnes dwell vpon the coast who liue by hunting all the Winter and by fishing in Summer He said that vpon a certeine time he fell into a fantasie and desire to prooue and know how farâ—e that land stretched Northward and whether there were any habitation of men North beyond the desert Whereupon he tooke his voyage directly North along the coast hauing vpon his sâ—eereboord alwayes the desert land and vpon the leereboord the maine Ocean and continued his course for the space of 3. dayes In which space he was come as far towards the North as commonly the whale hunters vse to trauell Whence he proceeded in his course still towards the North so farre as he was able to saile in other 3. dayes At the end whereof he perceiued that the coast turned towards the East or els the sea opened with a maine gulfe into the land he knew not how farre Well he wist and remembred that he was faine to stay till he had a Westerne winde and somewhat Northerly and thence he sailed plaine East along the coast still so far as he was able in the space of 4. dayes At the end of which time he was compelled againe to stay till he had a full Northerly winde â—orsomuch as the coast bowed thence directly towards the South or at least wise the sea opened into the land he could not tell how farre so that he sailed thence along the coast continually full South so farre as he could trauaile in 5. dayes and at the fifth dayes end he discouered a mightie riuer which opened very farre into the land At the entrie of which riuer he stayed his course and in conclusion turneâ— backe againe for he durst not enter thereinto for feare of the inhabitants of the land perceiuing that on the other side of the riuer the countrey was thorowly inhabited which was the first peopled land that he had found since his departure from his owne dwelling whereas continually thorowout all his voyage he had euermore on his steereboord a wildernesse and desert countrey except
the said Simon to saile for England and spoiled the said craier and also tooke and caried away with them the goods and marchandises of the said Simon being in the foresaid ship to the value of 66. pounds Item in the yeere of our Lord 1397. certaine malefactors of Wismer and Rostok with certaine others of the Hans tooke a crayer of one Peter Cole of Zeland called the Bussship which Alan Barret the seruant and factor of the foresaid Simon Durham had laden with mastes sparres and other marchandize for the behalfe of the said Simon and vniustly tooke from thence the goods of the said Simon to the value of 24. pounds and caried the same away Item in the yeere of our Lord 1394. certaine malefactors of Wismer and others of the Hans vniustly tooke vpon the sea and caried away with them a packe of woollen cloth of the foresaid Simon worth 42. pounds out of a certain crayer of one Thomas Fowler of Lenne being laden and bound for Dantzik in Prussia Item pitifully complaining the marchants of Lenne doe auouch verifie affirme that about the feast of S. George the martyr in the yeere of our Lord 1394. sundry malefactors and robbers of Wismer Rostok and others of the Hans with a great multitude of ships arriued at the towne of Norbern in Norway and tooke the said town by strong assault and also wickedly and vniustly took al the marchants of Lenne there residing with their goods cattels and burnt their houses and mansions in the same place and put their persons vnto great ransoms euen as by the letters of safeconduct deliuered vnto the said marchants it may more euidently appeare to the great damage and impouerishment of the marchants of Lenne namely Imprimis they burnt there 21. houses belonging vnto the said marchants to the value of 440. nobles Item they tooke from Edmund Belyetere Thomas Hunt Iohn Brandon and from other marchants of Lenne to the value of 1815. pounds Concerning this surprise Albertus Krantzius in the sixt book of his history of Norway and the 8. Chapter writeth in maner following IN the meane while Norway enioyed peace vnder the gouernment of a woman vntil Albertus king of Suecia who had now seuen yeeres continued in captiuity vnder Queen Margaret was to be set at liberty Which when the common souldiers of Rostok Wismer called the Vitalians perceiued who whilest their king was holden captiue in the right of the forenamed cities for the behalfe of their lord the king being prince of Mekleburg by birth vndertooke and waged warre al the time of his captiuitie banding their forces together they resolued at their own costs charges but in the right of the said cities to saile into the 3. kingdoms and to take such spoiles as they could lay hold on These common souldiers therfore sâ—eing an end of their tyrannical and violent dealing to approch sassed into Norway vnto the towne of Norbern being a mart town for al the marchants of Germanie who transporting fishes from thence doe bring thither marchandises of all kinds especially corne vnto the scarcitie wherof vnlesse it be brought out of other countreys that kingdome as we haue said is very much subiect Departing out of their ships and going on shore they set vpon the towne and by fire and sword they easily compelled the inhabitants dwelling in weake wodden houses to giue place Thus these Vitalians entring and surprising the towne conueyed such spoiles vnto their ships as them pleased and hauing laden their ships with those booties they returned home frolike vnto the ports of their own cities Without all respect they robbed and rifled the goods aswel of the Germanes as of the Noâ—uagians and like lewde companions wasting and making hauock of all things prooued themselues neuer the wealthier For it is not the guise of such good fellowes to store vp or to preserue ought The citizens at the first seemed to be inriched howbeit afterward no man misdoubting any such calamitie goods ill gotten were worse spent Thus farre Kranâ—zius Item pitifully complaining the foresaide marchants auouch verifie and affirme that vpon the 14. day after the feast of S. George in the yeere of our Lord next aboue written as 4. ships of Lenne laden with cloth wine and other marchandises were sailing vpon the maine sea with all the goods and wares conteined in them for Prussia sundry malefactors of Wismer and Rostok with others of the Hans being in diuers ships came vpon them and by â—orce of armes and strong hand tooke the said ships with the goods and marchandises contained in them and some of the people which were in the saide foure ships they slew some they spoyled and others they put vnto extreame ransomes And carying away with them those foure ships with the commodities and marchandise therin they parted stakes thâ—rwith as them listed to the great impâ—uerishment losse of the said marchants of Lenne namely in cloth of William Silesden Tho. Waterden Ioh. Brandon Ioh. WesenhaÌ„ other marchants of Lenne to the value of 3623 li.5.s.11 d. Item pitifully complaining the foresaid marchants doe affirme that one Henry Lambolt and other his adherents in the yeere of our Lord 1396. looke vpon the maine sea betweene Norway and Sâ—aw one crayer laden with osmunds and with diuers other marchandises perteining vnto Iohn Brandon of Lenne to the summe and value of 443 li.4.s.2.d Moreouer they tooke from Iohn Lakingay 4. lasts and an halfe of osmunds to the value of 220 lib.10.s Item the foresaid marchants complaine that certain malefactors of Wismer with other their compliâ—es of the Hans in the yeere of our Lord 1396. tooke from Thomas Ploker of Lenne out of a certaine ship sailing vpon the maine sea towaâ—ds Sconâ—land whereof Iames Snycop was master cloth and other marchandise to the summe and value of 13 lib.13.s.4.d Item the aboue-named marchants complaine saying that certaine malefactors of Wismer with others of the Hans society in the yere of our Lord 1397. wickedly and vniustly took out of a certaine ship of Dantzik whereof Laurence van Russe was master from Ralph Bedingam of Lenne one fardel of cloth worth 52 li.7.s.6.d Also for the ransome of his seruant 8 li.6.s.8.d Itemâ— they tooke from Thomas Earle diuers goods to the value of 24. pounds Item the foresaid marchants complainâ—â— that certaine malefactors of Wismer Rostok with others of the Hans in the yeere of our Lord 1399. wickedly vniustly tooke one crayer pertayning vnto Iohn Lakingliâ—h of Lenne laden with diuers goods and marchandise pertaining vnto sundry marchants of Lenne namely from the forenamed Iohn one fardel of cloth and one chest full of harneis and other things to the value of 90 lib Item they took out of the foresaid ship from Roger Hood one fardel of cloth and one chest with diuers goods to the value of 58 lib Item from Iohn Pikeron one fardell of cloth and one chest with
Lords came thider by assent To his worship but in a certaine day Hee bad shippes to bee redie of aray For to visit Saint Iohns Church hee list Rowing vnto the good holie Baptist Hee assigned to Erles Lords and knights Many ships right goodly to sights And for himselfe and eight kings moo Subiect to him hee made kepe one of thoo A good shippe and entrede into it With eight kings and downe did they sit And eche of them an ore tooke in hand At ore hales as I vnderstand And he himselfe at the shippe behinde As steris man it became of kinde Such another rowing I dare well say Was not seene of Princes many a day Lo than how hee in waters got the price In lande in see that I may not suffice To tell O right O magnanimitee That king Edgar had vpon the see An incident of the Lord of the sea King Edward the third Of king Edward I passe and his prowes On lande on sea yee knowe his worthines The siege of Caleis ye know well all the matter Round about by land and by the water Howe it lasted not yeeres many agoe After the battell of Creeye was ydoe Howe it was closed enuiron about Olde men sawe it which liuen this is no doubt Did Knights say that the Duke of Burgoyn Late rebuked for all his golden coyne Of ship on see made no besieging there For want of shippes that durst not come for feare It was nothing besieged by the see Thus call they it no siege for honestee Gonnes assailed but assault was there none No siege but fuge well was he that might be gouer This maner carping haue knights ferre in age Expert through age of this maner language But king Edward made a siege royall And wanne the towne and in especiall The sea was kept and thereof he was Lord. Thus made he Nobles coyned of record In whose time was no nauie on the see That might withstand his maiestie Battell of Scluse yee may rede every day Howe it was done I leue and goe my way It was so late done that yee it knowe In comparison within a litle throwe For which to God giue we honour and glorie For Lord of see the king was with victorie Another incident of keeping of the see in the time of the marueilous werriour and victorious Prince King Henrie the fifth and of his great shippes ANd if I should conclude all by the King Henrie the fift what was his purposing Whan at Hampton he made the great dromons Which passed other great ships of all the commons The Trinitie the Grace de Dieu the holy Ghost And other nwe which as nowe bee lost What hope ye was the kings great intent Of thoo shippes and what in minde hee meant It was not ellis but that hee cast to bee Lorde round about enuiron of the see And when Harflew had her siege about There came caracks horrible great and stoute In the narrow see willing to abide To stoppe vs there with multitude of pride My Lord of Bedford came on and had the cure Dâ—stroyed they were by that discomfiture This was after the king Harflew had wonne Whan our enemies to siege had begonne That all was staine or take by true relation To his worshippe and of his English nation There was present the kings chamberlaine At both battailes which knoweth this in certaine He can it tell otherwise then I Aske him and witte I passe foorth hastily What had this king of his magnificence Of great courage of wisedome and prudence Prouision forewitte audacitee Of fortitude iustice and agilitee Discretion subtile auisednesse Attemperance Noblesse and worthinesse Science prowesse deuotion equitie Of most estate with his magnanimitie Liche to Edgar and the saide Edward As much of both liche hem as in regard Where was on liue a man more victorious And in so short time prince so maruellous By land and sea so well he him acquitte To speake of him I stony in my witte Thus here I leaue the king with his noblesse Henry the fift with whom all my processe Of this true booke of pure policie Of sea keeping entending victorie I leaue endly for about in the see No Prince was of better strenuitee And if he had to this time liued here He had bene Prince named withoutenpere His great ships should haue ben put in preese Unto the ende that he ment of in cheefe For doubt it not but that he would haue bee Lord and master about the round see And kept it sure to stoppe our enemies hence And wonne vs good and wisely brought it thence That no passage should be without danger And his licence on see to moue and sterre Of vnitie shewing of our keeping of the see with an endly or finall processe of peace by authoritie Chap. 12. NOw in than for loue of Christ and of his ioy Bring it England out of trouble and noy Take heart and witte and set a gouernance Set many wits withouten variance To one accord and vnanimitee Put to good will for to keepe the see First for worship and profite also And to rebuke of eche euill wisted foe Thus shall worship and riches to vs long Than to the Noble shall we doe no wrong To beare that coyne in figure and in deede To our courage and to our enemies dreede For which they must dresse hem to peace in haste Or ellis their thrift to standen and to waste As this processe hath proued by and by All by reason and expert policy And by stories which proued well this parte Or ellis I will my life put in ieoparte But many londs would seche her peace for nede The see wel kept it must bee dâ—â— for drede Thus must Flanders for nede haue vnitee And peace with vs it will non other bee Within short while and ambassadours Would bene here soone to treate for their succours This vnitee is to God pleasance And peace after the werres variance The ende of battaile is peace sikerly And power causeth peace finally Kept than the sea about in speciall Which of England is the towne wall As though England were likened to a citie And the wall enuiron were the see Kepe then the sea that is the wall of England And than is England kept by Goddes hande That as for any thing that is without England were at ease withouten doubt And thus should euery lond one with another Entercommon as brother with his brother And liue togither werrelesse in vnitie Without rancour in very charitie In rest and peace to Christes great pleasance Without strife debate and variance Which peace men should enserche with businesse And knit it saddely holding in holinesse The Apostle seith if ye list to see Bee yee busie for to keepe vnitee Of the spirit in the bond of peace Which is nedeful to all withouten lese The Prophet biddeth vs peace for to enquire To pursue it this is holy desire Our
plurimos annos exportatis affatim nostrarium quibusuis commodis pecudum pecorumque carnibus butyro piscium copia quotannis penè immodica quaedam quasi cella penuaria fuit Sensere huius Insulae commoda etiam Hollandiae olim Angliae vrbes aliquot Praeterea Danis Bremènsibus Lubecensibus cum Islandis commercia diu fuerunt Sed a nullis vnquam tale encomium talem gratiam reportarunt qualis hec est Gregoriana calumnia In vestrà vestrà inquam vrbe nata edita iterata si non tertiata que alias nationes quibus Islandia vix ac ne vix quidem nomine tenus alioqui innotuerat ad huius gentis opprobrium contemptum armauit quam à ciue vestro acceptam iniuriam iam 30. annos plus cò Islandia sustinet Sed etiam inscio magistratu eiusmodi multa saepè fiunt Neque enim dubitamus quin viri boni ciusmodi scripta famosa indignè ferant ne edantur diligenter caueant cum tales editiones pugnent cum iure naturali Ne alteri facias quod tibi factum non velis Et Caesareo de libellis famosis in quo irrogatur poena grauissima ijs qui tales libellos componunt scribunt proferunt emi vendiue curant aut non statim repertos discerpunt Caeterum iam tandem receptui canamus Nósque ad te Islandia parens carissima quam nec paupertas nec frigora nec id genus incommoda alia quamdiu Christo hospitia cupidè libenter exhibere non desistis inuisam facient conuertamus Vbi te primùm ad id quod modò diximus nempè serium ardens studium ac amorem DEI diuine scientiae nobis in Christo pate factae totis viribus hortamur vt vni huic cuncta posthabeas doctrinae verbi cupiditate flagres Sacrum ministerium ministros non parum cures non contemnas aut odio prosequare sed reuerearis foueas ames Contra facientes pro impijs profanis habeas vt omnia ad pietatis honestatis praescriptum geras in vita priuata communi vt huic status ordines Ecclesiastici Politici in vniuersum obtemperent In vtroque vitae genere ab illa amussi seu norma aequi boni dependeas caeteros qui pertinacia ac impietate ab ea deflectunt auerseris quos aequum est poenis condignis affici id quod magistratui curae futurum non diffidimus In primis verò nullos nisi spectatae fidei probitatis viros quique ad istas virtutes reliquas huc pertinentes coniungant ad gubernacula admittas qua ratione reliquis incommodis ritè occurritur Res ista enim si probè curetur vt videlicet qui munus publicum gerunt ex bonis omnibus optimi quique deligantur improbi huic rei inepti procul inde arceantur subditorum conditio longè erit optatissima vita mores tantò magis laudabiles sequentur pietas honestas tantò erunt illustriores At verò si secus fiat si Pastores Ecclesiarum suo muneri vel vita vel doctrina non respoÌ„deant si ad administrationeÌ„ politicam promiscuè admittantur quicunque eò propria leuitate ambitione vel auaritia contentione honoris ruunt si ijdem criminum aut improbitaris vel suspecti vel conuicti sint aut suspectorum conuictorum protectores vel ijsdem illicitè indulgentes quis tuus quaeso demum futurus est status quae facies quae conditio Certè longè omnium miserrima Nec enim alio pacto citius ad ruinam interitum tuum appropinquabis quà m si istis te regendam commiseris qui quod in ijs est licet sint ipsi ex tuis iugulum tuum propter emolumenta priuata odia latentia quotidiè petere coÌ„tendunt Quamobrem ne ista pluribus agam quanti intersit vt haec probè curentur sacilè ô Patria intelligis Sed dum haec tuls auribus à me occinuntur utinam gemitus meos altissimos qui sub hac ad te Apostrophe latent Serenissimae Regiae Maiestatis aures exaâ—diant apud quam ego pro te ita deploro damna publica quae ea de causa exoriuntur maximè quòd patria à regia sede conspectu tantò interuallo sit remota vt multi propterea tantò sibi maiorem sumant licentiam linpunitatem securius promittant Caeterum ista numini iustissimo quod aequis omnia oculis aspicit committenda ducimus Reliquum est ô patria vt studium in te nostrum eo quo speramus animoâ—i comi benigno suscipias quod quamuis minimè tale est quale optaremus tamen cum VELLE SIT INSTAR OMNIVM nolui idcirco desistere quod pro tuo nomine tua dignitate tua innocentia pugnate me satis strenuè diffiderem Quin potius quicquid id est si modò quicquam est quantulum cunque tandem quod ad tui patrociniumâ— pro mea tenui parte afferte possem nequaquam supprimendum putaui nec enim illos laudare soleo Qui quòd desperent inuicti membra Glyconis Nodosa nolunt corpus probibere Chiragra Me sanè si haec commentatiuncula non erit tibi aut mihi dedecori operae nequaquaÌ„ poenitebit Quòd si ad laudem vel aliquale patrocinium tui aliquid faciat operam perdidisse haud videbor Sin verò alios alumnos tuos meos conterraneos arte industria superiores ad causam tuam vel nunc vel in posterum suscipiendam hoc conatu tenello excitauero quid est cur operae precium non fecisse dicar quibus seribentibus licet mea fama in obscuro futura est tamen praestantia illorum qui nomini officient meo me consolabor Nam etsi famae nominis cura summa esse debet maior tamen patriae cuius dignitate salua incolumni nos quoque saluos incolumes reputabimus Scripsi Holis Hialtaedalensium in Islandia AErae Christianae Anno 1592. 17. Kalendas Maias A BRIEFE COMMENTARIE of Island wherin the errors of such as haue written concerning this Island are detected and the slanders and reproches of certaine strangers which they haue vsed ouer-boldly against the people of Island are confuted By Arngrimus Ionas of Island To the most mighty Prince and Lord Lord Christian the 4. of Denmarke Norway and of the Vandals and Gothes King elect of Sleswic Holste Stormar and Duhmarse Duke Earle of Oldenburg and Delmenhorst His most gratious Lord. THat heroical attempt of Anchurus sonne of King Midas most gratious prince and that pietie towards his countrey in maner peerelesse deserueth highly to be renowmed in histories in that freely and couragiously he offered his owne person for the stopping vp of an huge gulfe of earth about Celoena a towne in Phrigia which dayly swallowed multitudes of men and what soeuer else came neere vnto it For when his
sumus Indè archiepiscopi ceterique principes imperij Alemanniam per dextram repetentes nos versùs Franciam ad sinistram declinantes cum inenarrabilibus gratijs osculis ab inuicem discessimus Et tandem de triginta equitibus qui de Normannia pingues exiuimus vix viginti pauperes peregrini omnes pedites macie multa attenuati reuersi sumus The same in English I Ingulphus an humble seruant of reuerend Guthlac and of his monastery of Croiland borne in England and of English parents at the beautifull citie of London was in my youth for the attaining of good letters placed first at Westminster and afterward sent to the Uniuersitie of Oxford And hauing excelled diuers of mine equals in learning of Aristotle I inured my selfe somewhat vnto the first second Rhethorique of Tullie And as I grew in age disdayning my parents meane estate and forsaking mine owne natiue soyle I affected the Courts of kings and princes and was desirous to be clad in silke and to weare braue and costly attire And loe at the same time William our souereigne king now but then Erle of Normandie with a great troup of followers and attendants came vnto London to conferre with king Edward the Counfessour his kinsman Into whose company intruding my selfe and proffering my seruice for the performance of any speedy or weightie affayres in short time after I had done many things with goood successe I was knowen and most entirely beloued by the victorious Erle himselfe and with him I sayled into Normandie And there being made his secretarie I gouerned the Erles Court albeit with the enuie of some as my selfe pleased yea whom I would I abased and preferred whom I thought good When as therefore being carried with a youthfull heat and lustie humour I began to be wearie euen of this place wherein I was aduanced so high aboue my parentage and with an inconstant minde and affection too too ambitious most vehemently aspired at all occasions to climbe higher there went a report throughout all Normandie that diuers Archbishops of the Empire and secular princes were desirous for their soules health and for deuotion sake to goe on pilgrimage to Ierusalem Wherefore out of the family of our lorde the Earle sundry of vs both gentlemen and clerkes principall of whom was my selfe with the licence and good will of our sayd lord the earle sped vs on that voiage and trauailing thirtie horses of vs into high Germanie we ioyned our selues vnto the Archbishop of Mentz And being with the companies of the Bishops seuen thousand persons sufficiently prouided for such an expedition we passed prosperously through many prouinces and at length attained vnto Constantinople Where doing reuerence vnto the Emperour Alexius we sawe the Church of Sancta Sophia and kissed diuers sacred reliques Departing thence through Lycia we fell into the hands of the Arabian theeues and after we had bene robbed of infinite summes of money and had lost many of our people hardly escaping with extreame danger of our liues at length wee ioyfully entered into the most wished citie of Ierusalem Where we were receiued by the most reuerend aged and holy patriarke Sophronius with great melodie of cymbals and with torch-light and were accompanied vnto the most diuine Church of our Sauiour his sepulchre with a solemne procession aswell of Syrians as of Latines Here how many prayers we vttered what abundance of teares we shed what deepe sighs we breathed foorth our Lord Iesus Christ onely knoweth Wherefore being conducted from the most glorious sepulchre of Christ to visite other sacred monuments of the citie we saw with weeping eyes a great number of holy Churches and oratories which Achim the Souldan of Egypt had lately destroyed And so hauing bewailed with sadde teares and most sorowful and bleeding affections all the ruines of that most holy city both within and without and hauing bestowed money for the reedifying of some we desired with most ardent deuotion to go forth into the countrey to wash our selues in the most sacred riuer of Iordan and to kisse all the steppes of Christ. Howbeit the theeuish Arabians lurking vpon euery way would not suffer vs to trauell farre from the city by reason of their huge and furious multitudes Wherefore about the spring there arriued at the port of Ioppa a fleet of ships from Genoa In which fleet when the Christian merchants had exchanged all their wares at the coast townes and had likewise visited the holy plâ—ces wee all of vs embarked committing our selues to the seas and being tossed with many stormes and tempests at length wee arriued at Brundusium and so with a prosperous iourney trauelling thorow Apulia towaâ—ds Rome we there visited the habitations of the holy apostles Peter and Paul and did reuerence vnto diuers monuments of holy martyrs in all places thorowout the city From thence the archbishops and other princes of the empire trauelling towards the right hand for Alemain and we declining towards the left hand for France departed asunder taking our leaues with vnspeakable thankes and courtesies And so at length of thirty horsemen which went out of Normandie fat Iusly and frolique we returned thither skarse twenty poore pilgrims of vs being all footmen and consumed with leannesse to the bare bones ¶ Diuers of the honourable family of the Beauchamps with Robert Curtoys sonne of William the Conqueror made a voyage to Ierusalem 1096. Hol. pag. 22. vol. 2. POpe Vrbane calling a councell at Clermont in Auuergne exhorted the Christian princes so earnestly to make a iourney into the Holy land for the recouery thereof out of the Saracens hands that the saide great and generall iourney was concluded vpon to be taken in hand wherein many noble men of Christendome went vnder the leading of Godfrey of Bouillon others as in the Chronicles of France of Germanie and of the Holy land doeth more plainely appeare There went also among other diuers noble men foorth of this Realme of England specially that worthily bare the surname of Beauchampe ¶ The voyage of Gutuere an English Lady maried to Balduine brother of Godfreide duke of Bouillon toward Ierusalem about 1097. And the 11. yeere of William Rufus King of England THe Christian armie of Godfrie of Bouillon passing the citie of Iconium alias Agogna in the countrey of Licaonia and from thence by the city of Heraclia came at length vnto the citie of Marasia where they encamped and soiourned there three whole dayes because of the wife of Balduine brother germane of the duke of Loraigne Which Lady being long time vexed with a grieuous malady was in extremitie where at length paying the debt due to nature she changed this transitorie lite for life eternall Who in her life time was a very worthy and vertuous Lady borne in England and descended of most noble parentage named Gutuere Which according to her degree was there most honourably enterred to the great griefe of all the whole armie As reporteth William
English HVbert Walter bishop of Sarisburie a vertuous man and famous for his good wit and piety was one of the chiefest of them that followed king Richard into Syria going against the Saracens As he returned from Palaestina and came in his iourney into Sicilia he there heard of the ill fortune of the king being fallen into his enemies handes and thereupon leauing his iourney homewards he went presently and in all haste to the place where the king was captiued whom the king immediatly vpon his comming sent into England that by the authority of the councell a tribute might be collected for his redemption which this Hubert performed with great diligâ—nce and deliuered the king After this he was made Archbishop of Canterburie and after the death of king Richard he shewed the like dueties of fidelitie and trust to his brother Iohn that succeeded him For by a long oration he perswaded the whole nation of the English men that he was a very circumspect man vertuous valiant borne of noble parentage and most woorthy of the crowne Whereupon he was so receiued of all the people and crowned king He wrote certaine books and died at the last with very great griefe of minde in the yeere 1205 hauing beene archbishop the space of 11 yeres 8 moneths and sixe dayes by reason of the ciuil discords abroad whereby all things went topsie turuy and in the reigne of king Iohn The trauailes of Robert Curson RObertus Curson ex nobili quodam Anglorum ortus genere disciplinis tum prophanis tum sacris studiosus incubuit idque quantum ex coniecturis colligo in celebratissima Oxonij Academia Praestantissimis illic institutoribus vsus ex summa circa ingenuas artes industria assiduo literarum labore famam sibi inter suos celeberrimam comparauit Ampliora deinde meditatus Parisiorum Lutetiam aâ—que Romam ipsam perijt illic Theologus Doctor hic verò Cardinalis effectus Vnde vterque Matthaeus Parisius ae Westmonasterius hoc de ipso testimonium adferunt hic libro 2. ille 8. suoâ—um Chronicorum Anno Domini 1218 inquiunt in captione Damiatae AEgypti vrbis sub Ioanne Brenno Hierosolymorum rege fuit cum Pelagio Albanensi Magister Robertus de Curson Anglus Clericus celebertimus genere nobilis ac Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinalis c Bostonus Buriensis in suo Catalogo Cursonum aliquos libros composuisle narrat Claruit anno superius numerato per praedictos testes in Anglia regnante Henrico tertio Ioannis regis filio fuÃtque hic diebus Honorij tertij Romani pontificis in Angliam Bostono teste legatus The same in English RObert Curson descended of a noble family of England vsed great diligence aswell in prophane as in diuine studies in the famous Uniuersity of Oxford as I coniecture He had there the best scholemasters that were to be gotten and was most industrious in the arts and continual exercises of learning by meanes whereof he grew to be of great renowne where he liued Afterward thinking of greater matters he went to Paris and thence to Rome it selfe and at Paris he proceeded doctor of Diuinity at Rome he was made cardinall whereupon both Matthew Paris Matthew of Westminster produce this testimony of him the one in his second booke the other in his eight booke of Chronicles In the yere of our Lord say they 1218 at the taking of Damiata a city of Egypt vnder Iohn Brenne king of Ierusalem M. Robert Curson an English man a most famous clearke of noble parentage and cardinall of the church of Rome was there with Pelagius Albanensis c. Boston of Burie in Suffolke in his catalogue reporteth that he wrote diuers books He flourished in the yeere aforesayd by the witnesses aforesayd Henry the third sonne of king Iohn being then king of England and by the further testimony of Boston this Curson was legate into England in the dayes of Honorius the third bishop of Rome The voyage of Ranulph earle of Chester of Saer Quincy earle of VVinchester William de Albanie earle of Arundel with diuers other noble men to the Holy land in the second yere of K. Henry the third Matth. Paris Holensh pag. 202. IN the yeere 1218 Ranulph earle of Chester was sent into the Holy land by king Henry the third with a goodly company of souldiers and men of warre to ayde the Christians there against the Infidels which at the same time had besieged the city of Damiata in Egypt In which enterprise the valiancy of the same earle after his comming thither was to his great praise most apparant There went with him in that iourney Saer de Quincy earle of Winchester William de Albanie earle of Arundel besides diuers barons as the lord Robert fitz Walter Iohn constable of Chester William de Harecourt and Oliuer fitz Roy sonne to the king of England and diuers others The voyage of Henry Bohun and Saer Quincy to the Holy land THis yere being the sixt yere of Henry the third deceased Henry de Bohun earle of Hereford and Saer de Quincy earle of Winchester in their iourney which they made to the Holy land Matth. Paris Holensh pag. 202. colâ— 2. The trauailes of Ranulph Glanuile earle of Chester RAnulphus Glanuile Cestriae Comes vir nobilissimi generis vâ—roque iure eruditus in albo illustâ—ium virorum à me meritò ponendus venit Ita probè omnes adolescentiae suae annos legibus tum humanis tum diuinis consecrauit vt non prius in hominem per aetatem euaserit quà m nomen decúsque ab insigni eruditione sibi comparauerit Cum profecti essent Francorum Heroes Ptolemaidem inito cum Ioanne Brenâ—o Hierosolymorum rege concilio Damiatam AEgypti vrbem obsidendam constituebant aâ—no salutis humanae 1218. Misitillùe Henricus rex ab Honorio 3 Rom. Pontifice rogatus cum magna armatorum manu Ranulphum ad rem Christian am iuuandam Cuius viâ—tus Polydoro teste in eo bello mitis omnium laudibus celebrata â—uit Quo confecto negotio Ranulphus in patriam reuersus scripfit De legibus Angliae librum vnum Fertur praeterea alia quaedam scripsisse sed tempus edax rerum ea nobis abstulit Claruit anno à Seruatoris nostri natiuitate 1230 confectus senio dum Henricus terâ—ius sub Antichristi tyrannide in Anglia regnaret The same in English RAnulph Glanuile earle of Chester a man of a very noble house and learned in both the Lawes deserues of duetie to be here placed by me in the catalogue of woorthy and notable men He applied so well all the yeeres of his youth to the study of humane and diuine Lawes that he came not so soone to the age of a man as he had purchased to himselfe by reason of his singular learning renowme and honour When the noble men of France went to Ptolomais vpon the counsell of Iohn Brenne king of Ierusalem they resolued to besiege Damiata a city
French armie as afterwards it appeared ¶ The Voyage of Prince Edward the sonne of king Henry the third into Asia in the yeere 1270. ABout the yeere of our Lord 1267. Octobonus the Popes Legate being in England prince Edward the sonne of king Henry and diuers other Noble men of England tooke vpon them the crosse vpon S. Iohn Baptists day by the sayd Legates hands at Northhampton to the reliefe of the Holy land and the subuersion of the enemies of the crosse of Christ. For which purpose and for the better furnishing of the prince towards the iourney there was granted him a subsidie throughout all the realme and in the moneth of May in the yeere of our Lord 1270. he began to set forward At Michaelmas following he with his company came to Eguemortes which is from Marsilia eight leagues Westward and there taking ship againe hauing a mery and prosperous wind within ten dayes arriued at Tunez where he was with great ioy welcommed and entertained of the Christian princes that there were to this purpose assembleâ— as of Philip the French King whose father Lodouicus died a litle before of Carolus the king of Sicilia and the two kings of Nauarre and Arragon and as this lord Edward came thither for his father the king of England thâ—ther came also Henry the sonne of the king of Almaine for his father who at his returne from the voyage was slaine in a chappell at Viterbium When prince Edward demanded of these kings and princes what was to be done they answered him againe and sayd the prince of this citie and the prouince adioyning to the same hath bene accustomed to pay tribute vnto the king of Sicily euery yere and now for that the same hath bene for the space of seuen yeeres vnpaied and more therefore we thought good to make inuasion vpon him But the king knowing the same tribute to be but iustly demaunded hath now according â—o our owne desire satisfied for the time past and also paied his tribute before hand Then sayd â—e My Lords what is this to the purpose are we not here all assâ—mbled haue taken vpon vs the Lords Character to fight against the infidels enemies of Christ What meane you then to conclude a peace with them God forbid we should do so for now the land is plaine and hard so that we may approch to y e holy city IerusaleÌ„ Then said they now haue we made a league with them neither is it lawful for vs to breake the same But let vs returne againe to Sicilia and when the winter is past we may well take shipping to Acra But this counsel nothing at all liked him neither did he shew himselfe wel pleased there with but after hee had made them a princely banket he went into his closet or priuy chamber from amongst them neither would be partaker of any of that wicked money which they had taken They notwithstanding continuing their purpose at the next mery wind tooke shipping and for want of ships left 200. of their men a shore crying out and pitioufly lamenting for the peril and hazard of death that they were in wherewith prince Edward being somewhat mooued to compassion came backe againe to the land and receiued and stowed them in his owne ships being the last that went aboord Within seuen dayes after they arriued in the kingdom of Sicilia ouer agaynst the Citie Trapes casting their ankers a league from thence within the sea for that their shippes were of great burden and throughly fraught and from the hauen of the citie they sent out barges and boates to receiue and bring such of the Nobilitie to land as would but their horses for the most part and all their armour they kept still within boord At length towards the euening the sea began to be rough increased to a great tempest and a mightie insomuch that their ships were beaten one against anothers sides and drowned there was of them at that tempest lying at anker more then 120. with all their armour and munition with innumerable soules besides and that wicked money also which they had taken before likewise perished and was lost But the tempest hurt not so much as one ship of prince Edwards who had in number 13. nor yet had one man lost thereby for that as it may be presupposed he consented not to the wicked counsell of the rest When in the morning the princes and kings came to the sea side and saw all their ships drowned and saw their men and horses in great number cast vpon the land drowned they had full heauie hearts as well they might for of all their ships and mariners which were in number 1500. besides the common souldiers there was no more saued then the mariners of one onely ship and they in this wise There was in that ship a good wise Matrone a Countesse or an Erles wife who perceiuing the tempest to grow fearing her selfe called to her the M. of the ship asked him whether in attempting to the shoare it were not possible to saue theÌ„selues he answered that to saue the ship it was impossible howbeit the men that were therein by Gods helpe he doubted not Then sayd the countesse for the ship force no whit saue the soules therein and haue to thee double the value of the shippe who immediatly hoising the sailes with all force ran the shippe aground so nere the shore as was possible so that with the vehemency of the weather force he came withall he brast the ship and saued all that was within the same as he had shewed and sayd before Then the kings and princes altering their purpose after this so great a shipwracke returned home againe euery one vnto their owne lands onely Edward the sonne of the king of England remained behinde with his men and ships which the Lord had saued and preserued Then prince Edward renouating his purpose tooke shipping againe and within fifâ—eene daies after Easter arriued he at Acra and went aland taking with him a thousand of the best souldiers and most expert and taried there a whole moneth refreshing both his men and horses and that in this space he might learne and know the secrets of the land After this he tooke with him sixe or seuen thousand souldiers and marched forward twenty miles from Acra and tooke Nazareth and those that he found there he slew and afterward returned againe to Acra But their enemies following after them thinking to haue set vpon them at some streit or other aduantage were espied by the prince and returning againe vpon them gaue a charge and slew many of them and the rest they put â—o flight After this about Midsummer when the prince had vnderstanding that the Saracens began to gather at Cakow which was forty miles from Acra he marching thither set vpon them very earely in the morning and slew of them more then a thousand the rest he put to flight and tooke rich spoiles
de pace ad eos legatos mitâ—unt quam nostris dare placuit vt soluta certa pecuniae summa ab omni deinceps Italiae Galliaeque ora manus abstinerent Ita peractis rebus post paucos menses quà m eo itum erat domum repediaâ—um est The same in English THe French in the meane season hauing gotten some leasure by meanes of their truce and being sollicited and vrged by the intreaties of the Genuois vndertooke to wage warre against the Moores who robbed and spoyled all the coasts of Italy and of the Ilandes adiacent Likewise Richard the second king of England being sued vnto for ayde sent Henry the Earle of Derbie with a choice armie of English souldiers vnto the same warfare Wherefore the English and French with forces and mindes vnited sayled ouer into Africa who when they approched vnto the shore were repelled by the Barbarians from landing vntill such time as they had passage made them by the valour of the English archers Thus hauing landed their forces they foorthwith marched vnto the royall citie of Tunis and besieged it Whereat the Barbarians being dismayed sent Ambassadours vnto our Christian Chieftaines to treat of peace which our men graunted vnto them vpon condition that they should pay a certaine summe of money and that they should from thencefoorth abstaine from piracies vpon all the coasts of Italy and France And so hauing dispatched their businesse within a fewe moneths after their departure they returned home This Historie is somewhat otherwise recorded by Froysard and Holenshed in manner following pag. 473. IN the thirteenth yeere of the reigne of king Richard the second the Christians tooke in hand a iourney against the Saracens of Barbarie through sute of the Genouois so that there went a great number of Lords Knights and Gentlemen of France and England the Duke of Burbon being their Generall Out of England there went Iohn de Beaufort bastarde sonne to the Duke of Lancaster as Froysard hath noted also Sir Iohn Russell Sir Iohn Butler Sir Iohn Harecourt and others They set forwarde in the latter ende of the thirteenth yeere of the Kings reigne and came to Genoa where they remayned not verie long but that the gallies and other vessels of the Genouois were ready to passe them ouer into Barbarie And so about midsomer in the begining of the foureteenth yere of this kings reigne the whole army being embarked sailed forth to the coast of Barbary where neere to the city of Africa they landed at which instant the English archers as the Chronicles of Genoa write stood all the company in good stead with their long bowes beating backe the enemies from the shore which came downe to resist their landing After they had got to land they inuironed the city of Africa called by the Moores Mahdia with a strong siege but at length constrained with the intemperancy of the scalding ayre in that hot countrey breeding in the army sundry diseases they fell to a composition vpon certaine articles to be performed in the behalfe of the Saracens and so 61 dayes after their arriuall there they tooke the seas againe and returned home as in the histories of France and Genoa is likewise expressed Where by Polydore Virgil it may seeme that the lord Henry of Lancaster earle of Derby should be generall of the English men that as before you heard went into Barbary with the French men and Genouois The memorable victories in diuers parts of Italie of Iohn Hawkwood English man in the reigne of Richard the second briefly recorded by M. Camden pag. 339. AD alteram ripam fluuij Colne oppositus est Sibble Heningham locus natalis vt accepi Ioannis Hawkwoodi Itali Aucuthum cortupâ—èvocant quem illi tantopere ob virtutem militarem suspexerunt vt Senatus Florentinus propter insignia merita equâ—stri statua tumuli honore in eximiae fortitudinis fideique testimonium ornauit Res â—ius gestas Itali pleno ore praedicant Paulus Iouius in elogijs celebrat sat mihi sit Iulij Feroldi tetrastichon adijcere Hawkwoode Anglorum decus decus addite genti Italicae Italico praesidiúmque solo Vt tumuli quondam Fâ—orentia sic simulachri Virtutem Iouius donat honore tuam William Thomas in his Historie of the common wealthes of Italy maketh honorable mention of him twise to wit in the common wealth of Florentia and Ferrâ—ra The voyage of the Lord Iohn of Holland Earle of Huntington brother by the mothers side to King Richard the second to Ierusalem and Saint Katherins mount THe Lord Iohn of Holland Earle of Huntington was as then on his way to Ierusalem and to Saint Katherins mount and purposed to returne by the Realme of Hungarie For as he passed through France where he had great cheere of the king and of his brother and vncles hee heard how the king of Hungary and the great Turke should haue battell together therefore he thought surely to be at that iourney The voiage of Thomas lord Moubray duke of Norfolke to Ierusalem in the yeere of our Lord 1399. written by Holinshed pag. 1233. THomas lord Moubray second sonne of Elizabeth Segraue and Iohn lord Moubray her husband was aduanced to the dukedome of Norfolke in the 21. yeere of y e reigne of Richard the 2. Shortly after which hee was appealed by Henry earle of Bullingbroke of treason and caried to the castle of Windsore where he was strongly safely garded hauing a time of combate granted to determine the cause betweene the two dukes the 16. day of September in the 22. of the sayd king being the yeere of our redemption 1398. But in the end the matter was so ordred that this duke of Norfolke was banished for euer whereupon taking his iourney to Ierusalem he died at Venice in his returne from the said citie of Ierusalem in the first yeere of king Henry the 4. about the yeere of our redemption 1399. The comming of the Emperor of Constantinople into England to desire the aide of Henry the 4. against the Turkes 1400. SVb eodem tempore Imperator Constantinopolitanus venit in Angliam postulaturus subsidium contra Turcas Cui occurrit rex cum apparatu nobili ad le Blackheath die sancti Thomae Apostoli suscepÃtque prout decuit tantum Heroem duxÃâ—que Londonias per multos dies exhibuit gloriose pro expenâ—iâ— hospiâ—ij suâ—â—oluens eum respiciens tanto falligio donariuis Et paulò post His auditis rumoribus Imperator laetior recessit ab Anglis honoratus à rege donarijs preciosis The same in English ABout the same time the emperor of Constantinople came into England to seeke ayde against the Turkes whom y e king accompanied with his nobilitie met withall vpon Black-heath vpon the day of saint Thomas the Apostle and receiued him as beseemed so great a prince and brought him to London and roially entertained him for a long season defraying the charges of his diet and giuing him many
and the Turke is growen mighty whereby our ships doe not trade as they were woont I finde that the Uenetians doe bring those commodities hither and doe sell them for double the value that we our selues were accustomed to fetch them Wherefore as I am informed by the aboue named men that there is none so fit to furnish this voyage as your selfe my request is that there may be a shippe of conuenient burthen prepared for this voyage and then I will satisfie you at large what is to be done therein And because the Turke as I sayd before is waxen strong and hath put out the Christian rulers and placed his owne subiects we may doubt whether we may so peacealy trade thither as we were woont therefore I dare vndertake to obtaine a safeconduct if my charges may be borne to goe and come Of the way how this may be done M. Locke can satisfie you at large Moreouer I can informe you more of the trade of that countrey then any other for that I haue bene in those parts these thirty yeeres and haue bene married in the very towne of Chio full foure and twenty yeres Furthermore when one of our ships commeth thither they bring at the least sixe or eight thousand carsies so that the custome thereof is profitable for the prince and the returne of them is profitable to the common people for in barter of our wares we tooke the commodities which the poore of that towne made in their houses so that one of our shippes brought the prince and countrey more gaines then sixe ships of other nations The want of this our trade thither was the onely cause why the Christian rulers were displaced for when they payd not their yerely tribute they were put out by force Touching the ship that must go she must obserue this order she must be a ship of countenance and she must not touch in any part of Spaine for the times are dangerous nor take in any lading there but she must lade in England either goods of our owne or els of strangers and go to Genoa or Legorno where we may be wel intreated and from thence she must make her money to buy wines by exchange to Candia for there both custome exchange are reasonable and not do as the Math. Gonson other ships did in time past who made sale of their wares at Messina for the lading of their wines and payed for turning their white money into golde after foure and fiue in the hundreth and also did hazzard the losse of shippe and goods by carying away their money Thus by the aforesayd course we shall trade quietly and not be subiect to these dangers Also from Legorno to Castilla de la mar which is but 16 miles from Naples and the ready way to Candia you may lade hoopes which will cost carolins of Naples 27 and a halfe the thousand which is ducats two and a halfe of Spaine And in Candia for euery thousand of hoops you shall haue a but of Malmesey cleare of all charges Insomuch that a ship of the burden of the Mathew Gonson will cary foure hundreth thousand hoops so that one thousand ducats will lade her and this is an vsual trade to Candia as M. Michael Locke can testifie Furthermore it is not vnknowen to you that the oiles which we do spend in England for our cloth are brought out of Spaine and that very deare and in England we cannot sell them vnder 28 pound and 30 pound the tunne I say we may haue good oile and better cheape in diuers places within the streights Wherefore if you thinke good to take this voyage in hand I will informe you more particularly when you please In the meane time I rest your worships to command Yours at your pleasure Iasper Campion The true report of the siege and taking of Famagusta of the antique writers called Tamassus a city in Cyprus 1571. In the which the whole order of all the skirmishes batteries mines and assaults giuen to the sayd fortresse may plainly appeare Englished out of Italian by William Malim To the right honourable and his singular good Lord and onely Patron the Earle of Leicester Baron of Denbigh Knight of the honourable order of the Garter one of the Queenes Maiesties most honourable priuy Councell c. William Malim wisheth long health with increase of honour IT hath bene a naturall instinct right honourable and mine especiall good lord ingraffed in noble personages hearts much approued and confirmed also by custome for them to seeke from time to time by some meanes in their life by the which they after their death might deliuer ouer their name to their posteritie least otherwise with their body their fame also altogether might perchance be buried Vpon the which consideration we reade many notable and famous things to haue bene erected in time past of noble personages hauing had wealth at will in such sort that not onely certaine ruines of the same sumptuous works builded so many hundred yeres past do still remaine but also the most part of those princes the authours of them do continually by them dwell in our memories As the Pyramides made at Memphis or neere the famous riuer of Nilus by the great expenses of the kings of Egypt the tower called Pharia made in the Iland of Pharos by king Ptolomee the walles of Babylon made or at the least reedified by queene Semiramis Dianas church at Ephesus builded by all the noble persons of Asia Mausolus toome or sepulchre made by his wife queene of Caria Colossus Solis placed at Rhodes I remember not by what Princes charge but made by the hands of Cares Lindius scholar to Lysippus and the image of Iupiter made of Yuory by the hands of the skilfull workman Phydias The which monuments made of barbarous and heathen Princes to redeeme themselues from obliuion deserued both for the magnificence and perfect workmanship of the same to be accounted in those dayes as the seuen woonders of the world Since the which time an easier readier and lighâ—er way being also of more continuance then the former hath bene found out namely Letters which were first inuented by the Caldies and Egyptians as we reade and augmented since by others to our great benefit and now last of all no long time past the same to haue bene committed to Printers presses to the greatest perfection of the same men being first inforced to write their actes and monuments in beasts skinnes dried in barkes of trees or otherwise perchance as vnreadily By the which benefit of letters now reduced into print we see how easie a thing it is and hath bene for noble persons to liue foreuer by the helpe of learned men For the memory of those two woorthy and valiant captaines Scipio and Hannibal had bene long before this present quite forgotten except Titus Liuiâ—s or â—ome such learned Historiographer had written of them in time And Alexander Magnus himselfe that great conquerour had nothing
Giambelat Bey the Sangiaccho of Tripolis the Begliarbei of Greece the Bassa of Sciuassi and of Marasco Ferca Framburaro the Sangiaccho of Antipo Soliman Bey three Sangiacchos of Arabia Mustafa Bey generall of the Uenturers Fergat gouernour of Malathia the Framburaro of Diuerie the Sangiaccho of Arabia and other Sangiacchos of lesser credite with the number of fourescore thousand persons besides as by the muster made by his Commission might well appeare The Framburaro which was at Rhodes was appointed and left gouernour at Famagusta and the report was that there should bee left in all the Island of Cyprus twentie thousand persons with two thousand horses many of the which I saw being very leane and euill appoynted for seruice It seemeth also a thing not impertinent to the matter to signifie to you how I by the especiall grace of God was deliuered out of their cruel hands I hauing paied within two fortie dayes all the which time I was slaue fiue hundred Zechins for my ransome to him whose prisoner I was by the meanes of the Consul for the French merchants a ligier then at Tripolis who a litle before came from Tripolis in Syria vnto Cyprus into the Turkes campe Yet for all that I had paied this summe of money to him hee would not so set me at libertie but fed mee vp still with faire wordes and promised mee that hee would first bring mee vnto his gouernement which abutted vpon a piece of the famous riuer of Euphrates and afterward dismisse me The which malice and falsehood of his I perceiuing determined with my selfe to giue him the slip and to flee so I waiting my time and repairing often to the Citie at length met with a small Fisher boate of the which a poore Grecian was Owner and master with whom in one night with two onely dares and a small saile made of two shirts I passed ouer from Cyprus vnto Tripolis being a very great danger of drowning whereas I remained in couert in the house of certaine Christians vntill the fiue and twentie of September at what time I departed from thence in a little French shippe called Santa Victor which came into these partes and as wee rode wee touched at a part of Cyprus Westward called Capo delle Garte where as I came on land and talking with certaine of the inhabitants of the Uillages who were then by chaunce a Hauking demaunded of them how they were intreated of the Turkes and after what sort the Island was tilled to the which they answered that they could not possiblie bee in worse pickle then they were at that present not enioying that quietly which was their owne being made villaines and slaues and almost alwayes carying away the Bastonados so that now they sayd they knew by triall too perfectly the pleasant and peaceable gouernment of the Christians wishing and praying God that they might shortly returne And concerning the tillage of the Island they made answere moreouer that no part of it was plowed or laboured sauing onely that mountaine which was towards the West and that because they were litle troubled with the crueltie of the Turkes but as for the plaine and East part of the Island there was small seede sowen therein but became in a maner desert there being left but few inhabitants and lesse store of cattell there Afterward wee departing from thence arriued in Candia I for my part being clothed in sackecloth whereas soone after by the great curtesie of the right honourable Signior Latino Orsino I was new apparelled accordingly friendly welcommed and my necessitie relieued From whence I shortly after sayling in a Cypriottes ship thankes be to almightie God arriued in this Citie in health and â—m safely come home now at the honorable feete of your highnesse The Captains of the Christians slaine in Famagusta THe lord Estor Baglione The lord Aluigi Martinengo The lord Federico Baglione The knight of Asta Uicegouernor The capitaine Dauid Noce Master of the Campe. The capitaine Meani of Perugia Serieant Maior The earle Sigismond of Casoldo The earle Francesco of Lobi of Cremona The captaine Francesco Troncauilla The captaine Hannibal Adamo of Fermo The captaine Scipio of the citie of Castello The captaine Charles Ragonasco of Cremona The captaine Francesco Siraco The captaine Roberto Maluezzo The captaine Caesar of Aduersa The captaine Bernardin of Agubio The captaine Francesco Bugon of Verona The captaine Iames of Fabiano The captaine Sebastian del Sole of Florence The captaine Hector of Brescia the successour to the captaine Caesar of Aduersa The captaine Flaminio of Florence successor vnto Sebastian del Sole The captaine Erasmus of Fermo successor to the captaine of Cernole The captaine Bartholomew of Cernole The captaine Iohn Battista of Riuarole The captaine Iohn Francesco of Venice The names of Christians made slaues THe Earle Herocles Martinengo with Iulius Caesar Ghelfo a Souldiour of Bressa The earle Nestor Martinengo which fled The captaine Marco Criuellatore The lord Herocles Malatesta The captaine Peter Conte of Montalberto The captaine Horatio of Veletri The captaine Aluigi Pezano The Conte Iames of Corbara The captaine Iohn of Istria The captaine Soldatelli of Agubio The captaine Iohn of Ascoli The captaine Antonie of the same towne The captaine Sebastian of the same towne The captaine Salgano of the citie of Castello The captaine Marcheso of Fermo The captaine Iohn Antonio of Piacenza The captaine Carletto Naldo The captaine Lorenzo Fornaretti The captaine Barnardo of Brescia The captaine Barnardino Coco The captaine Simon Bagnese successour to the captaine Dauid Noce The captaine Tiberio Ceruto successor vnto Conte Sigismond The captaine Ioseph of Lanciano successour vnto captaine Francesco Troncauilla The captaine Morgante successor to captain Hannibal The Lieutenant successour vnto the captaine Scipio The Standerdbearer successour to captaine Roberto The captaine Ottauio of Rimini successour to the captaine Francesco Bugon The captaine Mario de Fabiano successour to captaine Iacomo The captaine Francesco of Venice successour vnto captaine Antonio The captaine Matteo of Capua The captaine Iohn Maria of Verona The captaine Mancino The Fortifiers Iohn Marmori slaine The knight Maggio slaue Turkish Captaines at Famagusta MVstafa Generall The Bassa of Aleppo The Bassa of Natolia slaine Musafer Bassa of Nicosia The Bassa of Caramania The Aga of the Giannizers Giambelat Bey The Sangiaccho of Tripolis slaine The Begliarbei of Greece The Bassa of Sciuassi and Marasco Ferca Framburaro The Sangiaccho of Antipo slaine Soliman Bey slaine Three Sangiacchos of Arabia slaine Mustafa Bey General of the Venturers slain Fergat ruler of Malathia slaine The Framburaro of Diuerie slaine The woorthy enterprise of Iohn Foxe an English man in deliuering 266. Christians out of the captiuitie of the Turkes at Alexandria the 3. of Ianuarie 1577. AMong our merchants here in England it is a common voiage to traffike into Spaine whereunto a ship being called The three halfe Moones manned with 38. men and well fensed with munitions
Reichenbach The 19. we passed by Baudzen and Cannitz and that night to Rensperg The 20. we passed by Hayn by Strelen where we should haue passed the riuer of Elbe but the boate was not there so that night we lay at a towne called Mulberg The 21. we passed the said riuer wee went by Belgern by Torga by Dumitch and at night to Bretsch The 22. wee passed the Elbe againe at Wittenberg which is a very strong towne with a good Uniuersitie and that day we passed by Coswig The 23. wee passed through Zerbst in the morning and that night to Magdeburg a very strong Towne and well gouerned as wee did heare The most part of the Countrey after wee were come one dayes iourney on this side Breslawe to this place belongeth to the Duke of Saxon. The 24. wee passed by a castle of the Marques of Brandenburg called Wolmerstat and that night we lay at Garleben The 25. wee lay at Soltwedel The 26. at Berg. The 27. we baited at Lunenborg that night we lay at Winson The 28. we came to Hamborg and there stayed one weeke The 5. of December wee departed from Hamborg and passed the Elbe by boate being much frosen and from the riuer went on foote to Boxtehoede being a long Dutch mile off and there we lay and from thence passed ouer land to Emden Thence hauing passed through Friseland and Holland the 25. being Christmas day in the morning we came to Delft where wee found the right honourable the Earle of Leicester with a goodly company of Lords knights gentlemen and souldiers The 28. at night to Roterodam The 29. to the Briel and there stayed eight dayes for passage The fifth of Ianuary we tooke shipping The 7. we landed at Grauesend and so that night at London with the helpe of almightie God The Turkes passeport or safeconduct for Captaine Austell and Iacomo Manuchio KNow thou which art Voyuoda of Bogdania Valachia other our officers abiding and dwelling on the way by which men commonly passe into Bogdania and Valachia that the Embassador of England hauing two English gentlemen desirous to depart for England the one named Henry Austel and the other Iacomo de Manuchio requested our highnesse letters of Safeconduct to passe through our dominions with one seruant to attende on them Wherefore wee straightly charge you and all other our seruants by whom they shall passe that hauing receiued this our commandement you haue diligent care and regard that they may haue prouided for them in this their iourney for their money all such necessary prouision as shal be necessary for themselues and their horses in such sort as they may haue no cause hereafter to complaine of you And if by chaunce they come vnto any place where they shal stand in feare either of their persons or goods that then you carefully cause them to bee guarded with your men and to be conducted through all suspected places with sufficient company But haue great regard that they conuey not out of our countrey any of our seruiceable horses Obey our commandement and giue credite to this our Seale A Passeport of the Earle of Leicester for Thomas Forster gentleman trauailing to Constantinople RObertus Comes Leicestriae baro de Denbigh ordinum Garterij Sancti Michaelis eques auratus Serenissimae Regine Angliae a Secretioribus consilijs magister equorum dux capitaneus generalis exercitus eiusdem Regiae maiestatis in Belgio gubernator generalis Hollandiae Zelandiae prouinciarum vnitarum associatarum omnibus and quos praesentes literae petuenerint salutem Cùm lator praesentium Thomas Forster nobilis Anglus necessarijs de causis hinc Constantinopolim profecturus si◠inde ad nos quanta potest celeritate reuersurus petimus ab omnibus singulis Regibus principibus nobilibus magistratibus alijs mandent permittant dicto Thomae cum duobus famulis liberum transirum per corum ditiones territoria sine detentione aut impedimento iniusto prouideri sibi de necessarijs iustum precium reddenti ac aliter conuenienter humaniter tractari vt occasiones eius eundi redeundi requirent Sicut nos Maiestates Serenitates Celsitudines dominationes vestrae paratos inuenietis vt vestratibus in similibus casibus gratum similiter faciamus Datum in castris nostris Duisburgi decimo die Septembris anno 1586. stylo veteri A description of the yeerely voyage or pilgrimage of the Mahumitans Turkes and Moores vnto Mecca in Arabia Of the Citie of Alexandria ALexandria the most ancient citie in Africa situated by the seaside containeth seuen miles in circuite and is enuironed with two walles one neere to the other with high towers but the walles within be farre higher then those without with a great ditch round about the same yet is not this Citie very strong by reason of the great antiquitie being almost halfe destroyed and ruinated The greatnesse of this Citie is such that if it were of double habitation as it is compassed with a double wall it might be truely said that there were two Alexandrias one builded vpon another because vnder the foundations of the saide City are great habitations and incredible huge pillers True it i◠that this part vnderneath remaineth at this day inhabitable because of the corrupt aire as also for that by tune which consumeth all things it is greatly ruinated It might well be sayd that the founder hereof as he was worthy in all his enterprises so likewise in building hereof he did a worke worthy of himselfe naming it after his owne name This Citie hath one defect for it is subiect to an euill ayre which onely proceedeth of that hollownesse vnderneath out of the which issueth infinite moisture and that this is true the ayre without doth euidently testifie which is more subtile and holesome then that beneath The waters hereof be salt by reason that the soile of it selfe is likewise so And therefore the inhabitants at such time as the riuer Nilus floweth are accustomed to open a great ditch the head wherof extendeth into the said riuer and from thence they conueigh the same within halfe a mile of Alexandria and so consequently by meanes of conduct-pipes the water commeth vnto the cesternes of Alexandria which being full serue the citie from one inundation to another Within the citie is a Pyramide mentioned of in Histories but not of great importance Without the citie is La colonna di Pompeio or the pillar of Pompey being of such height and thicknesse that it is supposed there is not the like in the whole world besides Within the citie there is nothing of importance saue a litle castle which is guarded with 60 Ianizaries Alexandria hath three portes one towardes Rossetto another to the land ward the third to the sea ward which is called Babelbar without which appeareth a broad Iland called Ghesira in the Moores tongue which is not wholy an Iland
although they be diligently by arte husbanded and seene vnto and the cause thereof are the Northerne driuing winds which comming from the sea are so bitter and sharpe that they kill all the yoong tender plants and suffer scarse any thing to grow and so is it in the Islands of Meta incognita which are subiect most to East Northeastern winds which the last yere choaked vp the passage so with ice that the fleet could hardly recouer their port Yet notwithstanding all the obiections that may be the countrey is habitable for there are men women children sundry kind of beasts in great plenty as beares deere hares foxes and dogs all kinde of flying fowles as ducks seamewes wilmots partridges larks crowes hawks and such like as in the third booke you shall vnderstand more at large Then it appeareth that not onely the middle zone but also the Zones about the poles are habitable Which thing being well considered and familiarly knowen to our Generall captaine Frobisher aswell for that he is thorowly furnished of the knowledge of the sphere and all other skilles appertaining to the arte of nauigation as also for the confirmation he hath of the same by many yeres experience both by sea and land and being persuaded of a new and nerer passage to Cataya then by Capo de buona Sperança which the Portugals yerely vse he began first with himselfe to deuise and then with his friends to conferre and layed a plaine plat vnto them that that voyage was not onely possible by the Northwest but also he could proue easie to be performed And further he determined and resolued with himselfe to go make full proofe thereof and to accomplish or bring true certificate of the truth or els neuer to returne againe knowing this to be the only thing of the world that was left yet vndone whereby a notable minde might be made famous and fortunate But although his will were great to performe this notable voyage whereof he had conceiued in his minde a great hope by sundry sure reasons and secret intelligence which here for sundry causes I leaue vntouched yet he wanted altogether meanes and ability to set forward and performe the same Long time he conferred with his priuate friends of these secrets and made also many offers for the performing of the same in effect vnto sundry merchants of our countrey aboue 15 yeres before he attempted the same as by good witnesse shall well appeare albeit some euill willers which challenge to themselues the fruits of other mens labours haue greatly iniured him in the reports of the same saying that they haue bene the first authours of that action and that they haue learned him the way which themselues as yet haue neuer gone but perceiuing that hardly he was hearkened vnto of the merchants which neuer regard vertue without sure certaine and present gaines he repaired to the Court from whâ—nce as from the fountaine of our Common wealth all good causes haue their chiefe increase and maintenance and there layed open to many great estates and learned men the plot and summe of his deuice And amongst many honourable minds which fauoured his honest and commeâ—dable enterprise he was specially bound and beholding to the right honourable Ambrose Dudley earle of Warwicke whose fauourable minde and good disposition hath alwayes bene ready to countenance and aduance all honest actions with the authours and executers of the same and so by meanes of my lord his honourable countenance he receiued some comfort of his cause and by litle and litle with no small expense and paine brought his cause to some perfection and had drawen together so many aduenturers and such summes of money as might well defray a reasonable charge to furnish himselfe to sea withall He prepared two small barks of twenty and fiue and twenty tunne a piece wherein he intended to accomplish his pretended voyage Wherefore being furnished with the foresayd two barks and one small pinnesse of ten tun burthen hauing therein victuals and other necessaries for twelue moneths prouision he departed vpon the sayd voyage from Blacke-wall the 15 of Iune anno Domini 1576. One of the barks wherein he went was named The Gabriel and the other The Michael and sailing Northwest from England vpon the 11 of Iuly he had sight of an high and ragged land which he iudged to be Frisland whereof some authors haue made mention but durst not approch the same by reason of the great store of ice that lay alongst the coast and the great mists that troubled them not a litle Not farre from thence he lost company of his small pinnesse which by meanes of the great storme he supposed to be swallowed vp of the Sea wherein he lost onely foure men Also the other barke named The Michael mistrusting the matter conueyed themselues priuily away from him and returned home with great report that he was cast away The worthy captaine notwithstanding these discomforts although his mast was sprung and his toppe mast blowen ouerboord with extreame foule weather continued his course towards the Northwest knowing that the sea at length must needs haue an ending that some land should haue a beginning that way and determined therefore at the least to bring true proofe what land and sea the same might be so farre to the Northwestwards beyond any man that hath heretofore discouered And the twentieth of Iuly he had sight of an high land which he called Queene Elizabeths Forland after her Maiesties name And sailing more Northerly alongst that coast he descried another forland with a great gut bay or passage diuiding as it were two maine lands or continents asunder There he met with store of exceeding great ice all this coast along and coueting still to continue his course to the Northwards was alwayes by contrary winde deteined ouerthwart these straights and could not get beyond Within few dayes after he perceiued the ice to be well consumed and gone either there ingulfed in by some swift currents or indrafts carried more to the Southwards of the same straights or els conueyed some other way wherefore he determined to make proofe of this place to see how farre that gut had continuance and whether he might carry himselfe thorow the same into some open sea on the backeside whereof he conceiued no small hope and so entred the same the one and twentieth of Iuly and passed aboue fifty leagues therein as he reported hauing vpon either hand a great maine or continent And that land vpon his right hand as he sailed Westward he iudged to be the continent of Asia and there to be diuided from the firme of America which lieth vpon the left hand ouer against the same This place he named after his name Frobishers streights like as Magellanus at y e Southwest end of the world hauing discouered the passage to the South sea where America is diuided from the continent of that land which lieth vnder the South
day A full reuoluâ—ion of the Monne aboue their Horizon The colleagues of the fellowship for the discouery of the Northwest passage Free Denization granted This Patent remaiâ—ed in force fiue yeeres Authoritie to proceede at Sea against mutiners 1583. Musicians They depart from Silley Iuly Great store of whales The râ—uling of the yce together made a great roaring Yce turned into water The Land of Desolation Very blacke water Floting wood Colde by â—eason of yce They saile Northwestward aboue foure dayes Land in 64 degrees 15 min. The sound where our ships did ride was called Gilberts sound Musicians The people of the countrey came and conferred with our men Thirty seuen Canoas Their musike Great familiâ—rity with the Sauagesâ— Diuers sorts oâ— wood They may make much â—rame if they had meanes how to vse itâ— Moscouie glasse A fruit like corinths August Land in 66 degrees 40 min. Foure white beares A huge whiâ—e beare Timber sawen Fowle An image Probabilities for the passage Wee neuer came into any baâ— before or after but the waters colour was altered very blackish Faulcons Their returne September They saile from The land of desolation to England in 14. dayes Land discouered in 60. degrees Gentle and louing Sauages In 100 Canoâ—â— with diuers commodities Images trane ople and Seale skins in tan tubs A plaine champion countrey A goodly riuer A graue with a crosse layd ouer The Tartars and people of Iapon are also smal eyed Their manâ—r of kindling fire like to theirs in America A fire made of turfes Great theeues Their rude diet Their weapons Strange nets These Islanders warre with the people of the maine Copper oare Their language Muscles A strange whirlewinde Great Ilands Slings One oâ— the people taken which afteâ— dyed â— huge quantitie of yce in 63. degrees of latitudâ— The nature of foggâ—s Great heat 66. degrees 19. minutes Great hopâ— oâ— a passage 64. degr 20 min. A great â—urrent to the West Ilandsâ— They râ—nne 8. dayes Southward â—rom 67 to 57. degrees vpon the coast A harborough in 56. degrees Faire woods Store of cod A perfect hope oâ—â—he passage about 54. degrâ—es and an halfe Two oâ— our men slaine by the Sauages May. M. Dauis in the latitude of 60. deg diuideth his fleete into 2. parts The 7. of Iune Island descryâ—d 66. degrees Their commodities Their dwellings Their boats M. Iohn Roydon of Ipâ—wich They departed from Island Northwest Iuly Groneland diâ—â—couered The land of Desolation Groenland coasted from â—he 7. till the last of Iuly August The houses of Gronland Our men play at footeball with the Sauages Sweete wood found A skirmish between the Sauages and our men September The pinnesse neuer reâ—urned home Land descrâ—â—â—â— Salt kerned oâ— the rockes Isles in 64. degrees Store oâ— Whales in 67. degrees 7â— deg 12. min. The great variation of the compasse London coast Betweene Gâ—onland the Noâ—th of America aboue 40. leagues A mighâ—ie banke of yeâ— lying North and South Extreme heatâ— of the Sunne They were driuen West sixe points out of their course in 67. degrees 45. minutes Mount Raleigh The Earle oâ— Cumbeâ—lands Isles The variation of the compasse 30. deg Westward The land trendeth from this place Southwest and by South My lord Lumleys Inlet Warwicks Foreland A very forciblâ— current Westward â—â—idleys cape The lord Daâ—cies Island The fishing place betweene 54 and 55 degrees of latitude Abundance of whales in 52 degrees They arriue at Dartmouth the 15 of September The 1. voyage The 2. voyage The North parts of Americâ— all Islands The 3. voyage The ship of M. N. Zeno casâ— away vpon â—risland in Annâ— 1380. A forraine prince hapning to be in Frisland with armed men when M. Zenâ— suffered shipwracke therâ— came vnto him and spakâ— Latine Zichmni princâ— of Poâ—land or Duke of Zorani â—risland the â—ing oâ— Norâ—ayeâ— N. Zeno made â—night by Zichmni Ships laden with fish at Frisland â—or Flanders Bâ—itain England Scotland Noâ—way and Denmarke But not to bâ— proued that eâ—er any came thence A letter sent by M. N. Zeno from Fâ—island to his brother M. Antonio in Venice The end of the first letter Engâ—onâ—lâ—nâ— Pâ—eaching Fryâ—rs of Saint Thomâ—â— Winter oâ— 9. moneths Trade in summer â—ime from Trondon to S. Thomas Friers in Groneland Resâ—â—t of Fryâ—rs from Norway and Sueden to the Monastery in Engroneland called S. Tho. M. Fâ—obisheâ— brought these kinde of boats from â—hese parâ—s inâ—â— England In the Monastery of Saint Thomâ—s most of them spake the Latine tongue The end of the â— letter N. Zeno dyed in Frisland The discouerie of Estoâ—iland Westward Sixe fishermen taken Fishermen of Frisland speake Latine Sixe were fiue â—â—eres in Esâ—otiland One of the fisherâ— of Frisland reporteth of Estotiland Estotiland rich abounding with all â—he commodities of the world Abundance of golde Trade from Estotilâ—nd to Engroneland â— Skins brimstone and pitch golde corne and â—eere or ale Many cities and castles A countrey called Doâ—gio The 6 fishermen of Frisland onâ—ly saued by shewing the maner to take fish The chiefest oâ— the 6 fishers specified before and his companions In the space of 13 yeeres he serued 25 lords of Drogio He returned from Estotiland to Frisland Zichmni minded to send M. Antonio Zeno with a fleete towards thâ—sâ— parts of Esâ—otiland The 4 letter The fisherman dyed that should haue bene interpreter Certaine mariners taken in his sâ—eede which came with him from Estotiland Isle Ilose Zichmni his discouerie of the Island Icaâ—ia An Island man in Icaâ—ia The kings of of Icaria called Icari after the name of the first king of that place who as they report was sonne to Dedalus king of Scots Icarian Sâ—a The people of Icaria destrous of the Italian tongue Ten men of ten sundry nations Infinite multitudes of armed men in Icaâ—iâ— Zichmni departed from Icaria Wâ—stwards 100 men sent to discrie the countreâ— The 100 souldiers returned which had bene through â—he Island report what they saw and found M. Anâ—onio Zeno made chiefâ— captaine of those ships which went back to Frâ—sland The 5 letter Estotiland first discouered The second discouerie thereof Dâ—ogio M. Aâ—migil Wade Cape Briâ—on The Island of Penguin standeth about the latitude of 30. degrees M. Dawbneys report to M. Richard Hakluyt of the Temple They beheld the Sauges â—f Newfounland Extrâ—me famine Our men â—aâ—e one another foâ— famine The Capâ—aines Oration The English surprise a French ship wherein they returned home Haâ—kes and other foules Foules supposed â—o be storkes The French royally recompencâ—d by king Henry the 8. English Spaniards Portugals French Britons The fertility of Newfoundland Seueral sortes â— of fish Called by the Spaniards Anchunas and by the Portugals Capelinas 〈◊〉 Albioâ— Hugo Willobeius eques auratus Martinus Fâ—obisherus eques â—uratuâ—â— Antonius Ienkinsonuâ— Franciscus Dracus eques 〈◊〉 Sebastianuâ— Cabotus The coasts froÌ„ Fâ—orida Northward fiâ—â— discouâ—red bâ— the English natioÌ„ A 〈◊〉 consideration Probable confectâ—â—â— y t these lands North of Florida are
forsooth in deed Out of Bristowe and costes many one Men haue practised by nedle and by stone Thider wardes within a litle while Within twelue yere and without perill Gon and come as men were wont of old Oâ— Scarborough vnto the costes cold And nowe so fele shippes this yeere there ware That moch losse for vnfreyght they bare Island might not make hem to bee fraught Unto the Hawys thus much harme they caught Then here I ende of the commoditees For which neede is well to kepe the seas Este and Weste South and North they bee And chiefly kepe the sharpe narrow see Betweene Douer and Caleis and as thus that foes passe none without good will of vs And they abide our danger in the length What for our costis and Caleis in our strength An exhortation for the sure keeping of Caleis ANd for the loue of God and of his blisse Cherish yee Caleis better then it is See well thereto and heare the grete complaint That true men tellen that woll no lies paint And as yee know that wriâ—ing commeth from thence Doe nâ—t to England for slought so great offence But that redressed it bee for any thing Leste a song of sorrow that wee sing For litle weaâ—th the foole who so might these What harme it were good Caleis for to lese What wo it were for all this English ground Which wel câ—nceiued the Emperour Sigismound Thaâ— of all â—oyes made it one of the moste That Caleis was subiect vnto English coste Hun thought it was a iewel most of all Aâ—d so the same in Latine did it call And if yee wol more of Caleis heare and knowe I cast to write within a litle scrowe Like as I haue done before by and by In other parteis of our policie Loke how hard it was at the first to get And by my counsell lightly doe not it let For if wee lese it with shame of face Wilfully it is for lacke of grace Howe was Harflew tried vpon and Rone That they were likely for shought to be gone Howe was it warned and cried on in England I make record with this pen in my hand It was warened plainely in Normandie And in England and I thereon did crie The world was defrauded it betyde right so Farewell Harflew Iewdly it was a go Nowe ware Caleis I can say no better My soule discharge I by this present letter After the Chapitles of commodities of diuers lands sheweth the conclusion of keeping of the sea enuiron by a storie of King Edgar and two incidentâ— of King Edward the third and King Henrie the fifth Chap. 11. NOwe see we well then that this round see To our Noble by pariformitee Under the ship shewed there the sayle And our king with royal apparayle With swerd drawen bright and extent For to chastise enimies violent Should be lord of the sea about To keepe enimies from within and without To behold through Christianitee Mastâ—r and lord enuiron of the see All liuing men such a prince to dreed Of such a a râ—gne to bee aferd indeed Thus prâ—ue I well that it was thus of old Which by a Chronicle anon shal be told Right curious but I will interprete It into English as I did it gete Of king Edgar O most marueilous Prince liuing wittie and cheualerous So good that none of his predecessours Was to him liche in prudence and honours Hee was fortunate and more gracâ—ous Then other before and more glorious He was beneth no man in holines Hee passed all in vertuous sweetnes Of English kings was none so commendable To English men no lesse memorable Then Cyrus was to Perse by puissance And as great Charles was to them of France And as to the Romanes was great Romulus So was to England this worthy Edgarus I may not write more of his worthines For lacke of time ne of his holines But to my matter I him exemplifie Of conditions tweyne and of his policie Within his land was one this is no doubt And another in the see without That in time of Winter and of werre When boystrous windes put see men into fere Within his land about by all prouinces Hee passed through perceiuing his princes Lords aud others of the commontee Who was oppressour and who to pouertee Was drawen and brought and who was clene in life And was by mischiefe and by strife With ouer leding and extortion And good and badde of eche condition Hee aspied and his ministers al 's Who did trought and which of hem was fals Howe the right and lawes of the land Were execute and who durst take in hand To disobey his statutes and decrees If they were well kept in all countrees Of these he made subtile inuestigation Of his owne espie and other mens relation Among other was his great busines Well to ben ware that great men of riches And men of might in citie nor in towne Should to the poore doe non oppression Thus was hee wont in this Winter tide On such enforchise busily to abide This was his labour for the publike thing Thus was hee occupied a passing holy King Nowe to purpose in the Soonner faire Of lusty season whan clered was the aire He had redie shippes made before Great and huge not fewe but many a store Full three thousand and sixe hundred also Stately inough on our sea to goe The Chronicles say these shippes were full boysteous Such things long to kings victorious In Sommer tide would hee haue in wonne And in custome to be ful redie soone With multitude of men of good array And instruments of werre of best assay Who could hem well in any wise descriue It were not light for eny man aliue Thus he and his would enter shippes great Habtliments hauing and the fleete Of See werres that ioy full was to see Such a nauie and Lord of Maiestee There present in person hem among To saile and rowe enuiron all along So regal liche about the English isle To all strangers terrours and perile Whose fame went about in all the world stout Unto great fere of all that be without And exercise to Knights and his meynee To him longing of his natall cuntree For courage of nede must haue exercise Thus occupied for esshewin of vice This knew the king that policie espied Winter and Somer he was thus occnpied Thus conclude I by authoritee Of Chronike that enuiron the see Should bene our subiects vnto the King And hee bee Lord thereof for eny thing For great worship and for prostie also To defend his land fro euery foo That worthy king I leue Edgar by name And all the Chronike of his worthy fame Saffe onely this I may not passe away A worde of mightie strength till that I say That graunted him God such worship here For his merites hee was without pere That sometime at his great festiuitee Kings and Erles of many a countree And princes fele were there present And many
King to complaine But when no reason nor complaint would serue by reason of the proude Earle of Artoys the Kings brother which vpon spight and disdaine stood agaynst him he bidding the King farewell sayd hee would serue him no longer and so William de Longespee with the rest of his company breaking from the French hoste went to Achon Upon whose departure the earle of Artoys sayd Now is the army of French men well rid of these tailed people which words spoken in great despight were ill taken of many good men that heard them But not long after when the keeper of Cayro Babylonia bearing a good mind to the Christian religion and being offended also with the Souldan promised to deliuer the same to the French king instructing him what course was best for him to take to accomplish it the king hereupon in all haste sent for William Longespee promising him a full redresse of all his iniuries before receiued who at the kings request came to him againe and so ioyned with the French power After this it happened that the French king passing with his armie towardes Cayro aforesayd came to the great riuer Nilus on the further part whereof the Soldan had pitched himselfe to withstand his comming ouer there was at this time a Saracen lately conuerted to Christ seruing the earle Robert the French kings brother who told him of the absence of the Soldan from his tents and of a shallow foord in the riuer where they might easily passe ouer Whereupon the sayd earle Robert the Master of the Temple with a great power esteemed to the third part of the army issued ouer the riuer after whom followed W. Longspee with his band of English souldiers These being ioyned together on the other side of the water encountred the same day with the Saracens remaining in the tents put them to the worst Which victory being gotten the French â—â—â—le surprised with pride and triumph as though hee had conquered the whole earth would neeâ—s forward diuiâ—ing himselfe from the maine hoste thinking to winne the spurres alone To whom certaine sage men of the Temple giuing him contrary counsâ—ll aduised him not to do so but rather to returne and take their whole company with them and so should they be more sure against all deceits and dangers which might be layed priuily for them The maner of that people they sayd they better knew and had more experience thereof then he alledging moreouer their wearied bodies their tired horses their famished souldiers and the insufficiency also of their number which was not able to withstand the multitude of the enemies especially at this present brunt in which the aduersaries did well see the whole state of their dominion now to consist either in winning all or losing all Which when the proud earle did heare being inflated with no lesse arrogancy then ignorance with opprobrious taunts reuiled them calling them cowardly dastards bâ—trayers of the whole countrey obiecting vnto them the common report of many which sayd that the land of the holy crosse might soone be woon to Christendome were it not for rebellious Templaries with the Hospitalaries and their followers To these conâ—umelious rebukes when the master of the Temple answered againe for him and his fellowes bidding him display his ensigne when he would and where he durst they were as ready to follow him as he to goe before them Then began William de Longespe the worthy knight to speake desiring the earle to giue eare to those men of experience who had better knowledge of those countreyes and people then had he commending also their counsell to be discreet and wholesome and so turning to the master of the Temple began with gentle wordes to mittigate him likewise The knight had not halfe ended his talke when the Earle taking his wordes out of his mouth began to fume and sweare crying out of those cowardly Englishmen with tailes What a pure armie sayde he should we haue here if these tailes and tailed people were purged from it with other like words of villany and much disdaine whereunto the English knight answering againe well Earle Robert said he wheresoeuer you dare set your foote my step shall go as farre as yours and as I beleeue we goe this day where you shall not dare to come neere the taile of my horse as in deede in the euent it prooued true for Earle Robert would needes set forward weening to get all the glory to himselfe before the comming of the hoste and first inuaded a litle village or castle which was not farre off called Mansor The countrey Boores and Pagans in the villages seeing the Christians comming ranne out with such a maine cry and shout that it came to the Soldans hearing who was neerer then our men did thinke In the meane time the Christians inuading and enâ—ring into the munition incircumspectly were pelted and pashed with stones by them which stood aboue whereby a great number of our men were lost and the armie sore maymed and almost in despaire Then immediatly vpon the same commeth the Soldan with all his maine power which seeing the Christian armie to be deuided and the brother separated from the broâ—her had that which he long wished for and so inclosing them round about that none should escape had with them a cruell fight Then the earle began to repent him of his heady rashnes but it was too late who then seeing William the English knight doughtily fighting in the chiefe brunt of the enemies cried vnto him most cowardly to flie seeing God saith he doth fight against vs To whom the Knight answering againe God forbid sayth he that my fathers sonne should runne away from the face of a Saracene The Earle then turning his horse fled away thinking to auoid by the swiftnes of his horse and so taking the riuer Thafnis oppressed with harnesse was there sunken and drowned Thus the Earle being gone the Frenchmen began to dispaire and scatter Then William de Longespe bearing all the force of the enemies stoode against them as long as he could wounding and slaying many a Saracen till at length his horse being killed and his legges maymed he could no longer stande who yet notwithstanding as he was downe mangled their feete and legges and did the Saracens much sorrow till at last after many blowes and wounds being stoned of the Saracens he yeelded his life And after the death of him the Saracens setting vpon the residue of the armie whom they had compassed on enery side deuoured and destroyed them all insomuch that scarce one man remained aliue sauing two Templaries one Hospitaler and one poore rascall souldier which brought tidings hereof to the King And thus by the imprudent and foolish hardines of that French Earle the Frenchmen were discomfited and that valiant English Knight ouermatched to the griefe of all Christian people the glory of the Saracens and the vtter destruction and ruine of the whole