whatsoeuer hee or they bee that then and in such case wee will doe all that in vs is to cause restitution reparation and satisfaction to bee duely made to the said English marchants by our letters and otherwise as shall stand with our honour and be consonant to equitie and iustice 10 Item for vs our heires and successours wee doe promise and graunt to performe mainteine corroborate autenticate and obserue all and singular the aforesaide liberties franchises and priuiledges like as presently we firmely doe intend and will corroborate autentike and performe the same by all meane and way that we can as much as may be to the commoditie and profite of the said English Marchants and their successours for euer And to the intent that all and singuler the saide giftes graunts and promises may bee inuiolably obserued and performed we the said Iohn Vasiliuich by the grace of God Emperor of Russia great Duke of Nouogrode Mosco c. for vs our heires and successors by our Imperiall and lordly word in stead of an othe haue and doe promise by these presents inuiolably to mainteyne and obserue and cause to be inuiolably obserued and mainteined all and singuler the aforesayde giftes graunts and promises from time to time and at all and euery time and times heereafter And for the more corroboration hereof haue caused our Signet hereunto to be put Dated in our Castle of Mosco the 20. day of in the yeere The Charter of the Marchants of Russia graunted vpon the discouerie of the saide Countrey by King Philip and Queene Marie PHilip and Marie by the grace of God King and Queene c. To all manner of officers true Iurie men ministers aud subiects and to all other people as well within this our Realme or elsewhere vnder our obeysance iurisdiction and rule or otherwise vnto whome these our letters shall bee shewed séene or read greeting Whereas wee be credibly informed that our right trusâ—ie right faithfull and welbeloued Counsailors William Marques of Winchester Lord high Treasurer of this our Realme of England Henrie Earle of Arundel Lord Steward of our housholde Iohn Earle of Bedford Lord keeper of our priuie Seale William Earle of Pembroke William Lorde Howard of Esfingham Lorde high Admirall of our saide Realme of England c. Haue at their owne aduenture costs and charges prouided rigged and tackled certaine ships pinnesses and other meete vessels and the same furnished with all things necessary haue aduanced and set forward for to discouer descrie and finde Iles landes territories Dominions and Seigniories vnknowen and by our subiects before this not commonly by sea frequented which by the sufferance and grace of Almightie God it shall chaunce them sailing Northwards Northeastwards and Northwestwards or any partes thereof in that race or course which other Christian Monarches being with vs in league and amitie haue not heeretofore by Seas traffiqued haunted or frequented to finde and attaine by their said aduenture as well for the glorie of God as for the illustrating of our honour and dignitie royall in the increase of the reuenues of our Crowne and generall wealth of this and other our Realmes and Dominions and of our subiects of the same And to this intent our subiects aboue specified and named haue most humbly beseeched vs that our abundant grace fauour and clemencie may be gratiously extended vnto them in this behalfe Whereupon wee inclined to the petition of the foresaide our Counsailours subiects and marchants and willing to animate aduance further and nourish them in their said godlie honest and good purpose and as we hope profitable aduenture and that they may the more willingly and readily atchieue the same Of our especiall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion haue graunted and by these presents doe graunt for vs our heires and successours vnto our said right trustie and right faithfull and right welbeloued Counsailours and the other before named persons that they by the name of marchants aduenturers of England for the discouery of lands â—erritories Iles Dominions and Seigniories vnknowen and not before that late aduenture or enterprise by sea or Nauigation commonly frequented as aforesaid shal be from hâ—nceforth one bodie and perpetuall fellowship and communaltie of themselues both in deede and in name and them by the names of Marchants aduenturers for the discouerie of lands territories Iles sâ—igniories vnknowen and not by the seas and Nauigations before their saide late aduenture or enterprise by sea or Nauigation commonly frequented We doe incorporate name and declare by these presents and that the same fellowship or communalty from henceforth shal be and may haue one Gouernour of the saide fellowship and communaltie of Marchants aduenturers And in consideration that one Sebastian Cabota hath bin the chiefest setter forth of this iourney or voyage therefore we make ordeine and constitute him the said Sebastian to be the first and present gouernour of the same fellowship and communaltie by these presents To haue and enioy the said office of Gouernour to him the said Sebastian Cabota during his naturall life without amouing or dimissing from the same roome And furthermore we graunt vnto the saine fellowship and communaltie and their successors that they the saide fellowship and communaltie and their successors afâ—er the decease of the saide Sebastian Cabota shall and may freely and lawfully in places conuenient and honest assemble themselues together or so many of them as will or can assemble together as well within our citie of London or elsewhere as it shall please them in such sort and maner as other worshipfull corporations of our saide citie haue vsed to assemble and there yeerely name elect and choose one Gouernour or two of themselues and their liberties and also as well yeerely during the natural life of the said Sebastian Cabota now Gouernour as also at the election of such saide Gouernour or gouernours before his decease to choose name and appoint eight and twenty of the most sad discreete and honest persons of the saide fellowship and communaltie of Marchant aduenturers as is aboue specified and 4. of the most expert and skilfull persons of the same 28. to be named and called Consuls and 24. of the residue to be named and called Assistants to the saide Gouernour or gouernours and Consuls for the time being which shal remaine and stand in their authorities for one whole yeere then nâ—â—t following And if it shall fortune the saide Gouernour Consuls and assistants or any of them so to be elected and chosen as is aforesaid to die within the yeere after his or their election that then and so often it shall and may be lawfull to and for the said fellowship and communalty to elect and choose of themselues other Gouernour or gouernours Consuls and assistants in the place and sleade of such as so shall happen to die to serue out the same yeere And further we do make ordeine and constitute George Barnes knight and Alderman of our
saile out of Norway arriued vpon the Isle of Lewis then that Magnus the king of Norway came into the same seas with 160. sailes and hauing subdued the Orkney Isles in his way passed on in like conquering maner directing his course as it should seeme euen through the very midst and on all sides of the Hebrides who sailing thence to Man conquered it also proceeding afterward as farre as Anglesey and lastly crossing ouer from the Isle of Man to the East part of Ireland Yea there they shall read of Godredus the sonne of Olauus his voiage to the king of Norway of his expedition with 80. ships against Sumerledus of Sumerled his expedition with 53. ships against him of Godred his flight and second iourney into Norway of Sumerled his second arriual with 160. shippes at Rhinfrin vpon the coast of Man and of many other such combates assaults voyages which were performed onely vpon those seas Islands And for the bringing of this woorthy monument to light we doe owe great thanks vnto the iudiciall and famous Antiquarie M. Camden But sithens we are entred into a discourse of the ancient warrelike shipping of this land the Reader shall giue me leaue to borow one principall note out of this litle historie before I quite take my leaue thereof and that is in few words that K. Iohn passed into Ireland with a Fleet of 500. sailes so great were our sea-forces euen in his time Neither did our shipping for the warres first begin to flourish with king Iohn but long before his dayes in the reign of K. Edward the Confessor of William the Conqueror of William Rufus and the rest there were diuers men of warre which did valiant seruice at sea and for their paines were roially rewarded All this and more then this you may see recorded pag. 17. out of the learned Gentleman M. Lambert his Perambulation of Kent namely the antiquitie of the Kentiâ—h Cinque ports which of the sea-townes they were how they were infranchised what gracious priuileges and high prerogatiues were by diuers kings vouchsafed vpon them and what seruices they were tied vnto in regard thereof to wit how many ships how many souldiers mariners Garsons and for how many dayes each of them and all of them were to furnish for the kings vse and lastly what great exploits they performed vnder the conduct of Hubert of Burrough as likewise against the Welsâ—men vpon 200. French ships and vnder the commaund of captaine Henry Pay Then haue you pag. 117. the franke and bountifull Charter granted by king Edward the first vpon the foresayd Cinque portes next thereunto a Roll of the mightie fleet of seuen hundred ships which K. Edward the third had with him vnto the siege of Caleis out of which Roll before I proceed any further let me giue you a double obseruation First that these ships according to the number of the mariners which were in all 14151. persons seeme to haue bene of great burthen and secondly that Yarmouth an hauen towne in Northfolke which I much wonder at set foorth almost twise as many ships and mariners as either the king did at his owne costs and charges or as any one citie or towne in England besides Howbeit Tho. Walsingham maketh plaine and euident mention of a farre greater Fleete of the same king namely of 1100. shippes lying before Sandwich being all of them sufficiently well furnished Moreouer the Reader may behold pag. 186. a notable testimonie of the mightie ships of that valiant prince king Henry the 5. who when after his great victory at Agincourt the Frenchmen to recouer Harflew had hired certaine Spanish and Italian ships and forces had vnited their owne strength vnto them sent his brother Iohn duke of Bedford to encounter them who bidding them battell got the victory taking some of their ships and sinking others and putting the residue to dishonorable flight Likewise comming the next yeere with stronger powers and being then also ouercome they were glad to conclude a perpetuall league with K. Henry propter eorum naues saieth mine Author that is for the resistance of their ships the sayd king caused such huge ships to be built quales non erant in mundo as the like were not to be found in the whole world besides But to leaue our ancient shipping and descend vnto later times I thinke that neuer was any nation blessed of IEHOVAH with a more glorious and wonderfull victory vpon the Seas then our vanquishing of the dreadfull Spanish Armada 1588. But why should I presume to call it our vanquishing when as the greatest part of them escaped vs and were onely by Gods out-stretched arme ouerwhelmed in the Seas dashed in pieces against the Rockes and made fearefull spectacles and examples of his iudgements vnto all Christendome An excellent discourse whereof as likewise of the honourable expedition vnder two of the most noble and valiant peeres of this Realme I meane the renoumed Erle of Essex and the right honorable the lord Charles Howard lord high Admirall of England made 1596. vnto the strong citie of Cadiz I haue set downe as a double epiphonema to conclude this my first volume withall Both of which albeit they ought of right to haue bene placed among the Southerne voyages of our nation yet partly to satisfie the importunitie of some of my special friends and partly not longer to depriue the diligent Reader of two such woorthy and long-expected discourses I haue made bold to straine a litle curtesie with that methode which I first propounded vnto my selfe And here had I almost forgotten to put the Reader in mind of that learned and Philosophical treatise of the true state of Iseland and so consequently of the Northren Seas regions lying that way wherein a great number of none of the meanest Historiographers and Cosmographers of later times as namely Munster Gemma Frisius Zieglerus Krantzius Saxo Grammaticus Olaus Magnus Peucerus and others are by euident arguments conuinced of manifold errors that is to say as touching the true situation and Northerly latitude of that Island and of the distance thereof from other places touching the length of dayes in Sommer and of nights in Winter of the temperature of the land and sea of the time and maner of the congealing continuance and thawing of the Ice in those Seas of the first Discouerie and inhabiting of that Isâ—â—nd of the first planting of Christianitie there as likewise of the continuall flaming of mountains strange qualities of fountains of hel-mouth and of purgatorie which those authors haue fondly written and imagined to be there All which treatise ought to bee the more acceptable first in that it hath brought sound trueth with it and secondly in that it commeth from that farre Northren climate which most men would suppose could not affoord any one so learned a Patrone for it selfe And thus friendly Reader thou seest the briefe summe and scope of all my labours for the common-wealths sake and
stand vpon her guard because he was now most certainly enformed that there was so dangerous an inuasion imminent vpon her realme that he feared much least all her land and sea-forces would be sufficient to withstand it c. then began the Queens Maiestie more carefully to gather her forces together to â—urnish her own ships of warre the principall ships of her subiects with souldiers weapons and other necessary prouision The greatest and strongest ships of the whole nauy she sent vnto Plimmouth vnder the conduct of the right honorable Lord Charles Howard lord high Admirall of England c. Under whom the renoumed Knight Sir Francis Drake was appointed Uice-admiral The number of these ships was about an hundreth The lesser ships being 30. or 40. in number and vnder the conduct of the lord Henry Seimer were commanded to lie between Douer and Caleis On land likewise throughout the whole realme souldiers were mustered and trained in all places and were committed vnto the most resolute and faithfull captaines And whereas it was commonly giuen out that the Spaniard hauing once vnited himselfe vnto the duke of Parma ment to inuade by the riuer of Thames there was at Tilburie in Essex ouer-against Grauesend mightie army encamped and on both sides of the riuer fortifications were erected according to the prescription of Frederike Genebelli an Italian enginier Likewise there were certaine ships brought to make a bridge though it were very late first Unto the sayd army came in proper person the Queens most roiall Maiestie representing Tomyris that Scythian warlike princesse or rather diuine Pallas her selfe Also there were other such armies leuied in England The principall catholique Recusants least they should stirre vp any tumult in the time of the Spanish inuasion were sent to remaine at certaine conuenient places as namely in the Isle of Ely and at Wisbich And some of them were sent vnto other places to wit vnto sundry bishops and noblemen where they were kept from endangering the state of the common wealth and of her sacred Maiestie who of her most gracious clemencie gaue expresse commandement that they should be intreated with all humanitie and friendship The prouinces of Holland and Zeland c. giuing credite vnto their intelligence out of Spain made preparation to defend themselues but because the Spanish ships were described vnto them to be so huge they relied partly vpon the shallow and dangerous seas all along their coasts Wherfore they stood most in doubt of the duke of Parma his small and flat-bottomed ships Howbeit they had all their ships of warre to the number of 90. and aboue in a readinesse for all assayes the greater part whereof were of a small burthen as being more meete to saile vpon their riuers and shallow seas and with these ships they besieged all the hauens in Flanders beginning at the mouth of Scheld or from the towne of Lillo and holding on to Greueling and almost vnto Caleis fortified all their sea-townes with strong garrisons Against the Spanish fleets arriuall they had prouided 25. or 30. good ships committing the gouernment of them vnto Admirall Lonck whom they commanded to ioine himselfe vnto the lord Henry Seymer lying betweene Douer and Cales And when as the foresaid ships whereof the greater part besieged the hauen of Dunkerke were driuen by tempest into Zeland Iustin of Nassau the Admiral of Zeland supplied that squadron with 35. ships being of no great burthen but excellently furnished with gunnes mariners and souldiers in great abundance and especially with 1200. braue Musquetiers hauing bene accustomed vnto sea-fights and being chosen out of all their companies for the same purpose and so the said Iustin of Nassau kept such diligent ward in that Station that the duke of Parma could not issue foorth with his nauy into the sea out of any part of Flanders In the meane while the Spanish Armada set saile out of the hauen of Lisbon vpon the 19. of May An. Dom. 1588. vnder the conduct of the duke of Medina Sidonia directing their course for the Baie of Corunna aliâs the Groine in Gallicia where they tooke in souldiers and warlike prouision this port being in Spaine the neerest vnto England As they were sailing along there arose such a mightie tempest that the whole Fleete was dispersed so that when the duke was returned vnto his company he could notescry aboue 80. ships in all whereunto the residue by litle and litle ioyned themselues eccept eight which had their mastes blowen ouer-boord One of the foure gallies of Portingal escaped very hardly retiring her selfe into the hauen The other three were vpon the coast of Baion in France by the assistance and courage of one Dauid Gwin an English captiue whom the French and Turkish slaues aided in the same enterprise vtterly disabled and vanquished one of the three being first ouercome which conquered the two other with the slaughter of their gouernours and souldiers and among the rest of Don Diego de Mandrana with sundry others and so those slaues arriuing in France with the three Gallies set themselues at libertie The nauy hauing refreshed themselues at the Groine receiuing daily commandement from the king to hasten their iourney hoised vp sailes the 11. day of Iuly and so holding on their course till the 19. of the same moneth they came then vnto the mouth of the narow seas or English chanel From whence striking their sailes in the meane season they dispatched certaine of their smal ships vnto the duke of Parma At the same time the Spanish Fleete was escried by an English pinasse captaine whereof was M. Thomas Fleming after they had bene aduertised of the Spaniards expedition by their scoutes and espials which hauing ranged along the coast of Spaine were lately returned home into Plimmouth for a new supply of victuals and other necessaries who considering the foresayd tempest were of opinion that the nauy being of late dispersed and lossed vp and downe the maine Ocean was by no means able to performe their intended voiage Moreouer the L. Charles Howard L. high admiral of England had receiued letters from the court signifying vnto him that her Maiestie was aduertised that the Spanish Fleete would not come foorth nor was to be any longer expected for and therefore that vpon her Maiesties commandement he must send backe foure of her tallest and strongest ships vnto Chattam The lord high Admiral of England being thus on the sudden namely vpon the 19. of Iuly about foure of the clocke in the afternoone enformed by the pinasse of captaine Fleming aforesaid of the Spaniards approch with all speed and diligence possible he warped his ships and caused his manners and souldiers the greater part of whom was absent for the cause aforesayd to come on boord and that with great trouble and difficultie insomuch that the lord Admiral himselfe was faine to lie without in the road with sixe ships onely all that night
authoritie For the second point when it pleased your Honour in sommer was two yeeres to haue some conference with me and to demaund mine opinion touching the state of the Country of Guiana and whether it were fit to be planted by the English I then to my no small ioy did admire the exact knowledge which you had gotten of those matters of Indian Nauigations and how carefull you were not to be ouertaken with any partiall affection to the Action appeared also by the sound arguments which you made pro contra of the likelihood and reason of good or ill successe of the same before the State and common wealth wherein you haue an extraordinarie voyce should be farther engaged In consideration whereof I thinke my selfe thrise happie to haue these my trauailes censured by your Honours so well approued iudgement Touching the third and last motiue I cannot but acknowledge my selfe much indebted for your fauourable letters heretofore written in my behalfe in mine honest causes Whereunto I may adde that when this worke was to passe vnto the presse your Honour did not onely intreate a worthy knight a person of speciall experience as in many others so in marine causes to ouersee and peruse the same but also vpon his good report with your most fauourable letters did warrant and with extraordinarie commendation did approue and allow my labours and desire to publish the same Wherefore to conclude seeing they take their life and light from the most cheerefull and benigne aspect of your fauour I thinke it my bounden dutie in all humilitie and with much bashfulnesse to recommend my selfe and them vnto your right Honorable and fauourable protection and your Honour to the mercifull tuition of the most High From London this 24. of October 1599. Your Honors most humble to be commanded Richard Hakluyt preacher ¶ A Catalogue of the English Voyages made by and within the Streight of Gibraltar to the South and Southeast quarters of the world conteined in the first part of this second volume Voyages before the Conquest 1 THe voyage of Helena the Empresse daughter of Coelus king of Britain and mother of Constantine the Great to Ierusalem An. 337. pag. 1.2 2 The voyage of Constantine the Great Emperour and king of Britaine to Greece AEgypt Persia and Asia Anno 339. pag. 2.3 3 The voyage of Pelagius Cambrensis vnder Maximus king of the Britaines into AEgypt and Syria Anno 390. pag. 4 4 The voyage of certaine Englishmen sent by the French king to Constantinople vnto Iustinian the Emperour about the yeere of our Lord 500. pag. 4 5 The memorable voyage of Sighelmus bishop of Shirburne sent by king Alphred vnto S. Thomas of India An. 883. confirmed by two testimonies pag. 5 6 The voyage of Iohn Erigen vnder king Alphred to Athens in the yeere of our Lorde 885. pag. 5.6 7 The voyage of Andrew Whiteman aliâs Leucander vnder Canutus the Dane to Palastina Anno 1020. pag. 6 8 The voyage of Swanus one of the sonnes of Earle Godwin vnto Ierusalem Anno 1052. pag. 6 9 A voyage of three Ambassadours sent in the time of king Edward the Confessor vnto Constantinople and from thence vnto Ephesus Anno 1056. pag. 7 10 The voyage of Alured bishop of Worcester vnto Ierusalem Anno 1058. pag. 8 11 The voyage of Ingulphus afterward Abbat of Croiland vnto Ierusalem An. 1064. pag. 8.9 Voyages since the Conquest 12 A Voyage made by diuerse of the honourable family of the Beauchamps with Robert Curtois the sonne of William the Conquerour to Ierusalem Anno 1096. pag. 10 13 The voyage of Gutuere an English Lady married vnto Baldwine brother of Godfrey duke of Bouillon toward Ierusalem An. 1097. 10.11 14 The voyage of Edgar the sonne of Edward which was the sonne of Edmund surnamed Ironside brother vnto king Edward the Confessor being accompanied with valiant Robert the sonne of Godwine to Ierusalem Anno 1102. 11 15 The voyage of Godericus a valiant Englishman who trauailed with his ships in an expedition vnto the holy land Anno 3. Hen. 1. 12 16 The voyage of Hardine an Englishman and one of the principall commaunders of 200 sayles of Christians ships which arriued at Ioppa Anno 1102 12. 13 17 A voyage by sea of Englishmen Danes and Flemings who arriued at Ioppa in the holy land the seuenth yeere of Baldwine the second king of Ierusalem and in the 8. yeere of Henry the first king of England pag. 13,14 15 18 The voyage of Athelard of Bathe to AEgypt and Arabia in the yeere of our Lord 1130 pag. 15. 16 19 The voyage of William Archbishop of Tyre to Ierusalem and to the citie of Tyre in Phoenicia Anno 1130. 16 20 The voyage of Robert Ketenensis vnder king Stephen to Dalmatia Greece and Asia Anno 1143. 16 21 A voyage of certaine Englishmen vnder the conduct of Lewis the French king vnto the holy land Anno 1147. 17 22 The voyage of Iohn Lacy to Ierusalem Anno 1173 17 23 The voyage of William Mandeuile Erle of Essex to Ierusalem Anno 1177. 17 24 The famous voyage of Richard the first king of England into Asia for the recouering of Ierusalem out of the hands of the Saracens Anno 1190. 20 25 The voyage of Baldwine Archbishop of Canterbury vnto Syria and Palaestina in the yeere 1190. 28 26 The voyage of Richard Surnamed Canonicus vnder king Richard the first into Syria and Palaestina Anno 1190. 30 27 The voyage of Gulielmus Peregrinus vnder king Richard the first to Palaestina Anno 1190. 30 28 The voyage of Hubert Walter bishop of Salisbury vnder king Richard also vnto Syria Anno 1190. 31 29 The voyage of Robert Curson a nobleman of England and a Cardinall vnder Hen. the third to Damiata in AEgypt Anno 1218. 31. 32 30 The voyage of Rainulph Earle of Chester of Saer Quincy Earle of Winchester of William de Albanie Earle of Arundel c. to the holy land Anno 1218. 32 31 The voyage of Henry Bohun and Saer Quincy to the holy land in the yeere of our Lord 1222. 32 32 The voyage of Rainulph Glanuile Earle of Chester to the holy land and to Damiata in AEgypt 32 33 The voyage of Petrus de Rupibus bishop of Winchester to Ierusalem Anno 1231. 33 34 The honourable voyage of Richard Earle of Cornwall brother to king Hen. the third accompanied with William Long-espee Earle of Salisburie and diuerse other noblemen into Syria Anno 1240. 33 35 The voyage of William Long-espee or Long-sword Erle of Salisburie into AEgypt with Lewis the French king Anno 1248. 33 36 The voyage of prince Edward the sonne of king Henry the third into Syria An. 1270. 36 37 The voyage of Robert Turneham vnder the said prince Edward into Syria in the yeere of our Lord 1270 38.39 38 The voyage of Frier Beatus Odoricus to Asia minor Armenia Chaldaea Persia India China and other remote parts c. 39.53 39 The voyage of Matthew Gurney an
English knight against the Moores of Alger to Barbary and to Spaine 67 40 The voyage of Henrie Earle of Derby after Duke of Hereford and lastly Henry the fourth king of England with an army of Englishmen to Tunis in Barbary 69 41 The trauailes and memorable victories of Iohn Hawkwood Englishman in diuerse places of Italy in the reigne of Richard the second 70 42 The voyage of Lord Iohn of Holland Earle of Huntington brother by the mother to K. Richard the second to Ierusalem and S. Katherins mount Anno 1394. 70 43 The voyage of Thomas Lord Mowbrey duke of Norfolke to Ierusalem in the yeere of our Lord 1399. 70 44 The voyage of the bishop of Winchester to Ierusalem Anno 1417. 71 45 A voyage intended by king Henry the fourth to the holy land against the Saracens and Infidels Anno 1413. 71. 72 46 A voyage made with two ships called The holy Crosse and The Matthew Gunson to the Isles of Candia and Chio about the yeere 1534. 98 47 Another voyage vnto Candia and Chio made by the foresayd ship called The Matthewâ— Gunson Anno 1535. 98 48 The voyage of the valiant Esquire M. Peter Read to Tunis in Barbarie 1538 recorded in his Epitaph 99 49 The voyage of Sir Thomas Chaloner to Alger with the Emperour Charles the fift Anno 1541. 99 50 The voyage of M. Roger Bodenâ—am with the great barke Aucher to Candia and Chio Anno 1550. 99 51 The voyage of M. Iohn Lok to Ierusalem Anno 1553. 101 52 The voyage of Iohn Foxe to the Streit of Gibraltar in a ship called The three halfe-moones Anno 1563. And his worthy enterprize in deliuering 266 Christians from the captiuitie of the Turkes at Alexandria Anno 1577. 131.132 53 The voyage of M. Laurence Aldersey to the cities of Ierusalem and Tripolis in the yeere 1581. 150 54 The voyage of The Susan of London to Constantinople wherein M. William Hareborne was sent first Ambassadour vnto Zuldan Murad Can the great Turke Anno 1582. 165 55 The voyage of a ship called The Iesus to Tripolis in Barbary Anno 1583. 184 56 The voyage of M. Henry Austel by Venice to Ragusa and thence ouer-land to Constantinople and from thence through Moldauia Polonia Silesia and Germany into England Anno 1586. 194 57 The voyage of Master Cesar Frederick into the east India and beyonde the Indies Anno 1563. 213 58 The long dangerous and memorable voyage of M. Ralph Fitch marchant of London by the way of Tripolis in Syria to Ormuz to Goa in the East India to Cambaia to the riuer of Ganges to Bengala to Bacola to Chonderi to Pegu to Siam c. begunne in the yeere 1583 and ended in the yeere 1591. 250 59 The voyage of M. Iohn Eldred to Tripolis in Syria by sea and from thence by land and riuer to Babylon and Balsara Anno 1583. 268 60 The voyage of M. Iohn Euesham by sea into AEgypt Anno 1586. 281 61 The voyage of M. Laurence Aldersey to the cities of Alexandria and Cairo in Aegypt Anno 1586. 282 62 The voyage of fiue marchants ships of London into Turkie and their valiant fight in their returne with 11 gallies and two frigats of the king of Spaine at Pantalarea within the Streits of Gibraltar Anno 1586. 285 63 The voyage of Master William Hareborne ouer-land from Constantinople to London Anno 1588. 289 64 A description of a voyage to Constantinople and Syria begun the 21 of March 1593 and ended the ninth of August 1595 wherein is shewed the manner of deliuering the second present by M. Edward Barton her Maiesties ambassadour which was sent from her Maiestie to Sultan Murad Can the Emperour of Turkie 33 The Ambassages Letters Priuileges Discourses Aduertisements and other obseruations depending vpon the Voyages contayned in the first part of this second Volume 1 A Testimony that the Britons were in Italy and Greece with the Cimbrians and Gauls before the incarnation of Christ. pag. 1 2 A testimony that certain Englishmen were of the guard of the Emperour of Constantinople in the time of Iohn the sonne of Alexius Comnenus 17 3 A great supply of money sent to the Holy land by King Henry the second 18 4 A letter written from Manuel the Emperour of Constantinople vnto Henry the second King of England Ann. 1177 wherein mention is made that certaine of king Henries noblemen and subiects were present with the sayd Emperour in a battel against the Soldan of Iconium 18 5 A note drawen out of a very auncient booke in the custodie of the right Wor. M. Thomas Tilney Esquire touching Sir Fredericke Tilney his ancester knighted for his valour at Acon in the Holyland by king Richard the first 29 6 A large contribution to the succour of the holy land made by king Iohn king of England Anno 1201. 30 7 The comming of Baldwin the Emperour of Constantinople into England An. 1247. 31 8 A testimony concerning Anthony Beck bishop of Duresme that he was elected Patriarke of Ierusalem and confirmed by Clement the 5 bishop of Rome Anno 1305. 39 9 The comming of Lyon king of Armenia into England Anno 1â—86 to make a treaty of peace betweene Richard the second king of England and the French king 67 10 The comming of the Emperour of Constantinople into England to desire the ayde of king Henry the fourth against the Turkes Anno 1400. 70 11 A relation of the siege and taking of the citie of Rhodes by Sultan Soliman the great Turke Wherein honorable mention is made of diuers valiant English knights Anno 1522. 72 12 An ambassage from Don Ferdinando brother to the Emperour Charles the fift vnto King Henry the eight crauing his ayde against Soliman the great Turke An. 1527. 95 13 The antiquitie of the trade of English marchants vnto the remote parts of the Leuant seas Anno 1511 1512 c. 96 14 A letter of Henry the eight king of England to Iohn the third king of Portugale for a Portugale ship fraighted at Chio with the goods of Iohn Gresham William Lok and others and wrongfully vnladen in Portugale Anno 1531. 96 15 The maner of the entring of Soliman the great Turke with his army into Alepo in Syria as hee was marching toward Persia agaiâ—st the great Sophi Anno 1553. 112 16 A note of the presents that were giuen at the same time in Alepo to the Grand Signor and the names of the presenters 113 17 The safe conduct granted by Sultan Soliman the great Turke to M. Anthony Ienkinson at Alepo in Syria Anno 1553. 114 18 A discourse of the trade to Chio written by Gaspar Campion in the yeere 1569. 114 19 A letter of the sayd Gaspar Campion to M. William Winter in the yeare 1569. 116 20 A briefe description of the Isle of Cyprus 119 21 A report of the siege and taking of Famagusta the strongest citie in al Cyprus by Mustafa Bassa Generall of the great Turkes army Anno 1571. 121 22 The
Domini 1172 fundata fuit abbatia de Stanlaw per dominum Iohannem Lacy Constabularium Cestriae dominum de Halton qui obijt in Terra sancta anno sequenti qui fuit vicessimus annus regni regis Henrici secundi ¶ The same in English IN the yere of our Lord 1172 was founded the abbey of Stanlaw by the lord Iohn Lacy Constable of Chester lord of Halton who deceased in the Holy land the yere following which was in the twentieth yere of king Henry the second The voyage of VVilliam Mandeuile to Ierusalem VVIlliam Mandeuile earle of Essex with diuers English lords and knights went to the Holy land in the 24 yere of Henry the second Holinshed pag. 101. English men were the guard of the Emperours of Constantinople in the reigne of Iohn the sonne of Alexius Comnenus Malmesburiensis Curopolata and Camden pag. 96. IAminde Anglia non minus belli gloria quà m humanitatis cultu inter Florentissimas orbis Christiani gentes inprimis floruit Adeo vt ad custodiam corporis Constantinopolitanorum Imperatorum euocati fuerint Angli Ioannes enim Alexij Comneni filius vt refert noster Malmesburiensis eorum fidem suspiciens praecipue familiaritati suae applicabat amorem eorum filio transcribens Adeo vt iam inde longo tempore fuerint imperatorum illorum satellites Inglini Bipenniferi Nicetae Choniatae Barangi Curopolatae dicti Qui vbique Imperatorem prosequebantur ferentes humetis secures quas tollebant cum Imperator ex oratorio spectandum se exhibebat Anglicè vitam diuturnam secures suas collidentes vt sonitum ederent comprecabantur The same in English FRom this time forward the kingdome of England was reputed amongst the most flourishing estates of Christendome no lesse in chiualrie then humanitie So farforth that the English men were sent for to be the guarders of the persons of the Emperours of Constantinople For Iohn the sonne of Alexius Comnenus as our countreyman William of Malmesburie reporteth highly esteeming their fidelity vsed them very nere about him recommending them ouer to his sonne so that long time afterwards the guard of those Emperours were English halberâ—iers called by Nicetas Choniata Inglini Bipenniseri and by Europolata Barangi which alwayes accompanied the Emperour with their halberds on their shoulders which they held vp when the Emperour comming from his Oratorie shewed himselfe to the people and clafhing their halberds together to make a terrible sound they in the English tongue wished vnto him long life A great supply of money to the Holy land by Henry the 2. THe same yeere King Henry the second being at Waltham assigned an aide to the maintenance of the Christian souldiers in the Holy lande That is to wit two and fortie thousand markes of siluer and fiue hundred markes of golde Matth. Paris and Holens pag. 105. A letter written from Manuel the Emperour of Constantinople vnto Henrie the second King of England Anno Dom. 1177. wherein mention is made that certaine of king Henries Noble men and subiects were present with the sayd Emperour in a battell of his against the Soldan of Iconium Recorded by Roger Houeden in Annalium parte posteriore in regno Hen. 2. fol. 316 317. EOdem anno Manuel Constantinopolitanus imperator habito praelio campestri cum Soltano Iconij illo devicto in hac forma scripsit Domino regi Angliae Manuel in Christo deo Porphyrogenitus diuinitùs coronatus sublimis potens excelsus semper Augustus moderator Romanorum Comnenus Henrico nobilissimo regi Angliae charissimo amico suo salutem omne bonum Cum imperium nostrum necessarium reputet notificare tibi vt dilecto amico suo de omnibus quae sibi obueniunt ideò de his quae nunc acciderunt ei opportunum iudicauit declatare tuae voluntati Igitur a principio coronationis nostrae imperium nostrum aduersus dei inimicos Persas nostrum odium in corde nutriuit dum cernetet illos in Christianos gloriari eleuarique in nomen dei Christianorum dominari regionibus Quocirca alio quidem tempore in differentèr inuasit eos prout deus ei concessit sic fecit Et quae ab ipso frequenter patrata sunt ad contritionem ipsorum perditionem imperium nostrum credit nobilitatem tuam non latere Quoniam autem nunc maximum exercitum contra eos ducere proposuit bellum contra omnem Persidem mouere quia res cogebat Et non vt voluit multum aliquem apparatum fecit sicut ei visum est Veruntamen prout tempus dabat rerum status potentèr eos inuasit Collegit ergo circa se imperium nostrum potentias suas sed quia carpenta ducebat armorum machinarum aliorum instrumentorum conserentium ciuitatum expugnationibus pondera portantia idcircò nequa quam cum festinatione iter suum agere poterat Ampliùs autem dum adhuc propriam regionem peragraret antequam barbarorum aliquis aduersus nos militaret in bellis aduersarius aegritudo dissicillima fluxus ventris invasit nos qui diffâ—sus per agmina imperij nostri pertransibat depopulando inteâ—imendo multos omni pugnatore grauior Et hoc maluÌ„ inuslescens maximè nos contriuit Ex quo verò fines Turcorum inuasimus bella quidem primum frequentia concrepabant agmina Turcorum cum exercitibus imperij nostri vndique dimicabant Sed Dei gratia ex toto à nostris in fugam vertebantur barbari Post verò vbi eâ— qui illic adjaceâ— angustiae loci quae à Persis nominatur Cibrilcimam propinquâ—uimus tot Persarum turmae peditum equitum quorum pleraeque ab interioribus partibus Persidis occurrerant in adiutorium contribulium suorum exercitui nostro superuenerunt quot penè nostrorum excederent numerum Exercitu ita que imperij nostri propter viae omnino angustiam difficultatem vsque ad decem milliaria extenso cum neque qui praeibant possent postremos defendere neque versa vice rursus postremi possent praeeuntes iuuare non mediocritèr ab inuicem hos distare accidit Sanè primae cohortes permultùm ab acie imperij nostri diuide bantur postremarum oblitae illas non praestolantes Quoniam igitur Turcorum agmina ex iam factis praelijs cognouerant non conferre sibi à fronte nobis repugnare loci angustiam bonum subuentorem cum inuenissent posteriora statuerunt inuadere agmina quod fecerunt Arctissimo igitur vbique loco existente instabant barbari vndique à dextris â sinistris aliundè dimicantes tela super nos quasi imbres descendentia interimebant viros equos complures Ad haec itaque imperium nostruÌ„ vbi malum superabundabat reputans secum oportunuÌ„ iudicabat retrò expectare atque illos qui illic erant adiuuare expectando vtiquè contra infinita illa Persarum agmina bellum sustinuit Quanta quidem
loose townes and lordships and that hee should not take ouermuch thought for it and as for his promise he bade that he should not doubt in any thing and that he should not feare any displeasure to his person and that he should goe with his people without feare With these wordes the sayd lord thanked him and tooke his leaue and departed FINIS ¶ Lenuoy of the Translator GOe little booke and woefull Tragedie Of the Rhodian fearefull oppugnation To all estates complaining ruthfully Of thine estate and sudden transmutation Excusing me if in thy translation Ought be amisse in language or in werke I me submit with their supportation To be correct that am so small a clerke An ambassage from Don Ferdinando brother to the emperor Charles the 5. vnto king Henry the 8. in the yere 1527. desiring his aide against Solyman the great Turke Holinshed pag. 894. ON the 14. day of March 1527. were conueied from London to Greenwich by the earle of Rutland and others the lord Gabriel de Salamanca earle of Ottonburge Iohn Burgraue of Syluerberge and Iohn Faber a famous clerke after bishop of Vien as ambassadours from Don Ferdinando brother to Charles the emperor newly elect king of Hungarie and Beame after the death of his brother in law king Lewes which was slaine by Solyman the Turke the last Sommer This company was welcommed of the high officers and after brought into the kings presence all the nobilitie being present and there after great reuerence made M. Faber made a notable oration taking his ground out of the Gospell Exijt seminator seminare semen suum and of that hee declared how Christ and his disciples went foorth to sowe and how their seed was good that fel into the good ground and brought foorth good fruite which was the Christian faith And then he declared how contrary to that sowing Mahomet had sowen seed which brought foorth euillfruit He also shewed from the beginning how the Turkes haue increased in power what realmes they had conquered what people they had subdued euen to that day He declared further what actes the great Turke then liuing had done and in especiall he noted the getting of Belgrade and of the Rhodes and the slaying of the king of Hungarie to the great rebuke as he sayd of all the kings christened Hee set foorth also what power the Turke had what diuersities of companies what capitaines he had so that he thought that without a marueilous great number of people hee could not be ouerthrowen Wherefore be most humbly besought the king as S. Georges knight and defender of the faith to assist the king his master in that godly warre and vertuous purpose To this oration the king by the mouth of Sir Thomas Moore answered that much hee lamented the losse that happened in Hungarie and if it were not for the warres which were betweene the two great pruices he thought that the Turke would not haue enterprised that acte wherefore he with all his studie would take paine first to set an vnitie and peace throughout all Christendome and after that both with money and men he would be readie to helpe toward that glorious warre as much as any other prince in Christendome After this done the ambassadours were well cherished and diuers times resorted to the court and had great cheere and good rewards and so the third day of May next following they tooke their leaue departed homeward The antiquitie of the trade with English ships into the Leuant IN the yeeres of our Lord 1511. 1512. c. till the yeere 1534. diuers tall ships of London namely The Christopher Campion wherein was Factor onâ— Râ—ger Whitcome the Mary George wherein was Factor William Gresham the great Mary Grace the Owner whereof was William Gunson and the master one Iohn Hely the Trinitie Fitz-williams whereof was master Laurence Arkey the Mathew of London whereof was master William Capling with certaine other ships of Southampton and Bristow had an ordinarie and vsuall trade to Sicilia Candie Chio and some whiles to Cyprus as also to Tripolis and Barutti in Syria The commodities which they caried thither were fine Kersies of diuers colours course Kersies white Westerne dozens Cottons certaine clothes called Statutes and others called Cardinal-whites and Calueskins which were well sold in Sicilie c. The commodities which they returned backe were Silks Chamlets Rubarbe Malinesies Muskadels and other wines sweete oyles cotten wooll Turkie carpets Galles Pepper Cinamom and some other spices c. Besides the naturall inhabitants of the foresayd places they had euen in those dayes traffique with Iewes Turkes and other forreiners Neither did our merchants onely employ their owne English shipping before mentioned but sundry strangers also as namely Candiots Raguseans Sicilians Genouezes Venetian galliasses Spanish and Portugale ships All which particulars doe most euidently appeare out of certaine auncient Ligier bookes of the R. W. Sir William Locke Mercer of London of Sir William Bowyer Alderman of London of master Iohn Gresham and of others which I Richard Hakluyt haue diligently perused and copied out And here for authorities sake I doe annexe as a thing not impertinent to this purpose a letter of king Henry the eight vnto Don Iohn the third king of Portugale A letter of the king of England Henry the eight to Iohn king of Portugale for a Portingale ship with the goods of Iohn Gresham and Wil. Locke with others vnladen in Portugale from Chio. SErenissimo Principi domino Ioanni Dei gratia Regi Portugallieâ— Algarbiorum citra vltra mare in Africa ac domino Guineae conquistae nauigationis commercij AEthiopiae Arabiae Persiae atque Indiae c. Fratri amico nostro charissimo Henricus Dei gratia Rex Angliae Franciae fidei desensor ac dominus Hiberniae Serenissimo Principi domino Ioanni eadem gratia Regi Portugallie AlgarbioruÌ„ citra vltra mare in Africa ac domino Guinee conquistae nauigationis coÌ„mercij AEthiopiae Arabiae Persiae atque Indiae c. Fratri amico nostro charissimo saluteÌ„ Tanto libentiùs promptiúsque iustas omnes causas vestre Serenitati commendandas suscipimus quanto apertiori indiès nostroruÌ„ qui in eiusdem vestre Serenitatis regno ac ditione negociantur subditorum testimonio cognoscimus ipsam ex optimi principis officio ita accuratè exactéque ius suum cuÃque praebere vt ad eaÌ„ nemo iustitiae consequendae gratia frustrà vnquam confugiar Cúm itaque dilectus ac fidelis subditus noster Ioannes Gresham mercator Londoniensis nuper nobis humiliter exposuerit quod quidaÌ„ Willielmus Heith ipsius Factor negotiorum gestor nauim quandam Portugallensem cui nomen erat Sancto Antonio praeerátque Diego Peres Portugallensis superioribus mensibus in Candia conduxerit cum nauisque praefecto conuenerit vtin insulam Chium ad quas dam diuersi generis merces onerandas primo nauigaret in Candiámque mox aliarum
THE PRINCIPAL NAVIGATIONS VOYAGES TRAFFIQVES AND DISCOVEries of the English Nation made by Sea or ouer-land to the remote and farthest distant quarters of the Earth at any time within the compasse of these 1600 yeres Diuided into three seuerall Volumes according to the positions of the Regions whereunto they were directed The first Volume containeth the worthy Discoueries c. of the English toward the North and Northeast by Sea as of Lapland Scrikfinia Corelia the Baie of S. Nicolas the Isles of Colgoieue Vaigatz and Nona Zembla toward the great Riuer Ob with the mighty Empire of Russia the Caspian Sea Georgia Armenia Media Persia Boghar in Bactria and diuers kingdomes of Tartaria Together with many notable monuments and testimonies of the ancient forren trades and of the warrelike and other shipping of this Realme of England in former ages VVhereunto is annexed a briefe Commentary of the true state of Island and of the Northren Seas and lands situate that way As also the memorable defeat of the Spanish huge Armada Anno 1588. ¶ The second Volume comprehendeth the principall Nauigations Voyages Traffiques and discoueries of the English Nation made by Sea or ouer-land to the South and South-east parts of the World as well within as without the Streight of Gibraltar at any time within the compasse of these 1600. yeres Diuided into two seueral parts c. ¶ By RICHARD HAKLVYT Preacher and sometime Student of Christ-Church in Oxford Imprinted at London by George Bishop Ralph Newberie and Robert Barker ANNO 1599. TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE MY SINGVLAR GOOD LORD THE LORD CHARLES HOVVARD Erle of Notingham Baron of Effingham Knight of the noble Order of the Garter Lord high Admirall of England Ireland and Wales c. one of her Maiesties most honourable priuie Counsell RIght Honourable and my very good Lord after I had long since published in Print many Nauigations and Discoueries of Strangers in diuers languages as well here at London as in the citie of Paris during my fiue yeeres abode in France with the woorthie Knight Sir Edward Stafford your brother in lawe her Maiesties most prudent and carefull Ambassador ligier with the French King and had waded on still farther and farther in the sweet studie of the historie of Cosmographie I began at length to conceiue that with diligent obseruation some thing might be gathered which might commend our nation for their high courage and singular actiuitie in the Search and Discouerie of the most vnknowen quarters of the world Howbeit seeing no man to step forth to vndertake the recording of so many memorable actions but euery man to folow his priuate affaires the ardent loue of my countrey deuoured all difficulties and as it were with a sharpe goad prouoked me and thrust me forward into this most troublesome and painfull action And after great charges and infinite cares after many watchings toiles and trauels and wearying out of my weake body at length I haue collected three seuerall Volumes of the English Nauigations Traffiques and Discoueries to strange remote and farre distant countreys Which worke of mine I haue not included within the compasse of things onely done in these latter dayes as though litle or nothing woorthie of memorie had bene performed in former ages but mounting aloft by the space of many hundred yeeres haue brought to light many very rare and worthy monuments which long haue lien miserably scattered in mustie corners retchlesly hidden in mistie darkenesse and were very like for the greatest part to haue bene buried in perpetuall obliuion The first Volume of this worke I haue thus for the present brought to light reseruing the other two vntill the next Spring when by Gods grace they shall come to the Presse In the meane season bethinking my selfe of some munificent and bountifull Patrone I called to mind your honorable Lordship who both in regard of my particular obligation and also in respect of the subiect and matter might iustly chalenge the Patronage thereof For first I remembred how much I was bound and how deeply indebted for my yongest brother Edmund Hackluyt to whom for the space of foure whole yeeres your Lordship committed the gouernment and instruction of that honorable yong noble man your sonne heire apparant the lord William Howard of whose high spirit and wonderful towardlinesse full many a time hath he boasted vnto me Secondly the bounden duetie which I owe to your most deare sister the lady Sheffield my singular good lady honorable mistresse admonished me to be mindfull of the renoumed familie of the Howards Thirdly when I found in the first Patent graunted by Queene Marie to the Moscouie companie that my lord your â—ather being then lord high Admirall of England was one of the first fauourers and furtherers with his purse and countenance of the strange and wonderfull Discouerie of Russia the chiefe contents of this present Volume then I remeÌ„bred the sage saying of sweet Isocrates That sonnes ought not onely to be inheriters of their fathers substance but also of their commendable vertues and honours But what speake I of your ancestors honors which to say the trueth are very great and such as our Chronicles haue notably blazoned when as your owne Heroicall actions from time to time haue shewed themselues so admirable as no antiquitie hath affoorded greater and the future times will not in haste I thinke performe the like To come to some particulars when the Emperors sister the spouse of Spaine with a Fleete of an 130. sailes stoutly and proudly passed the narow Seas your Lordship accompanied with ten ships onely of her Maiesties Nauie Roiall enuironed their Fleet in most strange and warrelike sort enforced them to stoope gallant and to vaile their bonets for the Queene of England and made them perfectly to vnderstand that olde speach of the prince of Poets Non illi imperium pelagi saeuúmque tridentem sed tibi sorte datum Yet after they had acknowledged their dutie your lordship on her Maiesties behalfe conducted her safely through our English chanell and performed all good offices of honor and humanitie to that forren Princesse At that time all England beholding your most honorable cariage of your selfe in that so weightie seruice began to cast an extraordinarie eie vpon your lordship and deeply to conceiue that singular hope which since by your most worthie wonderfull seruice your L hath more then fully satiâ—fied I meane among others that glorious triumphant and thrise-happy victory atchieued against that huge and haultie Spanish Armada which is notably described in the ende of this volume wherein being chiefe and sole Commander vnder her sacred and roiall Maiestie your noble gouernment and worthy behauior your high wisedom discretion and happinesse accompanied with the heauenly blessing of the Almightie are shewed most euidently to haue bene such as all posteritie and succeeding ages shall neuer cease to sing and resound your infinite prayse and eternall commendations As for the late renoumed expedition
the said Simon to saile for England and spoiled the said craier and also tooke and caried away with them the goods and marchandises of the said Simon being in the foresaid ship to the value of 66. pounds Item in the yeere of our Lord 1397. certaine malefactors of Wismer and Rostok with certaine others of the Hans tooke a crayer of one Peter Cole of Zeland called the Bussship which Alan Barret the seruant and factor of the foresaid Simon Durham had laden with mastes sparres and other marchandize for the behalfe of the said Simon and vniustly tooke from thence the goods of the said Simon to the value of 24. pounds and caried the same away Item in the yeere of our Lord 1394. certaine malefactors of Wismer and others of the Hans vniustly tooke vpon the sea and caried away with them a packe of woollen cloth of the foresaid Simon worth 42. pounds out of a certain crayer of one Thomas Fowler of Lenne being laden and bound for Dantzik in Prussia Item pitifully complaining the marchants of Lenne doe auouch verifie affirme that about the feast of S. George the martyr in the yeere of our Lord 1394. sundry malefactors and robbers of Wismer Rostok and others of the Hans with a great multitude of ships arriued at the towne of Norbern in Norway and tooke the said town by strong assault and also wickedly and vniustly took al the marchants of Lenne there residing with their goods cattels and burnt their houses and mansions in the same place and put their persons vnto great ransoms euen as by the letters of safeconduct deliuered vnto the said marchants it may more euidently appeare to the great damage and impouerishment of the marchants of Lenne namely Imprimis they burnt there 21. houses belonging vnto the said marchants to the value of 440. nobles Item they tooke from Edmund Belyetere Thomas Hunt Iohn Brandon and from other marchants of Lenne to the value of 1815. pounds Concerning this surprise Albertus Krantzius in the sixt book of his history of Norway and the 8. Chapter writeth in maner following IN the meane while Norway enioyed peace vnder the gouernment of a woman vntil Albertus king of Suecia who had now seuen yeeres continued in captiuity vnder Queen Margaret was to be set at liberty Which when the common souldiers of Rostok Wismer called the Vitalians perceiued who whilest their king was holden captiue in the right of the forenamed cities for the behalfe of their lord the king being prince of Mekleburg by birth vndertooke and waged warre al the time of his captiuitie banding their forces together they resolued at their own costs charges but in the right of the said cities to saile into the 3. kingdoms and to take such spoiles as they could lay hold on These common souldiers therfore sâ—eing an end of their tyrannical and violent dealing to approch sassed into Norway vnto the towne of Norbern being a mart town for al the marchants of Germanie who transporting fishes from thence doe bring thither marchandises of all kinds especially corne vnto the scarcitie wherof vnlesse it be brought out of other countreys that kingdome as we haue said is very much subiect Departing out of their ships and going on shore they set vpon the towne and by fire and sword they easily compelled the inhabitants dwelling in weake wodden houses to giue place Thus these Vitalians entring and surprising the towne conueyed such spoiles vnto their ships as them pleased and hauing laden their ships with those booties they returned home frolike vnto the ports of their own cities Without all respect they robbed and rifled the goods aswel of the Germanes as of the Noâ—uagians and like lewde companions wasting and making hauock of all things prooued themselues neuer the wealthier For it is not the guise of such good fellowes to store vp or to preserue ought The citizens at the first seemed to be inriched howbeit afterward no man misdoubting any such calamitie goods ill gotten were worse spent Thus farre Kranâ—zius Item pitifully complaining the foresaide marchants auouch verifie and affirme that vpon the 14. day after the feast of S. George in the yeere of our Lord next aboue written as 4. ships of Lenne laden with cloth wine and other marchandises were sailing vpon the maine sea with all the goods and wares conteined in them for Prussia sundry malefactors of Wismer and Rostok with others of the Hans being in diuers ships came vpon them and by â—orce of armes and strong hand tooke the said ships with the goods and marchandises contained in them and some of the people which were in the saide foure ships they slew some they spoyled and others they put vnto extreame ransomes And carying away with them those foure ships with the commodities and marchandise therin they parted stakes thâ—rwith as them listed to the great impâ—uerishment losse of the said marchants of Lenne namely in cloth of William Silesden Tho. Waterden Ioh. Brandon Ioh. WesenhaÌ„ other marchants of Lenne to the value of 3623 li.5.s.11 d. Item pitifully complaining the foresaid marchants doe affirme that one Henry Lambolt and other his adherents in the yeere of our Lord 1396. looke vpon the maine sea betweene Norway and Sâ—aw one crayer laden with osmunds and with diuers other marchandises perteining vnto Iohn Brandon of Lenne to the summe and value of 443 li.4.s.2.d Moreouer they tooke from Iohn Lakingay 4. lasts and an halfe of osmunds to the value of 220 lib.10.s Item the foresaid marchants complaine that certain malefactors of Wismer with other their compliâ—es of the Hans in the yeere of our Lord 1396. tooke from Thomas Ploker of Lenne out of a certaine ship sailing vpon the maine sea towaâ—ds Sconâ—land whereof Iames Snycop was master cloth and other marchandise to the summe and value of 13 lib.13.s.4.d Item the aboue-named marchants complaine saying that certaine malefactors of Wismer with others of the Hans society in the yere of our Lord 1397. wickedly and vniustly took out of a certaine ship of Dantzik whereof Laurence van Russe was master from Ralph Bedingam of Lenne one fardel of cloth worth 52 li.7.s.6.d Also for the ransome of his seruant 8 li.6.s.8.d Itemâ— they tooke from Thomas Earle diuers goods to the value of 24. pounds Item the foresaid marchants complainâ—â— that certaine malefactors of Wismer Rostok with others of the Hans in the yeere of our Lord 1399. wickedly vniustly tooke one crayer pertayning vnto Iohn Lakingliâ—h of Lenne laden with diuers goods and marchandise pertaining vnto sundry marchants of Lenne namely from the forenamed Iohn one fardel of cloth and one chest full of harneis and other things to the value of 90 lib Item they took out of the foresaid ship from Roger Hood one fardel of cloth and one chest with diuers goods to the value of 58 lib Item from Iohn Pikeron one fardell of cloth and one chest with
Lords came thider by assent To his worship but in a certaine day Hee bad shippes to bee redie of aray For to visit Saint Iohns Church hee list Rowing vnto the good holie Baptist Hee assigned to Erles Lords and knights Many ships right goodly to sights And for himselfe and eight kings moo Subiect to him hee made kepe one of thoo A good shippe and entrede into it With eight kings and downe did they sit And eche of them an ore tooke in hand At ore hales as I vnderstand And he himselfe at the shippe behinde As steris man it became of kinde Such another rowing I dare well say Was not seene of Princes many a day Lo than how hee in waters got the price In lande in see that I may not suffice To tell O right O magnanimitee That king Edgar had vpon the see An incident of the Lord of the sea King Edward the third Of king Edward I passe and his prowes On lande on sea yee knowe his worthines The siege of Caleis ye know well all the matter Round about by land and by the water Howe it lasted not yeeres many agoe After the battell of Creeye was ydoe Howe it was closed enuiron about Olde men sawe it which liuen this is no doubt Did Knights say that the Duke of Burgoyn Late rebuked for all his golden coyne Of ship on see made no besieging there For want of shippes that durst not come for feare It was nothing besieged by the see Thus call they it no siege for honestee Gonnes assailed but assault was there none No siege but fuge well was he that might be gouer This maner carping haue knights ferre in age Expert through age of this maner language But king Edward made a siege royall And wanne the towne and in especiall The sea was kept and thereof he was Lord. Thus made he Nobles coyned of record In whose time was no nauie on the see That might withstand his maiestie Battell of Scluse yee may rede every day Howe it was done I leue and goe my way It was so late done that yee it knowe In comparison within a litle throwe For which to God giue we honour and glorie For Lord of see the king was with victorie Another incident of keeping of the see in the time of the marueilous werriour and victorious Prince King Henrie the fifth and of his great shippes ANd if I should conclude all by the King Henrie the fift what was his purposing Whan at Hampton he made the great dromons Which passed other great ships of all the commons The Trinitie the Grace de Dieu the holy Ghost And other nwe which as nowe bee lost What hope ye was the kings great intent Of thoo shippes and what in minde hee meant It was not ellis but that hee cast to bee Lorde round about enuiron of the see And when Harflew had her siege about There came caracks horrible great and stoute In the narrow see willing to abide To stoppe vs there with multitude of pride My Lord of Bedford came on and had the cure Dâ—stroyed they were by that discomfiture This was after the king Harflew had wonne Whan our enemies to siege had begonne That all was staine or take by true relation To his worshippe and of his English nation There was present the kings chamberlaine At both battailes which knoweth this in certaine He can it tell otherwise then I Aske him and witte I passe foorth hastily What had this king of his magnificence Of great courage of wisedome and prudence Prouision forewitte audacitee Of fortitude iustice and agilitee Discretion subtile auisednesse Attemperance Noblesse and worthinesse Science prowesse deuotion equitie Of most estate with his magnanimitie Liche to Edgar and the saide Edward As much of both liche hem as in regard Where was on liue a man more victorious And in so short time prince so maruellous By land and sea so well he him acquitte To speake of him I stony in my witte Thus here I leaue the king with his noblesse Henry the fift with whom all my processe Of this true booke of pure policie Of sea keeping entending victorie I leaue endly for about in the see No Prince was of better strenuitee And if he had to this time liued here He had bene Prince named withoutenpere His great ships should haue ben put in preese Unto the ende that he ment of in cheefe For doubt it not but that he would haue bee Lord and master about the round see And kept it sure to stoppe our enemies hence And wonne vs good and wisely brought it thence That no passage should be without danger And his licence on see to moue and sterre Of vnitie shewing of our keeping of the see with an endly or finall processe of peace by authoritie Chap. 12. NOw in than for loue of Christ and of his ioy Bring it England out of trouble and noy Take heart and witte and set a gouernance Set many wits withouten variance To one accord and vnanimitee Put to good will for to keepe the see First for worship and profite also And to rebuke of eche euill wisted foe Thus shall worship and riches to vs long Than to the Noble shall we doe no wrong To beare that coyne in figure and in deede To our courage and to our enemies dreede For which they must dresse hem to peace in haste Or ellis their thrift to standen and to waste As this processe hath proued by and by All by reason and expert policy And by stories which proued well this parte Or ellis I will my life put in ieoparte But many londs would seche her peace for nede The see wel kept it must bee dâ—â— for drede Thus must Flanders for nede haue vnitee And peace with vs it will non other bee Within short while and ambassadours Would bene here soone to treate for their succours This vnitee is to God pleasance And peace after the werres variance The ende of battaile is peace sikerly And power causeth peace finally Kept than the sea about in speciall Which of England is the towne wall As though England were likened to a citie And the wall enuiron were the see Kepe then the sea that is the wall of England And than is England kept by Goddes hande That as for any thing that is without England were at ease withouten doubt And thus should euery lond one with another Entercommon as brother with his brother And liue togither werrelesse in vnitie Without rancour in very charitie In rest and peace to Christes great pleasance Without strife debate and variance Which peace men should enserche with businesse And knit it saddely holding in holinesse The Apostle seith if ye list to see Bee yee busie for to keepe vnitee Of the spirit in the bond of peace Which is nedeful to all withouten lese The Prophet biddeth vs peace for to enquire To pursue it this is holy desire Our
plurimos annos exportatis affatim nostrarium quibusuis commodis pecudum pecorumque carnibus butyro piscium copia quotannis penè immodica quaedam quasi cella penuaria fuit Sensere huius Insulae commoda etiam Hollandiae olim Angliae vrbes aliquot Praeterea Danis Bremènsibus Lubecensibus cum Islandis commercia diu fuerunt Sed a nullis vnquam tale encomium talem gratiam reportarunt qualis hec est Gregoriana calumnia In vestrà vestrà inquam vrbe nata edita iterata si non tertiata que alias nationes quibus Islandia vix ac ne vix quidem nomine tenus alioqui innotuerat ad huius gentis opprobrium contemptum armauit quam à ciue vestro acceptam iniuriam iam 30. annos plus cò Islandia sustinet Sed etiam inscio magistratu eiusmodi multa saepè fiunt Neque enim dubitamus quin viri boni ciusmodi scripta famosa indignè ferant ne edantur diligenter caueant cum tales editiones pugnent cum iure naturali Ne alteri facias quod tibi factum non velis Et Caesareo de libellis famosis in quo irrogatur poena grauissima ijs qui tales libellos componunt scribunt proferunt emi vendiue curant aut non statim repertos discerpunt Caeterum iam tandem receptui canamus Nósque ad te Islandia parens carissima quam nec paupertas nec frigora nec id genus incommoda alia quamdiu Christo hospitia cupidè libenter exhibere non desistis inuisam facient conuertamus Vbi te primùm ad id quod modò diximus nempè serium ardens studium ac amorem DEI diuine scientiae nobis in Christo pate factae totis viribus hortamur vt vni huic cuncta posthabeas doctrinae verbi cupiditate flagres Sacrum ministerium ministros non parum cures non contemnas aut odio prosequare sed reuerearis foueas ames Contra facientes pro impijs profanis habeas vt omnia ad pietatis honestatis praescriptum geras in vita priuata communi vt huic status ordines Ecclesiastici Politici in vniuersum obtemperent In vtroque vitae genere ab illa amussi seu norma aequi boni dependeas caeteros qui pertinacia ac impietate ab ea deflectunt auerseris quos aequum est poenis condignis affici id quod magistratui curae futurum non diffidimus In primis verò nullos nisi spectatae fidei probitatis viros quique ad istas virtutes reliquas huc pertinentes coniungant ad gubernacula admittas qua ratione reliquis incommodis ritè occurritur Res ista enim si probè curetur vt videlicet qui munus publicum gerunt ex bonis omnibus optimi quique deligantur improbi huic rei inepti procul inde arceantur subditorum conditio longè erit optatissima vita mores tantò magis laudabiles sequentur pietas honestas tantò erunt illustriores At verò si secus fiat si Pastores Ecclesiarum suo muneri vel vita vel doctrina non respoÌ„deant si ad administrationeÌ„ politicam promiscuè admittantur quicunque eò propria leuitate ambitione vel auaritia contentione honoris ruunt si ijdem criminum aut improbitaris vel suspecti vel conuicti sint aut suspectorum conuictorum protectores vel ijsdem illicitè indulgentes quis tuus quaeso demum futurus est status quae facies quae conditio Certè longè omnium miserrima Nec enim alio pacto citius ad ruinam interitum tuum appropinquabis quà m si istis te regendam commiseris qui quod in ijs est licet sint ipsi ex tuis iugulum tuum propter emolumenta priuata odia latentia quotidiè petere coÌ„tendunt Quamobrem ne ista pluribus agam quanti intersit vt haec probè curentur sacilè ô Patria intelligis Sed dum haec tuls auribus à me occinuntur utinam gemitus meos altissimos qui sub hac ad te Apostrophe latent Serenissimae Regiae Maiestatis aures exaâ—diant apud quam ego pro te ita deploro damna publica quae ea de causa exoriuntur maximè quòd patria à regia sede conspectu tantò interuallo sit remota vt multi propterea tantò sibi maiorem sumant licentiam linpunitatem securius promittant Caeterum ista numini iustissimo quod aequis omnia oculis aspicit committenda ducimus Reliquum est ô patria vt studium in te nostrum eo quo speramus animoâ—i comi benigno suscipias quod quamuis minimè tale est quale optaremus tamen cum VELLE SIT INSTAR OMNIVM nolui idcirco desistere quod pro tuo nomine tua dignitate tua innocentia pugnate me satis strenuè diffiderem Quin potius quicquid id est si modò quicquam est quantulum cunque tandem quod ad tui patrociniumâ— pro mea tenui parte afferte possem nequaquam supprimendum putaui nec enim illos laudare soleo Qui quòd desperent inuicti membra Glyconis Nodosa nolunt corpus probibere Chiragra Me sanè si haec commentatiuncula non erit tibi aut mihi dedecori operae nequaquaÌ„ poenitebit Quòd si ad laudem vel aliquale patrocinium tui aliquid faciat operam perdidisse haud videbor Sin verò alios alumnos tuos meos conterraneos arte industria superiores ad causam tuam vel nunc vel in posterum suscipiendam hoc conatu tenello excitauero quid est cur operae precium non fecisse dicar quibus seribentibus licet mea fama in obscuro futura est tamen praestantia illorum qui nomini officient meo me consolabor Nam etsi famae nominis cura summa esse debet maior tamen patriae cuius dignitate salua incolumni nos quoque saluos incolumes reputabimus Scripsi Holis Hialtaedalensium in Islandia AErae Christianae Anno 1592. 17. Kalendas Maias A BRIEFE COMMENTARIE of Island wherin the errors of such as haue written concerning this Island are detected and the slanders and reproches of certaine strangers which they haue vsed ouer-boldly against the people of Island are confuted By Arngrimus Ionas of Island To the most mighty Prince and Lord Lord Christian the 4. of Denmarke Norway and of the Vandals and Gothes King elect of Sleswic Holste Stormar and Duhmarse Duke Earle of Oldenburg and Delmenhorst His most gratious Lord. THat heroical attempt of Anchurus sonne of King Midas most gratious prince and that pietie towards his countrey in maner peerelesse deserueth highly to be renowmed in histories in that freely and couragiously he offered his owne person for the stopping vp of an huge gulfe of earth about Celoena a towne in Phrigia which dayly swallowed multitudes of men and what soeuer else came neere vnto it For when his
it be some fewe relations Moreouer as touching Gronland we holde this from the opinion of our auncestours that from the extreeme part of Norway which is called Biarmlandia and from whence the saide Gronland is not farre distant it fetcheth about the Northren coast of Island with an huge circuit in maner of an halfe Moone Our Chronicles likewise doe testifie that our owne countreymen in times past resorted thither for traffique and also that the very same countrey of Gronland had certaine Bishops in the dayes of Poperie More then this we cannot auouch But now it is reported that your Englishmen whom I may almost call the lordes of the Ocean sea make yeerely voyages vnto Gronland concerning which matter if you please to giue me further aduertisement you shall doe me an especial fauour Moreouer whatsoeuer newes you heare concerning the affaires of England or of other Countreys thereabout I pray you make vs acquainted therewith Thus reuerend six wishing you long life for the seruice of God for the increase of learning and the benefit of the people committed to your charge I bid you farewel From Island vpon the feast of the visitation of the blessed Uirgine Mary Anno Dom. 1595. Yours Gudbrandus Thorlacius Bishop of Hola in Island The miraculous victory atchieued by the English Fleete vnder the discreet and happy conduct of the right honourable right prudent and valiant lord the L. Charles Howard L. high Admirall of England c. Vpon the Spanish huge Armada sent in the yeere 1588. for the inuasion of England together with the wofull and miserable successe of the said Armada afterward vpon the coasts of Norway of the Scottish Westerne Isles of Ireland of Spaine of France and of England c. Recorded in Latine by Emanuel van Meteran in the 15. booke of his history of the low Countreys HAuing in part declared the strange and wonderfull euents of the yeere eightie eight which hath bene so long time foretold by ancient prophesies we will now make relation of the most notable and great enterprise of all others which were in the foresaid yeere atchieued in order as it was done Which exploit although in very deed it was not performed in any part of the low Countreys was intended for their ruine and destruction And it was the expedition which the Spanish king hauing a long time determined the same in his minde and hauing consulted thereabout with the Pope set foorth and vndertooke against England and the low Countreys To the end that he might subdue the Realme of England and reduce it vnto his catholique Religion and by that meanes might be sufficiently reuenged for the disgrace contempt and dishonour which hee hauing 34. yeeres before enforced them to the Popes obedience had endured of the English nation and for diuers other iniuries which had taken deepe impression in his thoughts And also for that hee deemed this to bee the most readie and direct course whereby hee might recouer his heredetarie possession of the lowe Countreys hauing restrained the inhabitants from sayling vpon the coast of England Which verily vpon most weighty arguments and euident reasons was thought would vndoubtly haue come to passe considering the great aboundance and store of all things necessary wherewith those men were furnished which had the managing of that action committed vnto them But now let vs describe the matter more particularly The Spanish King hauing with small fruite and commoditie for aboue twentie yeeres together waged warre against the Netherlanders after deliberation with his counsellers thereabout thought it most conuenient to assault them once againe by Sea which had bene attempted sundry times heretofore but not with forces sufficient Unto the which expedition it stoode him nowe in hand to ioyne great puissance as hauing the English people his professed enemies whose Island is so situate that it may either greatly helpe or hinder all such as saile into those parts For which cause hee thought good first of all to inuade England being perswaded by his Secretary Escouedo and by diuers other well experienced Spaniards and Dutchmen and by many English fugitiues that the conquest of that Iland was lesse difficult then the conquest of Holland and Zeland Moreouer the Spaniards were of opinion that it would bee farre more behoueful for their King to conquere England and the lowe Countreys all at once then to be constrained continually to maintaine a warlike Nauie to defend his East and West Indie Fleetes from the English Drake and from such like valiant enemies And for the same purpose the king Catholique had giuen commandement long before in Italy and Spaine that a great quantitie of timber should be felled for the building of shippes and had besides made great preparation of things and furniture requisite for such an expedition as namely in founding of brasen Ordinance in storing vp of corne and victuals in trayning of men to vse warlike weapons in leauying and mustering of souldiers insomuch that about the beginning of the yeere 1588. he had finished such a mightie Nauie and brought it into Lisbon hauen as neuer the like had before that time sailed vpon the Ocean sea A very large and particular description of this Nauie was put in print and published by the Spaniards wherein were set downe the number names and burthens of the shippes the number of Mariners and souldiers throughout the whole Fleete likewise the quantitie of their Ordinance of their armour of bullets of match of gun-poulder of victuals and of all their Nauall furniture was in the saide description particularized Unto all these were added the names of the Gouernours Captaines Noblemen and gentlemen voluntaries of whom there was so great a multitude that searce was there any family of accompt or any one principall man throughout all Spaine that had not a brother sonne or kinseman in that Fleete who all of them were in good hope to purchase vnto themselues in that Nauie as they termed it inuincible endlesse glory and renowne and to possesse themselues of great Seigniories and riches in England and in the lowe Countreys But because the said description was translated and published out of Spanish into diuers other languages we will here onely make an abridgemeut or briefe rehearsall thereof Portugal furnished and set foorth vnder the conduct of the duke of Medina Sidonia generall of the Fleete ten Galeons two Zabraes 1300. Mariners 3300. souldiers 300. great pieces with all requisite furniture Biscay vnder the conduct of Iohn Martines de Ricalde Admiral of the whole Fleete set forth tenne Galeons 4. Pataches 700. mariners 2000. souldiers 250. great pieces c. Guipusco vnder the conduct of Michael de Oquendo tenne Galeons 4. Pataches 700. mariners 2000. souldiers 310. great pieces Italy with the Leuant Islands vnder Martine de Vertendona 10. Galeons 800. mariners 2000. souldiers 310. great pieces c. Castile vnder Diego Flores de Valdez 14. Galeons two Pataches 1700. mariners 2400. souldiers and 380. great pieces
after the which many others came foorth of the hauen The very next day being the 20. of Iuly about high noone was the Spanish Fleete escried by the English which with a Southwest wind came sailing along and passed by Plimmouth in which regard according to the iudgement of many skilful nauigators they greatly ouershot themselues whereas it had bene more commodious for them to haue staied themselues there considering that the Englishmen being as yet vnprouided greatly relied vpon their owne forces and knew not the estate of the Spanish nauy Moreouer this was the most conuenient port of all others where they might with greater securitie haue bene aduertised of the English forces and how the commons of the land stood affected and might haue stirred vp some mutinie so that hither they should haue bent all their puissance and from hence the duke of Parma might more easily haue conueied his ships But this they were prohibited to doe by the king and his counsell and were expressely commanded to vnite themselues vnto the souldiers and ships of the said duke of Parma and so to bring their purpose to effect Which was thought to be the most easie and direct course for that they imagined that the English and Dutch men would be vtterly daunted and dismaied thereat and would each man of them retire vnto his owne Prouince and Porte for the defence thereof and transporting the armie of the duke vnder the protection of their huge nauy they might inuade England It is reported that the chiefe commanders in the nauy and those which were more skilfull in nauigation to wit Iohn Martines de Ricalde Diego Flores de Valdez and diuers others found fault that they were bound vnto so strict directions and instructions because that in such a case many particular accidents ought to concurre and to be respected at one and the same instant that is to say the opportunitie of the wind weather time tide and ebbe wherein they might saile from Flanders to England Oftentimes also the darkenesse and light the situation of places the depths and shoulds were to be considered all which especially depended vpon the conueniencie of the windes and were by so much the more dangerous But it seemeth that they were enioined by their commission to ancre neere vnto or about Caleis whither the duke of Parma with his ships and all his warre like prouision was to resort and while the English and Spanish great ships were in the midst of their conflict to passe by and to land his souldiers vpon the Downes The Spanish captiues reported that they were determined first to haue entred the riuer of Thames and thereupon to haue passed with small ships vp to London supposing that they might easily winne that rich and flourishing Citie being but meanely fortified and inhabited with Citizens not accustomed to the warres who durst not withstand their first encounter hoping moreouer to finde many rebels against her Maiestie and popish catholiques or some fauourers of the Scottish queene which was not long before most iustly beheaded who might be instruments of sedition Thus often aduertising the duke of Parma of their approch the 20. of Iuly they passed by Plimmouthâ— which the English ships pursuing and getting the wind of them gaue them the chase and the encounter and so both Fleets frankly exchanged their bullets The day following which was the 21. of Iuly the English ships approched within musquet shot of the Spanish at what time the lorde Charles Howard most hotly and valiantly discharged his Ordinance vpon the Spanish Uice-admirall The Spaniards then well perceiuing the nimblenesse of the English ships in discharging vpon the enimie on all sides gathered themselues close into the forme of an halfe moone and slackened their sailes least they should outgoe any of their companie And while they were proceeding on in this maner one of their great Galliasses was so furiously battered with shot that the whole nauy was faine to come vp tounder together for the safegard thereof whereby it came to passe that the principall Galleon of Siuill wherein Don Pedro de Valdez Vasques de Silua Alonzo de Sayas and other noble men were embarqued falling foule of another shippe had her fore-mast broken and by that meanes was not able to keepe way with the Spanish Fleete neither would the sayde Fleete stay to succour it but left the distressed Galeon behind The lord Admirall of England when he saw this ship of Valdez thought she had bene voyd of Mariners and Souldiers taking with him as many shippes as he could passed by it that he might not loose sight of the Spanish Fleet that night For sir Francis Drake who was notwithstanding appointed to beare out his lanterne that night was giuing of chase vnto fiue great Hulkes which had separated themselues from the Spanish Fleete but finding them to be Easterlings he dismissed them The lord Admirall all that night following the Spanish lanterne in stead of the English found himselfe in the morning to be in the midst of his enimies Fleete but when he perceiued it hee cleanly conueyed himselfe out of that great danger The day folowing which was the two and twentie of Iuly Sir Francis Drake espied Valdez his shippe wherevnto hee sent foorth his pinnasse and being aduertised that Valdez himselfe was there and 450. persons with him he sent him word that he should yeeld himselfe Valdez for his honors sake caused certaine conditions to be propounded vnto Drake who answered Valdez that he was not now at laisure to make any long parle but if he would yeeld himselfe he should find him friendly and tractable howbeit if he had resolued to die in fight he should prooue Drake to be no dastard Upon which answere Valdez and his company vnderstanding that they were fallen into the hands of fortunate Drake being mooued with the renoume and celebritie of his name with one consent yeelded themselues and found him very fauourable vnto them Then Valdez with 40. or 50. noblemen and gentlemen pertaining vnto him came on boord sir Francis Drakes ship The residue of his company were caried vnto Plimmouth where they were detained a yere an halfe for their ransome Valdez comming vnto Drake and humbly kissing his hand protested vnto him that he and his had resolued to die in battell had they not by good fortune fallen into his power whom they knew to be right curteous and gentle and whom they had heard by generall report to bee most fauourable vnto his vanquished foe insomuch that he sayd it was to bee doubted whether his enimies had more cause to admire and loue him for his great valiant and prosperous exploites or to dread him for his singular felicitie and wisedom which euer attended vpon him in the warres and by the which hee had attained vnto so geat honour With that Drake embraced him and gaue him very honourable entertainement feeding him at his owne table and lodging him in his cabbin Here Valdez
began to recount vnto Drake the forces of all the Spanish Fleet and how foure mightie Gallies were separated by tempest from them and also how they were determined first to haue put into Plimmouth hauen not expecting to bee repelled thence by the English ships which they thought could by no meanes withstand their impregnable forces perswading themselues that by means of their huge Fleete they were become lords and commaunders of the maine Ocean For which cause they marueled much how the English men in their small ships durst approch withâ—n musket shot of the Spaniards mightie woodden castles gathering the wind of them with many other such like attempts Immediately after Valdez and his company being a man of principal authoritie in the Spanish Fleete and being descended of one and the same familie with that Valdez which in the yeere 1574. besieged Leiden in Holland were sent captiues into England There were in the sayd ship 55. thousand ducates in ready money of the Spanish kings gold which the souldiers merily shared among themselues The same day was set on fire one of their greatest shippes being Admirall of the squadron of Guipusco and being the shippe of Michael de Oquendo Uice-admirall of the whole Fleete which contained great store of gunnepowder and other warrelike prouision The vpper part onely of this shippe was burnt and all the persons therein contained except a very few were consumed with fire And thereupon it was taken by the English and brought into England with a number of miserable burnt and skorched Spaniards Howbeit the gunpowder to the great admiration of all men remained whole and vnconsumed In the meane season the lord Admirall of England in his ship called the Arke-royall all that night pursued the Spaniards so neere that in the morning hee was almost left alone in the enimies Fleete and it was foure of the clocke at afternoone before the residue of the English Fleet could ouertake him At the same time Hugo de Moncada gouernour of the foure Galliasses made humble sute vnto the Duke of Medina that he might be licenced to encounter the Admirall of England which libertie the duke thought not good to permit vnto him because hee was loth to exceed the limites of his commission and charge Upon Tuesday which was the three and twentie of Iuly the naâ—y being come ouer against Portland the wind began to turne Northerly insomuch that the Spaniards had a fortunate and fit gale to inuade the English But the Englishmen hauing lesser and nimbler Ships recouered againe the vantage of the winde from the Spaniards whereat the Spaniards seemed to bee more iucensed to fight then before But when the English Fleete had continually and without intermission from morning to night beaten and battered them with all their shot both great and small the Spaniardes vniting themselues gathered their whole Fleete close together into a roundell so that it was apparant that they ment not as yet to inuade others but onely to defend themselues and to make hast vnto the place prescribed vnto them which was neere vnto Dunkerk that they might ioine forces with the duke of Parma who was determined to haue proceeded secretly with his small shippes vnder the shadow and protection of the great ones and so had intended circumspectly to performe the whole expedition This was the most furious and bloodie skirmish of all in which the lord Admirall of England continued fighting amidst his enimies Fleete and seeing one of his Captaines afarre off hee spake vnto him in these wordes Oh George what doest thou Wilt thou nowe frustrate my hope and opinion conceiued of thee Wilt thou forsake mee nowe With which wordes hee being enflamed approched foorthwith encountered the enemie and did the part of a most valiant Captaine His name was George Fenner a man that had bene conuersant in many Sea-fights In this conflict there was a certaine great Venetian ship with other small ships surprised and taken by the English The English nauie in the meane while increased whereunto out of all Hauens of the Realme resorted ships and men for they all with one accord came flocking thither as vnto a set field where immortall fame and glory was to be attained and faithfull seruice to bee performed vnto their prince and countrey In which number there were many great and honourable personages as namely the Erles of Oxford of Northumberland of Cumberland c. with many Knights and Gentlemen to wit Sir Thomas Cecill Sir Robert Cecill Sir Walter Raleigh Sir William Hatton Sir Horatio Palauicini Sir Henry Brooke Sir Robert Carew Sir Charles Blunt Master Ambrose Willoughbie Master Henry Nowell Master Thomas Gerard Master Henry Dudley Master Edward Darcie Master Arthur Gorge Master Thomas Woodhouse Master William Haruie c. And so it came to passe that the number of the English shippes amounted vnto an hundreth which when they were come before Douer were increased to an hundred and thirtie being notwithstanding of no proportionable bignesse to encounter with the Spaniards except two or three and twentie of the Queenes greater shippes which onely by reason of their presence bred an opinion in the Spaniardes mindes concerning the power of the English Fleet the mariners and souldiers whereof were esteemed to be twelue thousand The foure and twentie of Iuly when as the sea was calme and no winde stirring the fight was onely betweene the foure great Galleasses and the English shippes which being rowed with Oares had great vauntage of the sayde English shippes which not withstanding for all that would not bee forced to yeeld but discharged their chaine-shot to cut asunder their Cables and Cordage of the Galleasses with many other such Stratagemes They were nowe constrained to send their men on land for a newe supplie of Gunne-powder whereof they were in great â—karcitie by reason they had so frankely spent the greater part in the former conflicts The same day a Counsell being assembled it was decreed that the English Fleete should bee deuided into foure squadrons the principall whereof was committed vnto the lord Admirall the second to Sir Francis Drake the third to Captaine Hawkins the fourth to Captaine Frobisher The Spaniards in their sailing obserued very diligent and good order sayling three and foure and somtimes more ships in a ranke and folowing close vp one after another and the stronger and greater ships protecting the lesser The fiue and twentie of Iuly when the Spaniardes were come ouer-against the Isle of Wight the lord Admirall of England being accompanied with his best ships namely the Lion Captaine whereof was the lord Thomas Howard The Elizabeth Ionas vnder the commandement of Sir Robert Southwel soone in lawe vnto the lord Admirall the Beare vnder the lord Sheffield nephew vnto the lord Admirall the Victorie vnder Captaine Barker and the Galeon Leicester vnder the forenamed Captaine George Fenner with great valour and dreadfull thundering of shot encountered the Spanish Admiral being in the very midst
of all his Fleet. Which when the Spaniard perceiued being assisted with his strongest ships he came forth and entered a terrible combate with the English for they bestowed each on other the broad sides and mutually discharged all their Ordinance being within one hundred or an hundred and twentie yards one of another At length the Spaniardes hoised vp their sayles and againe gathered themselues vp close into the forme of a roundel In the meane while Captaine Frobisher had engaged himselfe into a most dangerous conflict Whereupon the lord Admirall comming to succour him found that hee had valiantly and discreetly be haued himselfe and that hee had wisely and in good time ouer the fight because that after so great a batterie he had sustained no damage For which cause the day following being the sixe and twentie of Iuly the lord Admirall rewarded him with the order of knighthood together with the lord Thomas Howard the lord Sheffield M. Iohn Hawkins and others The same day the lord Admirall receiued intelligence from Newhauen in France by certaine of his Pinnasses that all things were quiet in France and that there was no preparation of sending aide vnto the Spaniards which was greatly feared from the Guisian faction and from the Leaguers but there was a false rumour spread all about that the Spaniards had conquered England The seuen and twentie of Iuly the Spaniards about the sunne-setting were come ouer-against Douer and rode at ancre within the sight of Caleis intending to hold on for Dunkerk expecting there to ioyne with the duke of Parma his forces without which they were able to doe litle or nothing Likewise the English Fleete following vp hard vpon them ancred iust by them within culuering-shot And here the lord Henry Seymer vnited himselfe vnto the lord Admiral with his fleete of 30. ships which road before the mouth of Thames As the Spanish nauie therefore lay at ancre the duke of Medina sent certaine messengers vnto the duke of Parma with whom vpon that occasion many Noblemen and Gentlemen went to refresh themselues on land and amongst the rest the prince of Ascoli being accounted the kings base sonne and a very proper and towardly yong gentleman to his great good went on shore who was by so much the more fortunate in that hee had not opportunitie to returne on boord the same ship out of which he was departed because that in returning home it was cast away vpon the Irish coast with all the persons contained therein The duke of Parma being aduertised of the Spanish Fleetes arriuall vpon the coast of England made all the haste hee could to bee present himselfe in this expedition for the performance of his charge vainely perswading himselfe that nowe by the meanes of Cardinall Allen hee should be crowned king of England and for that cause hee had resigned the gouernement of the Lowe countries vnto Count Mansfeld the elder And hauing made his vowes vnto S. Mary of Hall in Henault whom he went to visite for his blind deuotions sake hee returned toward Bruges the 28. of Iuly The next day trauelling to Dunkerk hee heard the thundering Ordinance of either Fleet and the same euening being come to Dixmud hee was giuen to vnderstand the hard successe of the Spanish Fleete Upon Tuesday which was the thirtieth of Iuly about high noone hee came to Dunkerk when as all the Spanish Fleete was now passed by neither durst any of his ships in the meane space come foorth to assist the sayd Spanish Fleete for feare of fiue and thirtie warrelike ships of Holland and Zeland which there kept watch and warde vnder the conduct of the Admirall Iustin of Nassau The foresayd fiue and thirtie shippes were furnished with most cunning mariners and olde expert souldiers amongst the which were twelue hundred Musketiers whom the States had chosen out of all their garisons and whom they knew to haue bene heretofore experienced in sea-fights This nauie was giuen especially in charge not to suffer any shippe to come out of the Hauen nor to permit any Zabraes Pataches or other small vessels of the Spanish Fleete which were more likely to aide the Dunkerkers to enter thereinto for the greater ships were not to be feared by reason of the shallow sea in that place Howbeit the prince of Paâ—ma his forces being as yet vnreadie were not come on boord his shippes onely the English Fugitiues being seuen hundred in number vnder the conduct of Sir William Stanleyâ— came in fit time to haue bene embarked because they hoped to giue the first assault against England The residue shewed themselues vnwilling and loath to depart because they sawe but a few mariners who were by constraint drawne into this expedition and also because they had very bare prouision of bread drinke and other necessary victuals Moreouer the shippes of Holland and Zeland stood continually in their sight threatening shot and powder and many inconueniences vnto them for feare of which shippes the Mariners and Sea-men secretly withdrew themselues both day and night least that the duke of Parma his souldiers should compell them by maine force to goe on boord and to breake through the Hollanders Fleete which all of them iudged to bee impossible by reason of the straightnesse of the Hauen But it seemeth that the Duke of Parma and the Spaniards grounded vpon a vaine and presumptuous expectaâ—ion that all the ships of England and of the Low countreys would at the first sight of the Spanish and Dunkerk Nauie haue betaken themselues to flight yeelding them sea roome and endeuouring onely to defend themselues their hauens and sea coasts from inuasion Wherefore their intent and purpose was that the Duke of Parma in his small and flat-bottomed shippes should as it were vnder the shadow and wings of the Spanish fleet conuey ouer all his troupes armour and warlike prouision and with their forces so vnited should inuade England or while the English fleet were busied in fight against the Spanish should enter vpon any part of the coast which he thought to be most conuenient Which inuasion as the captiues afterward confessed the Duke of Parma thought first to haue attempted by the riuer of Thames vpon the bankes whereof hauing at his first arriuall landed twenty or thirty thousand of his principall souldiers he supposed that he might easily haue woonne the Citie of London both because his small shippes should haue followed and assisted his land-forces and also for that the Citie it-selfe was but meanely fortified and easie to ouercome by reason of the Citizens delicacie and discontinuance from the warres who with continuall and constant labour might be vanquished if they yeelded not at the first assault They were in good hope also to haue mette with some rebels against her Maiestie and such as were discontented with the present state as Papists and others Likewise they looked for ayde from the fauourers of the Scottish Queene who was not long before
sumus Indè archiepiscopi ceterique principes imperij Alemanniam per dextram repetentes nos versùs Franciam ad sinistram declinantes cum inenarrabilibus gratijs osculis ab inuicem discessimus Et tandem de triginta equitibus qui de Normannia pingues exiuimus vix viginti pauperes peregrini omnes pedites macie multa attenuati reuersi sumus The same in English I Ingulphus an humble seruant of reuerend Guthlac and of his monastery of Croiland borne in England and of English parents at the beautifull citie of London was in my youth for the attaining of good letters placed first at Westminster and afterward sent to the Uniuersitie of Oxford And hauing excelled diuers of mine equals in learning of Aristotle I inured my selfe somewhat vnto the first second Rhethorique of Tullie And as I grew in age disdayning my parents meane estate and forsaking mine owne natiue soyle I affected the Courts of kings and princes and was desirous to be clad in silke and to weare braue and costly attire And loe at the same time William our souereigne king now but then Erle of Normandie with a great troup of followers and attendants came vnto London to conferre with king Edward the Counfessour his kinsman Into whose company intruding my selfe and proffering my seruice for the performance of any speedy or weightie affayres in short time after I had done many things with goood successe I was knowen and most entirely beloued by the victorious Erle himselfe and with him I sayled into Normandie And there being made his secretarie I gouerned the Erles Court albeit with the enuie of some as my selfe pleased yea whom I would I abased and preferred whom I thought good When as therefore being carried with a youthfull heat and lustie humour I began to be wearie euen of this place wherein I was aduanced so high aboue my parentage and with an inconstant minde and affection too too ambitious most vehemently aspired at all occasions to climbe higher there went a report throughout all Normandie that diuers Archbishops of the Empire and secular princes were desirous for their soules health and for deuotion sake to goe on pilgrimage to Ierusalem Wherefore out of the family of our lorde the Earle sundry of vs both gentlemen and clerkes principall of whom was my selfe with the licence and good will of our sayd lord the earle sped vs on that voiage and trauailing thirtie horses of vs into high Germanie we ioyned our selues vnto the Archbishop of Mentz And being with the companies of the Bishops seuen thousand persons sufficiently prouided for such an expedition we passed prosperously through many prouinces and at length attained vnto Constantinople Where doing reuerence vnto the Emperour Alexius we sawe the Church of Sancta Sophia and kissed diuers sacred reliques Departing thence through Lycia we fell into the hands of the Arabian theeues and after we had bene robbed of infinite summes of money and had lost many of our people hardly escaping with extreame danger of our liues at length wee ioyfully entered into the most wished citie of Ierusalem Where we were receiued by the most reuerend aged and holy patriarke Sophronius with great melodie of cymbals and with torch-light and were accompanied vnto the most diuine Church of our Sauiour his sepulchre with a solemne procession aswell of Syrians as of Latines Here how many prayers we vttered what abundance of teares we shed what deepe sighs we breathed foorth our Lord Iesus Christ onely knoweth Wherefore being conducted from the most glorious sepulchre of Christ to visite other sacred monuments of the citie we saw with weeping eyes a great number of holy Churches and oratories which Achim the Souldan of Egypt had lately destroyed And so hauing bewailed with sadde teares and most sorowful and bleeding affections all the ruines of that most holy city both within and without and hauing bestowed money for the reedifying of some we desired with most ardent deuotion to go forth into the countrey to wash our selues in the most sacred riuer of Iordan and to kisse all the steppes of Christ. Howbeit the theeuish Arabians lurking vpon euery way would not suffer vs to trauell farre from the city by reason of their huge and furious multitudes Wherefore about the spring there arriued at the port of Ioppa a fleet of ships from Genoa In which fleet when the Christian merchants had exchanged all their wares at the coast townes and had likewise visited the holy plâ—ces wee all of vs embarked committing our selues to the seas and being tossed with many stormes and tempests at length wee arriued at Brundusium and so with a prosperous iourney trauelling thorow Apulia towaâ—ds Rome we there visited the habitations of the holy apostles Peter and Paul and did reuerence vnto diuers monuments of holy martyrs in all places thorowout the city From thence the archbishops and other princes of the empire trauelling towards the right hand for Alemain and we declining towards the left hand for France departed asunder taking our leaues with vnspeakable thankes and courtesies And so at length of thirty horsemen which went out of Normandie fat Iusly and frolique we returned thither skarse twenty poore pilgrims of vs being all footmen and consumed with leannesse to the bare bones ¶ Diuers of the honourable family of the Beauchamps with Robert Curtoys sonne of William the Conqueror made a voyage to Ierusalem 1096. Hol. pag. 22. vol. 2. POpe Vrbane calling a councell at Clermont in Auuergne exhorted the Christian princes so earnestly to make a iourney into the Holy land for the recouery thereof out of the Saracens hands that the saide great and generall iourney was concluded vpon to be taken in hand wherein many noble men of Christendome went vnder the leading of Godfrey of Bouillon others as in the Chronicles of France of Germanie and of the Holy land doeth more plainely appeare There went also among other diuers noble men foorth of this Realme of England specially that worthily bare the surname of Beauchampe ¶ The voyage of Gutuere an English Lady maried to Balduine brother of Godfreide duke of Bouillon toward Ierusalem about 1097. And the 11. yeere of William Rufus King of England THe Christian armie of Godfrie of Bouillon passing the citie of Iconium alias Agogna in the countrey of Licaonia and from thence by the city of Heraclia came at length vnto the citie of Marasia where they encamped and soiourned there three whole dayes because of the wife of Balduine brother germane of the duke of Loraigne Which Lady being long time vexed with a grieuous malady was in extremitie where at length paying the debt due to nature she changed this transitorie lite for life eternall Who in her life time was a very worthy and vertuous Lady borne in England and descended of most noble parentage named Gutuere Which according to her degree was there most honourably enterred to the great griefe of all the whole armie As reporteth William
English HVbert Walter bishop of Sarisburie a vertuous man and famous for his good wit and piety was one of the chiefest of them that followed king Richard into Syria going against the Saracens As he returned from Palaestina and came in his iourney into Sicilia he there heard of the ill fortune of the king being fallen into his enemies handes and thereupon leauing his iourney homewards he went presently and in all haste to the place where the king was captiued whom the king immediatly vpon his comming sent into England that by the authority of the councell a tribute might be collected for his redemption which this Hubert performed with great diligâ—nce and deliuered the king After this he was made Archbishop of Canterburie and after the death of king Richard he shewed the like dueties of fidelitie and trust to his brother Iohn that succeeded him For by a long oration he perswaded the whole nation of the English men that he was a very circumspect man vertuous valiant borne of noble parentage and most woorthy of the crowne Whereupon he was so receiued of all the people and crowned king He wrote certaine books and died at the last with very great griefe of minde in the yeere 1205 hauing beene archbishop the space of 11 yeres 8 moneths and sixe dayes by reason of the ciuil discords abroad whereby all things went topsie turuy and in the reigne of king Iohn The trauailes of Robert Curson RObertus Curson ex nobili quodam Anglorum ortus genere disciplinis tum prophanis tum sacris studiosus incubuit idque quantum ex coniecturis colligo in celebratissima Oxonij Academia Praestantissimis illic institutoribus vsus ex summa circa ingenuas artes industria assiduo literarum labore famam sibi inter suos celeberrimam comparauit Ampliora deinde meditatus Parisiorum Lutetiam aâ—que Romam ipsam perijt illic Theologus Doctor hic verò Cardinalis effectus Vnde vterque Matthaeus Parisius ae Westmonasterius hoc de ipso testimonium adferunt hic libro 2. ille 8. suoâ—um Chronicorum Anno Domini 1218 inquiunt in captione Damiatae AEgypti vrbis sub Ioanne Brenno Hierosolymorum rege fuit cum Pelagio Albanensi Magister Robertus de Curson Anglus Clericus celebertimus genere nobilis ac Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinalis c Bostonus Buriensis in suo Catalogo Cursonum aliquos libros composuisle narrat Claruit anno superius numerato per praedictos testes in Anglia regnante Henrico tertio Ioannis regis filio fuÃtque hic diebus Honorij tertij Romani pontificis in Angliam Bostono teste legatus The same in English RObert Curson descended of a noble family of England vsed great diligence aswell in prophane as in diuine studies in the famous Uniuersity of Oxford as I coniecture He had there the best scholemasters that were to be gotten and was most industrious in the arts and continual exercises of learning by meanes whereof he grew to be of great renowne where he liued Afterward thinking of greater matters he went to Paris and thence to Rome it selfe and at Paris he proceeded doctor of Diuinity at Rome he was made cardinall whereupon both Matthew Paris Matthew of Westminster produce this testimony of him the one in his second booke the other in his eight booke of Chronicles In the yere of our Lord say they 1218 at the taking of Damiata a city of Egypt vnder Iohn Brenne king of Ierusalem M. Robert Curson an English man a most famous clearke of noble parentage and cardinall of the church of Rome was there with Pelagius Albanensis c. Boston of Burie in Suffolke in his catalogue reporteth that he wrote diuers books He flourished in the yeere aforesayd by the witnesses aforesayd Henry the third sonne of king Iohn being then king of England and by the further testimony of Boston this Curson was legate into England in the dayes of Honorius the third bishop of Rome The voyage of Ranulph earle of Chester of Saer Quincy earle of VVinchester William de Albanie earle of Arundel with diuers other noble men to the Holy land in the second yere of K. Henry the third Matth. Paris Holensh pag. 202. IN the yeere 1218 Ranulph earle of Chester was sent into the Holy land by king Henry the third with a goodly company of souldiers and men of warre to ayde the Christians there against the Infidels which at the same time had besieged the city of Damiata in Egypt In which enterprise the valiancy of the same earle after his comming thither was to his great praise most apparant There went with him in that iourney Saer de Quincy earle of Winchester William de Albanie earle of Arundel besides diuers barons as the lord Robert fitz Walter Iohn constable of Chester William de Harecourt and Oliuer fitz Roy sonne to the king of England and diuers others The voyage of Henry Bohun and Saer Quincy to the Holy land THis yere being the sixt yere of Henry the third deceased Henry de Bohun earle of Hereford and Saer de Quincy earle of Winchester in their iourney which they made to the Holy land Matth. Paris Holensh pag. 202. colâ— 2. The trauailes of Ranulph Glanuile earle of Chester RAnulphus Glanuile Cestriae Comes vir nobilissimi generis vâ—roque iure eruditus in albo illustâ—ium virorum à me meritò ponendus venit Ita probè omnes adolescentiae suae annos legibus tum humanis tum diuinis consecrauit vt non prius in hominem per aetatem euaserit quà m nomen decúsque ab insigni eruditione sibi comparauerit Cum profecti essent Francorum Heroes Ptolemaidem inito cum Ioanne Brenâ—o Hierosolymorum rege concilio Damiatam AEgypti vrbem obsidendam constituebant aâ—no salutis humanae 1218. Misitillùe Henricus rex ab Honorio 3 Rom. Pontifice rogatus cum magna armatorum manu Ranulphum ad rem Christian am iuuandam Cuius viâ—tus Polydoro teste in eo bello mitis omnium laudibus celebrata â—uit Quo confecto negotio Ranulphus in patriam reuersus scripfit De legibus Angliae librum vnum Fertur praeterea alia quaedam scripsisse sed tempus edax rerum ea nobis abstulit Claruit anno à Seruatoris nostri natiuitate 1230 confectus senio dum Henricus terâ—ius sub Antichristi tyrannide in Anglia regnaret The same in English RAnulph Glanuile earle of Chester a man of a very noble house and learned in both the Lawes deserues of duetie to be here placed by me in the catalogue of woorthy and notable men He applied so well all the yeeres of his youth to the study of humane and diuine Lawes that he came not so soone to the age of a man as he had purchased to himselfe by reason of his singular learning renowme and honour When the noble men of France went to Ptolomais vpon the counsell of Iohn Brenne king of Ierusalem they resolued to besiege Damiata a city
French armie as afterwards it appeared ¶ The Voyage of Prince Edward the sonne of king Henry the third into Asia in the yeere 1270. ABout the yeere of our Lord 1267. Octobonus the Popes Legate being in England prince Edward the sonne of king Henry and diuers other Noble men of England tooke vpon them the crosse vpon S. Iohn Baptists day by the sayd Legates hands at Northhampton to the reliefe of the Holy land and the subuersion of the enemies of the crosse of Christ. For which purpose and for the better furnishing of the prince towards the iourney there was granted him a subsidie throughout all the realme and in the moneth of May in the yeere of our Lord 1270. he began to set forward At Michaelmas following he with his company came to Eguemortes which is from Marsilia eight leagues Westward and there taking ship againe hauing a mery and prosperous wind within ten dayes arriued at Tunez where he was with great ioy welcommed and entertained of the Christian princes that there were to this purpose assembleâ— as of Philip the French King whose father Lodouicus died a litle before of Carolus the king of Sicilia and the two kings of Nauarre and Arragon and as this lord Edward came thither for his father the king of England thâ—ther came also Henry the sonne of the king of Almaine for his father who at his returne from the voyage was slaine in a chappell at Viterbium When prince Edward demanded of these kings and princes what was to be done they answered him againe and sayd the prince of this citie and the prouince adioyning to the same hath bene accustomed to pay tribute vnto the king of Sicily euery yere and now for that the same hath bene for the space of seuen yeeres vnpaied and more therefore we thought good to make inuasion vpon him But the king knowing the same tribute to be but iustly demaunded hath now according â—o our owne desire satisfied for the time past and also paied his tribute before hand Then sayd â—e My Lords what is this to the purpose are we not here all assâ—mbled haue taken vpon vs the Lords Character to fight against the infidels enemies of Christ What meane you then to conclude a peace with them God forbid we should do so for now the land is plaine and hard so that we may approch to y e holy city IerusaleÌ„ Then said they now haue we made a league with them neither is it lawful for vs to breake the same But let vs returne againe to Sicilia and when the winter is past we may well take shipping to Acra But this counsel nothing at all liked him neither did he shew himselfe wel pleased there with but after hee had made them a princely banket he went into his closet or priuy chamber from amongst them neither would be partaker of any of that wicked money which they had taken They notwithstanding continuing their purpose at the next mery wind tooke shipping and for want of ships left 200. of their men a shore crying out and pitioufly lamenting for the peril and hazard of death that they were in wherewith prince Edward being somewhat mooued to compassion came backe againe to the land and receiued and stowed them in his owne ships being the last that went aboord Within seuen dayes after they arriued in the kingdom of Sicilia ouer agaynst the Citie Trapes casting their ankers a league from thence within the sea for that their shippes were of great burden and throughly fraught and from the hauen of the citie they sent out barges and boates to receiue and bring such of the Nobilitie to land as would but their horses for the most part and all their armour they kept still within boord At length towards the euening the sea began to be rough increased to a great tempest and a mightie insomuch that their ships were beaten one against anothers sides and drowned there was of them at that tempest lying at anker more then 120. with all their armour and munition with innumerable soules besides and that wicked money also which they had taken before likewise perished and was lost But the tempest hurt not so much as one ship of prince Edwards who had in number 13. nor yet had one man lost thereby for that as it may be presupposed he consented not to the wicked counsell of the rest When in the morning the princes and kings came to the sea side and saw all their ships drowned and saw their men and horses in great number cast vpon the land drowned they had full heauie hearts as well they might for of all their ships and mariners which were in number 1500. besides the common souldiers there was no more saued then the mariners of one onely ship and they in this wise There was in that ship a good wise Matrone a Countesse or an Erles wife who perceiuing the tempest to grow fearing her selfe called to her the M. of the ship asked him whether in attempting to the shoare it were not possible to saue theÌ„selues he answered that to saue the ship it was impossible howbeit the men that were therein by Gods helpe he doubted not Then sayd the countesse for the ship force no whit saue the soules therein and haue to thee double the value of the shippe who immediatly hoising the sailes with all force ran the shippe aground so nere the shore as was possible so that with the vehemency of the weather force he came withall he brast the ship and saued all that was within the same as he had shewed and sayd before Then the kings and princes altering their purpose after this so great a shipwracke returned home againe euery one vnto their owne lands onely Edward the sonne of the king of England remained behinde with his men and ships which the Lord had saued and preserued Then prince Edward renouating his purpose tooke shipping againe and within fifâ—eene daies after Easter arriued he at Acra and went aland taking with him a thousand of the best souldiers and most expert and taried there a whole moneth refreshing both his men and horses and that in this space he might learne and know the secrets of the land After this he tooke with him sixe or seuen thousand souldiers and marched forward twenty miles from Acra and tooke Nazareth and those that he found there he slew and afterward returned againe to Acra But their enemies following after them thinking to haue set vpon them at some streit or other aduantage were espied by the prince and returning againe vpon them gaue a charge and slew many of them and the rest they put â—o flight After this about Midsummer when the prince had vnderstanding that the Saracens began to gather at Cakow which was forty miles from Acra he marching thither set vpon them very earely in the morning and slew of them more then a thousand the rest he put to flight and tooke rich spoiles
de pace ad eos legatos mitâ—unt quam nostris dare placuit vt soluta certa pecuniae summa ab omni deinceps Italiae Galliaeque ora manus abstinerent Ita peractis rebus post paucos menses quà m eo itum erat domum repediaâ—um est The same in English THe French in the meane season hauing gotten some leasure by meanes of their truce and being sollicited and vrged by the intreaties of the Genuois vndertooke to wage warre against the Moores who robbed and spoyled all the coasts of Italy and of the Ilandes adiacent Likewise Richard the second king of England being sued vnto for ayde sent Henry the Earle of Derbie with a choice armie of English souldiers vnto the same warfare Wherefore the English and French with forces and mindes vnited sayled ouer into Africa who when they approched vnto the shore were repelled by the Barbarians from landing vntill such time as they had passage made them by the valour of the English archers Thus hauing landed their forces they foorthwith marched vnto the royall citie of Tunis and besieged it Whereat the Barbarians being dismayed sent Ambassadours vnto our Christian Chieftaines to treat of peace which our men graunted vnto them vpon condition that they should pay a certaine summe of money and that they should from thencefoorth abstaine from piracies vpon all the coasts of Italy and France And so hauing dispatched their businesse within a fewe moneths after their departure they returned home This Historie is somewhat otherwise recorded by Froysard and Holenshed in manner following pag. 473. IN the thirteenth yeere of the reigne of king Richard the second the Christians tooke in hand a iourney against the Saracens of Barbarie through sute of the Genouois so that there went a great number of Lords Knights and Gentlemen of France and England the Duke of Burbon being their Generall Out of England there went Iohn de Beaufort bastarde sonne to the Duke of Lancaster as Froysard hath noted also Sir Iohn Russell Sir Iohn Butler Sir Iohn Harecourt and others They set forwarde in the latter ende of the thirteenth yeere of the Kings reigne and came to Genoa where they remayned not verie long but that the gallies and other vessels of the Genouois were ready to passe them ouer into Barbarie And so about midsomer in the begining of the foureteenth yere of this kings reigne the whole army being embarked sailed forth to the coast of Barbary where neere to the city of Africa they landed at which instant the English archers as the Chronicles of Genoa write stood all the company in good stead with their long bowes beating backe the enemies from the shore which came downe to resist their landing After they had got to land they inuironed the city of Africa called by the Moores Mahdia with a strong siege but at length constrained with the intemperancy of the scalding ayre in that hot countrey breeding in the army sundry diseases they fell to a composition vpon certaine articles to be performed in the behalfe of the Saracens and so 61 dayes after their arriuall there they tooke the seas againe and returned home as in the histories of France and Genoa is likewise expressed Where by Polydore Virgil it may seeme that the lord Henry of Lancaster earle of Derby should be generall of the English men that as before you heard went into Barbary with the French men and Genouois The memorable victories in diuers parts of Italie of Iohn Hawkwood English man in the reigne of Richard the second briefly recorded by M. Camden pag. 339. AD alteram ripam fluuij Colne oppositus est Sibble Heningham locus natalis vt accepi Ioannis Hawkwoodi Itali Aucuthum cortupâ—èvocant quem illi tantopere ob virtutem militarem suspexerunt vt Senatus Florentinus propter insignia merita equâ—stri statua tumuli honore in eximiae fortitudinis fideique testimonium ornauit Res â—ius gestas Itali pleno ore praedicant Paulus Iouius in elogijs celebrat sat mihi sit Iulij Feroldi tetrastichon adijcere Hawkwoode Anglorum decus decus addite genti Italicae Italico praesidiúmque solo Vt tumuli quondam Fâ—orentia sic simulachri Virtutem Iouius donat honore tuam William Thomas in his Historie of the common wealthes of Italy maketh honorable mention of him twise to wit in the common wealth of Florentia and Ferrâ—ra The voyage of the Lord Iohn of Holland Earle of Huntington brother by the mothers side to King Richard the second to Ierusalem and Saint Katherins mount THe Lord Iohn of Holland Earle of Huntington was as then on his way to Ierusalem and to Saint Katherins mount and purposed to returne by the Realme of Hungarie For as he passed through France where he had great cheere of the king and of his brother and vncles hee heard how the king of Hungary and the great Turke should haue battell together therefore he thought surely to be at that iourney The voiage of Thomas lord Moubray duke of Norfolke to Ierusalem in the yeere of our Lord 1399. written by Holinshed pag. 1233. THomas lord Moubray second sonne of Elizabeth Segraue and Iohn lord Moubray her husband was aduanced to the dukedome of Norfolke in the 21. yeere of y e reigne of Richard the 2. Shortly after which hee was appealed by Henry earle of Bullingbroke of treason and caried to the castle of Windsore where he was strongly safely garded hauing a time of combate granted to determine the cause betweene the two dukes the 16. day of September in the 22. of the sayd king being the yeere of our redemption 1398. But in the end the matter was so ordred that this duke of Norfolke was banished for euer whereupon taking his iourney to Ierusalem he died at Venice in his returne from the said citie of Ierusalem in the first yeere of king Henry the 4. about the yeere of our redemption 1399. The comming of the Emperor of Constantinople into England to desire the aide of Henry the 4. against the Turkes 1400. SVb eodem tempore Imperator Constantinopolitanus venit in Angliam postulaturus subsidium contra Turcas Cui occurrit rex cum apparatu nobili ad le Blackheath die sancti Thomae Apostoli suscepÃtque prout decuit tantum Heroem duxÃâ—que Londonias per multos dies exhibuit gloriose pro expenâ—iâ— hospiâ—ij suâ—â—oluens eum respiciens tanto falligio donariuis Et paulò post His auditis rumoribus Imperator laetior recessit ab Anglis honoratus à rege donarijs preciosis The same in English ABout the same time the emperor of Constantinople came into England to seeke ayde against the Turkes whom y e king accompanied with his nobilitie met withall vpon Black-heath vpon the day of saint Thomas the Apostle and receiued him as beseemed so great a prince and brought him to London and roially entertained him for a long season defraying the charges of his diet and giuing him many
and the Turke is growen mighty whereby our ships doe not trade as they were woont I finde that the Uenetians doe bring those commodities hither and doe sell them for double the value that we our selues were accustomed to fetch them Wherefore as I am informed by the aboue named men that there is none so fit to furnish this voyage as your selfe my request is that there may be a shippe of conuenient burthen prepared for this voyage and then I will satisfie you at large what is to be done therein And because the Turke as I sayd before is waxen strong and hath put out the Christian rulers and placed his owne subiects we may doubt whether we may so peacealy trade thither as we were woont therefore I dare vndertake to obtaine a safeconduct if my charges may be borne to goe and come Of the way how this may be done M. Locke can satisfie you at large Moreouer I can informe you more of the trade of that countrey then any other for that I haue bene in those parts these thirty yeeres and haue bene married in the very towne of Chio full foure and twenty yeres Furthermore when one of our ships commeth thither they bring at the least sixe or eight thousand carsies so that the custome thereof is profitable for the prince and the returne of them is profitable to the common people for in barter of our wares we tooke the commodities which the poore of that towne made in their houses so that one of our shippes brought the prince and countrey more gaines then sixe ships of other nations The want of this our trade thither was the onely cause why the Christian rulers were displaced for when they payd not their yerely tribute they were put out by force Touching the ship that must go she must obserue this order she must be a ship of countenance and she must not touch in any part of Spaine for the times are dangerous nor take in any lading there but she must lade in England either goods of our owne or els of strangers and go to Genoa or Legorno where we may be wel intreated and from thence she must make her money to buy wines by exchange to Candia for there both custome exchange are reasonable and not do as the Math. Gonson other ships did in time past who made sale of their wares at Messina for the lading of their wines and payed for turning their white money into golde after foure and fiue in the hundreth and also did hazzard the losse of shippe and goods by carying away their money Thus by the aforesayd course we shall trade quietly and not be subiect to these dangers Also from Legorno to Castilla de la mar which is but 16 miles from Naples and the ready way to Candia you may lade hoopes which will cost carolins of Naples 27 and a halfe the thousand which is ducats two and a halfe of Spaine And in Candia for euery thousand of hoops you shall haue a but of Malmesey cleare of all charges Insomuch that a ship of the burden of the Mathew Gonson will cary foure hundreth thousand hoops so that one thousand ducats will lade her and this is an vsual trade to Candia as M. Michael Locke can testifie Furthermore it is not vnknowen to you that the oiles which we do spend in England for our cloth are brought out of Spaine and that very deare and in England we cannot sell them vnder 28 pound and 30 pound the tunne I say we may haue good oile and better cheape in diuers places within the streights Wherefore if you thinke good to take this voyage in hand I will informe you more particularly when you please In the meane time I rest your worships to command Yours at your pleasure Iasper Campion The true report of the siege and taking of Famagusta of the antique writers called Tamassus a city in Cyprus 1571. In the which the whole order of all the skirmishes batteries mines and assaults giuen to the sayd fortresse may plainly appeare Englished out of Italian by William Malim To the right honourable and his singular good Lord and onely Patron the Earle of Leicester Baron of Denbigh Knight of the honourable order of the Garter one of the Queenes Maiesties most honourable priuy Councell c. William Malim wisheth long health with increase of honour IT hath bene a naturall instinct right honourable and mine especiall good lord ingraffed in noble personages hearts much approued and confirmed also by custome for them to seeke from time to time by some meanes in their life by the which they after their death might deliuer ouer their name to their posteritie least otherwise with their body their fame also altogether might perchance be buried Vpon the which consideration we reade many notable and famous things to haue bene erected in time past of noble personages hauing had wealth at will in such sort that not onely certaine ruines of the same sumptuous works builded so many hundred yeres past do still remaine but also the most part of those princes the authours of them do continually by them dwell in our memories As the Pyramides made at Memphis or neere the famous riuer of Nilus by the great expenses of the kings of Egypt the tower called Pharia made in the Iland of Pharos by king Ptolomee the walles of Babylon made or at the least reedified by queene Semiramis Dianas church at Ephesus builded by all the noble persons of Asia Mausolus toome or sepulchre made by his wife queene of Caria Colossus Solis placed at Rhodes I remember not by what Princes charge but made by the hands of Cares Lindius scholar to Lysippus and the image of Iupiter made of Yuory by the hands of the skilfull workman Phydias The which monuments made of barbarous and heathen Princes to redeeme themselues from obliuion deserued both for the magnificence and perfect workmanship of the same to be accounted in those dayes as the seuen woonders of the world Since the which time an easier readier and lighâ—er way being also of more continuance then the former hath bene found out namely Letters which were first inuented by the Caldies and Egyptians as we reade and augmented since by others to our great benefit and now last of all no long time past the same to haue bene committed to Printers presses to the greatest perfection of the same men being first inforced to write their actes and monuments in beasts skinnes dried in barkes of trees or otherwise perchance as vnreadily By the which benefit of letters now reduced into print we see how easie a thing it is and hath bene for noble persons to liue foreuer by the helpe of learned men For the memory of those two woorthy and valiant captaines Scipio and Hannibal had bene long before this present quite forgotten except Titus Liuiâ—s or â—ome such learned Historiographer had written of them in time And Alexander Magnus himselfe that great conquerour had nothing
Giambelat Bey the Sangiaccho of Tripolis the Begliarbei of Greece the Bassa of Sciuassi and of Marasco Ferca Framburaro the Sangiaccho of Antipo Soliman Bey three Sangiacchos of Arabia Mustafa Bey generall of the Uenturers Fergat gouernour of Malathia the Framburaro of Diuerie the Sangiaccho of Arabia and other Sangiacchos of lesser credite with the number of fourescore thousand persons besides as by the muster made by his Commission might well appeare The Framburaro which was at Rhodes was appointed and left gouernour at Famagusta and the report was that there should bee left in all the Island of Cyprus twentie thousand persons with two thousand horses many of the which I saw being very leane and euill appoynted for seruice It seemeth also a thing not impertinent to the matter to signifie to you how I by the especiall grace of God was deliuered out of their cruel hands I hauing paied within two fortie dayes all the which time I was slaue fiue hundred Zechins for my ransome to him whose prisoner I was by the meanes of the Consul for the French merchants a ligier then at Tripolis who a litle before came from Tripolis in Syria vnto Cyprus into the Turkes campe Yet for all that I had paied this summe of money to him hee would not so set me at libertie but fed mee vp still with faire wordes and promised mee that hee would first bring mee vnto his gouernement which abutted vpon a piece of the famous riuer of Euphrates and afterward dismisse me The which malice and falsehood of his I perceiuing determined with my selfe to giue him the slip and to flee so I waiting my time and repairing often to the Citie at length met with a small Fisher boate of the which a poore Grecian was Owner and master with whom in one night with two onely dares and a small saile made of two shirts I passed ouer from Cyprus vnto Tripolis being a very great danger of drowning whereas I remained in couert in the house of certaine Christians vntill the fiue and twentie of September at what time I departed from thence in a little French shippe called Santa Victor which came into these partes and as wee rode wee touched at a part of Cyprus Westward called Capo delle Garte where as I came on land and talking with certaine of the inhabitants of the Uillages who were then by chaunce a Hauking demaunded of them how they were intreated of the Turkes and after what sort the Island was tilled to the which they answered that they could not possiblie bee in worse pickle then they were at that present not enioying that quietly which was their owne being made villaines and slaues and almost alwayes carying away the Bastonados so that now they sayd they knew by triall too perfectly the pleasant and peaceable gouernment of the Christians wishing and praying God that they might shortly returne And concerning the tillage of the Island they made answere moreouer that no part of it was plowed or laboured sauing onely that mountaine which was towards the West and that because they were litle troubled with the crueltie of the Turkes but as for the plaine and East part of the Island there was small seede sowen therein but became in a maner desert there being left but few inhabitants and lesse store of cattell there Afterward wee departing from thence arriued in Candia I for my part being clothed in sackecloth whereas soone after by the great curtesie of the right honourable Signior Latino Orsino I was new apparelled accordingly friendly welcommed and my necessitie relieued From whence I shortly after sayling in a Cypriottes ship thankes be to almightie God arriued in this Citie in health and â—m safely come home now at the honorable feete of your highnesse The Captains of the Christians slaine in Famagusta THe lord Estor Baglione The lord Aluigi Martinengo The lord Federico Baglione The knight of Asta Uicegouernor The capitaine Dauid Noce Master of the Campe. The capitaine Meani of Perugia Serieant Maior The earle Sigismond of Casoldo The earle Francesco of Lobi of Cremona The captaine Francesco Troncauilla The captaine Hannibal Adamo of Fermo The captaine Scipio of the citie of Castello The captaine Charles Ragonasco of Cremona The captaine Francesco Siraco The captaine Roberto Maluezzo The captaine Caesar of Aduersa The captaine Bernardin of Agubio The captaine Francesco Bugon of Verona The captaine Iames of Fabiano The captaine Sebastian del Sole of Florence The captaine Hector of Brescia the successour to the captaine Caesar of Aduersa The captaine Flaminio of Florence successor vnto Sebastian del Sole The captaine Erasmus of Fermo successor to the captaine of Cernole The captaine Bartholomew of Cernole The captaine Iohn Battista of Riuarole The captaine Iohn Francesco of Venice The names of Christians made slaues THe Earle Herocles Martinengo with Iulius Caesar Ghelfo a Souldiour of Bressa The earle Nestor Martinengo which fled The captaine Marco Criuellatore The lord Herocles Malatesta The captaine Peter Conte of Montalberto The captaine Horatio of Veletri The captaine Aluigi Pezano The Conte Iames of Corbara The captaine Iohn of Istria The captaine Soldatelli of Agubio The captaine Iohn of Ascoli The captaine Antonie of the same towne The captaine Sebastian of the same towne The captaine Salgano of the citie of Castello The captaine Marcheso of Fermo The captaine Iohn Antonio of Piacenza The captaine Carletto Naldo The captaine Lorenzo Fornaretti The captaine Barnardo of Brescia The captaine Barnardino Coco The captaine Simon Bagnese successour to the captaine Dauid Noce The captaine Tiberio Ceruto successor vnto Conte Sigismond The captaine Ioseph of Lanciano successour vnto captaine Francesco Troncauilla The captaine Morgante successor to captain Hannibal The Lieutenant successour vnto the captaine Scipio The Standerdbearer successour to captaine Roberto The captaine Ottauio of Rimini successour to the captaine Francesco Bugon The captaine Mario de Fabiano successour to captaine Iacomo The captaine Francesco of Venice successour vnto captaine Antonio The captaine Matteo of Capua The captaine Iohn Maria of Verona The captaine Mancino The Fortifiers Iohn Marmori slaine The knight Maggio slaue Turkish Captaines at Famagusta MVstafa Generall The Bassa of Aleppo The Bassa of Natolia slaine Musafer Bassa of Nicosia The Bassa of Caramania The Aga of the Giannizers Giambelat Bey The Sangiaccho of Tripolis slaine The Begliarbei of Greece The Bassa of Sciuassi and Marasco Ferca Framburaro The Sangiaccho of Antipo slaine Soliman Bey slaine Three Sangiacchos of Arabia slaine Mustafa Bey General of the Venturers slain Fergat ruler of Malathia slaine The Framburaro of Diuerie slaine The woorthy enterprise of Iohn Foxe an English man in deliuering 266. Christians out of the captiuitie of the Turkes at Alexandria the 3. of Ianuarie 1577. AMong our merchants here in England it is a common voiage to traffike into Spaine whereunto a ship being called The three halfe Moones manned with 38. men and well fensed with munitions
Reichenbach The 19. we passed by Baudzen and Cannitz and that night to Rensperg The 20. we passed by Hayn by Strelen where we should haue passed the riuer of Elbe but the boate was not there so that night we lay at a towne called Mulberg The 21. we passed the said riuer wee went by Belgern by Torga by Dumitch and at night to Bretsch The 22. wee passed the Elbe againe at Wittenberg which is a very strong towne with a good Uniuersitie and that day we passed by Coswig The 23. wee passed through Zerbst in the morning and that night to Magdeburg a very strong Towne and well gouerned as wee did heare The most part of the Countrey after wee were come one dayes iourney on this side Breslawe to this place belongeth to the Duke of Saxon. The 24. wee passed by a castle of the Marques of Brandenburg called Wolmerstat and that night we lay at Garleben The 25. wee lay at Soltwedel The 26. at Berg. The 27. we baited at Lunenborg that night we lay at Winson The 28. we came to Hamborg and there stayed one weeke The 5. of December wee departed from Hamborg and passed the Elbe by boate being much frosen and from the riuer went on foote to Boxtehoede being a long Dutch mile off and there we lay and from thence passed ouer land to Emden Thence hauing passed through Friseland and Holland the 25. being Christmas day in the morning we came to Delft where wee found the right honourable the Earle of Leicester with a goodly company of Lords knights gentlemen and souldiers The 28. at night to Roterodam The 29. to the Briel and there stayed eight dayes for passage The fifth of Ianuary we tooke shipping The 7. we landed at Grauesend and so that night at London with the helpe of almightie God The Turkes passeport or safeconduct for Captaine Austell and Iacomo Manuchio KNow thou which art Voyuoda of Bogdania Valachia other our officers abiding and dwelling on the way by which men commonly passe into Bogdania and Valachia that the Embassador of England hauing two English gentlemen desirous to depart for England the one named Henry Austel and the other Iacomo de Manuchio requested our highnesse letters of Safeconduct to passe through our dominions with one seruant to attende on them Wherefore wee straightly charge you and all other our seruants by whom they shall passe that hauing receiued this our commandement you haue diligent care and regard that they may haue prouided for them in this their iourney for their money all such necessary prouision as shal be necessary for themselues and their horses in such sort as they may haue no cause hereafter to complaine of you And if by chaunce they come vnto any place where they shal stand in feare either of their persons or goods that then you carefully cause them to bee guarded with your men and to be conducted through all suspected places with sufficient company But haue great regard that they conuey not out of our countrey any of our seruiceable horses Obey our commandement and giue credite to this our Seale A Passeport of the Earle of Leicester for Thomas Forster gentleman trauailing to Constantinople RObertus Comes Leicestriae baro de Denbigh ordinum Garterij Sancti Michaelis eques auratus Serenissimae Regine Angliae a Secretioribus consilijs magister equorum dux capitaneus generalis exercitus eiusdem Regiae maiestatis in Belgio gubernator generalis Hollandiae Zelandiae prouinciarum vnitarum associatarum omnibus and quos praesentes literae petuenerint salutem Cùm lator praesentium Thomas Forster nobilis Anglus necessarijs de causis hinc Constantinopolim profecturus si◠inde ad nos quanta potest celeritate reuersurus petimus ab omnibus singulis Regibus principibus nobilibus magistratibus alijs mandent permittant dicto Thomae cum duobus famulis liberum transirum per corum ditiones territoria sine detentione aut impedimento iniusto prouideri sibi de necessarijs iustum precium reddenti ac aliter conuenienter humaniter tractari vt occasiones eius eundi redeundi requirent Sicut nos Maiestates Serenitates Celsitudines dominationes vestrae paratos inuenietis vt vestratibus in similibus casibus gratum similiter faciamus Datum in castris nostris Duisburgi decimo die Septembris anno 1586. stylo veteri A description of the yeerely voyage or pilgrimage of the Mahumitans Turkes and Moores vnto Mecca in Arabia Of the Citie of Alexandria ALexandria the most ancient citie in Africa situated by the seaside containeth seuen miles in circuite and is enuironed with two walles one neere to the other with high towers but the walles within be farre higher then those without with a great ditch round about the same yet is not this Citie very strong by reason of the great antiquitie being almost halfe destroyed and ruinated The greatnesse of this Citie is such that if it were of double habitation as it is compassed with a double wall it might be truely said that there were two Alexandrias one builded vpon another because vnder the foundations of the saide City are great habitations and incredible huge pillers True it i◠that this part vnderneath remaineth at this day inhabitable because of the corrupt aire as also for that by tune which consumeth all things it is greatly ruinated It might well be sayd that the founder hereof as he was worthy in all his enterprises so likewise in building hereof he did a worke worthy of himselfe naming it after his owne name This Citie hath one defect for it is subiect to an euill ayre which onely proceedeth of that hollownesse vnderneath out of the which issueth infinite moisture and that this is true the ayre without doth euidently testifie which is more subtile and holesome then that beneath The waters hereof be salt by reason that the soile of it selfe is likewise so And therefore the inhabitants at such time as the riuer Nilus floweth are accustomed to open a great ditch the head wherof extendeth into the said riuer and from thence they conueigh the same within halfe a mile of Alexandria and so consequently by meanes of conduct-pipes the water commeth vnto the cesternes of Alexandria which being full serue the citie from one inundation to another Within the citie is a Pyramide mentioned of in Histories but not of great importance Without the citie is La colonna di Pompeio or the pillar of Pompey being of such height and thicknesse that it is supposed there is not the like in the whole world besides Within the citie there is nothing of importance saue a litle castle which is guarded with 60 Ianizaries Alexandria hath three portes one towardes Rossetto another to the land ward the third to the sea ward which is called Babelbar without which appeareth a broad Iland called Ghesira in the Moores tongue which is not wholy an Iland
about 5 leagues to the Southward we sawe a great day here we had 4 degrees and 27 minuts The 16 we met with a French ship of Hunfleur who robbed our pinnesse we sent a letter by him and this night we saw another spot in the Sunne at his going downe And towards euening we were thwart of a riuer and right ouer the riuer was a high tuft of trees The 17 we ankered in the riuers mouth and then we found the land to be Cauo de las Palmas and betweene vs the cape was a great ledge of rockes one league and a halfe into the sea and they bare to the West of the Cape we saw also an Island off the point of the foreland thus it waâ—ed night that we could perceiue no more of the lande but onely that it trended in like a bay where there runneth a streame as if it were in the riuer of Thames and this was the change day of the Moone The 19 a faire temperate day and the wind South we went East and the lande a sterne of vs West and it shewed low by the water side like Islands this was the east of Cauo de las Palmas and it trended in with a great sound and we went East all night and in the morning wee were but 3 or 4 leagues from the shore The 20 we were thwart of a riuer called Rio de los Barbos The 21 we went along the shore East 3 or 4 leagues to the West of Cauo de tres puntas I find the bay to be set deeper then it is by 4 leagues and at 4 of the clocke the land begun to shewe high and the first part of it full of Palme trees The 24 still going by the shore the land was very low and full of trees by the water side and at 12 of the clocke we ankered thwart of the riuer called Rio de Boilas Here we sent our boate a shore with the marchants but they durst not put into the riuer because of a great billow that continually brake at the enterance vpon the barre The 28 we sailed alongst the shore and ankered at night in seuen fadom because a great current would haue put vs backe which came from the East Southeast from Papuas The 29 at noone we were thwart of Arda and there we tooke a Carauel but the men were fled on land then we went aboord her but she had nothing in her but only a litle oyle of Palme trees and a few roots The next morning our Captaine and marchants went to meete Portugals that came in a boate to speake with vs where they communed about the buying of the Carauell of our men againe and the Portugals promised that we should haue for the Carauell certaine bullocks and Elephants teeth and they gaue vs one tooth and one bullocke presently and sayd they would bring vs the rest the next day The first of Ianuarie our Captaine went on land to speake with the Portugales but when he saw they did dissemble he came aboord againe and presently we vnrigged the Carauell and set her on fire before the towne Then we set saile and went along the coast where we saw a Date tree the like whereof is not in all that coast vpon the water side also we fell on ground a litle in one place Thus we went to Villa longa and there ankered The third we were as far shot as Rio de Lagoa where our marchants went a shore and vpon the barre they found 3 fadom flat but they went not in because it was late There is also to the Eastward of this riuer a Date tree higher then all the rest of the other trees thereabout Thus we went along the coast and euery night ankered al the shore as we went was full of trees and thicke woods The 6 day in the morning it was very foggy so that we could not see the land and at three of the clocke in the afternoone it cleared vp then we found our selues thwart of the riuer of Iaya and when we found the shallow water we bare into the sea South as we did the voyage before and came to an ancre in fiue fadom water The next day we set saile againe and towards noone we were thwart of the riuer of Benin in foure fadom water The 10 day our Captaine went on land with the shallop at 2 a clocke in the afternoone All this weeke it was very foggy euery day vntill ten a clocke and all this time hitherto hath beene as temperate as our summer in England This day we went into the road and ankered the west point of the road bare East northeast off vs we riding in foure fadome water The 21 a faire temperate day this day M. Hassald went to the towne of Goto to heare newes of the Captaine The 23 came the Carauell and Samuell in her and she brought 63 Elephants teeth and three bullocks The 28 a faire temperate day and towards night there fell much raine lightning and thunder this day our boate came aboord from Goto The 24 of Februarie we tooke in 298 Cerons or sackes of pepper and 4 Elephants teeth and the winde was at Southeast And the 26 we put the rest of our goods into the Carauell and M. Hassald went with her to Goto The 5 of March y e Carauel came againe brought 21 Cerons of pepper 4 Elephants teeth The 9 of Aprill our Carauell came aboord with water for our prouision for the sea and this day also we lost our shallope The 17 a drowsie rainie day and in the afternoone we saw 3 great spoutes of raine two on our larbord side and one right with the ships head but God be thanked they came not at vs and this day we tooke in the last of our water for the sea and the 26 we victualed our Carauell to go with vs to the sea The 27 we set saile to goe homewarde with the winde at Southwest and at two a clocke in the afternoone the riuer of Benin was Northeast 8 leagues from vs. The 3 of May we had such a terrible gust with raine lightning thunder that it tore and split our fore saile and also the Carauels fore-sayle and maine-sayle with the wind at Southeast The 12 a faire temperate day much like our â—ommer mornings in England being but one degree a halfe from the line but at midnight we had a cruell gust of raine the wind at northeast The 24 we were South from from Cauo de las Palmas â—7 leagues The first of Iuly we had sight of the Island of Braua and it bare East 7 leagues off and this Island is one of the Islands of Cauo Verde The 13 of August we spake with the Queenees ships the Lord Thomas Howard being Admirall and sir Richard Greeneuill Uiceadmirall They kept vs in their company vntill the 15
the sea comming out of the Southwest and the wind very violent at North they were put all into great extremitie and then first lost the Generall of their fleete with 500 men in her and within three or foure dayes after an other storme rising there were fiue or sixe other of the biggest shippes cast away with all their men together with their Uice-Admirall And in the height of 38. degrees about the end of August grew another great storme in which all the fleâ—t sauing 48. sailes were cast away which 48. sailes kept together vntill they came in sight of the Islands of Coruo and Flores about the fift or sixt of September at which time a great storme separated them of which number fifteene or sixeteene were after seene by these Spanyards to ride at anchor vnder the Tercera and twelue or foureteene more to beare with the Island of S. Michael what became of them after that these Spaniards were taken cannot yet be certified their opinion is that very few of thee fleet are escaped but are either drowned or taken And it is otherwaies of late certified that of this whole fleete that should haue come into Spaine this yeere being one hundred twentie and three sayle there are arriued as yet but fiue and twentie This note was taken out of the examination of certaine Spaniardes that were brought into England by sixe of the ships of London which tooke sâ—uen of the aboue named Indian Fleete neere the Islands of Açores A report of Master Robert Flicke directed to Master Thomas Bromley Master Richard Staper and Master Cordall concerning the successe of a part of the London supplies sent to my Lord Thomas Howard to the Isles of the Azores 1591. WOrshipfull my heartie commendations vnto you premised By my last of the twelfth of August from this place I aduertised you particularly of the accidents of our Fleete vntill then It remayneth now to relate our endeuours in accomplishing the order receiued for the ioyning with my Lorde Thomas Howard together with the successe wee haue had Our departure from hence was the seuenteenth of August the winde not seruing before The next day following I caused a Flagge of Counsell to be put foorth whereupon the Captaines and Masters of euery shippe came aboord and I acquainted them with my Commission firmed by the Right honourable the Lordes of her Maiesties Counsell and with all the aduertisements of Sir Edward Denny of my Lordes determination to remaine threescore leagues to the West of Fayal spreading North and South betwixt thirtie seuen and a halfe or thirty eight and a halfe degrees And not finding him in this heigth to repaire to the Isles of Flores and Coruo where a Pinnesse of purpose should stay our comming vntill the last of August with intent after that day to repaire to y e coast of Spaine about the heigth of The Rocke some twentie or thirtie leagues off the shoare The which being aduisedly considered of hauing regard vnto the shortnesse of time by reason of our long abode in this place and the vncertainety of the weather to fauour vs it was generally holden for the best and securest way to meete with my Lorde to beare with the heigth of The Rocke without making any stay vpon the coast and so directly for the Islands which was accordingly fully agreed and performed The 28 day wee had sight of the Burlings and the 29 being thwart of Peniche the winde seruing vs without any stay we directed our course West for the Islands The 30 day we met with Captaine Royden in the Red-Rose sometime called the Golden Dragon separated from my Lorde of Cumberland in a storme who certified vs of 50 sayles of the Spanish kings Armadas to be gone for the Ilands but could not informe vs any newes of my Lord Thomas Howard otherwise then vpon presumption to remaine about the Islandes and so wee continued our course the winde standing with vs. The 4 of September we recouered Tercera and ranged along all the Islands both on the South and North sides the space of foure dayes during which time it was not our hap to meete with any shipping whereby either to vnderstand of my Lord or of the Indian Fleete hereupon we directed our course to the West from Fayal according to the instructions of Sir Edward Denny The 11 day in the plying to the Westwards we descried a sayle out of our maine toppe and in the afternoone betweene two and three of the clocke hauing raysed her hull the weather became calme so that the ship could not fetch her I sent off my Skiffe throughly manned furnished with shot and swords The Cherubin and the Margaret and Iohn doing the like Upon this the sayle stood off againe and the night approching our boates lost her and so returned In this our pursute after the sayle the Centurion being left a sterne the next morning wee missed her and spent that day in plying vp and downe seeking her And for as much as euery of the ships had recâ—iued order that if by extremity of weather or any other mischance they should be seuered from our Fleete they should meete and ioyne at Flores we according to the instructions of Sir Edward Denny proceeded to the finding of my Lord Thomas Howard being in the heigth appointed and not aâ—le to holde the same by reason of extreme tempestes which forced vs to the Isles of Flores and Coruo which we made the 14 day in the morning aud there also ioyned againe with the Centurion whose company before we had lost who declared vnto vs that the 12 day being the same day they lost vs they met with fiue and forty sailes of the Indian Fleete The same night vpon these newes we came to an anker betweene Flores and Coruo and the morow following at the breake of day a flagge of Counsell being put out the Captaines Masters came abord me where for the desire to vnderstand some tidings of my Lord as also the supplying of our want of water it was thought good to send our boats â—urnished on shore vnder the conduct of Captaine Brothus and then it was also ordered after our departure thence to range along the Southsides of the Islands to the end we might either vnderstand of my Lord or â—lse light on the Indian fleete and in the missing of our purpose to direct our course for Cape Sant Vincente The boates according to the foresayd determination being sent on shoare it chaunced that The Costely ryding vttermost in the roade did weigh to bring her selfe more neere among vs for the succour of the boates sent off and in opening the land discouered two sayles which we in the roade could not perceiue whereupon shee gaue vs a warning piece which caused vs to waue off our boates backe and before they could recouer our shippes the discryed ships appeared vnto vs towardes the which we made with all haste and in a very happie houre as it pleased God In that wee had
not so soone cleared the lande and spoken with one of them which wâ—s a Barke of Bristoll who had also sought my Lorde in the heigths appointed and could not finde him but a violent storme arose in such manner as if we had remained in the roade we had beene in daunger of perishing and the same extremely continued during the space of threescore houres In which storme I was separated from our Fleete except the Cherubin and the Costely which kept company with mâ—e And so sayling among the Ilands I viewed the roade of Fayal and finding no Roaders there went directly for the Isle Tercera The ninâ—teenth day in the morning comming vnto y â— same with intent to edge into the Road a tempest arose and scanted the winde that we could not seaze it from the which being driuen we fell among certaine of the Indian Fleete which the sayde storme dispersed and put them from the road wherâ—upon my selfe with the other two ships in companie gaue seuerall chases and thereby lost the company each of other In following our chase aboue noone we made her to strike and yeelde being a Portugall laden with hides salsa-perilla and Anile At this very instant we espied another and taking our Prize with vs followed her and somewhat before night obtayned her named the Conception Francisco Spinola being Captaine which was laden with hides Cochonillio and certaine raw sâ—lke And for that the seas were so growen as neither with boate nor shippe they were to bee boorded we kept them till fit opportunitie The same night a litle before day there happened another into our company supposing vs by our two prizes to be of their Fleete which we vntill the morning dissembled The 20 day in the morning the sayle being shot somewhat a head of vs hauing a speciall care for the safe keeping of the two former we purposed to cause our Prizes to put out more sayle thereby to keepe them neere in giuing chase to the other vnto the which the Master would not â—earken nor be peâ—swaded but that they would follow vs by the which his wilfulnâ—sse by such time as we had caused the other to yeelde and sent men aboord the Conception Francisco Spinola Captaine being brought a sterne and hauing gotten the winde of vs stood off with all her sayles bearing so as we were forced to make a new chase of her and had not the winde enlarged vpon vs we had lost her In the puâ—sute before we recouered her and brought our selues againe in company of our other Prizes the whole day was spent and by this meanes we lost the oportunitie of that day the weather fitly seruing to boord the Portugall Prize which was in great distresse and made request to take them being readie to sinke and as we well perceiued they ceased not to pumpe day and night the which ship to all our iudgements the same night perished in the sea The one and twentie day the Conception whereof Francisco Spinola was Captaine being also in a leake and the same still increasing notwithstanding the continuall pumping in such sort as not to be kept long aboue water I tooke and discharged out of her two and forty chestes of Cochonillio and silkes and so left her with 11 foote water in holde and her furniture and 4700 hides vnto the seas The other Prize which we haue brought into the harborough is named Nostra Sennâ—â—â—â—e los remedios whereof Francisco Aluares is Captaine laden with 16 chests of Cochonillio certaine fardels of raw silke and about 4000 hides Upon the discharge of the goods your worships shall be particularly aduertised thereof In the boording of the Prizes the disorder of the company was such as that they letted not presently besides the rifling of the Spaniards to breake open the chests and to purloyne such money as was in them notwithstanding that it was ordered at conuenient leasure to haue gone aboord my selfe and there in the presence of three or foure witnesses to haue taken a iust account thereof and the same to haue put in safe keeping according to the effects of articles receiued in this behalfe And whereas there wâ—re also certaine summes of money taken from the company which they had thus purloyned and embeseled and the same with some other parcels brought aboord my ship amounting vnto 2129 pezoes a halfe the company as pillage due vnto them demanded to haue the same shared which I refused openly at the maine maste read the articles firmed by my Lord Treasurer and my lord Admirall whereby we ought to be directed and that it was not in mee any way to dispose thereof vntill the same were finally determined at home Hereupon they mutined and at last grew into such furie as that they would haue it or els breake downe the cabbine which they were also readie to put in practise whereby I was forced to yeeld least the Spaniards which we had abord being many perceiuing the same might haue had fit opportunitie to rise against vs which after their brawles were appeased they sought to haue put in execution By the last aduise from Castile the Generall of the kings Armada which is lately come to sea hath receiued commaundement to ioyne his Fleete with those of the Indies and for to stay altogether at Tercera vntill the 15 of October for that 6 pataches with 7 or 8 millions of the kings treasure will come by that time or els they stay their comming from Hauana vntil Ianuary next or the kings further pleasure therein to be knowen These Pataches are said to be of 300 tuns the piece and to cary 30 pieces of brasse and also of saile reported to haue the aduantage of any shipping There perished of the Indies Fleete sunke in the sea before their comming to Flores 11 sailes whereof the General was one and not one man saued And it is by the Spaniards themselues presupposed that the stormes which we had at Flores at Tercera haue deuoured many more of them whereof in part we were eye witnesses And so what by the seas and our men of warre I presume that of 75 sailes that came from Hauana halfe of them will neuer arriue in Spaine The 11 day of October at night we came to anker in the sound of Plimouth and the next morning with our Prize came into Cattewater for which God be thanked for that a vehement storme arose and with such fury increased as that the Prize was forced to cut ouer her maine maste otherwise with the violence of the storme her ground tackle being bad she had driuen on shore which was the most cause that moued me to put in here intending now here to discharge the goods without further aduenture and haue certified thus much vnto my Lord Admirall and therewith also desired to vnderstande the direction of the Lords of the Counsell together with yours insomuch as my Lord Thomas Howard is not returned How the rest of our consorts which were
he might be Uiceroy But when he once had receiued his patent with full power authoritie from the king to be Uiceroy he changed so much from his former behauior that by reason of his pride they all began to feare and curse him and that before hee departed out of Lisbon as it is often seene in many men that are aduanced vnto state and dignitie The 20 of Ianuarie 1591. there was newes brought out of Portugall into Tercera that the Englishmen had takeÌ„ a ship that the king had sent into the Portugal-Indies w t aduise to the Uiceroy for the returning againe of the 4 ships that should haue gone to India because the ships were come backe againe that ship was stuffed and laded as full of goods as possible it might be hauing likewise in ready money 500 thousand duckets in roials of 8 besides other wares It departed from Lisbon in the moneth of Nouember 1590. met with the Englishmen with whoÌ„ for a time it fought but in the end it was taken and caried into England with men all yet when they came there the men were set at libertie and returned into Lisbon where the captaine was committed prisoner but he excused himselfe and was released with whom I spake my selfe he made this report vnto me At the same time also they tooke a ship that came from the Mine ladeÌ„ with gold 2 ships laden with pepper spices that were to saile into Italy the pepper onely that was in them being worth 170 thousand duckets all these ships were caried into England made good prise In the moneth of Iuly 1591. there hapned an earthquake in the Iland of S. Michael which continued froÌ„ the 26 of Iuly to the 12 of August in which time no man durst stay within his house but fled into the fields fasting praying with great sorow for that many of their houses fel down and a towne called Villa Franca was almost cleane razed to the ground all the cloisters houses shaken to the earth and therein some people slaine The land in some places rose vp and the cliffs remooued from one place to another and some hils were defaced and made euen with the ground The earthquake was so strong that the ships which lay in the road and on the sea shaked as if the world would haue turned round there sprang also a fountaine out of the earth from whence for the space of 4 daies there flowed a most cleare water after that it ceased At the same time they heard such thunder noise vnder the earth as if all the deuils in hell had bin assembled together in that place wherewith many died for feare The Iland of Tercera sâ—ooke 4 times together so that it seemed to turne about but there hapned no misfortune vnto it Earthquakes are common in those Ilands for about 20 yeres past there hapned another earthquake wherein a high hill that lieth by the same towne of Villa Franca fell halfe downe couered all the towne with earth and killed many men The 25 of August the kings Armada comming out of Ferol arriued in Tercera being in all 30 ships Biskaines Portugals and Spaniards and 10 dutch flieboats that were arrested in Lisbon to serue the king besides other small ships pataxos that came to serue as messengers from place to place and to discouer the seas This nauie came to stay for and conuoy the ships that should come from the Spanish Indies and the flieboats were appointed in their returne home to take in the goods that were saued in the lost ship that came from Malacca and to conuoy them to Lisbon The 13 of September the said Armada arriued at the Iland of Coruo where the Englishmen with about 16 ships as then lay staying for the Spanish fleet whereof some or the most part were come and there the English were in good hope to haue taken them But wheÌ„ they perceiued the kings army to be strong the Admiral being the lord Thomas Howard commanded his Fleet not to fal vpon them nor any of them once to separate their ships from him vnlesse he gaue commission so to do notwithstanding the viceadmirall sir Richard Greenuil being in the ship called the Reuenge went into the Spanish fleet and shot among them doing them great hurt thinking the rest of the company would haue folowed which they did not but left him there sailed away the cause why could not be knoweÌ„ Which the Spaniards perceiuing with 7 or 8 ships they boorded her but she withstood them all fighting with them at the least 12 houres together and sunke two of them one being a new double Flieboat of 600 tunnes and Admiral of the Flieboats the other a Biscain but in the end by reason of the number that came vpon her she was taken but to their great losse for they had lost in fighting and by drowning aboue 400 men and of the English were slaine about 100 Sir Richard Greenuil himselfe being wounded in his braine whereof afterwards he died He was caried into the ship called S. Paul wherein was the Admirall of the fleet Don Alonso de Baçan there his wounds were drest by the Spanish surgeons but Don Alonso himselfe would neither see him nor speake with him all the rest of the captaines and gentlemen went to visite him and to comfort him in his hard fortune wondering at his courage and stout heart for y t he shewed not any signe of faintnes nor changing of colour but feeling the houre of death to approch he spake these words in Spanish and said Here die I Richard Greenuil with a ioyful quiet mind for that I haue ended my life as a true souldier ought to do that hath fought for his countrey Queene religion and honor whereby my soule most ioyfull departeth out of this body shal alwayes leaue behind it an euerlasting fame of a valiant true souldier that hath done his dutie as he was bound to doe When he had finished these or such other like words he gaue vp the Ghost with great stout courage no man could perceiue any true signe of heauines in him This sir Rich. Greenuil was a great and a rich gentleman in England had great yeerely reuenues of his owne inheritance but he was a man very vnquiet in his mind and greatly affected to war insomuch as of his owne priuate motion he offred his seruice to the Queene he had performed many valiant acts and was greatly feared in these Ilands and knowen of euery man but of nature very seuere so that his owne people hated him for his fiercenesse spake very hardly of him for when they first entred into the fleet or Armada they had their great saile in a readinesse and might possibly enough haue â—ailed away for it was one of the best ships for saile in England and the master perceiuing that the other ships had left them folowed not after commanded the great
although they be diligently by arte husbanded and seene vnto and the cause thereof are the Northerne driuing winds which comming from the sea are so bitter and sharpe that they kill all the yoong tender plants and suffer scarse any thing to grow and so is it in the Islands of Meta incognita which are subiect most to East Northeastern winds which the last yere choaked vp the passage so with ice that the fleet could hardly recouer their port Yet notwithstanding all the obiections that may be the countrey is habitable for there are men women children sundry kind of beasts in great plenty as beares deere hares foxes and dogs all kinde of flying fowles as ducks seamewes wilmots partridges larks crowes hawks and such like as in the third booke you shall vnderstand more at large Then it appeareth that not onely the middle zone but also the Zones about the poles are habitable Which thing being well considered and familiarly knowen to our Generall captaine Frobisher aswell for that he is thorowly furnished of the knowledge of the sphere and all other skilles appertaining to the arte of nauigation as also for the confirmation he hath of the same by many yeres experience both by sea and land and being persuaded of a new and nerer passage to Cataya then by Capo de buona Sperança which the Portugals yerely vse he began first with himselfe to deuise and then with his friends to conferre and layed a plaine plat vnto them that that voyage was not onely possible by the Northwest but also he could proue easie to be performed And further he determined and resolued with himselfe to go make full proofe thereof and to accomplish or bring true certificate of the truth or els neuer to returne againe knowing this to be the only thing of the world that was left yet vndone whereby a notable minde might be made famous and fortunate But although his will were great to performe this notable voyage whereof he had conceiued in his minde a great hope by sundry sure reasons and secret intelligence which here for sundry causes I leaue vntouched yet he wanted altogether meanes and ability to set forward and performe the same Long time he conferred with his priuate friends of these secrets and made also many offers for the performing of the same in effect vnto sundry merchants of our countrey aboue 15 yeres before he attempted the same as by good witnesse shall well appeare albeit some euill willers which challenge to themselues the fruits of other mens labours haue greatly iniured him in the reports of the same saying that they haue bene the first authours of that action and that they haue learned him the way which themselues as yet haue neuer gone but perceiuing that hardly he was hearkened vnto of the merchants which neuer regard vertue without sure certaine and present gaines he repaired to the Court from whâ—nce as from the fountaine of our Common wealth all good causes haue their chiefe increase and maintenance and there layed open to many great estates and learned men the plot and summe of his deuice And amongst many honourable minds which fauoured his honest and commeâ—dable enterprise he was specially bound and beholding to the right honourable Ambrose Dudley earle of Warwicke whose fauourable minde and good disposition hath alwayes bene ready to countenance and aduance all honest actions with the authours and executers of the same and so by meanes of my lord his honourable countenance he receiued some comfort of his cause and by litle and litle with no small expense and paine brought his cause to some perfection and had drawen together so many aduenturers and such summes of money as might well defray a reasonable charge to furnish himselfe to sea withall He prepared two small barks of twenty and fiue and twenty tunne a piece wherein he intended to accomplish his pretended voyage Wherefore being furnished with the foresayd two barks and one small pinnesse of ten tun burthen hauing therein victuals and other necessaries for twelue moneths prouision he departed vpon the sayd voyage from Blacke-wall the 15 of Iune anno Domini 1576. One of the barks wherein he went was named The Gabriel and the other The Michael and sailing Northwest from England vpon the 11 of Iuly he had sight of an high and ragged land which he iudged to be Frisland whereof some authors haue made mention but durst not approch the same by reason of the great store of ice that lay alongst the coast and the great mists that troubled them not a litle Not farre from thence he lost company of his small pinnesse which by meanes of the great storme he supposed to be swallowed vp of the Sea wherein he lost onely foure men Also the other barke named The Michael mistrusting the matter conueyed themselues priuily away from him and returned home with great report that he was cast away The worthy captaine notwithstanding these discomforts although his mast was sprung and his toppe mast blowen ouerboord with extreame foule weather continued his course towards the Northwest knowing that the sea at length must needs haue an ending that some land should haue a beginning that way and determined therefore at the least to bring true proofe what land and sea the same might be so farre to the Northwestwards beyond any man that hath heretofore discouered And the twentieth of Iuly he had sight of an high land which he called Queene Elizabeths Forland after her Maiesties name And sailing more Northerly alongst that coast he descried another forland with a great gut bay or passage diuiding as it were two maine lands or continents asunder There he met with store of exceeding great ice all this coast along and coueting still to continue his course to the Northwards was alwayes by contrary winde deteined ouerthwart these straights and could not get beyond Within few dayes after he perceiued the ice to be well consumed and gone either there ingulfed in by some swift currents or indrafts carried more to the Southwards of the same straights or els conueyed some other way wherefore he determined to make proofe of this place to see how farre that gut had continuance and whether he might carry himselfe thorow the same into some open sea on the backeside whereof he conceiued no small hope and so entred the same the one and twentieth of Iuly and passed aboue fifty leagues therein as he reported hauing vpon either hand a great maine or continent And that land vpon his right hand as he sailed Westward he iudged to be the continent of Asia and there to be diuided from the firme of America which lieth vpon the left hand ouer against the same This place he named after his name Frobishers streights like as Magellanus at y e Southwest end of the world hauing discouered the passage to the South sea where America is diuided from the continent of that land which lieth vnder the South
but in very deede they are all firme land and if you come on the South and Southwest side you shall see a hill diuided into 2. parts which I called The three hillockes which is right within the hauen And for another better marke of the sayd harbour you shall see an Isle like vnto a Floure de lice distant from the sayd hauen 6. leagues at the least and this Isle and the sayd hauen lie Northeast and Southwest a quarter to the North and South And on the sayd Isle there is good pebble stone to drie fish vpon But to the West thereof there is a very faire countrey and there is a banke of sand which runneth the length of a cable hauing not past one fathom water vpon it From the sayde Isle along the firme land the coast lyeth East and West and you shall see as it were a great forrest running Eastwaâ—d and the Easterne Cape is called Cape du Chapt and is great and red toward the Sea And betweene the sayd lands you shall see as it were a small Island but it ioyneth to the firme land on the Southwest part and there is good shingle to drie fish on And you must coast the shore with boates and not with ships by reason of the shallowes of the sayd coast For I haue seene without Cape du Chapt in faire weather the ground in two fathoms water neere a league and an halfe from shore and I iudged by reason of the highnesse of the land that there had bene aboue thirtie fathoms water which was nothing so and I haue sounded comming neere the shore in more or lesse depth The coast stretcheth three leagues to the West from Lisle Blanch or the white Isle vnto the entrance of a riuer where we slewe and killed to the number of fifteene hundred Morses or Sea oxen accounting small and great where at full sea you may come on shoare with boates and within are two or three fathoms water From thence the coast trendeth foure leagues to the West ¼ to the Northwest vnto the Isle Hupp which is twentie leagues in circuit and is like the edge of a knife vpon it there is neither wood nor grasse there are Morses vpon it but they bee hard to be taken From thence the coast trendeth to the Northwest and Northnorthwest which is all that I haue seene to wit the two sides and one ende of the Isle And if I had had as good lucke as my Masters when I was on the Northwest side with my shippe I would haue aduenturâ—d to haue sayled South-southeast to haue discouered the Easterne shoare of the sayd Isle In your returne to the East as you come from the hauen of Cape du Chapt vnto the sayde hauen are sandes and sholds And three good leagues from Cape du Chapt there is a small Island conteining about a league of ground where there is an hauen toward the Southeast and as you enter into the sayd hauen on the starreboord side a dented Cape all of redde land And you cannot enter into the said hauen but with the flood because of a barre which lieth halfe a league without the poynts of the sayd hauen The tydes are there at Southeast and Northwest but when the wind is very great it bloweth much into the hauen at halfe flood But ordinarily it sloweth fiue foote and an halfe The markes to enter into the sayd hauen are to leaue the Isle Blanche or White Island at your comming in on the starreboord and the poynt of â—he hauen towarde the West hath a thick Island which you shall see on the other side and it hath a little round Buttresse which lyeth on the East side of the Island There are also two other buttresses more easie to bee seene then hidden these are not to the East but to the West and they haue markes on â—hem Here you shall not haue aboue two fathom and an halfe at a full sea vpon this barre And the sounding is stone and rough ground At your entring in when you shall finde white sand which lyeth next the Southeast of the Cape then you are vpon the barre and bee not afrayd to passe vp the chanell And for markes towarde the West athwart the barre when you haue brought an Island euen which lyeth to the westward without with the thicke part of the high land which lyeth most to the West you shall bee past the barre and the chanell runneth due North. And for your anchoring in the sayd hauen see that you carefully seeke the middest of the sayd Thicke landâ— which lyeth in the bottome of the sayd hauen for you must anchor betweene two bankes of sand where the passage is but narrow And you must anker surely for there goeth a great tyde for the Sea runneth there as swiftly and more then in There is good ground and ankorage here and you shall ride in three fathom water And within the sayde hauen there is nothing to hurt you for you are free from all winds And if by chance you should be driuen Westward of the sayd hauen you may seeke an entrance which is right ouer against the small Island named before which is called The Isle of Cormorants and you may enter in theâ—e as at the other hauen at a full sea And you must passe vp on the West side and you shall finde on the Barre at a full sea foureteene foote water and great depth when you are entred in for the Sea runneth very swiftly in that place and the entrie theâ—eof lyeth Southeast and Northwest Right ouer against you on the other side you may passe with boates at a full sea And all these entrances make all but one hauen which is good within I sayâ— his because I haue passed into the maine Sea by the one and the other passage And the said Isle is not past two leagues ouer in the middest It is but two bankes of sande whereof one is like to that of S. Malo which let the Sea from passing through the middest of all the Isle But the two endes are high mountaines with Islands altogether cut and separated with streames and riuers To anker in the sayd harbour you must not ride farthâ—r then fiue or sixe cables length from the sayd hauen A letter sent to the right Honorable Sir VVilliam Cecill Lord Burghley Lord high Treasurer of England c. From M. Thomas Iames of Bristoll concerning the discouerie of the Isle of Ramea dated the 14 of September 1591. RIght Honourable my humble duetie to your good Lordship done I thought good humbly to aduertise your honour of the discouery of an Island made by two smal shippes of Saint Malo the one 8 daies past being prised neare Silley by a ship of which I am part owner called the Pleasure sent by this citie to my Lord Thomas Howard for her Maiesties seruice Which prise is sent backe to this Port by those of the sayd
and from thence arriued at the mouth of the riuer of Santo Domingo And as we sailed to Cape Tiburon three leagues to the Westward of Santo Domingo we tooke a boat of fifteene tunnes which had certeine iarres of malosses or vnrefined sugar with three men which men with their boat wee caried with vs to Cape Tiburon which in respect of seruice done vnto vs in furnishing vs with fresh water we dismissed Thus contrary to other Englishmens courses we shaped ours to the Southward of Iamaica and our shallop with 12 men ranged the coast but sound nothing Thence we ranged the three islands of the Caimanes and landed at Grand Caiman being the Westermost where we found no people but a good riuer of fresh water and there we turned vp threescore great tortoises and of them we tooke our choise to wit fifteene of the females which are the best and fullest of egges whereof two serued an hundred men a day And there with stones we might kill turtle doues wilde geese other good fowles at our pleasures Thence we came to Cape de Corrientes on Cuba to water and from thence to Cape S. Antonio and so went ouer for the Tortugas without taking of any new prize and thence cut ouer to Rio de puercos on the coast of Cuba There we tooke a small barke of twenty tunnes with foure men and forty liue hogs with certeine dried porke cut like leather ierkins along and dried hogs tongues and neats tongues and 20 oxe hides Then passing thence within foure dayes we tooke a ship of 80 tunnes laden with hides indico salsa perilla North of an headland called Corugna theâ—ce the current set vs to the East to the old chanel There we tooke a frigat of 20 tunnes hauing certeine pieces of Spanish broad cloth other small pillage there continuing off the Matanças 12 dayes with the winde so Westerly that we could hardly recouer Hauana in the moneth of May. Here we tooke two boats laden with tortoises which we sunke sauing some of the tortoises setting the men on shore Then at length we recouered vp to Hauana where we came so neere to the forts that for one houres fight they ouer-reached vs with their long ordinance Then came out the two gallies hauing 27 banks on a side and fought with vs another houre which for that time left vs by reason of the increasing of the winde Then passing alongst nine leagues to the Westward we found out an excellent harbour hauing three fadome water at the flood able within to receiue a thousand saile where we found hog-houses which they terme coralles and tooke away certeine hogs and pigs As we came out of this harbour the weather being calme we were incountered by the gallies which had followed vs and fought with them three houres oftentimes within caliuer shot but wee made such spoile of their men and oares that they beganne to be weary and gaue vs ouer with their great losse Here within foure dayes after as we lay to the Northward sixe leagues off this harbour of Cauannas we met with master captaine Lane Generall of master Wats his fleet and captaine Roberts in the Exchange a ship of Bristol of an hundred and forty tunnes and master Beniamin Wood with his foure ships which were set out by my lord Thomas Howard with captain Kenel of Limehouse captaine of the Cantar of Weymouth All we being heere together espied a ship of some 50 tunne which we chased with their boats but my shallope first boorded her and tooke her which had in her sacke Canary-wine muscadell tent in iarres and good store oâ— oâ—le in iarres The ship we vnladed and burned the men ran on shore Hence wee came all together being about 13 sailes before Hauana but passing by we gaue chase to a ship of 60 tun which entred into an harbour a league to the Northwest of Hauana which with boats was boorded and found to be of Puerto de Cauallos in the bay of Honduras laden with tanned hides salsa perilla Indico raw hides and good store of balsamum and she had foure chests of gold which they got on land before we could come to them We brought this ship into England Thus spending a seuen night in lying off and on for purchase and finding nothing come I set saile for England and arriued at Douer about the tenth of Nouember 1592â— A briefe note of a voyage to the East Indies begun the 10 of April 1591 wherein were three tall ships the Penelope of Captaine Raimond Admirall the Merchant royall whereof was Captaine Samuel Foxcroft Viceadmirall the Edward Bonauenture whereof was Captaine M. Iames Lancaster Rereadmirall with a small pinnesse Written by Henry May who in his returne homeward by the West Indies suffred shipwracke vpon the isle of Bermuda wherof here is annexed a large description THe tenth of April 1591 we departed from Plymmouth with the ships aforesayd In May following wee arriued at Grand Canaria one of the fortunate Islands Also toward the end of this moneth we tooke a Portugall shippe being bound for Brasil within three degrees to the Northward of the Equinoctiall which serued greatly to our refreshing The 29 of Iuly following we came to Aguada Saldania a good harbour neere the cape of Buona Sperança where we stayed about a moneth with the Merchant royall which by reason of sicknesse in our fleet was sent home for England with diuers weake men Here we bought an oxe for a knife of three pence a sheepe for a broken knife or any other odde trifle of the people which were Negros clad in cloaks or mantles of raw hides both men and women The 8 of September the Penelope the Edward Bonauenture weyed anker and that day we doubled the cape of Buona Sperança The 12 following we were taken with an extreame tempest or huricano This euening we saw a great sea breake ouer our admirall the Penelope and their light strooke out and after that we neuer saw them any more In October following we in the Edward fell with the Westermost part of the isle of S. Laurence about midnight knowing not where we were Also the next day we came to an anker at Quitangone a place on the main land of Africa which is two or three leagues to the Northward of Moçambique where the Portugals of the isle of Moçambigue fetch all their fresh water Here we tooke â— pangaia with a Portugall boy in it which is a vessell like a barge with one mat saile of Coco nut leaues The barge is sowed together with the rinâ—es of trees and pinned with woodden pinnes In this pangaia we had certeine corne called millio hennes and some fardels of blew Calicut cloth The Portugall boy we tooke with vs and dismissed the rest From this place we went for an island called Comoro vpon the coast of Melinde which standeth about 11 degrees to the South of the equinoctial in which
in 21 The isle of Pinos in 21 Cape de Corrientes vpon the Southwest part of Cuba in 21½ Cabo de sant Anton being the most westerly Cape of Cuba in 22 The litle isles called Los Alacranes or The Scorpions in 22 The isles called Nigrillos in 23½ Isla de Lobos or The isle of seales neere the maine of Nueua Espanna in 22 The Cape of Iucatan called Cabo de Cotoche in 21 The island called Isla de Ranas in 21½ The latitudes of certaine places vpon the coast of Nueua Espanna and of diuers other places lying in the way from thence to Spaine  Degrees of latitude Villa rica standeth in 19½ Sant Iuan de Vllua in 18¾ From sant Iuan de Vllua sayling to the Tortugas you must found in 27½ The small isles called Las Tortugas stand in 25 The Pòrt of Hauana vpon the Northwest part of Cuba in 23½ The head of the Martyrs lying before the Cape of Florida in 25 The Mimbres are in 26¼ The Chanel of Bahama in 27½ The Cape de Cannaueral vpon the coast of Florida in 28â…“ The Isle of Bermuda in 33 The isle of Iohn Luis or Iohn Aluarez in 41¼ The latitudes of the Isles of the Açores  Degrees of latitudes The isle of Flores standeth in 39½ The isle of Cueruo in 40 The isle of Fayal in 38½ The isle of Pico and the isle of sant George both in 38½ The isle of Terçera in 39 The isle of Graciosa in 39½ The isle of santa Maria in 37 The isle of sant Michael in 38 Cape sant Vincent vpon the coast of Spaine 37 The Rocke in 39 The Burlings in 40 Bayona in 42½ Cape Finister in 43½ The enterance of the streights of Gibraltar is in 36 Cape Cantin vpon the coast of Babarie in 32½ Cape Bojador vpon the coast of Barbarie in 27 Rio del oro or The riuer of Gold in 23½ Cabo de Barbas in 22 Cabo blanco or the white Cape in 20¼ The latitude of the isles of Cabo verde The isles of Sant Anton Sant Vincent Santa Lucia and Sant Nicolas stand all in 182 3 Isla del Sal or The isle of salt in 17¼ The isle called Buena vista in 16 The isle of sant Iago in 15 The latitudes of diuers Islands Capes and other places from the Isle of Margarita vpon the coast of Cumana Westward along the coast of Tierra Firma  Degrees of latitude The isles of Aruba Curaçao and Buinaro stand all in 12 The isle of Margarita in 11 The islandes called Los Testigos in 11¼ The coast of Baya Honda to Cape de la Vela lyeth East and West in 12 Cape del Aguja in 11½ The rockes of Serrana in 14 The Roncador in 13½ The isle of Santa Catelina in 13½ The isle of Sant Andrew in 12½ The Seranilla in 15½ The isle of Centanilla or Santanilla in 17¼ Cape Camaron on the maine South of the enterance of the Honduras 16 Ganaba in 16¼ Genaza in 161 â— Here followeth a declaration of the longitudes or Western and Eastern distances from Spaine to Newe Spaine in America and from thence backe againe to Spaine  Leagues From Sal Medina vpon the Coast Andaluzia till you bring your selfe North and South with Cape Cantin vpon the Coast of Barbary 85 From Sal Medina to the island of Gran Canaria 200 From the Gran Canaria to Deseada 850 From Deseada to Monserate 20 From Monserate to santa Cruz 58 From santa Cruz to Cape Roxo the Southwest Cape of sant Iuan de Puerto Rico 45 From Cape Roxo to Saona 25 From Saona to sant Domingo 25 From sant Domingo to Ocoa 18 From Ocoa to Beata 20 From Beata to the isle Baque 43 From the isle Baque to Nauaza 33 From Nauaza to sant Iago of Cuba 32 From sant Iago of Cuba to Cabo de Cruz 34 From Cabo de Cruz to the first Cayman 40 From the first Cayman to the middle Cayman 6 From the middle Cayman to the great Cayman 12 From the great Cayman to the isle of Pinos 48 From Cabo de Cruz to the isle of Pinos by the forsaid course 106 From the isle of Pinos to Cabo de Corrientes 19 From Cabo de Corrientes to Cabo de sant Anton 20 The course from Cabo de sant Antâ—n to sant Iuan de Vllua by the outside or North of the Isles called Alacranes  From Cabo de sant Anton to the Nigrillos 106 From the Nigrillos vntill you bring your selfe North and South with the isle Vermeja 25 From the isle Vermja to Villa Riâ—a 96 From Villa rica to Sant Iuan de Vllua 12 The course from Cabo de Corrientes to sant Iuan de Vllua on the inside or South of the Alacranes  From Cabo de Corrientes to the first sounding 45 From the first sounding till you come so farre a head as the island called Isla de Ranas 80 From Isla de Ranas vnto  The longitudes from New Spaine backe againe to Spaine  Leagues From Saint Iuan de Vllua to the Tortugas 280 From the Tortugas to Hauana 36 From Hauana to the head of the Martyrs 36 From â—he head of the Martyrs to the Mimbres 30 From the Mimbres to Bahamá 22 From the head of the Martyrs to Cabo de Cannaueral 62 From Cabo de Cannauerall to Bermuda 350 From Bermuda to the Isle of Iohn Luis or Iohn Aluarez 320 From the Isle of Iohn Luis or Aluarez to Flores 300 From Flores to Fayal 28 From Fayal to Terçera 28 From Terçera to Saint Michael 28 From Saint Michael to Cape Saint Vincentâ— 218 From Terçera to Cape Saint Vincent 256 From Cape S. Vincent to Cabo de santa Maria vpon the coast of Algarbe 22 From Cabo de santa Maria to Sal Medina in Andaluzia 32 THE DISCOVERIE OF THE LARGE RICH and Beautifull Empire of Guiana with a relation of the great and golden Citie of Manoa which the Spaniards call El Dorado and the Prouinces of Emeria Aromaia Amapaia and other Countries with their riuers adioyning Performed in the yeere 1595 by Sir Walter Ralegh Knight Captaine of her Maiesties Guard Lorde Warden of the Stanneries and her Highnesse Leiutenant generall of the Countie of Corne-wall To the right Honourable my singular good Lord and kinsman Charles Howard Knight of the Garter Baron and Counceller and of the Admirals of England the most renowmed and to the right Honourable Sir Robert Cecyll knight Counceller in her Highnesse Priuie Councels FOr your Honours many Honourable and friendly partes I haue hitherto onely returned promises and now for answere of both your aduentures I haue sent you a bundle of papers which I haue deuided betwene your Lordship and Sir Robert Cecyll in these two respects chiefly First for that it is reason that wastful factors when they haue consumed such stockes as they had in trust doe yeeld some colour for the same in their account secondly for that I am assured that whatsoeuer shall bee done or written by
day A full reuoluâ—ion of the Monne aboue their Horizon The colleagues of the fellowship for the discouery of the Northwest passage Free Denization granted This Patent remaiâ—ed in force fiue yeeres Authoritie to proceede at Sea against mutiners 1583. Musicians They depart from Silley Iuly Great store of whales The râ—uling of the yce together made a great roaring Yce turned into water The Land of Desolation Very blacke water Floting wood Colde by â—eason of yce They saile Northwestward aboue foure dayes Land in 64 degrees 15 min. The sound where our ships did ride was called Gilberts sound Musicians The people of the countrey came and conferred with our men Thirty seuen Canoas Their musike Great familiâ—rity with the Sauagesâ— Diuers sorts oâ— wood They may make much â—rame if they had meanes how to vse itâ— Moscouie glasse A fruit like corinths August Land in 66 degrees 40 min. Foure white beares A huge whiâ—e beare Timber sawen Fowle An image Probabilities for the passage Wee neuer came into any baâ— before or after but the waters colour was altered very blackish Faulcons Their returne September They saile from The land of desolation to England in 14. dayes Land discouered in 60. degrees Gentle and louing Sauages In 100 Canoâ—â— with diuers commodities Images trane ople and Seale skins in tan tubs A plaine champion countrey A goodly riuer A graue with a crosse layd ouer The Tartars and people of Iapon are also smal eyed Their manâ—r of kindling fire like to theirs in America A fire made of turfes Great theeues Their rude diet Their weapons Strange nets These Islanders warre with the people of the maine Copper oare Their language Muscles A strange whirlewinde Great Ilands Slings One oâ— the people taken which afteâ— dyed â— huge quantitie of yce in 63. degrees of latitudâ— The nature of foggâ—s Great heat 66. degrees 19. minutes Great hopâ— oâ— a passage 64. degr 20 min. A great â—urrent to the West Ilandsâ— They râ—nne 8. dayes Southward â—rom 67 to 57. degrees vpon the coast A harborough in 56. degrees Faire woods Store of cod A perfect hope oâ—â—he passage about 54. degrâ—es and an halfe Two oâ— our men slaine by the Sauages May. M. Dauis in the latitude of 60. deg diuideth his fleete into 2. parts The 7. of Iune Island descryâ—d 66. degrees Their commodities Their dwellings Their boats M. Iohn Roydon of Ipâ—wich They departed from Island Northwest Iuly Groneland diâ—â—couered The land of Desolation Groenland coasted from â—he 7. till the last of Iuly August The houses of Gronland Our men play at footeball with the Sauages Sweete wood found A skirmish between the Sauages and our men September The pinnesse neuer reâ—urned home Land descrâ—â—â—â— Salt kerned oâ— the rockes Isles in 64. degrees Store oâ— Whales in 67. degrees 7â— deg 12. min. The great variation of the compasse London coast Betweene Gâ—onland the Noâ—th of America aboue 40. leagues A mighâ—ie banke of yeâ— lying North and South Extreme heatâ— of the Sunne They were driuen West sixe points out of their course in 67. degrees 45. minutes Mount Raleigh The Earle oâ— Cumbeâ—lands Isles The variation of the compasse 30. deg Westward The land trendeth from this place Southwest and by South My lord Lumleys Inlet Warwicks Foreland A very forciblâ— current Westward â—â—idleys cape The lord Daâ—cies Island The fishing place betweene 54 and 55 degrees of latitude Abundance of whales in 52 degrees They arriue at Dartmouth the 15 of September The 1. voyage The 2. voyage The North parts of Americâ— all Islands The 3. voyage The ship of M. N. Zeno casâ— away vpon â—risland in Annâ— 1380. A forraine prince hapning to be in Frisland with armed men when M. Zenâ— suffered shipwracke therâ— came vnto him and spakâ— Latine Zichmni princâ— of Poâ—land or Duke of Zorani â—risland the â—ing oâ— Norâ—ayeâ— N. Zeno made â—night by Zichmni Ships laden with fish at Frisland â—or Flanders Bâ—itain England Scotland Noâ—way and Denmarke But not to bâ— proued that eâ—er any came thence A letter sent by M. N. Zeno from Fâ—island to his brother M. Antonio in Venice The end of the first letter Engâ—onâ—lâ—nâ— Pâ—eaching Fryâ—rs of Saint Thomâ—â— Winter oâ— 9. moneths Trade in summer â—ime from Trondon to S. Thomas Friers in Groneland Resâ—â—t of Fryâ—rs from Norway and Sueden to the Monastery in Engroneland called S. Tho. M. Fâ—obisheâ— brought these kinde of boats from â—hese parâ—s inâ—â— England In the Monastery of Saint Thomâ—s most of them spake the Latine tongue The end of the â— letter N. Zeno dyed in Frisland The discouerie of Estoâ—iland Westward Sixe fishermen taken Fishermen of Frisland speake Latine Sixe were fiue â—â—eres in Esâ—otiland One of the fisherâ— of Frisland reporteth of Estotiland Estotiland rich abounding with all â—he commodities of the world Abundance of golde Trade from Estotilâ—nd to Engroneland â— Skins brimstone and pitch golde corne and â—eere or ale Many cities and castles A countrey called Doâ—gio The 6 fishermen of Frisland onâ—ly saued by shewing the maner to take fish The chiefest oâ— the 6 fishers specified before and his companions In the space of 13 yeeres he serued 25 lords of Drogio He returned from Estotiland to Frisland Zichmni minded to send M. Antonio Zeno with a fleete towards thâ—sâ— parts of Esâ—otiland The 4 letter The fisherman dyed that should haue bene interpreter Certaine mariners taken in his sâ—eede which came with him from Estotiland Isle Ilose Zichmni his discouerie of the Island Icaâ—ia An Island man in Icaâ—ia The kings of of Icaria called Icari after the name of the first king of that place who as they report was sonne to Dedalus king of Scots Icarian Sâ—a The people of Icaria destrous of the Italian tongue Ten men of ten sundry nations Infinite multitudes of armed men in Icaâ—iâ— Zichmni departed from Icaria Wâ—stwards 100 men sent to discrie the countreâ— The 100 souldiers returned which had bene through â—he Island report what they saw and found M. Anâ—onio Zeno made chiefâ— captaine of those ships which went back to Frâ—sland The 5 letter Estotiland first discouered The second discouerie thereof Dâ—ogio M. Aâ—migil Wade Cape Briâ—on The Island of Penguin standeth about the latitude of 30. degrees M. Dawbneys report to M. Richard Hakluyt of the Temple They beheld the Sauges â—f Newfounland Extrâ—me famine Our men â—aâ—e one another foâ— famine The Capâ—aines Oration The English surprise a French ship wherein they returned home Haâ—kes and other foules Foules supposed â—o be storkes The French royally recompencâ—d by king Henry the 8. English Spaniards Portugals French Britons The fertility of Newfoundland Seueral sortes â— of fish Called by the Spaniards Anchunas and by the Portugals Capelinas 〈◊〉 Albioâ— Hugo Willobeius eques auratus Martinus Fâ—obisherus eques â—uratuâ—â— Antonius Ienkinsonuâ— Franciscus Dracus eques 〈◊〉 Sebastianuâ— Cabotus The coasts froÌ„ Fâ—orida Northward fiâ—â— discouâ—red bâ— the English natioÌ„ A 〈◊〉 consideration Probable confectâ—â—â— y t these lands North of Florida are
forsooth in deed Out of Bristowe and costes many one Men haue practised by nedle and by stone Thider wardes within a litle while Within twelue yere and without perill Gon and come as men were wont of old Oâ— Scarborough vnto the costes cold And nowe so fele shippes this yeere there ware That moch losse for vnfreyght they bare Island might not make hem to bee fraught Unto the Hawys thus much harme they caught Then here I ende of the commoditees For which neede is well to kepe the seas Este and Weste South and North they bee And chiefly kepe the sharpe narrow see Betweene Douer and Caleis and as thus that foes passe none without good will of vs And they abide our danger in the length What for our costis and Caleis in our strength An exhortation for the sure keeping of Caleis ANd for the loue of God and of his blisse Cherish yee Caleis better then it is See well thereto and heare the grete complaint That true men tellen that woll no lies paint And as yee know that wriâ—ing commeth from thence Doe nâ—t to England for slought so great offence But that redressed it bee for any thing Leste a song of sorrow that wee sing For litle weaâ—th the foole who so might these What harme it were good Caleis for to lese What wo it were for all this English ground Which wel câ—nceiued the Emperour Sigismound Thaâ— of all â—oyes made it one of the moste That Caleis was subiect vnto English coste Hun thought it was a iewel most of all Aâ—d so the same in Latine did it call And if yee wol more of Caleis heare and knowe I cast to write within a litle scrowe Like as I haue done before by and by In other parteis of our policie Loke how hard it was at the first to get And by my counsell lightly doe not it let For if wee lese it with shame of face Wilfully it is for lacke of grace Howe was Harflew tried vpon and Rone That they were likely for shought to be gone Howe was it warned and cried on in England I make record with this pen in my hand It was warened plainely in Normandie And in England and I thereon did crie The world was defrauded it betyde right so Farewell Harflew Iewdly it was a go Nowe ware Caleis I can say no better My soule discharge I by this present letter After the Chapitles of commodities of diuers lands sheweth the conclusion of keeping of the sea enuiron by a storie of King Edgar and two incidentâ— of King Edward the third and King Henrie the fifth Chap. 11. NOwe see we well then that this round see To our Noble by pariformitee Under the ship shewed there the sayle And our king with royal apparayle With swerd drawen bright and extent For to chastise enimies violent Should be lord of the sea about To keepe enimies from within and without To behold through Christianitee Mastâ—r and lord enuiron of the see All liuing men such a prince to dreed Of such a a râ—gne to bee aferd indeed Thus prâ—ue I well that it was thus of old Which by a Chronicle anon shal be told Right curious but I will interprete It into English as I did it gete Of king Edgar O most marueilous Prince liuing wittie and cheualerous So good that none of his predecessours Was to him liche in prudence and honours Hee was fortunate and more gracâ—ous Then other before and more glorious He was beneth no man in holines Hee passed all in vertuous sweetnes Of English kings was none so commendable To English men no lesse memorable Then Cyrus was to Perse by puissance And as great Charles was to them of France And as to the Romanes was great Romulus So was to England this worthy Edgarus I may not write more of his worthines For lacke of time ne of his holines But to my matter I him exemplifie Of conditions tweyne and of his policie Within his land was one this is no doubt And another in the see without That in time of Winter and of werre When boystrous windes put see men into fere Within his land about by all prouinces Hee passed through perceiuing his princes Lords aud others of the commontee Who was oppressour and who to pouertee Was drawen and brought and who was clene in life And was by mischiefe and by strife With ouer leding and extortion And good and badde of eche condition Hee aspied and his ministers al 's Who did trought and which of hem was fals Howe the right and lawes of the land Were execute and who durst take in hand To disobey his statutes and decrees If they were well kept in all countrees Of these he made subtile inuestigation Of his owne espie and other mens relation Among other was his great busines Well to ben ware that great men of riches And men of might in citie nor in towne Should to the poore doe non oppression Thus was hee wont in this Winter tide On such enforchise busily to abide This was his labour for the publike thing Thus was hee occupied a passing holy King Nowe to purpose in the Soonner faire Of lusty season whan clered was the aire He had redie shippes made before Great and huge not fewe but many a store Full three thousand and sixe hundred also Stately inough on our sea to goe The Chronicles say these shippes were full boysteous Such things long to kings victorious In Sommer tide would hee haue in wonne And in custome to be ful redie soone With multitude of men of good array And instruments of werre of best assay Who could hem well in any wise descriue It were not light for eny man aliue Thus he and his would enter shippes great Habtliments hauing and the fleete Of See werres that ioy full was to see Such a nauie and Lord of Maiestee There present in person hem among To saile and rowe enuiron all along So regal liche about the English isle To all strangers terrours and perile Whose fame went about in all the world stout Unto great fere of all that be without And exercise to Knights and his meynee To him longing of his natall cuntree For courage of nede must haue exercise Thus occupied for esshewin of vice This knew the king that policie espied Winter and Somer he was thus occnpied Thus conclude I by authoritee Of Chronike that enuiron the see Should bene our subiects vnto the King And hee bee Lord thereof for eny thing For great worship and for prostie also To defend his land fro euery foo That worthy king I leue Edgar by name And all the Chronike of his worthy fame Saffe onely this I may not passe away A worde of mightie strength till that I say That graunted him God such worship here For his merites hee was without pere That sometime at his great festiuitee Kings and Erles of many a countree And princes fele were there present And many
King to complaine But when no reason nor complaint would serue by reason of the proude Earle of Artoys the Kings brother which vpon spight and disdaine stood agaynst him he bidding the King farewell sayd hee would serue him no longer and so William de Longespee with the rest of his company breaking from the French hoste went to Achon Upon whose departure the earle of Artoys sayd Now is the army of French men well rid of these tailed people which words spoken in great despight were ill taken of many good men that heard them But not long after when the keeper of Cayro Babylonia bearing a good mind to the Christian religion and being offended also with the Souldan promised to deliuer the same to the French king instructing him what course was best for him to take to accomplish it the king hereupon in all haste sent for William Longespee promising him a full redresse of all his iniuries before receiued who at the kings request came to him againe and so ioyned with the French power After this it happened that the French king passing with his armie towardes Cayro aforesayd came to the great riuer Nilus on the further part whereof the Soldan had pitched himselfe to withstand his comming ouer there was at this time a Saracen lately conuerted to Christ seruing the earle Robert the French kings brother who told him of the absence of the Soldan from his tents and of a shallow foord in the riuer where they might easily passe ouer Whereupon the sayd earle Robert the Master of the Temple with a great power esteemed to the third part of the army issued ouer the riuer after whom followed W. Longspee with his band of English souldiers These being ioyned together on the other side of the water encountred the same day with the Saracens remaining in the tents put them to the worst Which victory being gotten the French â—â—â—le surprised with pride and triumph as though hee had conquered the whole earth would neeâ—s forward diuiâ—ing himselfe from the maine hoste thinking to winne the spurres alone To whom certaine sage men of the Temple giuing him contrary counsâ—ll aduised him not to do so but rather to returne and take their whole company with them and so should they be more sure against all deceits and dangers which might be layed priuily for them The maner of that people they sayd they better knew and had more experience thereof then he alledging moreouer their wearied bodies their tired horses their famished souldiers and the insufficiency also of their number which was not able to withstand the multitude of the enemies especially at this present brunt in which the aduersaries did well see the whole state of their dominion now to consist either in winning all or losing all Which when the proud earle did heare being inflated with no lesse arrogancy then ignorance with opprobrious taunts reuiled them calling them cowardly dastards bâ—trayers of the whole countrey obiecting vnto them the common report of many which sayd that the land of the holy crosse might soone be woon to Christendome were it not for rebellious Templaries with the Hospitalaries and their followers To these conâ—umelious rebukes when the master of the Temple answered againe for him and his fellowes bidding him display his ensigne when he would and where he durst they were as ready to follow him as he to goe before them Then began William de Longespe the worthy knight to speake desiring the earle to giue eare to those men of experience who had better knowledge of those countreyes and people then had he commending also their counsell to be discreet and wholesome and so turning to the master of the Temple began with gentle wordes to mittigate him likewise The knight had not halfe ended his talke when the Earle taking his wordes out of his mouth began to fume and sweare crying out of those cowardly Englishmen with tailes What a pure armie sayde he should we haue here if these tailes and tailed people were purged from it with other like words of villany and much disdaine whereunto the English knight answering againe well Earle Robert said he wheresoeuer you dare set your foote my step shall go as farre as yours and as I beleeue we goe this day where you shall not dare to come neere the taile of my horse as in deede in the euent it prooued true for Earle Robert would needes set forward weening to get all the glory to himselfe before the comming of the hoste and first inuaded a litle village or castle which was not farre off called Mansor The countrey Boores and Pagans in the villages seeing the Christians comming ranne out with such a maine cry and shout that it came to the Soldans hearing who was neerer then our men did thinke In the meane time the Christians inuading and enâ—ring into the munition incircumspectly were pelted and pashed with stones by them which stood aboue whereby a great number of our men were lost and the armie sore maymed and almost in despaire Then immediatly vpon the same commeth the Soldan with all his maine power which seeing the Christian armie to be deuided and the brother separated from the broâ—her had that which he long wished for and so inclosing them round about that none should escape had with them a cruell fight Then the earle began to repent him of his heady rashnes but it was too late who then seeing William the English knight doughtily fighting in the chiefe brunt of the enemies cried vnto him most cowardly to flie seeing God saith he doth fight against vs To whom the Knight answering againe God forbid sayth he that my fathers sonne should runne away from the face of a Saracene The Earle then turning his horse fled away thinking to auoid by the swiftnes of his horse and so taking the riuer Thafnis oppressed with harnesse was there sunken and drowned Thus the Earle being gone the Frenchmen began to dispaire and scatter Then William de Longespe bearing all the force of the enemies stoode against them as long as he could wounding and slaying many a Saracen till at length his horse being killed and his legges maymed he could no longer stande who yet notwithstanding as he was downe mangled their feete and legges and did the Saracens much sorrow till at last after many blowes and wounds being stoned of the Saracens he yeelded his life And after the death of him the Saracens setting vpon the residue of the armie whom they had compassed on enery side deuoured and destroyed them all insomuch that scarce one man remained aliue sauing two Templaries one Hospitaler and one poore rascall souldier which brought tidings hereof to the King And thus by the imprudent and foolish hardines of that French Earle the Frenchmen were discomfited and that valiant English Knight ouermatched to the griefe of all Christian people the glory of the Saracens and the vtter destruction and ruine of the whole