names if they write matters of fact 't is a sign they cannot make them good and all men are agreed to reject their Testimony except such as resolve to deny others common justice but the ill opinion of these prejudic'd persons can no more injure any man than their good opinion will do him honor Besides other reasons of mentioning my suppos'd designs one is to disabuse several people who as I am told are made to believe that in the History of SOCRATES I draw a Parallel between that Philosopher and JESUS CHRIST This is a most scandalous and unchristian calumny as will more fully appear to the world whenever the Book it self is publish'd for that I have bin som time about it I freely avow yet not in the manner those officious Informers report but as becoms a disinterested Historian and a friend to all mankind The Inscription on the Monument of Sir JAMES HARRINGTON and his three Sons at Exton in Rutlandshire HERE lieth Sir James Harrington of Exton Kt. with a And Sister to Sir Philip Sidney Kt. Lucy his Wife Daughter to Sir William Sidney Kt. by whom he had 18 Children wherof three Sons and 8 Daughters marry'd as follows THE eldest Son Sir b Who was afterwards created Ld Harrington and his Lady was Governess to the Queen of Bohemia His Family is extinct as to Heirs Male One of his Daughters was marry'd to the Earl of Bedford and was Groom of the Stole to Q. Ann. The other was marry'd to a Scotch Lord whose name was Lord Bruce Earl of Elgin his Grandson now Lord Alisbury John marry'd the Heiress of Robert Keylwoy Surveyor of the Court of Wards and Liverys The 2 d Son Sir c Who happen'd to be President of Ireland and from him descended my Lady Fretchavil's Father my Lady Morison and my Lord Falkland's Lady Henry took to Wife one of the Coheirs of Francis Agar one of his Majesty's Privy Council in Ireland the 3 d Son James d Afterwards Baronet To him were born Sir Edward Harrington Sir Sapcotes Harrington and Mr. John Harrington who had Issue both Sons and Daughters Harrington Esq had to Wife one of the Coheirs of Robert Sapcotes Esq The eldest Daughter Elizabeth was married to Sir Edward e Who was Father to the Lord Montague the Earl of Manchester and Lord Privy Seal and Sir Sidney Montague who was afterwards created Earl of Sandwich and to the Earl of Rutlana's Lady and Judg Montague Montague Kt. The 2 d Frances to Sir William f Who was afterwards created Lord Chichester and Earl of Dunsmore and marry'd one of his Daughters to the Earl of Southamton by whom he had the present Lady Northumberland And his other Daughter marry'd her self to Col. Villâ—rs and is now Governess to the Lady Mary the Duke of York's eldest Daughter Lee Kt. The 3 d Margaret to Don g Which Dukedom afterwards fell to him and by this Lady he had one sole Daughter and Heir who is said to have marry'd the Duke of Ferio and by him to have had one Daughter who is marry'd to a King of Portugal Bonitto de Sisnores of Spain of the Family of the Dukes of Frantasquo The 4 th Katherine to Sir Edward h Of Lincolnshire the King's Standard-bearer Dimmock Kt. The 5 th Mary to Sir Edward i An antient noble Family in Kent Wingâ—ield Kt. The 6 th Maball to Sir Andrew k Now Lord Cambden Owner of the place where this Monument is â—oell Kt. The 7 th Surah was marry'd to the Lord Hastings Heir to the Earl of Huntingdon The 8 th Theodosia l One of whose Daughters marry'd the Earl of Hume in Scotland and had by him two Daughters one married my Lord Morrice and the other my Lord Maitland now Duke of Lauderdale The other Daughter of my Lady Dudley was Heir to the Honour of Dudley Castle of whose Issue by the Mother's side is the present Lord Dudley to the Lord Dudley of Dudley Castle THE same Sir James and Lucy were marry'd fifty years She died first in the 72 d year of her Age he shortly after yielded to Nature being 80 years old in the year of our Lord 1591 and of Queen Elizabeth's Reign 34. their Son James being made sole Executor to them both who that he might as well perform to his Parents their Rites as leave a Testimony of his own Piety to Posterity hath erected and dedicated this Monument to their eternal Memory The Mechanics of Nature OR An Imperfect Treatise written by JAMES HARRINGTON during his sickness to prove against his Doctors that the Notions he had of his own Distemper were not as they alleg'd Hypocondriac Whimsys or Delirious Fancys The PREFACE HAVING bin about nine months som say in a Disease I in a Cure I have bin the wonder of Physicians and they mine not but that we might have bin reconcil'd for Books I grant if they keep close to Nature must be good ones but I deny that Nature is bound to Books I am no study'd Naturalist having long since given over that Philosophy as inscrutable and incertain for thus I thought with my self Nature to whom it is given to work as it were under her Veil or behind the Curtain is the Art of God now if there be Arts of Men who have wrought openly enough to the understanding for example that of TITIAN nevertheless whose excellency I shall never reach How shall I thus sticking in the Bark at the Arts of Men be able to look thence to the Roots or dive into the Abyss of things in the Art of God And nevertheless Si placidum caput undis extulerit should Nature afford me a sight of her I do not think so meanly of my self but that I would know her as soon as another tho more learn'd man Laying therfore Arts wholly and Books almost all aside I shall truly deliver to the world how I felt and saw Nature that is how she came first into my senses and by the senses into my understanding Yet for the sake of my Readers and also for my own I must invert the order of my Discourse For theirs because till I can speak to men that have had the same Sensations with my self I must speak to such as have a like understanding with others For my own because being like in this Discourse to be the Monky that play'd at Chess with his Master I have need of som Cushion on my head that being in all I have spoken hitherto more laid at than my Reason My Discourse then is to consist of two parts the first in which I appeal to his understanding who will use his Reason is a Platform of Nature drawn out in certain Aphorisms and the second in which I shall appeal to his senses who in a Disease very common will make further trial is a Narrative of my Case A Platform or Scheme of Nature 1. NATURE is the Fiat the Breath and in the
part of the profits of certain Citys Boroughs or other places within his Earldom For an example of the possessions of Earls in antient times ETHELRED had to him and his Heirs the whole Kingdom of Mercia containing three or four Countys and there were others that had little less Kings Thane KINGS Thane was also an honorary Title to which he was qualify'd that had five Hides of Land held immediatly of the King by service of personal attendance insomuch that if a Churl or Countryman had thriven to this proportion having a Church a Kitchin a Belhouse that is a Hall with a Bell in it to call his Family to dinner a Boroughgate with a seat that is a Porch of his own and any distinct Office in the Kings Court then was he the Kings Thane But the proportion of a Hide Land otherwise call'd Caruca or a Plow Land is difficult to be understood because it was not certain nevertheless it is generally conceiv'd to be so much as may be manag'd with one Plow and would yield the maintenance of the same with the appurtenances in all kinds Middle Thane THE Middle Thane was feudal but not honorary he was also call'd a Vavasor and his Lands a Vavasory which held of som Mesn Lord and not immediatly of the King POSSESSIONS and their Tenures being of this nature shew the Balance of the Teuton Monarchy wherin the Riches of Earls were so vast that to arise from the Balance of their Dominion to their Power they were not only call'd Reguli or little Kings but were such indeed their Jurisdiction being of two sorts either that which was exercis'd by them in the Court of their Countys or in the High Court of the Kingdom Shiremoot IN the Territory denominating an Earl if it were all his own the Courts held and the Profits of that Jurisdiction were to his own use and benefit But if he had but som part of his County then his Jurisdiction and Courts saving perhaps in those possessions that were his own were held by him to the King's use and benefit that is he commonly supply'd the Office which the Sheriffs regularly executed in Countys that had no Earls and whence they came to be call'd Viscounts Viscounts The Court of the County that had an Earl was held by the Earl and the Bishop of the Diocess after the manner of the Sheriffs Turns to this day by which means both the Ecclesiastical and Temporal Laws were given in charge together to the Country The Causes of Vavasors or Vavasorys appertain'd to the cognizance of this Court where Wills were prov'd Judgment and Execution given Cases criminal and civil determin'd Halymoot THE Kings Thanes had the like Jurisdiction in their Thane Lands as Lords in their Manors where they also kept Courts BESIDES these in particular both the Earls and Kings Thanes together with the Bishops Abbots and Vavasors or Middle Thanes had in the High Court or Parlament of the Kingdom a more public Weidenagemoots Jurisdiction consisting First of deliberative Power for advising upon and assenting to new Laws Secondly of giving counsil in matters of State and Thirdly of Judicature upon Suits and Complaints I shall not omit to inlighten the obscurity of these times in which there is little to be found of a methodical Constitution of this High Court by the addition of an Argument which I conceive to bear a strong testimony to it self tho taken out of a late Writing that conceals the Author It is well known says he that in every quarter of the Realm a great many Boroughs do yet send Burgesses to the Parlament which nevertheless be so antiently and so long since decay'd and gon to nought that they cannot be shew'd to have bin of any Reputation since the Conquest much less to have obtain'd any such Privilege by the grant of any succeding King wherfore these must have had this right by more antient usage and before the Conquest they being inable now to shew whence they deriv'd it THIS Argument tho there be more I shall pitch upon as sufficient to prove First that the lower sort of the People had right to Session in Parlament during the time of the Teutons Secondly that they were qualify'd to the same by election in their Boroughs and if Knights of the Shire as no doubt they are be as antient in the Countrys Thirdly If it be a good Argument to say that the Commons during the reign of the Teutons were elected into Parlament because they are so now and no man can shew when this custom began I see not which way it should be an ill one to say that the Commons during the reign of the Teutons constituted also a distinct House because they do so now unless any man can shew that they did ever sit in the same House with the Lords Wherfore to conclude this part I conceive for these and other reasons to be mention'd hereafter that the Parlament of the Teutons consisted of the King the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons of the Nation notwithstanding 25 Edw. 3. c. 1. the stile of divers Acts of Parliament which runs as that of Magna Charta in the Kings name only seeing the same was nevertheless enacted by the King Peers and Commons of the Land as is testify'd in those words by a subsequent Act. Monarchy of the Neusâ—rians THE Monarchy of the Teutons had stood in this posture about two hundred and twenty years when TURBO Duke of Neustria making his claim to the Crown of one of their Kings that dy'd childless follow'd it with successful Arms and being possest of the Kingdom us'd it as conquer'd distributing the Earldoms Thane Lands Bishoprics and Prelacys of the whole Realm among his Neustrians From this time the Earl came to be call'd Comes Consul and Dux tho Consul and Dux grew afterward out of use the Kings Thanes came to be call'd Barons and their Lands Baronys the Middle Thane holding still of a mean Lord retain'd the name of Vavasor Their Earls THE Earl or Comes continu'd to have the third part of the Pleas of the County paid to him by the Sheriff or Vice-comes now a distinct Officer in every County depending upon the King saving that such Earls as had their Countys to their own use were now Counts Palatin and had under the King Regal Jurisdiction insomuch that they constituted their own Sheriffs granted Pardons and issu'd Writs in their own names nor did the Kings Writ of ordinary Justice run in their 27 11. 8. Dominions till a late Statute wherby much of this privilege was taken away Their Barons FOR Barons they came from henceforth to be in different times of three kinds Barons by their Estates and Tenures Barons by Writ and Barons created by Letters Patents From TURBO the first to ADOXUS the seventh King from the Conquest Barons had their denomination from their Possessions and Tenures And these were either
the Heavens are the Lords but the Earth has he given to the Children of Men Yet says God to the Father of these Children In the sweat of thy Face shalt thou eat thy Bread Dii laborantibus sua munera vendunt This Donation of the Earth to Man coms to a kind of selling it for INDUSTRY a Treasure which seems to purchase of God himself From the different kinds and successes of this Industry whether in Arms or in other Exercises of the Mind or Body derives the natural equity of Dominion or Property and from the legal establishment or distribution of this Property be it more or less approaching towards the natural equity of the same procedes all Government The balance of Empire consists in Property THE distribution of Property so far as it regards the nature or procreation of Government lys in the overbalance of the same Just as a man who has two thousand pounds a year may have a Retinue and consequently a Strength that is three times greater than his who injoys but five hundred pounds a year Not to speak at this time of Mony which in small Territorys may be of a like effect but to insist upon the main which is Property in Land the overbalance of this as it was at first constituted or coms insensibly to be chang'd in a Nation may be especially of three kinds that is in One in the Few or in the Many The generation of Absolute Monarchy THE overbalance of Land three to one or therabouts in one Man against the whole People creates Absolute Monarchy as when JOSEPH had purchas'd all the Lands of the Aegyptians for PHARAOH The Constitution of a People in this and such cases is capable of intire servitude Buy us and our Land for Bread and we and Gen. 47. 19. our Land will be Servants to PHARAOH The generation of Regulated Monarchy 1 Sam. 8. THE overbalance of Land to the same proportion in the Few against the whole People creates Aristocracy or Regulated Monarchy as of late in England And hereupon says SAMUEL to the People of Israel when they would have a King He will take your Fields even the best of them and give them to his Servants The constitution of a People in this and the like cases is * Nec totam libertatem nec totam servitutem pati possunt Tacit. neither capable of intire Liberty nor of intire Servitude The generation of Popular Government THE overbalance of Land to the same proportion in the People or where neither one nor the few overbalance the whole People creates Popular Government as in the division of the Land of Canaan to the whole People of Israel by lot The constitution of a People in this and the like cases is capable of intire Freedom nay not capable of any other settlement it being certain that if a Monarch or single Person in such a State thro the corruption or improvidence of their Counsils might carry it yet by the irresistible force of Nature or the reason alleg'd by MOSES I am not able to bear all this People alone Numb 11. 14. Book I because it is too heavy for me he could not keep it but out of the deep Waters would cry to them whose feet he had stuck in the mire Of the Militia and of the Negative Voice WHEREVER the balance of a Government lys there naturally is the Militia of the same and against him or them wherin the Militia is naturally lodg'd there can be no negative Vote IF a Prince holds the overbalance as in Turky in him is the Militia as the Janizarys and Timariots If a Nobility has the over-balance the Militia is in them as among us was seen in the Barons Wars and those of York and Lancaster and in France is seen when any considerable part of that Nobility rebelling they are not to be reduc'd but by the major part of their Order adhering to the King IF the People has the overbalance which they had in Israel the Judg. 20. Militia is in them as in the four hundred thousand first decreing and then waging War against Benjamin Where it may be inquir'd what Power there was on earth having a Negative Voice to this Assembly This always holds where there is Settlement or where a Government is natural Where there is no Settlement or where the Government is unnatural it procedes from one of these two causes either an imperfection in the Balance or else such a corruption in the Lawgivers wherby a Government is instituted contrary to the Balance Imperfect Government IMPERFECTIONS of the Balance that is where it is not good or down weight cause imperfect Governments as those of the Roman and of the Florentin People and those of the Hebrew Kings and Roman Emperors being each exceding bloody or at least turbulent Tyranny Oligarchy Anarchy GOVERNMENT against the balance in One is Tyranny as that of the Athenian PISISTRATUS in the Few it is Oligarchy as that of the Roman DECEMVIRS in the Many Anarchy as that under the Neapolitan MAZINELLO The Divine right of Government WHEREVER thro Causes unforeseen by Human Providence the Balance coms to be intirely chang'd it is the more immediatly to be attributed to Divine Providence And since God cannot will the necessary cause but he must also will the necessary effect or consequence what Government soever is in the necessary direction of the Balance the same is of Divine Right Wherfore tho of the Israelits God says â—os 8. 4. They have set up Kings but not by me they have made Princes and I knew it not yet to the small Countries adjoining to the Assyrian Empire â—â—r 27. 6 17. he says Now have I given all these Lands into the hand of the King of Babylon my Servant Serve the King of Babylon and live CHAP. II. Shewing the variation of the English Balance THE Land in possession of the Nobility and Clergy of England till HENRY 7 th cannot be esteem'd to have overbalanc'd those held by the People less than four to one Wheras in our days the Clergy being destroy'd the Lands in possession of the People overbalance those held by the Nobility at least nine in ten In shewing how this change came about som would have it that I assume to my self more than my share tho they do not find me delivering that which must rely upon Authority and not vouching my Authors But HENRY the Seventh being conscious of infirmity in his Title yet finding with what strength and vigor he was brought in by the Nobility Chap. 2 conceiv'd jealousys of the like Power in case of a decay or change of Affections Nondum orbis adoraverat Romam The Lords yet led Country lives their Houses were open to Retainers Men experienc'd in Military Affairs and capable of commanding their Hospitality was the delight of their Tenants who by their Tenures or Dependence were oblig'd to follow their Lords in Arms.
So that this being the Militia of the Nation a few Noblemen discontented could at any time levy a great Army the effect wherof both in the Barons Wars and those of York and Lancaster had bin well known to divers Kings This state of Affairs was that which inabl'd HENRY the Seventh to make his advantage of troublesom times and the frequent unruliness of Retainers while under the pretence of curbing Riots he obtain'd the passing of such Laws as did cut off these Retainers wherby the Nobility wholly lost their Officers Then wheras the dependence of the People upon their Lords was of a strict ty or nature he found means to loosen this also by Laws which he obtain'd upon as fair a pretence even that of Population Thus Farms were so brought to a Verulam H. 7. standard that the Houses being kept up each of them did of necessity inforce a Dweller and the proportion of Land laid to each House did of necessity inforce that Dweller not to be a Begger or Cottager but a man able to keep Servants and set the Plow on going By which means a great part of the Lands of this Nation came in effect to be amortiz'd to the hold of the Yeomanry or middle People wherof consisted the main body of the Militia hereby incredibly advanc'd and which henceforth like cleaner underwood less choak'd by their staddles began to grow excedingly But the Nobility who by the former Laws had lost their Offices by this lost their Soldiery Yet remain'd to them their Estates till the same Prince introducing the Statutes for Alienations these also became loose and the Lords less taken for the reasons shewn with their Country lives where their Trains were clip'd by degrees became more resident at Court where greater pomp and expence by the Statutes of Alienations began to plume them of their Estates The Court was yet at Bridewel nor reach'd London any farther than Temple-Bar The latter growth of this City and in that the declining of the Balance to Popularity derives from the decay of the Nobility and of the Clergy In the Reign of the succeding King were Abbys than which nothing more dwarfs a People demolish'd I did not I do not attribute the effects of these things thus far to my own particular observation but always did and do attribute a sense therof to the Reign of Queen ELIZABETH and the Wisdom of her Council There is yet living Testimony that the ruin of the English Monarchy thro the causes mention'd was frequently attributed to HENRY the Seventh by Sir HENRY WOTTON which Tradition is not unlike to have descended to him from the Queen's Council But there is a difference between having the sense of a thing and making a right use of that sense Let a man read PLUTARCH in the Lives of AGIS and of the GRACCHI there can be no plainer demonstration of the Lacedemonian or Roman Balance yet read his Discourse of Government in his Morals and he has forgot it he makes no use no mention at all of any such thing Who could have bin plainer upon this point than Sir WALTER RALEIGH where to prove that the Kings of Egypt were not elective but hereditary he alleges that if the Book I Kings of Egypt had bin elective the Children of PHARAOH must have Hist of the World part 1. p. 200. bin more mighty than the King as Landlords of all Egypt and the King himself their Tenant Yet when he coms to speak of Government he has no regard to no remembrance of any such Principle In Mr. SELDEN'S Titles of Honor he has demonstrated the English Balance of the Peerage without making any application of it or indeed perceiving it there or in times when the defect of the same came to give so full a sense of it The like might be made apparent in ARISTOTLE in MACCHIAVEL in my Lord VERULAM in all in any Politician there is not one of them in whom may not be found as right a sense of this Principle as in this present Narrative or in whom may be found a righter use of it than was made by any of the Partys thus far concern'd in this story or by Queen ELIZABETH M. D. l. 1. b. 10. and her Council If a Prince says a great Author to reform a Government were oblig'd to depose himself he might in neglecting of it be capable of som excuse but reformation of Government being that with which a Principality may stand he deserves no excuse at all It is not indeed observ'd by this Author that where by reason of the declination of the Balance to Popularity the State requires Reformation in the Superstructures there the Prince cannot rightly reform unless from Soverain Power he descends to a Principality in a Commonwealth nevertheless upon the like occasions this fails not to be found so in Nature and Experience The growth of the People of England since the ruins mention'd of the Nobility and the Clergy came in the Reign of Queen ELIZABETH to more than stood with the interest or indeed the nature or possibility of a well founded or durable Monarchy as was prudently perceiv'd but withal temporiz'd by her Council who if the truth of her Government be rightly weigh'd seem rather to have put her upon the exercise of Principality in a Commonwealth than of Soverain Power in a Monarchy Certain it is that she courted not her Nobility nor gave her mind as do Monarchs seated upon the like foundation to balance her great Men or reflect upon their Power now inconsiderable but rul'd wholly with an art she had to high perfection by humoring and blessing her People For this mere shadow of a Commonwealth is she yet famous and shall ever be so tho had she introduc'd the full perfection of the Orders requisit to Popular Government her fame had bin greater First She had establish'd such a Principality to her Successors as they might have retain'd Secondly This Principality the Common-wealth The great Council of Venice has the Soverain Power and the Duke the Soverain Dignity as Rome of ROMULUS being born of such a Parent might have retain'd the Royal Dignity and Revenue to the full both improv'd and discharg'd of all Envy Thirdly It had sav'd all the Blood and Confusion which thro this neglect in her and her Successors has since insu'd Fourthly It had bequeath'd to the People a Light not so naturally by them to be discover'd which is a great pity For M. D. l. 1. c. 9. even as the Many thro the difference of opinions that must needs abound among them are not apt to introduce a Government as not understanding the good of it so the Many having by trial or experience once attain'd to this understanding agree not to quit such a Government And lastly It had plac'd this Nation in that perfect felicity which so far as concerns mere Prudence is in the power of human nature to injoy To this Queen succeded King JAMES who