pars 1. d. 37. 7 Earls more and 45 others In Claus. 16 E. 3. pars 1. dors 39. the first writ to the Temporal Lords entred in the roll issued Dilecto fideli suo Laurentio de Hastings Com. Pembroch c. Eodem modo c. to 9 Earls more and 94 others Claus. 16 E. 3. pars 2. dors 22. and so following the first writ to the Nobility issued Henr. Com. Lancastr 2 Earls more and 20 others Dors. 13. 4 Earls more and 17. others Claus. 17 E. 3. pars 1. dors 25. 11 Earls more and 40 others Cl. 18 E. 3. pars 1. dors 14. 13 Earls more and 40 others Claus. 20 E. 3. pars 2. dors 22. Iohanni de Warenna Com. Surr. 4 Earls more and 12. others Dors. 28. to him and 7 Earls more and 9 others Dors. 9. Henr. Com. Lancastr 10 Earls more and 30 others Cl. 22 E. 3. pars 1. dors 32. 10 Earls more and 30 others Claus. 22 E. 3. pars 2. dors 7. 9 Earls more and 56 others Claus. 24 E. 3. pars 2. d. â— Henr. Comiti Lancastr Edwardo Principi Walliae Duci Cornubiae et Comiti Cestriae 10 Earls more and 50 others whereof the 16 last are Assistants and 4 of them stiled the Kings Serjeants The writ Claus. 25. pars 1. dors 5. is Rex dilecto et fideli suo Edwardo Principi Walliae Duci Cornubiae Comiti Cestriae c. Vobis in fide et ligeantia quibus Nobis tenemini c. Eodem modo c Henrico Duci Lancastr 11 Earls 52 others Claus. 26. E. 3. dors 14. Edwardo Principi Walliae c. Henrico Duci Lanc. 11 Earls 24 others Cl. 27. E. 3. d. 32. to them 11 Earls more 43 other Great men Cl. 28 E. 3. dors 26 Edwardo Principi Walliae c. Henrico Duci Lancast. 11 Earls 48 others Claus. 29 E. 3. dors 8. Henrico Duci Lancast. 7 Earls and 41 others Claus. 31 E. 3. dors 21. Dilecto Consanguineo et fideli suo Humfrido de Bohun Com Hereford Vobis mandamus in fide et ligeantia c. 6 Earls more and 38 others Claus. 31 E. 3. dors 2. Edwardo Principi Walliae filio suo carissimo c. in fide et ligeantia c Consimilia Brevia Henrico Duci Lancastr 11 Comitibus and 50 others Claus. 32 E. 3. dors 14. Dilecto fideli suo Thomae de Bello Campo Comiti Warr. in fide et homagio 6 Earls more and 101 others Cl. 33 〈◊〉 d. 7. Ricardo Comiti Arundel 3 Earls more and 19 others Claus. 34 E. 3. d. 35. Humfrido de Bohun Com. Hertf. et Essex 3 Earls more and 20 others Dors. 4. Edwardo Principi Walliae â—ilio suo carissimo in fide et ligeantia Henrico Duci Lancastâ— 11 Earls more Leonel Com. Uâ—ton the Kings Son not an Irish Lord being one of them and 48 others Claus. 36 E. 3. dors 16. Carissimo filio suo Johan Com Lancastr in fide et homagio c. 8 Earls more and 29 others Claus. 37 E. 3. d. 22. Carissimo Filio suo Johanni c. as next before 9 Earls more and 40 others Claus. 38 E. 3. dors 3. Caâ—issimo filio suo Johanni c. 5 Earls more and 41 others Claus. 39 E. 3. d. 2. Carissimo filio suo Johanni c. 10 Earls more and 41 others In Claus. 42 E. 3. d. 22. the first writ to the Temporal Lords issued Carissimo Primogenito filio suo Edwardo Principi Aquitaniae Walliae Vobis in fide et homagio c Consimilia Beâ—via Johanni Duci Lancastriae 10 Comitibus and 41 others Claus. 43 E. 3. dors 24. Carissimo filio suo Johanni Duci Lancast. in fide et homagio c. 10 Comitibus and 35 others Claus. 44 E. 3. dors â— Carissimo Primogenito nostro Edwardo Principi Aquitaniae et Walliae in fide et ligeantia 11 Comitibus and 49 others Claus. 46 E. 3. dors 11. Dilecto et fideli suo Ricardo Com Arundel in fide et ligeantia 1 Earl more and 18 others But in the writs of Prorogation and Resummons dors 9 10. writs issued to Edward Prince of Wales Iohanni Regi Castellae et Legionis Duci Lancastr 7 Earls more 18 others besides those in the first summons Claus. 47 E. 3. dors 13. Ricardo Com. Aâ—undell in fide at ligeantia 5 Earls more and 33 others Claus. 49 E. 3. dors 6. Carissimo filio suo Iohanni Regi Castellae Legionis Duci Lancastr in fide ligeantia 9 Earls and 38 others after which follows a writ to the Prince of Wales Claus. 50 E. 3. pars 2. dors 6. Carissimo filio suo stiled his Son though in truth his Grandchild only not Son Ricardo Principi Walliae Duci Cornub. et Comiti Cestriae in fide et ligeantia Consimilia Brevia Johannni Regi Castellae Legionis Duci Lancastr 10 Comitibus and 35 others whereof Michaeli de la Pole Admirallo Flâ—te Navium versus partes Bâ—riales is one All the Writs of Summons to Parliament issued to the Temporal Lords under King Richard the 2. have the self-same Prologues recitals dates with those to the Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors in the precedent Section being entred next after them of which I shall give you this brief Epitome In Claus. â— R. 2. dors 37. the first writs to the Temporal Lords issued Carissimo Avunculâ— suo Iohanni Regi Castellae et Legionis Duci Lancastriae c Consimiles Literae to 12 Earls 47 Lords Barons and Great men Cl. 2 R. 2. dors 3. 29. The first writs issued to him and Consim Literae to 14 Earls 48 Lords Barons and Great men Cl. 3 R. 2. d. 32. the first writ was directed to him Consim lit to 13 Earls 47 Lords and Great men Cl. 4 R. 2. d. 32. the first writ is to him Cons. Lit. to 〈◊〉 Earls 44 Lords and Great men Cl. 5 R. 2. d. 32. 40. the first writs issued to him Cons. Lit. to 10 Earls 47 Lords and Great men Cl. 6 R. 2. d. 37. the first writ issued to him Cons. Lit. to 9 Earls and 45 Lords and Great men Cl. 7 R. 2. d. 37. the first writ is directed to him Cons. Lit. to 11 Earls 48 Lords and Great men Cl. 7 R. 2. d. 10. the first writ is to him Cons. Lit. to 11 Earls and 48 Lords and Grandees Cl. 8 R. 2. d. 35. is to him Cons. Lit. to 11 Earls and 50 Lords and Great men Cl. 9 R. 2. d. 45. is to him Cons. Lit. to 2 Dukes 11 Earls and 46 Lords and Great men Cl. 10 R. 2. d. 42. the first writ issued Carissimo Avunculo suo Edwardo Duci Ebor c. Cons. Lit. to 1 Duke 1 Marquess 9 Earls 44 Lords and Great men Cl. 11 R. 2. d. 24. the first writ is to this Duke Consim Lit. to 2 Dukes 8 Earls 47 Lords and Great men Cl. 〈◊〉 R. 2. d. 13. to him Cons. Lit. to â— Duke 8
Earls 34 Lords and Great men Cl. 12 R. 2. d. 42. to him Cons. Lit. to 1 Duke 9 Earls 42 Lords and Great men Cl. 13 R. 2. d. 5. the first writ entred is Iohanni Duce Lancastr Cons. Lit. to a Dukes 9 Earls 46 Lords and Grandees Claus. 14 R. 2. d. 42. the first writ is to the same Duke Cons. Lit. to 2 Dukes 10 Earls 4â— Lords and Great men Cl. 15 R. 2. d. 37. the first writ entred is Iohanni Duci Aquitaniae et Lancastriae c. Cons. Lit. to 2 Dukes 10 Earls 41 Lords and Grandees Cl. 16 R. 2. d. 23. the writ is to him Cons. Lit. to 2 Dukes 10 Earls 42 Lords and Great men Cl. 17 R. 2. d. 30. to him Cons. Lit. to 2 Dukes 11 Earls 40 Lords and Grandees Cl. 18 R. 2 d. 23. the first writ entred is Hen. Com. Darbiâ— Cons. Lit. to 6 Earls 29 Lords and Great men Cl. 20 R. 2. pars 1. dors 15. the first writ issued Carissimo Avunculo suo Iohanni Duci Aquitaniae Lancastriae Cons. Lit. to 2 Dukes 11 Earls 38 Lords and Great men Cl. 21 R. 2. parte 1. d. 27. the writ entred is to him Conâ—im Lit. to 3 Dukes 1 Marquess 6 Earls 33 Lords and Great men Cl. 23 R. 2. dors 3. the writ entred issued Henrico Duci Lancast. c. Cons. Lit. to 4 Dukes one Marquess 10 Earls 34 Lords and Great men The writs of Summons to the Temporal Lords all the reign of Henry the 4th are entred next after those to the Spiritual Lords having the same recitals and dates with them forecited in the 1. Section Of which take this ensuing short account Cl. â— H. 4. dorso 37. the writ entred issued Henrico Duci Lancastriae Cons. Lit. to 4 Dukes 1 Marquess 10 Earls 34 Lords and Nobles Cl. 1 H. 4. d. Claus. 2 H. 4. parte 1. d. 3. the first writ entred is Carissimo filio suo Henricâ— Principi Walliae et Duci Cornubiae c. 1 Duke 10 Earls 35 Lords and Great men Cl. 3 H. 4 d. 17. the like writ to the Prince of Wales 1 Duke 8 Earls 32 Lords and Grandees Cl. 5 H. 4. part 1. d. 28. parte 2. d. 4. the first writ issued to the same Prâ—nce Cons. Lit. to 1. Duke 7 Earls 3â— Lords and Great men Cl. 7 H. 4. d. 30. tâ— the Prince 1 Duke 7 Earls 33 Lords Barons and Great men Cl. 8 H. 4. d. 2. the like writ to the Prince 1 Duke 8 Earls 33 Lords and Grandees Cl. 9. 11 H. 4. d. 32. the writ entred issued to the Prince of Wales Cons. Lit. to 1 Duke 8 Eaâ—ls 32 Lords and Great men Cl. 13. H. 4. d. 2. the writ is to the Prince of Walâ—s 1 Duke 6 Earls 32 Lords and Great Persons Cl. 14 H. 4. dors 22. the writ issued to Henry Prince of Wales 5 Earls 35 Lords and Great men The writs of Summâ—ns under King Henry the 5th to the Temporal Lords have the self-â—ame recitals Prologues dates with those to the Archbishops and other Prelates forecited Section 1. The first writ entred Cl. 1 H. 5. dorse 9. issued Carissimo fratri Regis Thomae Duci Clarentiae Cons. Lit. to 1 Duke 9 Earls 29 Lords and Grandees Cl. 1 H. 5. d. 37. the writ entred issued Edwardâ— Courteney Com. Devon 6 Earls 32 Lords and Nobles Cl. 2 H. 5. d. 16. the writ recorded at large is directed Thomae Duci Clarentiae Com. Albemarliae Cons. Lit. to 3 Dukes 11 Earls 28 Lords and Great men Cl. 3 H 5. d. 15. the first writ entred issued Radulpho Com. Westmerland 1 Earl 17 Lords and Great men Cl. 4 H. 5. d. 16. the writ recorded is directed Carissimo fratri suo Thomae Duci Clarentiae c. Cons. Lit. to 2 Dukes 10 Earls 24 Lords and Great men Cl. 5 H. 5. d. 11. the writ registred is directed Carissimo Avunculo suo Thomae Duci Exon. Cons. Lit. to 3. Earls 14 Lords and Great men 7 H. 5. d. 9. the writ recorded is Carissimo Avunoulo suo Henrico Percy Com. Northumb. Cons. Lit. to 2 Earls 13 Lords and Great men Cl. 8. H. 5. d. 2. the writ entred issued Carissimo fratri suo Johanni Duci Bedford c. Cons. Lit. to 1 Duke 6 Earls 20 Lords and Great men Cl. 9 H. 5. d. 13. the writ registred issued Carissimo Consanguineâ— suo Henrico de Percy Com. Northumb 2 Earls and but 13 Lords and Great men All the writs to the temporal Lords during the reign of Henry the 6. are the same in the Prefaces and dates with those to the Bishops and Spiritual Lords and entred after them being thus directed Cl. 1 H. 6. dors 22. Carissimo Avunoulo suo Humfrido Duci Gloucestriae Cons. lit to 1 Duke 5 Earls 16 Lords and Great men Cl. 2 H. 6. d. 18. Humfrido Duci Gloucestr 1 1 Duke 5 Earls 15 Lords and Grandees Cl. 3 H 6. d. 9. Carissimo Avunculâ— suo Thomae Duci Exon. 1 Duke 6 Earls 22 Lordâ— and Grandees Cl. 4 H. 6. d. 15. Carissimo Avunculo suo Johaâ—ni Duci Bedfordiae to 3 Dukes more 2 Elarls 23 Lords and Great men Cl. 5 H. 6. d. 4. Carissimo Aâ—â—nculo suâ— Humfrido Duci Gloucestriae 1 Duke more 4 Earls 22 Lords and Great men Cl. 7 H. 6. d. 2 Humfrido Duci Gloucestr 1 Duke besides 7 Earls 26 Lords and Grandees Cl. 9 H. 6. 18. Humfrido Duci Gloucestr 5 Earls 21 Lords and Great men Cl. 10 H. 6. d. 10. Humfrido Duci Gloucestriae 1 Duke 6 Earls 25 Lords aâ—d Grandees Cl 11 H. 6. d. 10. Johanni Duci Bedfordiae 2 Dukes more 6 Earls 26 Lords and Great men Cl. 13 H. 6. d. 2. Caris Avunculo suo Johanni Duci Bedfordiae 2 other Dukes 8 Earls 26 Lords and Great men Cl. 15 H. 6. d. 18. Humfrido Duci Gloucestriae 1 Duke more 7 Earls 27 Lords and Great men Cl. 18 H. 6. d. 33. Humfrido Duci Gloucestriae 2 other Dukes 6 Earls 26 Lords and Great men Cl. 20 H. 6. d. 27. Humfrido Duci Gloucestriae 2 Dukes more 11 Earls 28 Lords and Great men Cl. 23 H. 6. d. 2 Humfrido Duci Gloucestriae 4 Dukes besides 2 Marquesses 7 Earles 1 Vicount 30 Lords and Noblemen Cl. 25 H. 6. d. 24. 26. Humfrido Duci Gloucestriae 4 other Dukes 2 Marquesses 7 Earls â— Vicount 32 Lords and Great men Cl. 27 H. 6. d. 24. Ricardo Duci Ebor. 3 other Dukes 6 Earls 1 Vicount 39 Lords and Great men Cl. 28 H. 6. d. 26. Willielmo Duci Suffolciae 3 Dukes more 7 Earles 1 Vicount 35 Lords and Great men Cl. 29 H. 6. dors 41. Ricardo Duci Eborum 4 Dukes more 9 Earls 1 Vicount 40 Lords and Great men Cl. 31 H. 6. d. 36. Edwardo Duci Eborum 4 Dukes besides 12 Earls 3 Vicounts 36 Lords and Great men Cl. 33 H. 6. d. 36. Ricardo Duci Eborum 3 Dukes more 11 Earls 2 Vicounts
35 Lordâ— and Great men Cl. 38 H. 6. d. 30. Henrico Duci Exoniae 2 other Dukes 9 Earls 2 Vicounts 35 Lords and Great men Cl. 49 H. 6. d. 6. Carissimo consanguineo suo Georgio Duci Clarenâ—iae 3 Dukes more 7 Earls 1 Marquess 23 Lords and Great men The writs of Summons to Parliament issued by King Edward the 4th to the Temporal Lords agree in Prologues forms and dates except in the Praemunientes c. â— with those to the Archbishops and Spiriâ—ual Lords in the 1. Section and are thus directed Cl. 1 E. 4. d. 35. Johanni Duci Norfolciae 4 Earl 1 Vicount 31 Lords and Great men Cl. 2 E. 4. d. 3. Dilâ—cto fideli suo Ricardo Comiâ—i Wâ—rwici 4 Earâ— 37 Lords and Great men C. 6. E. 4. d. 1. Carâ—ssimo Fratri suo Geoâ—gio Duci Clarenâ—iae 2 Dukes more 10 Earls 1 Marquess 36 Lords and Great men Cl. 9 E. 4. d. 3. Carissimo fratri suo Georgio Duci Clarentiae 9 other Dukes 8 Earls 23 Lords and Great men Cl. 11 E. 4. d. 41 Carâ—ssimo fratri suo Georgio Duci Clarentiae 3 Dukes more 8 Earls 25 Lords and Great men Cl. 22 23 E. 4. d. 10. Primogenitoâ—dwardo â—dwardo Principi Walliae 4 Dâ—kes more 1 Marqueâ—e 7 Earls 32 Lords Having presented you with this Breviate of all the generall writs of Summons to Parliaments and Great Councils issued to the Temporal Lords from 49 H. 3. to 23 E. 4. I shall now give you a view of some extraordinary special writs to some Temporal Lords and others reducible to and proper for this Section I shall begin within this Memorable writ to Roger de Mortymer Claus 9 E 2 m. 20 dorso Rex dilecto et fideli suo Rogero de Mortuo-Mare de Wygmore salutem Cum vos tempore quo Parliamentum nostrum usque Lincoln in Quindâ—na Sancti Hillarie proxâ— futur summoneri fecimus in partibus Hiberniae fuissetis per quod Nos vobis non 〈◊〉 simus ad interessendum dicto Parliamento ac vos a dictis parâ—ibus Hiberniae usque regnum nostrum jam ut accepimus accessistis ideo vobis mandamus in fide et homagio quibus nobis tenemini firmiter injungentes quod si ad dictas partes Hibeâ—niae citra dictum Parliamentum non essetis regressuri tunc eidem Parliamento nostro dictis die et loco modis omnibus personaliter intersitiâ— super negotiis Nos et statum Regni nostri rangâ—ntibus pro quibus Parliamentum nostrum mandavimus convoâ—ari Nobiscum et cum Magnatibus et Proceribus regni nostri tractaturi vestrumque consilium impensuri Et hoc nullo modo omittatis T. Rege apud Clipston 17 die Januarii This Roger de Mortymer a Baron of this Realm as is evident by former Summons to him being absent in Ireland when the writs of Summons to this Parliament first issued was thereupon left out of the original writs and Lists of Summons but the King being informed that he was returned into England thereupon sent this special writ of Summons to him bearing date the 17 of Ianuary full 3. moneths after the first writs of Summons dated the 16 of October before entred in another dorse apart from the other writs His absence in Ireland yea and return thither about the publike affairs after this writ issued before this Parliament sat in the Kings and his Counsils opinions being a sufficient ground to excuse his absence from Parliament and to send no writ of Summons to him into Ireland And if English Peers absence or residence in Ireland be a just legal ground to exempt them from summons to a Parliament held in England much more then must Irish Peers and Lords who are no Lords or Barons at all in England be totally exempted from all writs of Summons to the Parliaments of England both in respect of their remoteness from England of the great charge and danger in crossing the Seas to repair to them and because they are obliged neither by their tenures nor Patents to resort to any English Parliaments but only to the Parliaments held in Ireland where only they are Peers and Lords of Parliament and because they cannot attend in two places at once if a Parliament should be summoned in England and Ireland on or near the self-same time Of which more hereafter in its proper place The next writ of this kinde I shall communicate to you is this I meet with Claus. Ann. 35 E. 3. m. 36. dorso Rex dilecto et fideli suo Humfrido dâ— Bohun Comiti Northampton salutem Qâ—ia terra nostra Hiberniae per molestationes a diu Hibernicorum inimicorum nostrorum et incursus propter impotentiam fideliuÌ„ nostroruÌ„ habitantium in eodem regno et pro eo quod Magnates et alii de regno nostro Angliae terras in ea habentes commodum dictarum terrarum suarum ab eadem terra capiunt et defensionem aliquam non faciunt jam tantae vasticatis et destructionis miseriae subjicicur quod nisi Deus avertaâ— et celerius succurratur eidem ad totalem perditionem in prox deducetur per quod pro salvatione ejusdem ordinavimus quod Leonellus Comes Vlton filius noster carissimus cum ingenti exercitu ad terram praedictam cum omni festinatione transmittaâ—ur et quod omnes Magnates et alii de dicto regno nostro terras in dicta terra Hiborniae habentes quâ—nto potentius poterunt in Comitiva dicti filii nostri proficiscentur vel si debiles in corpore existant 〈◊〉 alios sufficientes ibidem mittant pro repulsion â—â—â—â—â—orum inimicorum et salvatione et defensione terrarum suarum et succursu terrae supradictae Et pro dicto negotio accelerando volumus vobiscum et cum aliis de eodem regno terras in dicta terra habentibus Colloquium habere et tractatum Vobis in fide et ligeantia quibus Nobis renemini firmiter injungentes mandamus quod omnibus aliis intermissis sitis personaliter apud Westâ— in Quindena Pasch. prox futur adloquendum Nobiscum et Consilio nostro super dictis Negotiis eâ— illud concernentibus et ad faciend et consentiend super hoc quod ibidem contigerit ordinari Et interim vos et homines vestros quanto potencius et decentius poteritis ad arma paretis Ita quod in vestri defectum progressus dicti filii nostri et exercitus sui non retardetur nec dicta terra amissionis periculo non subjaceat 〈◊〉 causa Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum ac salvationem et desensionem terrae praedictae diligitis nuâ—â—aâ—enus omitâ—atis Et habeaâ— is ibi hoc breve Teste Rege apâ—d Wesâ—m 15 die Martii Per ipsum Râ—gem et Coâ—siliâ—m Consimilia Brevia dirigâ—â—â—â— subscriptis de effeâ—do coram Rege et Consilio suo ad dies subscriptos viz Rado Com. Staff Thomae Com. Oxen. David de Strabolgi
Matildae Comitissae Oxon. Katherinae Comitissae Athol Annae le Dispenser Iohannae Fitz-Wauter Margaretae de Roos The next I shall transcribe is this special writ of summons to the Prince of Wales entred at large in Claus. 49 E. 3. m. 6. dorso after the writs to the Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors Temporal Lords and Sheriffs to elect Knights and Burgesses but before the writ to the Warden of the Cinque ports Rex carissimo Primogenito suo Edwardo Principi Walliae salutem Cum super arduis et urgentibus negotiis Nos et statum et defensionem Regni nostri ac Ecclesiae Anglicanae contingentibus Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. duodecimo die Februarii prox futur teneri ordinavimus per quod per diversa Brevia nostra mandavimus singulis Prael t is Magnatibus et Proceribus dicti regni nostri quod ad dictum Parliamentum nostrum summoneri fecimus quod ad dictum locum Westm. 12 die Febr. intersint super negotiis praedictis tractaturi suumque consilium impensuri Et quia nolumus quod tam ardua negotia dicti regni absque avisamento et consilio vesâ—ro tract entur et dâ—rigantur Vobis mandamus quod apud dictum locum Westm ad dictum duodecimum diem Februar in propria persona vestra â—ntersits Nobiscum ac cum Praelatis Magnaâ—ibus â—t 〈◊〉 praedicâ—s super dictis negoâ—i 〈◊〉 vestrumque consilium impensuri Teste ut supra The next writ wherewith I shall here present you is that of Clause 21 R. 2. m. 9. dorso which is very observable Rex carissimo Avunculo suo Iohanni Duci Aquitaniae et Lancastriae salutem Quia de assensu Praeâ—atorum Procerum et Magnatum regni nostri Angliae in Parliamento nostro apud Westm diâ— Lunae prox post festum Exaltationis Sanctae Crucis prox praeterito summoneri fecimus existentium pro quibusdam arduis et urgentibus negotiis et materiis in eodem Parliamento adhuc pendentibus quae adhuc commode terminari non 〈◊〉 ac aliis causis saâ—is evidentibus dictum Parliamentum usque Quindenam Sancti Hillarii prox futur apud Salop in statâ— quo nunc fuit duximus prorogand et continâ—and Vobis in fide et ligeantia quibus Nobis tenemini firmiter injungendo mandamus quod apud Salop in Qnindena praedicta cum familia et 〈◊〉 staâ—â—â— vestro congruis et non cum multiâ—â—dine genâ—ium nec alio modo quam tempore Domini Edwardi nuper Regis Angliae Avi nostri et nostro anâ—iquitus et communi er fieri consueviâ— personaliter intersiâ—is Nobiscum et 〈◊〉 Praelatis Proceribus et Magnatibus dicti regni no 〈◊〉 super causis negotiis et materiis antedictis finaliâ—er tractaturi vestrumque Consilium impensuri abinde abâ—que licentia nosâ—ra speciali minime recessuri T. R. apud Westm. 5. die Novembris Consimiâ—â—â— Brevia sub eadem data issued to 5. Dukes more one Marquess 6 Earls and 33 Lords Barons and Great men I shall end this Section with this remarkable writ of Summons and Resummons recorded in Claus. â—1 R. 2. m. 13. dors after the List of the Lords names iâ—sued to William de Dacre Rex dilecto et fideli suo Willielmo de Dacre salutem Cum nuper de avisam nto Consilii nostri pro quibusdam arduis et urgentibus negotiis Nos statum et defensionem Regâ—a nostra Aâ—gliâ—â— et Eccleâ—â—â— Anglicanae concernentibâ—s quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westâ— in crastino Purificationis beatae Mariae proâ— futur 〈◊〉 ordinavimus Et â—licet per breve nostrum vobis in fide et ligeantia qâ—ibus Nobis tene mini firmiter injungendo mandaveâ—muâ— quod cessanâ—â— exâ—usaâ—ione quaâ—unque dictis die et loco personaliter interâ—â—â—â— Nobiscum ac cum Praelatis Magnatibus et Proceâ—bus Regni nostri praedicti super negotiis praedictis tractaturi vestrumque consiliâ—m impensâ—â—i Vos tamen mandato nostro praedicto minime parentes ad Parliamentum praedictum dictis die et loco 〈◊〉 huca que venâ—e non curasâ—â—â— in nostâ—a contemptum manifeâ—â—um Et quia Parliamentum praedictum usqâ—e in dâ—em Lunae in 〈◊〉 Quin 〈◊〉 Paschae prox futur duximus continâ—and Vobis in fide et ligeanâ—ia vestris praedictis injungimus et mandamus quod excusatione quacunque cessanâ—e ad locum praedictum in Quindeâ—a praedictâ— perlonalâ—ter intersiâ—is Nobiscum et cum Praelatis Magnatibus et Proceribus dicti Regni nostri super negotiis praedictis tractaturi vestrumque Consilium impensuri ABINDE ABSQUE LICENTIA NOSTRA SPECIALI MINIME RECESSURI ET HOC SUB GRAVI PAENA PER NOS ET DOMINOS IBIDEM TUNC PRAESENTES LIMITAND NULLATENUS OMITTATIS Teste nt supra Per ipsum Regem et Consilium Consimilia Brevia diriguntur subscriptis sub â—adem data viz. Iohi. de Welle Chr. Iohi. Gray de Codonore Willo Botreaux Chr. Iohi le Warre Chr. Iohi. de Monteacuto Chr. Philâ—â—po le Dispenser Chr. By which writ it is apparent 1. That if any Lord neglect or refuse to appear upon the first writ of Summons issued to him that the King may resummon him by a second writ as here he did these Lords 2ly That the not appearing in Parliament upon the first writ of Summons through negligence wilfulness or without lawful excuse made for it is a manifest contempt to the King That no Peers summoned to Parliaments ought to depart whiles the Parliament conâ—inues without the Kings special license 4ly That the not appearing of any Peer when summoned or his departure from Parliament without the Kings special license is to be punished with such a heavy and deserved penalty as the other Lords sitting in Parliament shall limit and inflict not the King himself without the Lords Usefull Annotations and Observations upon the precedent Writs to the Prince of Wales King of Castel and Leon Dukes and other Temporal Lords and Barons and the lists of their names recorded after them 1. I Observe and must inform the Readers that in some few Clause Rolls there are writs of Summons entred only to Earls and other secular Lords without any writs to Archbishops Bishops Abbots and Spiritual Lords who no doubt had like writs then isâ—ued to them though not registred in the Rolls as the Lords writs attest 2. That in the Rolls where in they both are registred the writs to the Temporal Lords are now and then entred before those to the Archbishops Bishops and Spiritual Lords but most usually they follow them 3. That they are commonly entred both together on the self-same dorse or membrana their reciâ—als claâ—ses for the most part the same in terminis except in the Praemunâ—entes c. which is peculiar to the Archbishops and Bishops writs or in the clauses or Homagio et ligeantia quibu Nobiâ— tenemini which is peculiar to the Temporal Lords and never used in the writs to the Bishops Abbots and Eâ—clesiastical Lords but in
Council held in August Anno â—107 Vt nullus ad Praelattonem electus PRO HOMAGIO QUOD REGI FACERET consecratione suscepti honoris privaâ—etur Which Law and usage continued under King Henry the second as is evident by this passage of Glanvil l. 9. c. 1. who writ and was chief Justice under him Electi vero in Episcopos ante consecrationem HOMAGIA SVA FACERE SOLENT What solemn publike Oathes of Allegiance and Fidelity Bishops and other Clergymen as well as the Temporal Lords Commons have heretofore and of late years made to our Kings and their heirs you may read at leasure in the Exact Abridgement of the Records in the Tower p. 427 657 663 25 H. 8. c. 20. 22. 26 H. 8. c. 7. 10. 35 H. 8. c. 1. 1 Eliz. c. 2 3. 5 Eliz. c. 1. 3 Jac. c. 3. 5. 7. Jac. c. 6. I shall only present you with one more thus recorded in the Clause Roll of 11 E. 4. m. 1. dorso Memorand quod tertio die Iulii Anno regni Regis Edwardi Quarti undecimo apud Westm. in Camera Parliamenti Venerabilis Pater Thomas Cardinalis Archiepiscopius Cantuar ac alii Domini Spirituales et Temporales ac etiam quidam Milites quorum nomina subscribuntur fecerunt Recognitionem Iuramentumque praestiterunt Edwardo primogenito dicti Domini nostri Regis Edwardi Quarti illustri Principi Walliae Duci Cornub Comiti Cestriae in forma sequenti ad corroborationem praemissâ—rum singuli corum manibus propries scripserunt sua Nomina I Thomas Cardinal Archbishop of Canterbury knowledge take and repute you Edward Prince of Wallys Duke of Cornwall and Earl of Chester first begotten soâ— of our Soveraign Lord Edward the fourth King of England and of France and Lord of Ireland to be very and undoubted heir to our said Soveraign Lord as to the Crowns of England and France and Lordship of Irâ—land and promiâ—â—e and swear that in case hereafter it happen you by Gods disposition to overlive our said Soveraign Lord I shall then bear and in all things truly and faithfully behave me towards you and your â—heirs as a true and 〈…〉 Subject ought to behave 〈◊〉 to his Soveraign Lord and right wyâ— King of England c. So help me God and holy domes and the Evangelists T. 〈…〉 G. 〈◊〉 T. London Episc. Heâ—r Dunâ—lm W. Episc. Winton G. Clâ—rence R. Gloucester Norff. H. Buckyngham I. â—uff Arundell H. Essex E. Kent Riveriâ—rs I. Wiltshire W. 〈◊〉 Prior Hospâ—t S Iohannis E. Arundall Mautravers A. Gray I. Fenis R. Eâ—â—sc Sarum W. 〈…〉 T. 〈◊〉 R. Bathonien E. Carliol R. Beauchamp Sir Robâ—rt Fenys Bourgchier T. Bourchier W. Par. I. Dudley I. Audley Dacâ—e Edwâ—â—do Bergaveny I. Sâ—trange I. Scrop W. Ferrers Berners Hastingâ— Mouâ—tjoy Dynham Howard Duras I. Pilkâ—ngton W. Beaâ—don W. Courtenay T. Mullineux Raulf Ashtoâ— The first who brought Homage into England for ought I can finde was William the Conqueror and his Normansâ— who equally imposed it on all Bishops Abboâ—s and Clergymensas well as on the Laity in the self-same words and form for ought appears How Bishops Abbots came to be exempred from doing homage for their Temporalties to our Kings after their consecraâ—â—ons I have already touched shall here further declare for the informaâ—ion of those of my own profession Abbot Ingulphâ—s records 〈◊〉 mulcis armis retroactis even from King Eâ—hâ—lâ—eds reigâ— â—ulla electio Praelatorum erat merè iâ—era â—â—canonica â—ed omnes divnitaâ—es tam Episcoporum quam Abbatum per Annulum et Baculnm Regis curia pro sna complacentia conferebat his 〈…〉 King William the Conquerot who first bâ—ought the word and service of HOMAGE out of Normandy into England and at his Coronation at Loâ—don Ann. 1067. HOMAGIIS à Magnatibus as well of the Clergy as Laity acceptis cum FIDELITATIS JURAMENTO obsidibusque acceptis in regno confirmatus omnibus qui ad regnum aspiraverant factus est terrori as Matthew Paris p. 4. and Matthew Westminster p. 1. relate Ann. 1072. He received homage from the King of Scots And Anno 1079 He entred Wales with a numerous Army subdued it et a Regnlis 〈◊〉 ditionis HOMAGIA FIDELITATES ACCEPâ—T Anno 1083. Cepit HOMAGIA Ordinum totius Angliae et JURAMENTUM FIDELITATIS cujusâ—unque essent â—endi â—el senementiâ— And apud Londonias HOMINIUM SIBI FACERE et contra omnes homines FIDELITATEM JURARE OMNEM ANGLIAE INCOLAM IMPERANS therefore Bishops Abbots and Clocks as well as Laymen totam terram descripsit c. as Ingulphus informs us flourishing in that age The Pope being much offended that Kings should thus conferre Bishopricks Abbies and other Ecclesiastical dignities Per Annulum et Baculum and that Bishops and Abbots should thus doe Homage and Feâ—lty to them and become their men as well as Lâ—ickâ— as being a grand impediment to their Supreme Authority over Emperors Kings and Princes of the earth strenuoâ—sly attempted by Pope Hilâ— lebrand thereupon Pope Urban the 2d Anâ—s 1095. in a Council held at Claremount ordained Ut Episcopi vel Abbates vel aliquis de Clero aliquam Ecclesiasticam dignitatem de manu Principum vel quorumliber Laicorum non recipiant And this not prevailing in another Council held by this Pope at Rome Anno 1099. Urbanus Papa excommunicavit omnes Laicos investituras Eccleâ—arum dantes et omnes easdem investituras de manibâ—s Laicorum accipientes necnon omnes in officium sic dati honoris consecrantes Excommunicavit etiam eos qui pro Ecclesiasticis Honoribus LAICORUM HOMINES FIUNT id est HOMAGIUM INEUNT as learned Sir Hen. Spelman truly expounds it Dicens minus execrabile videri ut manus quae in tantam eminentiam excreâ—erant ut quod nulli Angelorum concessumâ—est ut Deum cuncta creantem suo signaculo CREANT mark the blasphemy and contradiction et eundem ipsum pro salute totius mundi Dei Patris obtutibus offerant in hanc ignaviam vel stulâ—itiam detrudantur ut ancillae fiant eorum manuum quae diebus et noctibus obscenis contactibus inquinantur sive rapinis et injustae sanguinis effusione addictae maculantur Et ab omnibus est clamatum fiat fiat et in his consummatum est conciâ—ium Hereupon Anselm Archbishop of Canterbury a Burgundian by birth and great Creature of the Popes peremptorily refused to consecrate any Bishops who received their Investiâ—ures per annulum baculum from the King or to have any communion with those who were thus invested and consecrated by the Archbishop of Yorke in his absence denying to do any homage or fealty to King Henry the 1. after his revocation by him from his exile under Will. Rufus without the Popes license affirming Volente DEO NVLLIVS MORTALIS HOMOFIAM nec per Sacramenâ—uÌ„ alicui FIDEM PROMITTAM Hereupon Rex Regnique Proceres Episcopi et cujuscunque generis aulici
et inde percipiet omnes reditus et exitus sicut Dominicos reditus suos Et cum ventum fuerit ad consulendum Ecclesiam debet Dominus Rex mandare poâ—iores personas Ecclesiae et in Capella ipsius Regis debet fieri electio assensu ipsius Regis et Concilio personarum regni quas ad haec faciendum advocaverit et IBIDEM FACIET ELECTUS HOMAGIVM FIDELITATEM REGI SICVT LIGIO DO MINO SVO de vita sua et de membris et de honore terreno salvo ordine suo priusquam consecretur Indeed Angelus de Clavasio in his Summa Angelica Tit. Homagium and other Canonists hold it to be Symonie and unlawfull prore ' spirituali puia Beneficio Ecclesiastico HOMAGIUM EXIGERE But our Lawes resolve it an antient Legal duty and Service Of which see more in Spelmanni Glossarium Tit. Fidelitas Homagium in William Somners Glossarium Tit. Homagium and in Bracton Britton and Fleta 4. That this clause in the writs to the Temporal Lords in fide homagio implies they were all or most Barons by tenure And whereas Sir Ed. Cook and Sir Henry Spelman assert That of antient time the temporal Lords were commanded by the Kings writ thus to appear In fide et homagio quibus Nobis tenemini and in the reign of Edward 3. in fide et ligeantia and sometimes in fide et homagio but at this day constantly in fide et ligeantia because at this day there are no feudal Baronies in respect whereof Homage is to be done which in 21 E. 3. was the true cause of this alteration If this observation of theirs That in fide et homagio feodales propriè respiciat Barones denoting only such Barons who were Barons by tenure or Barony for which they did their Homage and swore Fealty and Allegiance to the King then this is a most convincing argument that all the Lords and Barons summoned before 11 E. 3. were Barons only by tenure not by writ alone because they were all regularly summoned to appear in fide et homagio not in fide et ligeantia 2ly It is a clear mistake that this alteration of homagio into ligeantia was made in 21 E 3. for it was not till 25 E. 3. pars 1. dors 5. in fide et homagio being used both in the writs of 21 22 23 24 E. 3. 3ly The reason of this alteration could not be this they rendâ—r because all or most of the Lords and Barons then summoned did not hold of the King by Barony but were Barons only by writ not tenure First because all the writs to the Prince of Wales â—and Earls then summoned who held of the King by Homage and Barony issued in this form in fide et ligeantia to them as well as to the inferiour Lords and Barons 2ly Because the self-same Prince Earls Lords summoned in this form in 25 E. 3. in the very next years of 26 E. 3. d. 14. and 27 E. 3. d. 12. were twice summoned again iâ— fide homagio et ligeantia quibus Nobis tenemini and 28 E. 3. d. 26. in fide et homagio after in 29 E. 3. d. 8. 7. 31 E. 3. d. 21. 1. they are summoned in fide et ligeantia but yet in 32 E. 3. d. 14. 36 E. 3. d. 16. 37 E. 3. d. 22. 38 E. 3. d. 3. 39 E. 3. d. 2. 42 E. 3. d. 22. 43 E. 3. d. 24. 46 E. 3. d. 9. all the writs to the Prince Earls Lords and Barons run again in fide et homagio only and some between and after them in fide et ligeantia only though issued to the self-same persons or their heirs Therefore ligeantia in these and subsequent writs is put only as a Synonima signifying only Homagium as the coupling them together in two writs in fide homagio et ligeantia and the placing of Homagio thus interchangeably for ligeantia and ligeancia for homagio evidence beyond contradiction The rather because there is the highest promise and bond of Allegiance expressed in the very words and form of homage done to the King as the words I become your man from this day forwards of life and member and of earthly worship and unto you shall be true and faithfull and bear you faith and this clause saving the faith that I owe unto our Soveraign Lord the King when done to a common person import and Glanvil l. 9. c. 1. Bracton l. 2. c. 35. Fleta l. 3. c. 16. Sir Edward Cook in his 1 Institutes on Littletons Chapter of Homage Sir Hen. Spelman and Somner in their Glossaries Tit. Homagium Fidelitas at large demonstrate Therefore homage may be properly stiled ligeantia and be put in lien of homagio as doubtless it is in all those writs that use it 3ly I find sundry Homages for Dutchies Earldoms and Baronies done to our Kings by the Duke of Aquitain the Dâ—ke of Hereford Henry Percy the Duke of Norfolk and other Peers who were then and afterwards summoned in fide et ligeantia not homagio and I doubt Sir Edward Cooke and those of his opinion can hardly name any Dukes Earls Vicounts Lords or Barons summoned to Parliament under Henry the 3. R. 2. H. 4 5 9. or E. 4. who was not a Lord by Tenure or Barony as well as by Patent or a special writ of creation the very names of their Baronies as Sir Edward Cooke and Mr. Selden inform us being usually expressed in all later writs of Summonâ— Therefore this their conjecture of altering the writs from homagio to ligeantia because they held not by homage must needs be erronious and groundless in my judgemenâ— and the assertions of such who hold that the Kings bare general writs of summons issued to those who held not by Barony did create them and their issues Barons if they sate in Parliament without any special creation by some Clauses in the writs or by Paâ—ent grounded on this mistake must vanish into smoke else that Clause of creation in the writ to Sir Henry Bromfleet Cl. 27 H. 6. d. 24. would have been both superfluous and ridiculous 5ly That this clause in fide et homagio or in fide ligeantia quibus Nobis tenemini is sometimes omitted out of the writs of Summons to the Prince of Wales and other times inserted into them 6ly That the Prince of Wales in the writs of Summons and adjournment is sometimes stiled Princeps Walliae only sometimes Princeps Aquitaniae et Walliae other times Princeps Walliae Dux Cornubiae et Comes Câ—striae when all these titles were conferred on him by the King 7ly That in the writs issued to Dukes Earls and Temporal Lords of the Kings Progeny royal bloud and alliance they are usually stiled Carissimo filio nostro Fratri Regis Fratri nostro Avunculo Regis Avunculo nostro Nepoti nostro Consanguineo nostro c. and the other Earls and Temporal Lords
Dilecto et fideli nostro only and that those of the bloud royal are for the most part though not alwayes first entred in the Rolls of summons 81y That when a Duke or Earl of England was made a real or titular King of any forein Realm his Royal title was alwayes mentioned in the writ Thus Iohn Duke of Lancaster King of Castell and Leon in all writs of summons to him after his forein Kingship was stiled Carâ—ssimo filio suo Iohanni Regi Castellae et Lâ—gionis Duci Lancastriae in the summons of 46. 49 50 ◠〈◊〉 And Carissimo Avunculo suo Iohanni Regi Castellâ— Legionis Duci Lancastriae in all the writs issued to him under King Richâ—rd the 2d So if any Earl or Baron of England was created a Duke or Earl in Scotland France or Ireland his forein Titles were inserted into the writs as the Title of Cardinal or Patriarch of Ierusalem was inserted into the English Bishops writs created Cardinâ—ls and Patriarchs beyond the Seas Thus Gilbâ—rt de Vinf an l an English Baron being made Earl of Anegos and David de Strà bolgi Earl of Athol in Scotland Leonell the Kings son Earl of Vlster in Ireland the black Prince made Prince of Aquitain as well as of Wales and Iohn Duke of Lancaster Duke of Aquitan under Richard the 2d the were thereupon stiled Comiti Anegos Comiti Athol Comiti Vlton Principi Aquitaniâ— Walliae Duci Aquitaniae Lancastriae in the writs directed to them and if these their forein Titles were omitted in any Writs against them at the Common Law the writs would abate because they were English Peers and had these Titles inserted into their writs of Summons to Parliament where they sate in their Princes Dukes and Earls Robes amongst the rest of the Dukes and Earls But if any forein Duke Earl Lord or Baron of France Ireland Spain or Germany who was no English Baron Lord or Peer of Parliament was sued in the Kings Court by writ he might be stiled only a Knight or Esquire and needed not to be sued by the Title of Duke Earl Lord or Baron because he was no Duke Earl Lord or Baron at all in England but only in his own Country and should be tried upon an Indictment of Treason Murder or Felony only by an ordinary Iury and not by English Peers By which differences the Books of 39 E. 3. 3â— Brooks Nosme de dignity â—9 59. Parl. 4. 11 E. 3. Fiâ—zh Brief 473. 8 R. 2. Fitzh Proces 224. 20 E. 4. 6. Brooks Nosme de Dignity 49. Dyer â—60 b. Cook 7 rep Calvins case f. 15 16. 9. rep â—â—nchers case f. 117. 3. Instit. p. 20. 4. Instit. p. 47. are fully reconciled 9. That if any Earl Baron or Lord was Marshal Constable Steward Admiral Chancellor Treasurer or other great Officer of England or Warden of the Cinque ports his Title of Office was commonly inserted into the writs of Summons As Rogero or Thomae Comiti Naff Marescallo Angliae Avunculo suo carissimo Thomae de Wodestoke Constaâ—ulario Augliae Willo de Clâ—nton comiti Haâ—iâ—gdon Constabulario Castri Dover et Custodi quinque Portuum suorum c. What precedency these Officers had of other Earls Lords and Barons in Parliament you may read in the Statute of 31 H. 8. c. 10. and Mr. Sâ—ldens Titles of Honor. p. 901 c. 10. That in the lists of the Dukes Earls Lords and Barons names there is no certain order observed according to their Antiquity or Precedency but in some Rolls one is first entred in other Rolls others listed before them and they again postponed in succeeding lists Yâ—t generally for the most part â—hough not always the Prince of Wales is first entred before the rest the Dukes before the Earls the Earls Vicounts before the Lords and Barons and they before the Iudges or Kings Counsil and the Earl who was Marshal of England before the other Earls the Clerks entring their names promiscuously for the most part as the Writs came to their hands Some times the first Writs entred at large issued to one Earl Lord Duke Baron other times the Writs go to others without observing the Laws of Heraldry though in the reing of Edward the 3d. and afterwards their names are more methodically entred then before that time oft times in the selfsame order or with some small variations and transpositions So as the Precedency of the Earls or Barons and their places of sitting in the Parliament House cannot be certainly collected from or defined by the entry of their Writs of Summons or liâ—ting in the Eodem modo mandatum est or Consimiles litâ—rae but by custom and the Statute of 31 H. 8. cap. 10. 11ly That in some Clause Rolls there is one Writ to the Archbishop or some other Bishop first entred at large and another Writ at large to some one Earl or temporal Lord with an Eodem modo or Consimiles literae only entred to the rest there listed but most usually there is only but one Writ entred at large to one of the Archbishops or some other Bishops and then a short recital of some part of that Writ to one temporal Lord with an c. Teste ut supra and the like for brevity sake and an Eodem modo and Consimiles literae or some short entries of some special clauses of the Writ to all the other temporal Lords 12ly That in the Eodem modo and Consimiles Literae first the Bishops Abbots Priors and spiritual Lords then the Dukes Earls Temporal Lords Barons Justices Kings Counsils names are entred successively one after another after the first Writ which is singly entred in sundry Rolls without any Writ or part of Writ interposed between their names as if they had all the selfsame Writs in terminis issued to them But in most Rolls there is either a distinct Writ or part of Writ or an Eodem modo mandatum est c. mutatis mutandis interposed between the names of the Bishops Abbots Priors and Earls and Lay Lords likewise between the Temporal Lords and the Kings Counsil and Justices summoned to Parliaments with the usual clauses wherin the writs differ one froÌ„ another inserted into them which different clauses no doubt were in most of the Writs issued to them in those Rolls where they are all entred promiscuously together in the Eodem modo and Consimiles Literae without any Writ or part of a Writ or mâ—tatis mutandis interposed between theÌ„ omitted only for brevity sake by the Clerks who ingrossed the Rolls 13ly That the English Barons who were titâ—lary Earls in Scotland under the Kings Jurisdiction and Allegance were alwayes summoned and liâ—â—ed amongâ—â— the Earls of England in the Rolls of Summons not amongst the English Lords aud Barons who were no Earls witnesse Gilbert and Robert de Vmfranil Earls of Anegos in Scotland and David de Stabolgi Earl of Athol alwayes summoned to the Parliaments
Gynes As for the Bishops in such cases they were by other special writs authorized to make Proctors to supply their places though summoned by the original writs to appear personally in Parliament and not by Proxies as in Claus. 20 E. 3. pars 2. d. 22. and Claus. 46 E. 6. d. 11. forecited p. 51. 52. 58. 18ly That if the King either Summoned or prorogued a Parliament to a certain day and place by his writs commanding the Earls Lords and other great men personally to appear in Parliament at that day and place and then by reason of other emergent occasions could not meet them or hold the Parliament at the time and place prefixed he then usually discharged them all from their attendance by a subsequent wrir Of which we have this pregnant example Claus. 5. E. 2. d. 17. Rex dilecto consanguineo fideli suo Thomae Comiti Lancast. salutem Licet nuper Vobiscum volentes ac cum Praelatis caeterisque Magnatibus Regni nostri supra Negotiis Nos statum dicti Regni tangentibus habere Colloquium Tractatum ordinassemus Parliamentum nostrum tenere apud Westm. prima Dominica Quadragesimae prox fuâ—ur Vobisque mandassemus quod dictis die loco PERSONALITER INTERESSETIS ad tractand Nobiscum cum Praelatis Magnatibus praedictis super negotiis antedictis Quia tamen PROPTER ALIQUAS CAUSAS ad locum praedictum dicto die ACCEDERE NON VALEMUS Vobis significamus QUOD AD DICTOS DIEM ET LOCUM PRAEMISSA OCCASIONE VOS ACCEDERE NON OPORTET Teste Rege apud Eborum 20. die January Consimiles Literae dirigunter subscriptis viz. to 6. Earls more and the rest of the Lords summoned with them to appear personally at this Parliament 19ly That sometimes the Temporal Lords as well as Prelates were more strictly and peremptorily required and adjured with greater earnestnesse to appear Personally in Parliaments and Parliamentary Councils then they were at other seasons without admitting any excuses or making any Proxies because through their absence and want of their personal presence when summoned the Parliaments were oft adjourned to some other time the businesse of the King and Kingdoms retarded delayed to the publike praejudice and the Parliaments sometimes dissolved without concluding any thing the Lords and Commons there assembled refusing to do or grant any thing when any of the chief Lords and Prelates were absent 20. That no Spiritual or Temporal Lords could absent themselves from Parliaments when duly summoned thereunto without a reasonâ—ble and just excuse nor make any Proxies or Proctors to supply their places but when specially authorized and licensed to do it in or by the writs of Summons or other special writs much leâ—â—e than could they be forcibly secluded the House when summoned by writ as some of late times have most violently been by those who were raised to defend both their persons and the privileges of Parliament 21. That armed Guards Forces and Troops of Soldiers in or near the Places where Parliaments are assembled and kept are altogether inconsistent with the Customs Vsage Freedom and Privileges of Parliament prejudicial obstructions to their proceedings and a great oppression to the people Vpon which account not only the Earls Lords and Barons are sometimes in the writs of Summons specially prohibited under grievous forfâ—itures and penalties to repair to the Parliament With men of Arms and multitudes of people and to come only cum dicenti comitiva de hominibus bonae discretionis et consilii et NON CUM HOMINIBUS AD ARMA sub forisfactura omnium quae Nobis forisfacere poteritis Claus. 2 E. 3. m. 31. dorso But our Kings likewise by special writs and Proclamations at the very first meeting of their Parliaments usually prohibited all sorts of men under pain of forfeiâ—ing all they might forfeit not to wear any privy Coat of plate or go Armed or carry any Warlike weapons within any City or Suburbs thereof where their Parliaments saâ—e during all the time of their Session that so the Parliaments and Memberâ—s might not be thereby disturbed interrupted over awed or terrified as those who please may read at large in the Statute of 7 E. 1. Rastals Abridgment Armour 1. 1 E. 2. c. 3. 6 E. 3. rot Parl. n. 3. Parl. 2. n. 2. Parl. 3. at York n. 3. 415. â— 3 E. 3. Parl. 1. n. 2. Parl. 2. n. 2. 14 E. 3. n. 2. 15 E. 3. n. 2. 17 E. 3. n. 3. 18 E. 3 n. 2. 20. E. 3. n. 1. 2 â— E. 3. n. 1. 25 E. 3. Parl. 1. n. 58. Parl. 2. n. 4. and Cook 4. Instit. p. 14. Such a Proclamation as this issued before the Parliament held at New Sarum An. 2. E. 3. as is evident by the Articles of improachmâ—nt against Roger Mortymer Earl of March in the Parliament of 4E 3. Rot. Parl. n. 1 2. and 28 E. 3. n. 9 10â— Who amongst othe Articles was impeached condemned and executed as a Traytor for comming armed to the Parliamenâ— at Salsbury against the Kings Proclamation with divers of his confederates whereby sundry of the Nobles were so terrified that they came not to the Parliament and the Bishops there asseâ—bled had the dores of the house wherein they sate in Counsel broke open upon them by armed men and were there threatned to lose both life and members if they should be so hardy to say or do any thing against his will and ordinances whereby he procured himself to be made Earl of March caused the King to give him many Lands and Tenements to the disinherison of his Crown and excited him to ride armed against the Earl of Lancaster and other Peers of the Realm to Winchester as they were comming towards the King to the said Parliament at Salisbury whereupon they were inforced to reâ—ire to their own Countries to eschue the perils that might happen which much greived them that they could not speak with their king not counsel him as they ought After which the Parliament of 5 R. 2. as appears by n. 1. was interrupted and adjourned because the Duke of Lancaster and Earl of Northumberland being at variance resorted to iâ— with multitudes of men armed in warlike manner of which great complaint was made and the Parliament deferred till the King his Counsil and other Lords had examined and reconciled the differences between them and removed their forces Fit presidents for future times to imitate after so many outrages and forcible assaults upon the Parliament and their Members by Souldiers and others of late times beyond all presedents in former ages to the totall dissolution both of our Parliaments and their privileges unlesse carefully regained reestablished by strictest Laws exemplary Punishments and severest prohibitions of all armed forces in or near unto the places where future Parliaments shall assemble who by the just judgment of God upon the former Parliament which against the Custom Freedom and Privilege of Parliaments making use of armed
d. 1. and all other summons else and not one Baron or Lord Armiger but he alone though unknighted Armiger being a petty inferior Title not suitable to his Lordship or Pâ—erage 26. That the Prince of Wales Dukes Earls and Marquesses are regularly stiled by their Christian names and Titles or Places of their Dignities and very rarely yet now and then by their Sirnames but the â—emporal Lords and Barons till the end of King Rich. the 2. his reign in the writs of summons directed to them are for the most part stiled by their Christian names and Surnames or by their Baronies supplying Surnamesâ— and sometimes both by their Surnames and Baronies That the Tiâ—le DOMINUS was not usually given to any of them except two before the reign of King Henry the 6. The first in my observation to whom this â—itle was given in any writ of summons was Iohn de Moubray who in Claus. 16 E. 3. par 2. d. 13. and so in other succeeding writs though not in all is stiled Iohn de Moubray DOMINUS Insulae de Axholm none else having this Title till afâ—er the reign of Rich. the 2. The next so stiled is in Claus. 11 H. 4. d. 32. where a writ issued Iohanni Talbot DOMINO de Furâ—vall which though omitted in some summons after is again used in the summons to him Cl. 4 H. 5. d. 16. and Cl. 8H 5. d. 2. Afteâ— which I finde none so stiled till Cl. 23 H. 6. d. 21. where Robert Hungerford Chivaler is stiled DOMINUS de Mollins as he is in Cl. 25 H. 6. d. 24. which gives the title of DOMINUS de Poynings to Hâ—nry Peircy In Cl. 27 H. 6. d. 24. this title DOMINUS is given to Hungerford Percy and 4 more in Cl. 28 H. 6. d. 26. it is added to 8. In Cl. 29 H. 6. d. 41. to 16. after which it grew more common to them and most others who were summoned as the ensuing Table will more particularly inform you But though the temporal Lords in the writs of summons issued to them were seldom stiled Lords or Barons before 23 H. 6. yet it is observable that when any of them are particularly mentioned in the Parliament Rolls Acts of Parliament Commissions or Patents they are usually stiled BARONS or LORDS as in the Proâ—â—gue of Magna Charta 9 H. 3. c. 2. 14. 37. Charta de Foresta c. 11. 20 H. 3. c. 9. 51 H. 3. 1. 10. Dictum de Kenelworth 51 H. 3. 3 E. 1. the Prologue and c. 23. 13 E. 1. c. 42. 18 E. 1. The Statute of Quo Warrauto 25 E. 1. c. 6. 34 E. 1. c. 5. The Prologues to the Sâ—atutes of E. 3. 14 E. 3. c. 5. and the Commission therupon Paâ— 18 E. 3. p. 2. m. 39. 36 E. 3. c. 6. 20 R. 2. c. 3. and other Acts. How fearfull Christians were to give this Tâ—tle of DOMINUS to the Greatest Emperors and how unwilling Augustus and the greatest Christian Emperors were to receive or make use of iâ— unless with the diminution of DOMNUS and DOMPNUS not Dominus you may read in Sir Henry Spelmans Glossary p. 225 226. it being a Title peculiar to God and Christ DEI NO MEN as Terâ—ulliâ—â—â—â—liles â—liles it whereas now it is usurped by and given to every upstart of the most ignoble extraction to bring Nobility it self and the House of Lords into contempt 27. That it is the inseparable incommunicable Prerogative and Supream Royal Jurisdiction of the Kings of England underivable to and inusurpable by any other person or persons by their special Patents Writs of Creation Charters and Solemn Invchiâ—ures to make and create Princes of Wales Dukes Earls Marquesses Vicounts Lords Barons and Peeres of the Râ—alm and to give them and their posterities a place seat voyce in the Parliament and Great Councils of England the Supreamest Judicature and highest Court of all others wherein they sit as Iudges and all others Iudges in the Courts of Westminster sit only as their Assistants not as Associates or their fellow Iudges This is evident not only by all writs of summons issued to the Lords but likewise by the express Resolution of all the Nobles and Parliaments of 50 E. 3. rot Parl. n. 41. 51 E. 3. rot Parl. n. 9. 36 E. 3. rot Parl. n. 94. 40 E. 3. rot Parl. n. 13. 9 R. 2. rot Parl. n. 14 15 16 17. 11 R. 2. rot Parl. n. 44. 13 R. 2. rot Parl. n. 21 22 23 20 R. 2. rot Par. n. 30 31 32. 21 R. 2. rot Parl. n. 33. 1 H. 4. rot Parl. n. 76 78 82. 9 H. 4. rot Parl. n. 25. 4 H. 5. rot Parl. n. 13. 3 H. 6. the case of Iohn Earl Marshal rot Parl. n. 11 12 13. 11 H. 6. rot Parl. n. 31. to 36. 33 H. 6. rot Parl. n. 42 43 50. 1 2 E. 4. rot Parl. n. 12 13 14. 14 E. 4. rot Parl. n. 24 25. 17 E. 4. rot Parl. n. 16. by all Patents presidents of creating any Princes Dukes Earls Marquesses Vicounts Lords Peers and Barons of Parliament collected by Mr. Iohn Selden in his Titles of Honor Book 2. Chap. 5 6 7. Mr. William Martyn Camâ—den Mills his Catalogue of Honor Bâ—ook his Catalogue of Nobility Augustine Vincent his Discovery of Errours therein Iames York his Union of Honour with others who have written of our English Peers Nobility and Sir Henry Spâ—lmas his Glossary Title Baro p. 81 82 83. Comes p. 177 178. Hence is it that King Henry the 1. King Iohn Henry the 3. and Edw. 1. in their Great Charters and other wriâ—ing usually stile them â—OMITES BARONES NOSTRI MEI Si quis BARONUM MEORUM vâ—l COMITVM or DE BARONIBUS MEIS or NOSTRIS and Glanvil l. 8. c. 11. l. 9. c. 1. Huntindon Historiarum l. 5. The Leiger Book of Ramsay sect 171. Pope Nâ—cholas in his Epistle to King Ed. the Confessor with our Lawbooks Historians usually stile them BARONES REGIS REGII BARONES VESTRI BARONES SVI speaking of the King Rex de IURE BARONIBUS SUIS And hence we read Ann. 3. H. 3. Fitzh Prescription 50. this Custem pleaded in Barr of a Nuper obiit Quod si aliquis BARO DOMINI REGIS tenens de Rege obâ—isset et non haberet haeredem nisi filias et primogenita filiae maritatae sunt in vitaâ— patris Dominus Reâ— daret postnatam filiam quae remaneret in haeredâ—tate Paâ—ris alicui Militum suorum cum tota haereditatâ— Patris sui de qua obiisset seseitus iâ— a quod aliae filiae nihil recâ—pâ—rent versus postnatam filiam in vâ—ta sua et omnes Reges habuerunt hanc dignitatem à Conquestu Yea this is such an incommunicable Prerogâ—â—ve incident to our Kings alone that neither the Emperour himself nor Pope could ever create an English Earl Baron or Lord of Parliament nor give him any precedency before other Lords in England
is evident not only by the memorâ—ble prâ—sidents of 3 H. 6. rot Parl. n. 10. to 14. 27 H. 6. rot Parl. n. 19. 14 E. 4. rot Parâ— n. 25. in Controversies of this Nature there recorded but by these two presidents of laâ—er times remembred by Mr. Cambdeâ— In the Parliament of 39 Eliz. Anno 1597. Thomas Baron de la Ware peâ—iâ—ioned the Queen to be restored to his anciâ—nt place and â—eat in Parliamenâ— whose case was this His father William by judgement of Parliâ—ment in the reign of Edward the 6. for endeavouring to poyson his Unkle the Lord de la Ware to gain his inheritance and honour was disabled to enjoy any inheritance or honour that might descend to him by his Unkles death Afterwards in Queen Maries reign he was condemned of High Treason and not long after intirely restored as if he had not been condemned Being disabled by his first Sentence to inherit his Unkles honor upon his death he was by Queen Elizabâ—ths special Favour and Letters Patents created Baron de la Ware de novo and sat only as a younger Baron then newly created during his life After his death his son petitioning to enjoy the place of his Ancestors in Parliament the Queen referred the business to the Lords in Parliament who finding the judgement against William his Father to be only personal and not to bind his children and that the judgement given against him under Queen Mary was no obstacle both because he could not lose that Dignity and Honor by it which then he had not his Unkle being then alive and because he was soon after intirely restored and for that the anâ—ient Dignity and Barony was not extinct by his new Creation but only suspended during his life being not vested in him at the time of his late Creation the Lords thereupon locum â—i avitum ADJUDICAVERUNT inter Barones Willoughbeium de Eresby Berkleium in quo ritè locatur In the same Parliament it was resolved by the Lords in the case of Thomas Howard Baron of Walden Knight of the Gâ—rter who being sick and unable to come to the House himself Baron Scroop as his Proxy was brought into the Lords House in his Parliamentary Robes between two Barons the chief King of Arms going before him where presenting his Patent and Creation when the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal had read it he was placed below all the rest of the Barons though he were the younger son of a Duke whose sons by an Order of Parliament made in the 6. year of King Henry the 8. ought to take place of all Viscounts and other Barons which the Lords then resolved to be intended out of Pâ—rliament but they ought to sit in the Parliament house only according to the time of their being created Barons as Mr. Cambden relates out of the Lords Iâ—urnal 36. That the Prelates Earls Barons and Great men of the Realm are the Proper Iudges of all Causes and Controversies there debaâ—ed between the King and his people and are all bound by Oath as well as the King to observe defend and maintain the rights of the Realm and Crown of England and that more especially by their Oath of Fealty and Homage whereby they were tied to the King and charged to appear when summoned in the writs of summons as you may read more at large before in Spelmans Glossarium Tit. Fidelitas Homagium ligeantia and in Mat. Paris who records Aâ— 1209. that K. Iohn caepit HOMAGIA de omnibus hominibus liberè tenentibus et etiam duodecim annorum pueris quos omnes post FIDELIT ATEM FACTAM in osculum pacis recepit ac demâ—sit Et Wallenses quod anteactis temporibus fuâ—raâ— inauditum venientes ad Regem HOMAGIA fecerunt ibidem licet tam divitibus quam pauperibus esset oâ—erosum Then passing into Ireland with a great Army there came to Dublin to meet him plus quà m viginti Reguli illius regionis qui omnes timore maximo perterâ— iti HOMAGIUM ILLI ET FIDELITATEM FECERUNT as the highest Obligation of their future Loyalty fidelity and subjection to him Upon which Account Homage is frequently stiled HOMAGIUM LIGEUM LIGEANTIA LIGANâ—IA by Bracton l. 2. c. 35. f. 79. Glanvil l. 7. c. 10. Guliclmus Neubrigensis Hist. l. 2. c. 37. Chron. Iohannis Bromton col 1005. Fleta l. 3. c. 16. Britton ch 68. De Homages Custumar Vetus Normanniae c. 43. Cooks 7 Rep. Calvins case f. 7. 1. Instit. f. 65. a. Hornes Myrrour des Iustices ch 35 36 37 38. Spelmans Glossarium Homagium Ligeantia because iâ— most strictly unites and binds the King and his Subjects together hunc ad protectionâ—m justum Regimen illos ad reverentiam tributa et dâ—bitam Subjectionem â—t obedâ—â—ntiam as they resolve whereupon the Lords are enjoyned in their writs of summons personâ—lly to appear in Parliaments and Great Councils in fide homagio QUIBUS NOBIS TENEMINI as I formerly observed 37. That the nâ—mbers of Earls Barons Temporal Lords and Great men summoâ—ed to our Parliaments and Great Councils andentred after the Eodem modo and Consimiles literae in the Rolls and Liâ—ts of Summons are oft times very various and different there being many more of them summoned to some Parliaments and Great Councilâ— than to others as you may easily discern by comparing their Numbers which I have here presented you with in the grosse after every writ the Prince of Wales himself the Duke of Lancaster and other Dukes and Earls as well as inferior Lords Barons and Great men being left out of some Lists of Summons one two or three Parliaments and Great Councils together or more and then inserted again into others the true reasons whereof I apprehend to be these ensuing 1. Their absence in forein parts or elsâ—where in the warrs or â—pon other special services of the King in which cases no wrâ—ts of Summons issued to them and if their names were entred in the Lists of the summons they were usually cancelled or rased out of them witness the forecited entrys in the Lists oâ— Claus. 11 E. 3. pars 2. dors 11. And Claus. 12 E. 3. pars 3. dors 32. 2ly Their abode beyond the Seas upon their own particular occasions Both which causes frequently happened during the wars with France Scotland and Ireland and whiles our Kings and Nobles had any Lands and Possessions in France Aquitain Normandy Anjow Picardy and other parts beyond the Seas Many of the Earls Lords Barons Great men and our Kings themselves being oft times by reason of Warrs Treaties Embassies and defence of their Inheritances absent in forein parts when Parliaments were summoned and held in England by the Custos Regni or Commissioners at which times I generally finde there were fewer Earls Barons and Noblemen summoned to our Parliaments and Great Councils than in times of Peace or when our Kings were personally present in
The FIRST PART of a Brief Register Kalendar and Survey of the several Kinds Forms of all Parliamentary VVrits COMPRISING In 3. Sections all Writs Forms of Summons to Great Councils Parliaments Convocations in the Tower from the 5th of King Iohn 1203 till 23 Edw. 4. 1483 to all sorts of Spiritual and Temporal Lords Great-men Members of and the Kings Counsil Assistants to THE HOUSE OF LORDS With other Rare Writs and 4. Exact Alphabetical Chronological Tables 1. Of all Abbols Priors Masters of Orders Clergy-men except Bishops 2. Of all Dukes Earls Forreign Kings Marquesses Princes of Wales 3 Of all Lay Barons Lords Vicounts Great men 4. Of all the Kings Counsil Justices Clerks or other Officers with the several numbers of each of them and of Bishops summoned to every Council Parliament and the Years Rolls Dorses in every Kings reign wherein their names are recorded Illustrated with choice usefull Annotations Observations concerning these Writs differences alterations entries in the Clause Rolls the Stiles Titles Additions of Patriarcha Cardinalis Electus Confirmatus Magister c. given in them to Spiritual of Baro Miles Dominus c. to Temporal Lords with their Baronies Fealty Homage Oaths right of Session Iudicature The Clergies forms of Procurations Exemption from Taxes by the Laity Our Kings Prerogative to call prorogue dissolve Parliaments hold them by a Custos Regni or Commissioners by Patents here cited to create Peers Barons by Patent special not general Writs here registred to summon extraordinary Members Assistants Their propriety in Parliaments dissolved by their deaths The Power of their Counsil in and out of them The Constitution Jurisdiction Proceedings Privileges Ends Duties of English Parliaments Lords Commons Their inconsistence with armed guards seclusion of Members by force oathes menaces and with Scotish or Irish Intruders Their late differences from Councils Parliamentum when first used in Writs Acts Histories c. With other particulars Publishing more Rarities rectifying more Errors in vulgar Writers touching our Parliaments than any former Treatises of this Subject By WILLIAM PRYNNE Esq a Bencher of Lincolnes Inne Mercurius Trismegistus In unaquaque arte tanta ducimur caecitatis caligine ut maxima part eorum quae scimus sit minima pars eorum quae ignoramus LONDON Printed for the Author and sold by Edward Thomas in Little Britain and Henry Brome in Ivy Lane 1659. To the Ingenuous Readers especicially those of the Long Robe and more Noble or Generous English Extraction THere are 5. grand Defects of very publike concernment highly tending if not to the dishonor yet certainly to the great disservice prejudice of our Kingdom Parliaments great Officers of State Nobility Gentry Nation and more especially of the Professors and Profession of the municipall Laws which I have for many years last past not only much admired at and exceedingly deplored but also used my best endeavors to get supplied so farr as there was â—ny probability to effect it The 1. is the irreparable losse of all the Parliament â—olls during the Reigns of our antientâ—â—t Kings from William the 1. till 5 E. 2. â— the first Roll of that kind now extant and of many other of those Rolls since during the Reigns of Edw. 2. and 3. with the not publishing in Print those Parliamentary Rolls and Records yet extant by publike Order for the benefit of Posterity to prevent their suppression destruction Embezelling by fire warr casualties tâ—e negligence or present malice of some Iesuitical Furies or illitâ—rate Animals instigated thereunto by Hugh Peters his misintituled Pamphlet Good work for a good Magistrate printed 1651. p. 96. Where after his proposal of a short new Modell for the Law he subjoyns This being done Iâ— IS VERY ADVISABLE TO BURN ALL THE OLD RECORDS YEA EVEN THOSE IN THE TOWER THE MONVMENTS OF TYRANNY Which desperate bedlam advise of his I have elsewhere at large refuted as most pernicious to the publike and to all Corporations and Landed men The 2. is the great want of an Exact Collection out of the Clause Parliament and Statu'e Rolls of all Statutes Ordinances and Acts of Parliament made before the use of Printing them immediately after the Parliaments conclusion or during their Sessions came in fashion all our Statutes at large and the Abridgments of them even Ferdinando Pultons of Lincolns Inne Esq. the best most refined having sundry Spurious Impostures printed in them under the Titles of Acts Statutes and Ordinances of Parliament which in verâ—ty are neither of them but only particular Writs or Instuctions of the King to the Iustices and other Officers by advise of his Counâ—l out of Parliament Such are the Stâ—tutes De circumspecte agatis said to be made in 13. E. 1. resolved to be no Statute but made by the Prelates alone M. 19. E. 3. Fitz. Jur. 28. The Statutes of Protections Champerty and Conspirators in 33 E. 1. De conjunctim feoffatis in 34 E. 1. Ne rector prosternat arbores in caemiterio in 35 E. 1. The Statute for Knights 1 E. 2. of Gavelet 10 E. 2. with sundry others as the very form words penning of them demonstrate being transcribed only out of the Clause or Patents not Parliament or Statute Rolls Besides these there are some forged Acts and Statutes printed in these Statute Books not extant in the Statute Rolls that remain intire yea there are sundry misprisions in printed Statutes varying both in form substance from the Statute Rolls wherein they are recorded omitting some material words and clauses adding and altering others most of the publishers of our Statutes taking them upon meer trust as they found them transcribed by others but never examining them by the Statute Rolls Original Records as is most apparent by their mistakes of the very times and dates of some Statutes by their printing others of them without any date as made during the reign of King H. 3. Ed. the 1. or 2. BUTUNCERTAIN WHEN ORIN WHICH OF THEIR TIMES by the manifold variances between their Printed Books and the Statute Rolls of which I have given you a particular account in my Table to the Eâ—act Abridgement of the Records in the Tower the Compiler whereof was mistaken in this That the Statute of 2 R. 2. c. 5. touching tellers of News or Lyes of Noblemen or Counsellors is not in the Record nor any mention thereof it being recorded at large in French in the Statute Roll of the first Parliament that year wherein it is printed though not in the second as I can attest upon my own view of the Statute Roll it self Besides these Impostures and Variances there are many useful Acts in the Parliament and Clause Rolls totally omitted out of all our Printed Statute-Books some whereof I have heretofore published in my Irenarches Redivivus The 3. is the Grand deplorable Deficiency of such an Exact Chronological History of all the Great Councils Synods Parliaments of England with their several Canons Acts Ordinances Proceedings
only Basis whereon Parliaments are founded by which they are supported directed as well as convened and by my usefull Observations on them more compleatly to supply the 5. deâ—ect than any of the former so farr as my present leisure and ability will extend without supplies from others wherein I have with no little pains and diligence given you a most exact and faithfull Account of all the Writs of Summons to Parliaments Great Councils and most Convocations in England extant in the Clause Rolls and Records of the Tower from the 5. year of King Iohn till the 23. of Edward the 4th that I have hitherto met with upon my best search after them digested into several Sections in a Chronological method with usefull Observations on them Wherein you have a compendious yet full and satisfactory Account of all the several Forms and Varieties of writs of Summons during all this tract of time issued to Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors Masters of Religious Orders and all Spiritual Lords to the Prince of Wales Forein Kings Dukes Earls Marquesses Vicounts Barons Temporal Lords and Great men to the Kings Counsil Judges and other Assistants to the House of Lords the Sheriffs of Counties and particular Corporations made Counties for electing Knights Citizens and Burgesses to serve in Parliament and to the Constable of Dover Castle Warden of the Cinque-ports and Ports themselves for electing Barons of those Ports with the particular Rolls membranaes dorses wherein every of these summons are recorded Together with a general Account in gross summâ— how many Bishops Abbots Priors Earls Barons Great men and Assistants of the Kings Counsil were summoned to every of these Parliaments and Great Councils 4 most usefull acurate short Alphabetical Chronological â—ables inserted into my Observations on the 3. first Sections of these Different writs 1. Of the Names of all the Abbots Priors Masters of Religious Orders and other Clergymen except Bishops summoned to any Parliament or Great Council from 49 H. 3. till 23 E. 4. with the years rolls dorses in each Kings reign wherein you shall find them summoned and how oft any of them were summoned and consequently when omitted out of the lists of summons 2ly Of the Names of all the Dukes Earls Marquesses and Princes of Wales 3ly Of all the Temporal Viscounts Lords Barons Peers and Great men 4ly Of all the Kings Counsil Judges Justices and other Great Officers summoned as Assistants to the Lords in every Parliament and Great Council held in England from 49 H. 3. to 23 E. 4. with the particular Roll year dorse in every Kings reign wherein you may find their names and summons entred and when and how oft any of them or their posterity were thus summoned Which Tables as they were very painfull and troublesom to me exactly to collect being inforced to transcribe most of them three times over before I could digest them into that form as here you find them consisting of very many figures which I examined near five times over to prevent mistakes in any of them so being thus compleated will be the most usefull and delightfull Kalender to all Antiquaries Heraulds Lawâ—ers Noblemen Gentlemen and others delighting in Antiquities or Pedegrees ever yet communicated to the English Nation rectifying all those mistakes in names supplying those manifold defects in my Table of this nature to the Exact Abridgement of the Records in the Tower If any Noblemen Lawyers Gentlemen or others would find out and know in a moment when or how often or in what Roll and dorse any of their Ancestors Family Name were summoned to any Parliament or Great Council or when or how often any Abbot or Prior whose lands they or their Clients now enjoy were summoned to Parliaments or of what Order they were these Tables compared with the printed Lists before them will presently resolve them better than all the Tables and Kalendars to the Records in the Tower which are very defective and if they have cause to make use of the Records upon any occasion these Tables will punctually direct them both to the Number Roll and Dorse too wherein they are recorded without further search So as I may conclude them to be greatly beneficial as well to the Keepers of those Records as to all those who shall have future occasion to make use of them in any kind For the extraordinary writs of summons and others here published at large I dare averr that most of the Nobility Gentry Lawyers and Parliament men of the English Nation never so much as once saw or heard of most of them before this publication and those few Antiquaries Lawyers Gentlemen who have gottenauy transcripts and Collections of the writs of summons in the Tower shall meet with many memorable rare writs in this Abridgement which are totally omitted out of their Folio Volumes collected to their hands by others which I have here supplied by my own industry and likewise digested into method all those large Collâ—ctions of writs which I have yet seen being both defective confused fraught with a tedious repetition of those names of Abbots Priors Dukes Earls Lords Barons which I have contracted into four short Tables in an orderly method So as I may justly stile this Register Kalendar and Survey a rich Cabinet and Compendious Treasury of the chiefest and most precious Parliamentary Iewels Rarities Records ever yet presented to the world in print As for my Observations on and Collections from these writs I dare affirm without vain-glory they are for the most part such as were never yet known nor communicated to the world and will be of excellent use not only for the searching but understanding of Records and of the true constitution proceedings Privileges Affairs Ends of the Great Councils and Parliaments of England and duties of their respective Members wherein I have discovered refuted many oversights and mistakes in Sir Edward Cook and other pretended Antiquaries who have written of our English Parliaments and given clearer evidences of the original beginning use of the name Parliament in England of the Authority Power use of the Kings Counsil Iudges in Parliaments of the Kings general writs of Summons to Temporal as well as Spiritual persons who held not by Barony not making themselves nor their Successors nor posterities Lords or Barons and of sundry other materiall particulars relating to the Freedom Fulness Summons Affairs Proceedings of our Parliaments than any hitherto have done out of an unfeigned desire of communicating more knowledg to the present succeeding Generations touching our Parliaments and their affairs than former times have been publikely acquainted with that thereby I might restore our Parliaments to their primitive institution use splendor freedom Honor that so theâ— may be made medicinal Restoratives Blessing not Grievances or Diseases to our 〈◊〉 Church and State or Physicians of no value We read of a woman in the Gospel which had aâ— issue of bloud for 12 years and had suffâ—ed many thiâ—gs
of which we have a late memorable president in m Thomas Arundel of Wardour who being created by the Charter of the Emperour Rodolph the 2. COMES SACRI IMPERII una cum universa prole atque posteritate legitima mascula et faeminea in infinitum both for his eminent service in the wars against the Turks and the Nobleness of his Family yet it was with this special saving in his Paten Serenissimae tamen Principis et Dominae Elizabethae Reginae Angliae c. IURIBUS AC SVPERIORIT ATIBUS SEMPER ILLAESIS ET SALVIS yet the Queen with the English Barons would not acknowledg him for an Earl nor Baron in England upon any terms the Queen resolving That she would by no means permit any of her sheep or subjects to wear the badge or follow the whistle of any forein Shepherd or Prince but only her own In the dâ—bate of which case it was alleged by the English Peers Soâ—ius Principis esse NON ALTEâ—RIUS CUIUSCUNQUE suis Subditis dignitates destribuere juxta illud Valeriani Imperatoris Ea sit tantum dignitas quae nobis jubentibus sustinetur Ejusmodi titulos honorarios nec à Subditis accipiendos nec à Principe admittendos Principis enim Majestati et Subditorum obsequio multum detrahi si honores ab exteris accipere permittantur tacitum enim sidei pactum inter honorantem et honoratum intercedere videri Hujusmodi titulos illecebras esse occultas ad animos subditorum à suis principibus abstrahendos c. That Reginald Mohun created Earl of Somerset by the Pope in the reign of Henry the 3. was never acknowledged to be an Earl by the King and Lords nor Robert Curson created a Baron of the sacred Empire by Maximilian the Emperor acknowledged to be a Baron in England by King Henry the 8. or his Nobles till he created him a Baron himself by his Charter without giving him a voice in Parliament as King Iames created this Thomas Arundel such a Baron by Patent ut unbratâ—lem Baronis et Comitis Sacri Imperii titulum maturè obrueret Some say the Queen committed Arundel for receiving this dignity from the Emperor but William Marâ—yn assures us that Sir Nicholas Clifford and Sir Anth Shirley whom the French King for their Service in the wars received into the Order of S. Michael were laid in prison at their coming home charged to resign their robes and see that their names were blotted out of the French Commentaries It is the general received opinion of all Lawyers Civil Canon Commonâ— Heraulds and others who have written of Nobility that none but Emperors or Kings can create Dukes Earls Marquesses Lords Barons and Peers and that only within their own Dominions A Rege enimemanâ—â— it origo Dâ—gâ—itaâ—um Temporalium A Rege et Principe prostâ—uâ—t â—t derivantur tanquam a fonte omâ— es Magistratus et Dignitates qâ—ia in eo sunt omnes dignitatum thesauri recondâ—i Ad Regem solum spect at creare Comites Barones Princeps solus magnas Dignitates confer at Non dicâ—ur vera Nobilitas vel Baro ex infâ—udationâ— nisi â— Principe as they all unanimously resolve Hence Baldus and Alciat define a Baron to be one who hath merum justumquâ— imperium in aliquo Castro Oppidione CONCESSIONE PRINCIPIS In Bâ—hâ—mia Moravia â—ilesia Lusatia and other Provinces iâ—corporated to it Summam pâ—testâ—em obtinet Rex et non solum NOBILES 〈…〉 ET BARONES CREAT quemadmodum in Silesia ad quatuor primarios BARONATUS nâ—mo admittitur nisi vel ab IMPERATORE VEL REGE BOHEMIAE BARO CREATUS â—VERIT writes Nolden and Dubravius informs as that one Honora primum inter BARONES autoritate Caesaris Henâ—ici H. the 1. adâ—um PROCERUM gradum proveb batur quae nunc BARONES a quercu in Bohemia appellantur Franciscus Capiblancus resolves BARONUM nomine Comites aliâ—sque Titularios compraehendi nos dicimus Nam istud verbum BARO est scala et caput DIGNITAIV MREGALIUM And thence he inferrs Dignitas BARONALIS cum sit Dignitas et caput dignitatum sp cificè est tribuenda A PRINCIPE cujus est eas confâ—â—re cum ab eo fluant et refluant In France such Feiffs as are at the Kings pleasure and by his license erected into Baronies are the only Territories that give the Title of a BARON and the Lord thereof is stiled A BARON per le Conge du Prince as Mr. Selden proves out of Simon Marion Pâ—oydey 9â— who addes That when A BARONY came to the King of France by escheat or otherwise the Kings giâ—t of the BARONY by Charter made the Patentee A BARON without other Rules of Creation After which he proves by the Code of King Henry the 4. that the Titles and Honours of a Duke Marquess Earls and BARONY and their prerogatâ—ve A SOLO REGE TRIâ—â—I POSSVNT And in Spain all their great Dignitie and Titles of Nobility are not only originally derived from the King but most of them upon every death are received again FROM THE KING though not by any Charter of new Creation yet by the Kings acknowledgement of them by adding the titular Name to the heir who by his own name only without the addition of his Title signifies to the King the death of his Ancestor Therefore doubtless none but our Kings and Queens alone can create Earls Lords or Baronâ— of Parliament in England there being no one presidâ—nt in Anâ—iquity nor in any Emâ—ire or Kingdom in the world that I remember to the contrary and this I conceive to be most clearly resolved in and by the Statuâ—es â—f 27 H. c. 24 31 H. 8. c. 10. 28. That one of the first Bâ—rons created by Patent whose Patent is yet exâ—ant waâ— Iâ—hn de Beauchamp Stewâ—rd of the Houshold to King Râ—chard the 2. whose Patent runs in this form Richardus c. Sciatis quod pro bonis et gratuitis servitiis quae dilectus et fidelis Mâ—les noster Iohannes de Beauchamp de HOLT Senescallus hospitii nostri nobis impendit ac loco per ipsum tempore Coronationis nostrae hucusque impensis et quem pro Nobis tenere poterit in fururum IN NOSTRIS CONSILIIS PARLIAMENTIS necnon pro Nobili et fideli genere unde dâ—scendiâ— et pro suis magnisicis sensu et circumspectione ipsum Iohannem INUNUM PARIUM Aâ— BARONVM REGNI NOSTRI ANGLIAE PRAEFECIMUS Volentes quod IDEM IOHANNES HAEREDES MASCULI DE CORPORE SUO EXEUNTES STATVM BARONIS SVSTINEANT DOMINI DE BEAUCHAMP BARONES DE KIDERMINSTER NUNCUPENTUR In cujus c. datum 10 Octobris I finde this Iohn Beauchamp only once mentioned in the List of Summons in Claus. 11 R. 2. dors 24. dated 27 die Decembris within 3. moneths of his creation where he is stiled only Iohanni Beauchamp de Kiderminster but neither Dominus de Beauchamp nor
Henry la Warre 12 14 H. 4. 1 H. 5. William Westbury 5 7 9 10 13. 18 20 23 H. 6. Iohn de Westcote 6 d. 17. E. 2. William de Weston 17 19 E. 2. 2 d. 23. 31. E. 3. Philip de Willoughby Decan Lincoln 23 d. 9. Cancell Scac. Regis 28 d. 3. 17. 30 d. 9 10. 32 E. 1. Richard de Willoughby Willughby 3 d. 19. 4 d. 19. 41. 5. d. 7. 25. 6 d. 9 10 30. 7 8 9 10 d. 1. 5. 11 d. 11. 40. 12 13 d. 1. 28. 14 d. 23. 33. 20 22 d. 7. 32. 23 24 25 26 31 d. 2. 21 E. 3. Robert de Wodehouse 14 d. 5. 23. 15 16 E. 2. Archidiac Richmond 3 d. 19. Thesaurarius Regis 4 d. 19. 41. 5 d. 7. 25. 12 13 d. 1. 28. 14 d. 23. 33. 16 17 E. 3. William de Wychyngham 42 43 44 47 49 50 E. 3. 1 2 R. 2. Magister Gerrard de Wyspanes Archidiac Richmond 2â— d. 9. 28 E. 1. X WIlliam Yelverton 23 25 27 28 29 31. 33 38 Miles 49 H. 6 1 2 6 9 E. 4. Magister Thomas Younge 34 d. 4. 36 37. Offic. Cur. Cancellar 39 42 43 44 47 49 E. 3. Thomas Younge 49 d. 6. â— 6. 6 9 E. 4. Z MAgister William de la Zousche Decanus Ecclesiae beatae Mariae Ebor. Thesaurarius Regis 11 d. 11. 12 13 d. 1. 28. 14 d. 23. 33. E. 3. Where the Dorses are for brevity omitted in any years of this or any the precedent Tables after a particular name you may readily find them in the precedent Sections in the writs to the Prelats Temporal Lords and Counsil which are all entred together in the self-same Rolls and Dorses when they all occurr General useful Observations on and from the precedent Writs of Summons mentioned in the premised Sections and the 7. Sections next ensuing in the second part following them HAving thus presented you with 3 distinct Sections or Squadrons of Writs of Summons to our Parliaments Great Councils and Convocations issued to Arch-bishops Bishops Abbots Priors and other Ecclesiastical Lords the P. of Wales Dukes Earls Barons Temporal Lords and great men of the Realm the Kings Counsil Iustices with some useful particular Observations on them in each Section I shall for a close of this first part of my breif Register Kalender and Survey of them superadd some general necessary Observations on and Conclusions from them and the 7. next following Sections which I intended to have annexed to this first part of my Register but now shall reserve for the second for the further information of the Readers the benefit of Posterity and rectifying some Oversights in sundry printed trivial Discourses of our English Parliaments First From the manifold rare delightful Varieties Forms Diversities and distinct kinds of Writs of Sommons transcribed out of the Clause Rolls in a Chronological method Vaâ—ied from time to time by our Kings their Chancellors Counsellors and Officers who formed them as there was occasion without the privity or direction of their Parliaments before the Statutes of 7. H. 4. c. 15. 6. H. 6. c. 4. 8. H. 6. c. 7. 23. H. 6. c. 11. 15. which ordered some new clauses to be inserted only into the VVrits for Election of Knights of Shires and none else for preventing and rectifying abuses in such elections but prescribed no set unalterable future formâ— for those or any other Writs of Sommons leaving the King and his Counsil at Free Liberty as before to vary and alter them as they saw just cause The Judicious Readers may clearly discern what little credit is to be given to Reverend Sir Edward Cookes obâ—ervation in his slight discourse Touching the VVrits of Sommons of Parliament which are to be found in the close Rolls from time to time Which begins thus Aâ—d it is to be Observed that the substance of the VVrits ought to continue in their Original Essence without any Alteration or Addition unlesse it be by Act of Parliament For if Original VVrits at the Common Law can receive no Alteration or Addition but by Act of Parliament A multo Fortiori The Writs of the Sommons of the Highest Court of Parliament can receive no Alteration or Addition but by Act of Parliament c. But had this great Oracle of the Law diligently considered the manifold varieties of the Writs of Sommons to Parliaments With their several Alteraions and Additions made from time to time upon emergent occasions without any Act or Order of Parliament Or had he remembred old Bractons and his own distinction of these two different sorts of Original VVrits in the places he refers us to in his margin viz. Brevia Originalia quaedam sunt formata sub suis casibus de cursu De communi Concilio totius Regni concessa et Approbata quae quadem Nullatenus mutari poterint absque consensu et voluntate â—orum quaedam Magistralia et saepe variantur secundum varietatem casuum factorum et quaerelarum and that by the Masters and Clarks of the Chancery themselves according to the variety of every Mans case as himself and the Statute of VVestm 2. c. 23. resolve us without any Act or common consent in Parliament And then judiciously pondered that Writs of Sommons to Parliaments are all of this latter kind only Migistraliâ— and frequently varied according to the several varieties of the causes Publick grievances Dangers Emergences Businesses Complaints occasioÌ„ing their Sommoning expressed usually in these Writs different Prologues he would certainly never have made such a strange erronious Observation as this upon these Writs contradicted by so many Presidents on record in all former ages nor alleaged such a pittiful mistaken Argument a multo Fortiori and such Authorities to justifie it Which diametrically contradict both his reason and observation the Writs of Sommons being all of them Magistralia not Formata sub suis Casibus as the miserably mistook them to be Therefore if such Magistral Writs are ofâ—â—imes varied according to the variety of cases facts and complaints in particular mens cases by the Clerks of Chancery and Cursitors themselves without Act of Parliament a multo fortiori may Writs of Sommons to Parliaments of the self same kind which concern the great weighty affairs of the King Kingdom and Church of England be varied altered by the King himself with the Advise of his Great Officers Judges Council according to the variety of emergent occasions requiring Parliaments to be called without any Act or consent of Parliament authorizing it notwithstanding Sir Edwards groundlesse Assertion to the contrary though prefaced with and it is to be observed as I conceive it will henceforth be for a great mistake although formerly believed as an undoubted Truth upon his Ipse dixit whose venerable reputation hath canonized many of his Apochryphal conceipts which have dangerously seduced most Students and Professors of the Law with others who peruse his Institutes for whose better Information and Vindication of