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A56216 The oath of pacification, or, A forme of religious accomodation humbly proposed both to King and Parliament : thereby, to set an end to the present miseries and broyles of this discomposed, almost ship-wrackt state. Parker, Henry, 1604-1652.; England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I). His Maiesties declaration to all his loving subjects, after his victories over the Lord Fairfax and Sr. William Waller. 1643 (1643) Wing P410; ESTC R1447 17,333 32

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THE OATH OF PACIFICATION OR A forme of Religious Accommodation Humbly proposed both to KING and PARLIAMENT THEREBY To set an end to the present Miseries and Broyles of this discomposed almost Ship-wrackt State Claudite Pastores rivos sat prata biberunt Shut shut the Sluces of this purple floud The Medowes have carous'd enough in bloud LONDON Printed for ROBERT BOSTOCK at the Signe of the Kings head in Pauls Church-yard 1643. The Oath of Pacification OR A Religious forme of Accommodation Humbly proposed Both to the KING and PARLIAMENT c. THE Kings last Declaration of Iuly the thirtieth was published as an Act of great grace to the Subiect and being issued immediately after his Maiesties good successe obtained against the Lord Fairfax Sir William Waller and Colonell Fines it emblematized the King as some Courtiers fansied with a victorious Palme in one hand and a peacefull Olive in the other Neverthelesse it appeares by the close of that Declaration that the intent of it was to bring in Men Money Plate Horses and Armes as well as to proclaime pardon for it proclaimed pardon to no other persons than such as should forthwith apply themselves to the King nor on no other Conditions than upon the bringing in of such like Ayds and supplies The favour was not to bee extended to all nor was it cloathed in the habit of a Composition or peaceable Accommodation it onely set to sale a pardon and the price of that pardon was besides treacherous combination with the Papists against the Parliament such Money such Plate such Horses c. 'T is true the rate of the purchase was left indefinite but it is well enough knowne that all such as have submitted to the King and confessed a guilt of Treason in themselves and undertaken to redeem the same by new services have found their penances rigorous and their Ghostly Fathers very hard to be satisfied The effect therefore which that Declaration had was no other as wee can perceive but to put more courage into the lovers of Parliaments and to quicken all good men the more in the raising of new Forces and imbarking in harder Adventures And Gods Name be praised who did not onely then give us such pious and manly resolutions but hath also speeded mercifully prospered our undertakings The face of things is now changed The Earle of Essex hath since that removed the Kings terrible Army from before Gloucester and after a bloudy day fought by Newbury is returned home victorious Sir William Waller and the Earle of Manchester are great in new hopes and preparations and the Marquesse of Newcastle is as fearefull to receive annoyance from the Scots as hopefull to doe any to the Lord Fairefax wherefore it seemes to me that if a faire way of Accommodation were now tendred by the Parliament it would bee held as honourable as seasonable and it seems not impossible to propose such termes of Pacification as may well stand with the honour of God the safety of Religion the advantage of the King the justice of the Parliament and the wishes of the people The King hath divers times though not with any publike Ceremony or Solemnity applyed himselfe to satisfie his Subjects by protesting innocence and appealing to the judgement of Almighty God but there hath been such generality in his expressions and defect in his formes hitherto that his Subjects remaine yet unsatisfied That which I shall therefore now undertake with my utmost discretion and abilitie is to demonstrate wherein the Kings Oathes have beene hitherto short and of little securance and how they may yet bee compleated and made satisfying I will in the first place set forth the forme of the Oath both as it is conceived in his Majesties owne Words and as it is altered with my additions and suplements and then I will next addresse my selfe by way of Reason to give some Account why it may bee admitted and entertained by either side In the Kings last Declaration of Iuly aforesaid I find the forme of the Kings Vowes and Protestations to run in these very words WHereas Almighty GOD to whom all the secrets of my heart are open knowes with what unwillingnesse and anguish of soule I first submitted my selfe to the necessitie of taking up defensive Armes I having before with Iustice and Bounty to repaire my Subjects former Pressures made excellent Lawes for the preventing of the like and offered further to adde any thing else for the establishment of the Religion Lawes and Liberty of the Kingdome And whereas in September 1642. in the head of my Armie not then great besides at other times I made voluntarily a Protestation to defend and maintaine the true Protestant Religion the just priviledges and freedom of Parliaments and to govern by the Lawes of the Land for whose defence onely that Armie was raised and hath beene since kept And whereas there cannot bee a more seasonable time to renew that Protestation then now when God hath vouchsafed mee so many victories I doe therefore now declare to all the World in the presence of Almighty God to whom I must give a strict account of all my professions and Protestations that I am so farre from intending any alteration of the Religion established or from the least thought of invading the Liberty and Property of the Subject or violating the least Priviledges of PARLIAMENT That I call God to witnesse who covered my Head in the day of Battaile that I desire from my Soule and shall alwayes use my utmost endevours to advance and preserve the true Protestant Religion and that the preservation of the Liberty and Property of the Subject in due observation of the Lawes of the Land shall bee equally my care as the maintainance of my owne Rights I being desirous to governe onely by those good Lawes And I doe acknowledge the just priviledges of PARLIAMENT to be an essentiall part of those Lawes and will therefore most solemnly defend and observe them To adde to the perfection of this Oath and to make it satisfying I shall supply as followeth And forasmuch as generall professions of maintaining of Law and doing justice cannot end the present differences of this State or secure us from the like hereafter but particular judgement must be given according to Law and Iustice in the maine poynts now controverted betwixt us and that Iudgement which shall ever rule and conclude both sides must not be expected from my breast or any inferiour Councell but from the supream Iudicatory of the Kingdome by the Oath already taken I further oblige my selfe that I will ingeniously and with my utmost skill make strict inquirie what the supreame Iudicatorie is which in these grand disputes is to dispence Law and to arbitrate betwixt King and Subject and the same being made knowne to mee by the best and most impartiall advice that can bee gotten I will most intirely and freely submit all my claimes and pretences to it to be resolved and determined by
but yet quateus smaller matters onely Whereas if the same things become greater matters as they may then the peoples right is not to be prejudged because the Law of publicke safety is above all Lawes of Prerogative or any other laws whatsoever For example if J. S. be to cutt of the intayle of his Land in Parliament the King by his negative voice may oppose him at his pleasure but if judgement be to be given against such a notorious traitour t' is otherwise and yet even such a iudgment too is not alwayes alike for in times of great distresse it cannot be retarded interrupted or denied because of the extreāc hazard to the State in such case the King has lesse colour to pretend to a negative voice then at other times of more security for as that which is of greater concernment is not so much within the Kings power as that which is of lesser so that which is of lesser concernment at one time in one respect is of greater at an other time in an other respect And if Lawyers find not these distinctions in their reports and yeare books or if Devines find them not in the old Fathers or in their Cannons of the Church they must not forbid other men that studie the intrinsecall Rules of State to make use of more generall knowledge then that which their bookes afford The Bishop of Armach has declared himself in point of iudgement against the Parliament I shall onely demand of him whether he thinks himselfe wiser then the Lawes of England or whether he thinks himselfe wiser in the Lawes of England then the maior part of both Houses in Parliament One of these he must affirme Master Holborne his iudgement does not concurre with the Parliaments in such a point of Law I should demand of him whether Law must needs observe one rule in all cases of publicke and of private moments or whether we are restrained from all equitable distinctions and interpretations except such as we find in Fitz Herbert Cooke and Plowden or whether his or the Parliaments resolution herein be more authenticall surely t' were in vaine to trouble all our Counties Cities and Burroughs with such Ludibrious elections if some one Bishop or one Barrister could declare Law better then those which enacted it or enact Law better then those for whom all Law was ordayned The Kingdome it self taken in it 's diffusive body cannot convene in any one place nor fix upon any one certane resolution otherwise in all extraordinary cases and iudgements the finall decision ought to proceed from thence therefore it must be formed into such an Artificiall body as is fitt to convene and to deliberate And being so formed it has in it all the persection and excellence of the defusive body T is true the King may be held a representative of the people in ordinary cases for avoiding of a more troublesome convention but in extraordinary cases when such a convention is necessary the Parliament is the onely true representative and congregated to the King for more perfection sake or else it were vainly congregated And because the people cannot be congregated at all much lesse in any more perfect forme then in a Parliament therefore the peoples utmost perfection is truly residing in the Parliament Let not then any private man Let not the King himselfe undertake to define how far Regall power shall extend in iudiciall or Military affaires as such a perticular position of things may happen and according to all emergences better then the representative body of the Kingdome which in no respect ought to be held any other thing then the whole Kingdome it self much lesse let it be held against Law or disparagable to the King to hearken to his Parliament in the choice of State Officers when so great a flux of Protestant English bloud is to be stanched thereby If the King would exempt us from fear and therefore swears that he may exempt us and yet will neither suffer us to chuse Confidents for him nor swear for such as he himself shall chuse when our fears are chiefly grounded upon them either his intentions will seeme fraudulent or his oathes nugatory besides our fears now cause us to look upon our Enemies not meerely as men that have a power in the Kings affections but as men that are likely to have a power over the Kings Armes and when the King perhaps may want protection for himself if some timely prevention be not used how will he be able to protect us T' is possible for an Army composed of Papists strangers and those of the mercenary trade of war not onely to awe us but such also as first raysed them against us Absolute Empire ends not as is expected in the freedome but in the servitude of him which sores to the highest pich of it If the Pretorian Legions set Caesars foot upon the Senates neck they will so far set their owne feet upon Caesars neck as to sell the Empire when they please and to whom they please A hundred Nations remaine in bondage to one Grand signior by meanes of the Janizaries and yet those Janizaries retaine to themselves a Supream controll over the Grand signior himself The French King inioyes an arbitrary Prerogative more intirely and more cheape then any Prince that I have read of because he neither relyes meerely upon an Army nor meerely upon the Noblesse of that State whereby to oppresse the Pesantry but very subtilly he so makes use of both as that he is totally ingaged to neither But that Crowne has not of late suffered any violent shock or concussion if ever it does that frame of Government will soone be shattered and the great body of the Community will gaine a party either amongst the Noblesse or the Souldiary When Marquesse Hartford first strained himself to bring in Forces for Prince Rupert he did not perhaps intend to make Prince Rupert so imperious over himself over all our English Nobility as he is now growne Neither did Sir Ralph Hopton thinke by all his meritorious services to gaine such a Rivall to himselfe and to all the Gentry of England as Captaine Leg. But now I feare they are subject to more unlimitable Lords in the Campe then ever they stomached in the Parliament I pray God the King himselfe do not finde the like His Majestie needs no forraine discovery by Sir William Boswells Letters to advertise him of dangers and conspiracies against his sacred Person the designes of the Jesuites if they prosper as by favour at Court they are likely can never end but in the ruine of himselfe or of the Religion which he professes there need to be no strange Intelligencer to informe his Majestie of this We may then knit up this point in a more short discourse Somtimes Princes are voluntarily in bondage to their owne Creatures as Themistocles was who whilest he over-ruled all Athens and Athens over-ruled all Greece yet he was himselfe over-ruled by