And thus the Free-men yielded up their liberty of Election to the Free-holders possibly not knowing what they did nevertheless the Parliament well knew what they did this change was no less good than great For first These times were no times for any great measure of Civility The Preface of the Statute shews That the meanest held himself as good a man as the greatest in the Country and this tended to Parties Tumults and Bloudshed Secondly Where the Multitude prevail the meaner sort are upon the upper hand and these generally ignorant cannot judge of persons nor times but being for the most part led by Faction or Affection rather than by right Understanding make their Elections and thereby the general Council of this Nation less generous and noble Thirdly There is no less equity in the change than policy For what can be more reasonable than that those men onely should have their Votes in Election of the Common-Council of the Kindom whose Estates are chargeable with the publick Taxes and Assessments and with the Wages of those persons that are chosen for the publick Service But above all the rest this advancing of the Free-holders in this manner of Election was beneficial to the Free-men of England although perchance they considered not thereof and this will more clearly appear in the consideration of these three particulars First It abated the power of the Lords and great Men who held the inferiour sort at their Devotion and much of what they had by their Vote Secondly It rendred the Body of the People more brave for the advancing of the Free-holder above the Free-man raiseth the spirit of the meaner sort to publick regards and under a kind of Ambition to aspire unto the degree of a Free-holder that they may be somewhat in the Commonwealth And thus leaving the meanest rank sifted to the very bran they become less considerable and more subject to the Coercive power whilst in the mean time the Free-holder now advanced unto the degree of a Yeoman becomes no less careful to maintain correspondency with the Laws than he was industrious in the attaining of his degree Thirdly But this means now the Law makes a separation of the inferiour Clergie and Cloistered people from this service wherein they might serve particular ends much but Rome much more For nothing appeareth but that these dead persons in Law were nevertheless Free-men in Fact and lost not the liberty of their Birth-right by entring into Religion to become thereby either Bond or no Free Members of the people of England Lastly As a binding Plaister above the rest First a Negative Law is made that the persons elected in the County must not be of the degree of a Yeoman but of the most noted Knights Esquires or Gentlemen of the County which tacitly implies that it was too common to advance those of the meaner sort Whether by reason of the former wasting times Knights and Esquires were grown scant in number or by reason of their rudeness in account or it may be the Yeomanry grew now to feel their strength and meant not to be further Underlings to the great Men than they are to their Feathers to wear them no longer than they will make them brave Secondly the person thus agreed upon his Entertainment must be accordingly and therefore the manner of taxing in full County and levying the rate of Wages for their maintenance is reformed and settled And Lastly their persons are put under the protection of the Law in an especial manner for as their work is full of reflection so formerly they had met with many sad influences for their labour And therefore a penal Law is made against force to be made upon the persons of those Workmen of State either in their going to that Service or attending thereupon making such Delinquents liable to Fine and Imprisonment and double damages And thus however the times were full of Confusions yet a foundation was laid of a more uniform Government in future times than England hitherto had seen CHAP. XV. Of the Custos or Protector Regni KIngs though they have vast Dimensions yet are not infinite nor greater than the bounds of one Kingdom wherein if present they are in all places present if otherwise they are like the Sun gone down and must rule by reflexion as the Moon in the night In a mixt Commonwealth they are integral Members and therefore regularly must act Per deputatum when their persons are absent in another Legialty and cannot act Per se Partly because their Lustre is somewhat eclipsed by another Horizon and partly by common intendment they cannot take notice of things done in their absence It hath therefore been the ancient course of Kings of this Nation to constitute Vice-gerents in their absence giving them several Titles and several Powers according as the necessity of Affairs required Sometimes they are called Lord Warden or Lord Keeper of the Kingdom and have therewith the gegeral power of a King as it was with John Warren Earl of Surrey appointed thereunto by Edward the First who had not onely power to command but to grant and this power extended both to England and Scotland And Peter Gaveston though a Foreigner had the like power given him by Edward the Second over England to the reproach of the English Nobility which also they revenged afterward Sometimes these Vice-gerents are called Lieutenants which seemeth to confer onely the King's power in the Militia as a Lieutenant general in an Army And thus Richard the Second made Edmund Duke of York his Lieutenant of the Kingdom of England to oppose the entry of the Duke of Hertford afterwards called Henry the Fourth into England during the King's absence in Ireland And in the mean while the other part of the Royalty which concerned the Revenues of the Crown was betrusted to the Earl of Wiltshire Sir John Bush Sir James Baggot and Sir Henry Green unto whom men say The King put his Kingdom to farm But more ordinarily the Kings power was delegated unto one under both the Titles of Lord Guardian of the Kingdom and Lieutenant within the same such was the Title of Henry Lacy Earl of Lincoln and of Gilbert de Clare Earl of Gloucester and of Audomar de Valentia Earl of Pembrooke all of them at several times so constituted by Edward the Second as by the Patent-Rolls appeareth So likewise did Edward the Third make his Brother John of Eltham twice and the Black Prince thrice and Lionel Duke of Clarence and his Brother Thomas each of them once in the several passages of Edward the Third beyond the Sea in the third fifth twelfth fourteenth sixteenth nineteenth and thirty third years of his Reign concerning which see the Patent-Rolls of those years And Henry the Fifth gave likewise the same Title and Authority to the Duke of Bedford upon the King's Voyage into France and afterward that Duke being sent over to second the King
Peace for whilst Henry the Sixth was in France which was in his Tenth year from St. George's day till February following the Scots propound terms of Peace to the Duke of Gloucester he being then Custos Regni which he referred to the Order of the Parliament by whom it was determined and the Peace concluded in the absence of the King and was holden as good and effectual by both Kingdoms as if the King had been personally present in his full capacity CHAP. XXIII A Survey of the Reigns of Edward the Fourth Edward the Fifth and Richard the Third THe Reign of Henry the Sixth was for the most part in the former parts of it like Fire buried up in the Ashes and in the latter parts breaking out into a Flame In the heat whereof the Duke of York after Fealty given by him to Henry the Sixth and Dispensation gotten from the Pope to break his Faith lost his life and left his Son the Markgrave to pursue his Title to the Crown which he claimed by Inheritance but more especially by Act of Parliament made upon the agreement between Henry the Sixth and his Father This was Edward the Fourth who nevertheless reserved himself to the Election of the Lords and was by them received and commended to the Commons in the Field By which means he gaining the possession had also encouragement to maintain the same yet never held himself a King of full Age so long as Henry the Sixth lived which was the one half of his Reign Nor did he though he held many Parliaments scarce reach higher than at reforming of Trade which was a Theam well pleasing to the people next unto their Peace which also the King carefully regarded For although he had been a Souldier of good experience and therewith successful yet as one loath to trust too far either the constancy of the people of his own Opinion or the fortune of War with his neighbouring Princes he did much by brave countenance and discourse and yet gained repute to the English for valour after the dishonourable times of Henry the Sixth He had much to do with a wise King of France that knew how to lay out three or four calm words at any time to save the adventure of his peoples bloud and make a shew of money to purchase the peaceable holding of that which was his onely by force until the wind proved more fair to bring all that continent under one head In his Government at home he met with many cross Gales occasioned principally by his own rashness and neglect of the Earl of Warwick's approved friendship which he had turned into professed enmity and so weakned his own cause thereby that he was once under water his Kingdom disposed of by new intail upon the Heirs of Duke Clarence and so the Earl of Warwick remained constant to the House of York though this particular King was set aside Nor did he in all this gain any thing but a Wife who though his Subject and none of the greatest Family neither brought any interest unto her Lord and Husband amongst Foreign Princes brought nevertheless a Pearl which was beyond all which was the purchase of the Union between the two Houses of York and Lancaster and a peaceable succession in the Throne for a long while to come It must be granted that there fell therewith an unhappy inconvenience in the raising of a new Nobility of the Queens Kindred of whom the ancient Stock of Nobility thought scorn and yet they were so considerable as to be envied A Wound hard to be cured and yet easily avoided by such as know how to deny themselves And therefore can be no prejudice unto that conclusion That for an English King to marry his own Subject is more safe for the King and beneficial for the Kingdom than to marry a Stranger But Edward the Fourth did not long lie underneath upon the next fair Gale he comes from beyond the Sea and like his first Predecessor of the House of Lancaster claims onely his Dutchy which no man could in reason deny to be his right and therefore were the sooner engaged with him in that accoust This was an act that in the first undertaking seemed modest but when it was done appeared too bold to adventure it upon the Censure of Henry the Sixth and therefore they were not more ready to engage than slack to dis-engage till they were secure in the Kings Interest which not long after ensued by the death of Henry the Sixth Thus Edward the Fourth recovered the Crown to save his Dutchy His Government was not suitable for he came in by the People but endeavoured to uphold himself by Foreign Dependencies as if he desired to spread his Roots rather wide than deep How ill this Choice was the event shewed for Plants that root wide may be strong enough against an outward Storm but they soon grow old barren and rot irrecoverably from beneath Such was the end of this mans Government himself lived and died a King and left Issue both Male and Female the one tasted the Government the other kissed it but neither of them ever enjoyed further than a bare Title Nor was the Government of Edward the Fourth so secured by the Engagements of Foreigners for as he sought to delude so he was deluded both by Burgundy and Scotland to the prejudice of all three Towards his own people his carriage was not so much by Law as by Leave for he could fetch a course out of the old way of rule satisfie himself dissatisfie others and yet never was called to account What was done by Entreaty no man could blame and where Entreaties are countenanced by Power no man durst contradict Thanks to his Fate that had brought him upon a People tired by Wars scared by his success and loth to adventure much for the House of Lancaster in which no courage was left to adventure for it self The greatest errour of his way was in the matter of Revenue the former times had been unhappy in respect of good Husbandry and Edward the Fourth was no man to gather heaps His occasions conduced rather to diffuse and his mind generally led the way thereto so as it is the less wonder if he called more for accommodations than the ordinary Treasury of the Crown could supply Hereto therefore he used expedients which in his former times were more moderate for whilst Henry the Sixth lived he did but borrow by Privy Seal and take Tunnage and Poundage by way of hire Afterwards when no Star appeared but what was enlightned from his own Sun he was more plain and tried a new trick called Benevolence Unwelcome it was not onely in regard of its own nature but much more in the end for it was to serve the Duke of Burgundy in raising a War against France in the first view but in the conclusion to serve his own Purse both from Friends and Foes And yet this also passed without much
cases and of the Writ de cautione admittenda Persons cited and making default may be interdicted and the King's Officer shall compel him to obey If the King's Officer make default he shall be amerced and then the party interdicted may be excommunicated So as the Process in the Spiritual Courts was to be regulated according to Law. Nor did it lie in the power of such Courts to order their own way or scatter the censure of Excommunication according to their own liking This together with all those that forego the Arch-bishop upon his repentance absolutely withstood although he had twice consented and once subscribed to them having also received some kind of allowance thereof even from Rome it self Clergy-men holding per Baroniam shall do such services as to their Tenure belong and shall assist in the King's Court till judgement of Life or Member Two things are hereby manifest First that notwithstanding the Conquerour's Law formerly mentioned Bishops still sate as Judges in the King's Courts as they had done in the Saxon times but it was upon causes that merely concerned the Laity so as the Law of the Conquerour extended onely to separate the Laity out of the Spiritual-Courts and not the Clergie out of the Lay-Courts Secondly that the Clergie especially those of the greater sort questioned their services due by Tenure as if they intended neither Lord nor King but the Pope onely Doubtless the use of Tenures in those times was of infinite consequence to the peace of the Kingdom and government of these Kings whenas by these principally not onely all degrees were united and made dependant from the Lord paramount to the Tenant peravale but especially the Clergie with the Laity upon the Crown without which a strange metamorphosis in Government must needs have ensued beyond the shape of any reasonable conceit the one half almost of the people in England being absolutely put under the Dominion of a foreign power Sanctuary shall not protect forfeited Goods nor Clerks convicted or confessed This was Law but violence did both now and afterwards much obliterate it Churches holden of the King shall not be aliened without License It was an ancient Law of the Saxons that no Tenements holden by service could be aliened without License or consent of the Lord because of the Allegiance between Lord and Tenant Now there was no question but that Churches might lie in Tenure as well as other Tenements but the strife was by the Church-men to hold their Tenements free from all humane service which the King withstood Sons of the Laity shall not be admitted into a Monastery without the Lord's consent Upon the same ground with the former for the Lord had not onely right in his Tenant which could not be aliened without his consent but also a right in his Tenant's Children in regard they in time might by descent become his Tenants and so lie under the same ground of Law For although this be no alienation by legal purchase yet it is in nature of the same relation for he that is in a Monastery is dead to all worldly affairs These then are the rights that the King claimed and the Clergy disclaimed at the first although upon more sober consideration they generally consented unto the five last But their Captain-Archbishop Becket withstood the rest which cost him his life in the conclusion with this honourable testimony that his death Sampson-like effected more than his life For the main thing of all the rest the Pope gained to be friends for the loss of so great a stickler in the Church-affairs as Becket was In this Tragedy the Pope observing how the English Bishops had forsaken their Archbishops espied a muse through which all the game of the Popedom might soon escape and the Pope be left to sit upon Thorns in regard of his Authority here in England For let the Metropolitan of all England be a sworn servant to the Metropolitan of the Christian World and the rest of the English Bishops not concur it will make the Tripple Crown at the best but double Alexander the Pope therefore meaned not to trust their fair natures any longer but puts an Oath upon every English Bishop to take before their consecration whereby he became bound 1. To absolute allegiance to the Pope and Romish Church 2. Not to further by deed or consent any prejudice to them 3. To conceal their Counsels 4. To aid the Roman Papacy against all persons 5. To assist the Roman Legat. 6. To come to Synods upon Summons 7. To visit Rome once every three years 8. Not to sell any part of their Bishoprick without consent of the Pope And thus the English Bishops that formerly did but regard Rome now give their Estates Bodies and Souls unto her service that which remains the King of England may keep And well it was that it was not worse considering that the King had vowed perpetual enmity against the Pope But he wisely perceiving that the King's spirit would up again having thus gotten the main battle durst not adventure upon the King's rear lest he might turn head and so he let the King come off with the loss of Appeals and an order to annul the customs that by him were brought in against the Church which in truth were none This was too much for so brave a King as Henry the second to lose the scare-crow-power of Rome yet it befel him as many great spirits that favour prevails more with them than fear or power For being towards his last times worn with grief at his unnatural Sons a shadow of the kindness of the Pope's Legat unto him won that which the Clergy could never formerly wrest from him in these particulars granted by him that No Clerk shall answer in the Lay-courts but onely for the Forest and their Lay-fee This savoured more of courtesie than Justice and therefore we find not that the same did thrive nor did continue long in force as a Law although the claim thereof lasted Vacancies shall not be holden in the King's hand above one year unless upon case of necessity This seemeth to pass somewhat from the Crown but lost it nothing for if the Clergy accepted of this grant they thereby allow the Crown a right to make it and a liberty to determine its own right or continuing the same by being sole Judge of the necessity Killers of Clerks convicted shall be punished in the Bishops presence by the King's Justice In the licentious times of King Steven wherein the Clergy played Rex they grew so unruly that in a short time they had committed above a Hundred murthers To prevent this evil the King loth to enter the List with the Clergy about too many matters let loose the Law of feud for the friends of the party slain to take revenge and this cost the bloud of many Clerks The Laity haply being more industrious therein than otherwise they would have been
Circuit had six Justices which the King made Justices of the Common pleas throughout the Kingdom Neither yet did the first Commission continue so long as four years for within that time Richard Lucy one of the Justices had renounced his Office and betaken himself to a Cloister and yet was neither named in the first Commission nor in the latter nor did the last Commission continue five years for within that time Ralph Glanvil removed from the Northern Circuit to that of Worcester as by the story of Sir Gilbert Plumpton may appear though little to the honour of the justice of the Kingdom or of that Judge however his book commended him to posterity I take it upon the credit of the reporter that this itinerary judicature was setled to hold every Seven years but I find no monument thereof before these days As touching their power certainly it was in point of judicature as large as that of the Court of Lords though not so high It was as large because they had cognizance of all Causes both concerning the Crown and Common-pleas And amongst those of the Crown this onely I shall note that all manner of falshood was inquirable by those Judges which after came to be much invaded by the Clergie I shall say no more of this but that in their original these Iters were little other than visitations of the Country by the grand Council of Lords Nor shall I adde any thing concerning the Vicontiel Courts and other inferiour but what I find in Glanvil that though Robbery belonged to the King's Court yet Thefts belonged to the Sheriff's Court and if the Lords Court intercepts not all batteries and woundings unless in the complaint they be charged to be done contra pacem Domini Regis the like also of inferiour Trespasses besides Common-pleas whereof more shall follow in the next Chapter as occasion shall be CHAP. LXII Of certain Laws of Judicature in the time of Henry the second ANd hereof I shall note onely a few as well touching matter of the Crown as of property being desirous to observe the changes of Law with the times and the manner of the growth thereof to that pitch which in these times it hath attained We cannot find in any story that the Saxon Church was infested with any Heresie from their first entrance till this present Generation The first and last Heresie that ever troubled this Island was imbred by Pelagius but that was amongst the Britains and was first battered by the Council or Synod under Germanus but afterwards suppressed by the Zeal of the Saxons who liked nothing of the British breed and for whose sake it suffered more haply than for the foulness of the opinion The Saxon Church leavened from Rome for the space of above five hundred years held on its course without any intermission by cross Doctrine springing up till the time of Henry the second Then entred a Sect whom they called Publicans but were the Albigences as may appear by the decree of Pope Alexander whose opinions I shall not trouble my course with but it seems they were such as crossed their way and Henry the second made the first president of punishing Heresie in the Kingdom under the name of this Sect whom he caused to be brought before a Council of Bishops who endeavoured to convince them of their errour but failing therein they pronounced them Hereticks and delivered them over to the Lay power by which means they were branded in the fore-head whipped and exposed to extremity of the cold according to the decree of the Church died This was the manner and punishment of Hereticks in this Kingdom in those days albeit in seemeth they were then decreed to be burnt in other Countries if that Relation of Cog shall be true which Picardus noteth upon the 13th Chapter of the History of William of Newberry out of which I have inserted this Relation Another Case we meet with in Henry the second 's time concerning Apostacy which was a Crime that as it seems died as soon as it was born for besides that one we find no second thereto in all the file of English story The particular was that a Clerk had renounced his Baptism and turned Jew and for this was convicted by a Council of Bishops at Oxford and was burned So as we have Apostacy punished with death and Heresie with a punishment that proved mortal and the manner of conviction of both by a Council of the Clergie and delivered over to the Lay-power who certainly proceeded according to the direction of the Canon or advice of the Council These if no more were sufficient to demonstrate the growing power of the Clergie however brave the King was against all his Enemies in the field Treason was anciently used onely as a Crime of breach of Trust or Fealty as hath been already noted now it grows into a sadder temper and is made all one with that of laesa Majestas and that Majesty that now-a-days is wrapped up wholly in the person of the King was in Henry the second 's time imparted to the King and Kingdom as in the first times it was more related to the Kingdom And therefore Glanvil in his book of Laws speaking of the Wound of Majesty exemplifies Sedition and destruction of the Kingdom to be in equal degree a Wound of Majesty with the destruction of the person of the King and then he nameth Sedition in the Army and fraudulent conversion of Treasure-trove which properly belongs to the King. All which he saith are punished with Death and forfeiture of Estate and corruption of Bloud for so I take the meaning of the words in relation to what ensueth Felonies of Manslaughter Burning Robbery Ravishment and Fausonry are to be punished with loss of Member and Estate This was the Law derived from the Normans and accordingly was the direction in the Charge given to the Justices itinerant in Henry the second 's time as appeareth in Hoveden But Treason or Treachery against the Oath Fealty or Bond of Allegiance as of the Servants against the Lord was punished with certain and with painful deaths And therefore though the murther of the King was Treason yet the murther of his Son was no other than as of another man unless it arose from those of his own Servants The penalty of loss of Estate was common both to Treason and Felony it reached even unto Thefts in which case the forfeiture as to the Moveables was to the Sheriff of the County unto whose cognizance the case did belong and the Land went to the Lord immediately and not to the King. But in all cases of Felony and of a higher nature the party though not the King's Tenant lost his personal Estate to the King for ever his Free-holds also for a year and a day after which they returned to the Lord of the Soil by way of Escheat
It seemeth also that the loss not onely of Chattels and Goods but also of Lands c. extended to Outlawries I conceive in case of Felony and the King's Pardon in such case could not bind the Lord's right of Escheat although it might discharge the Goods and the year and day whereunto the King was entitled which case alone sufficiently declareth what power Kings had in the Estates of their Subjects Manslaughter made not bailable This was Law in Henry the second 's time although it crossed the Norman Law and questionless it was upon good ground for the times now were not as those in the Conquerour's times when shedding of Bloud was accounted Valour and in most cases in order to the publick service And now it seems it was a growing evil and that cried so loud as though in case of Treason bail might be allowed yet not in this case ubi ad terrorem aliter statutum est saith the Author Robbers shall be committed to the Sheriff or in his absence to the next Castelane who shall deliver him to the Sheriff And the Justices shall do right to them and unto Trespassers upon Land. By the Conquerour's Law these Offenders were bailable and I conceive this was no Repeal thereof and the rather because Glanvil alloweth of Pledges in all cases except Manslaughter yea in those Crimes that did wound Majesty it self although they concern the destruction of the King's person or Sedition in the Kingdom or Army thereof The Justices herein mentioned were intended to be the Justices itinerant and the Trespasses upon Land are meant such as are contra pacem Domini Regis as riotous and forcible Entries for some Trespasses were against the peace of the Sheriff as formerly hath been observed Fauxonry is of several degrees or kinds some against the King others against other men and of those against the King some are punished as Wounds of Majesty as falsifying the King's Charter and whether falsifying of Money were in that condition or not I leave or falsifying of Measures yet more inferiour I cannot determine but it is clear by Glanvil that falsifying of the Deed of a private person was of smaller consideration and at the utmost deserved but loss of Member Inheritances may not be aliened Inheritances were in those times of Lands or Goods for it was the custom then that the personal Estate the Debts deducted was divisible into three parts one whereof belonged in right to the Wife as her reasonable part the other to the Heir and a third to the Testator to make his Will of them and of the other two parts he could not dispose by Will. Concerning Lands it was regularly true that no man could alien his whole Inheritance to the disherisin of his Heir either by Act in his life-time or any part thereof by his last Will without the concurrence of the Heir But of purchased Lands he may give part by Act executed in his life-time though he have no Lands by inheritance and if he hath no Issue then he may alien all And where a man hath Lands by inheritance and also by purchase he may alien all his purchased Lands as he pleaseth If the Lands be holden in Gavel-kind no more of the Inheritance can be conveyed to any of the Children than their proportionable parts will amount unto This Law of Inheritance was divers according to the Tenure for the Lands in Knights-service always descended to the Heir but such as were holden in Socage passed according to the custom either to the eldest or to the youngest or to all equally And thus stood the general state of Inheritance from the Normans time hitherto seeming somewhat too strait for the Free men that by Law of Property might challenge a power to do with their own as they pleased But the Normans saw a double prejudice herein the first was the danger of ruine of many of their Families who now ingrafted into the English stock and yet not fully one might expect a late check to their preferments from the Saxon Parents after a long and fair semblance made of their good Will. The second prejudice was the decay of their Militia which was maintained by Riches more than by multitude of men partly because that rich men are most fearful of offending and therefore ordinarily are most serviceable both with their Bodies and Estates against publick dangers and partly because by their Friends and Allies they bring more aid unto the publick by engaging them in the common Cause that otherwise might prove unsensible of the condition of their Country The Heir of a Free-man shall by descent be in such seisin as his Ancestor had at the time of his death doing service and paying relief and shall have his Chattels If the Heir be under age the Lord shall have the Wardship for the due time and the Wife her Dower and part of the Goods If the Lord with-hold seisin the King's Justice shall try the matter by twelve men The first of these branches is declaratory of a ground of common Law but being applied to the last is an introduction of a new Law of tryal of the Heir 's Right by Assize of Mortdancester where formerly no remedy was left to the Heir but a Writ of Right If these three branches be particularly observed they speak of three sorts of Heirs of Tenants by Knight-service viz. such as are Majors or of full age and such as are Minors or under age and such as are of a doubtful age Those that are of full age at the death of their Ancestors may possess the Lands descended and the Lord may not disseize him thereof but may be resisted by the Heir in the maintenance of his possession so as he be ready to pay Relief and do service that is due and if the Lord expel him he shall have remedy by Assize Those Heirs that are Minors shall be under the Lord's guardianship till they come to one and twenty years The Heirs of such as hold by Socage are said to be at full age at fifteen years because at that age they were thought able to do that service but the Sons of Burgesses are then said to be of full age when they have ability to manage their Father's Calling such as telling of Money measuring of Cloath and the like yet doth not Glanvil or any other say that these were their full age to all purposes albeit that some Burroughs at this day hold the last in custom to all intents whatsoever The last branch provideth the remedy to recover to the Heir his possession in case it be detained either through doubtfulness of age of the Heir or his Title and it directs the Issue to be tryed by twelve men This tryal some have thought to be of Glanvil's invention and it may well be that this tryal of this matter as thus set down was directed by him yet he useth often in his book the word solet and in his Preface
saith That he will set down frequentius usitata and it is past question but that the tryal by twelve men was much more ancient as hath been already noted One thing more yet remaineth concerning the Widow of the Tenant whose Dower is not onely provided for but her reasonable part of her Husband 's personal Estate The original hereof was from the Normans and it was as popular as that of Wardships was Regal and so they made the English women as sure to them as they were sure of their Children The Justices shall by Assize try Disseisins done since the King 's coming over Sea next after the peace made between him and his Son. This is called the Assize of Novel disseisin or of disseisins lately made It seems that the limitation was set for the Justices sake who now were appointed to that work which formerly belonged to the County-courts and to prevent intrenchments of Courts a limitation was determined although the copy seemeth to be mistaken for the limitation in the Writ is from the King 's last Voyage or going into Normandy Justices shall do right upon the King 's Writ for half a Knights Fee and under unless in cases of difficulty which are to be referred to the King. The Justices itinerant ended the smaller matters in their Circuits the other were reserved to the King in his Bench. Justices shall enquire of Escheats Lands Churches and Women in the King's gift And of Castle-guard who how much and where So as the Judges itinerant had the work of Escheators and made their Circuits serve as well for the King's profit as justice to the Subjects They used also to take Fealty of the people to the King at one certain time of the year and to demand Homage also These matters of the King's Exchequer made the presence of the Judges less acceptable and it may be occasioned some kind of oppression And as touching Castle-guard it was a Tenure in great use in these bloody times and yet it seemeth they used to take Rent instead of the personal service else had that enquiry how much been improper Of a Tenants holding and of several Lords That one man may hold several Lands of several Lords and so owe service to them all is so common as nothing can be more nevertheless it will not be altogether out of the way to touch somewhat upon the nature of this mutual relation between Lord and Tenant in general that the true nature of the diversity may more fully appear The foundation or subject of service was a piece of Land or other Tenement at the first given by the Lord to the Tenant in affirmance of a stipulation between them presupposed by the giving and receiving whereof the Tenant undertook to peform service to the Lord and the Lord undertook protection of the Tenant in his right to that Tenement The service was first by service solemnly bound either by Oath which the Lord or his Deputy by the Common-Law hath power to administer as in the case of Fealty in which the Tenant bound himself to be true to the honour and safety of his Lords person and to perform the service due to the Lord for the Tenement so given or otherwise by the Tenants humble acknowledgment and promise not only to perform the services due but even to be devoted to the Lords service to honour him and to adventure limb and life and be true and faithful to the Lord. This is called Homage from those words I become your man Sir and yet promiseth upon the matter no more but fealty in a deeper complement albeit there be difference in the adjuncts belonging to eách For though it be true that by promise of being the Lord's man a general service may seem to be implied yet in regard that it is upon occasion only of that present Tenure it seemeth to me that it is to be restrained only to those particular services which belong to that Tenement and therefore if that Tenement be holden in Socage although the Tenant be bound to homage yet that homage ties not the Tenant to the service of a Knight nor contrarily doth the homage of a Tenant in Knight-service tie him to that of Socage upon the command of his Lord though he professeth himself to be his man. Nor doth the Tenant's homage bind him against all men nor ad semper for in case he holdeth of two or divers Lords by homage for several Tenements and these two Lords be in War one against the other the Tenant must serve his chief Lord of whom the Capital house is holden or that Lord which was his by priority who may be called the chief Lord because having first received homage he received it absolutely from his Tenant with a saving of the Tenant's Faith made to other Lords and to the King who in order to the publick had power to command a Tenant into War against his own Lord. If therefore he be commanded by the King in such cases unto War he need not question the point of forfeiture but if he be commanded by a chief of his other Lords into War against a party in which another of his Lords is engaged his safest way is to enter upon the work because of his Allegiance to that Lord yet with a salvo of his fealty to that other Lord. But in all ordinary cases Tenants and Lords must have regard to their stipulation for otherwise if either break the other is discharged for ever and if the fault be in the Tenant his Tenement escheats to his Lord and if the Lord fail he loses his Tenure and the Tenant might thenceforth disclaim and hold over for ever Nevertheless the Lords had two Priviledges by common custom belonging to their Tenures which although not mentioned in the stipulation were yet more valuable than all the rest the one concerning matter of profit the other of power That of profit consisted in aids and relief The aids were of three kinds one to make the Lords eldest Son Knight the other to marry his eldest Daughter the third to help him to pay a relief to his Lord Paramount which in my opinion sounds as much as if the Tenants were bound by their Tenures to aid their Lord in all cases of extraordinary charge saving that the Lord could not distrain his Tenant for aid to his War and this according to the Lords discretion for Glanvil saith that the Law determined nothing concerning the quantity or value of these aids These were the Norman ways and savoured so much of Lordship that within that age they were regulated But that of reliefs was an ancient sacrifice as of first-fruits of the Tenement to the Lord in memorial of the first Lords favour in conferring that Tenement and it was first setled in the Saxons time The Lords Priviledge of power extended so far as to distrain his Tenants into his own Court to answer to himself in all causes that concerned his
Fathers government Nor did he onely follow the counsels of others herein but even at such times as their counsels crossed he chose those Counsels that suited with the most popular way as is to be seen in the different counsels of the Archbishop of Canterbury and William Briware And yet two things troubled much those times one that they were times of parties the other that the Protector was somewhat too excellent to be a meer servant and it is hard for the English Nobility to endure him to be greater although it may seem reasonable that they that are thought worthy to govern a King should be much more worthy to govern themselves But the Pope put an end to all occasion of question hereabout for by his Brief he declares the King to be sixteen years old and of age to govern himself and therefore all Castles are forthwith to be rendred up into the King's hands This proved the rock of offence whilst some obeyed the Pope and were impugners of those that put more confidence in the Castles than in the Kings good nature Hence first sprang a civil broil thence want of money then a Parliament wherein the Grand Charter of Englands Liberties once more was exchanged for a sum of Money Thus God wheeled about successes But the King having passed over his tame age under the Government of wise Counsellors and by this time beginning to feel liberty it was his hard condition to meet with want of Money and worse to meet with ill Counsellors which served him with ill advice that the Grand Charter would keep him down make him continually poor and in state of pupillage To this giving credit it shaped an Idea in his mind that would never out for forty years after and thus advised he neglects his own engagement defies the Government that by his Royal word and the Kings his predecessors in cool bloud had been setled and that he might do this without check of Conscience he forbad the study of the Law that so it might die without heir and he have all by Escheat This sadded the English and made them drive heavily the King to add more strengh brought in Foraigners and foraign Councils and then all was at stand The Councils were for new ways The great designe was to get money to supply the King's wants and as great a designe was to keep the King in want otherwise it had been easie for those at the helm to have stopped the concourse of Foraigners other than themselves from abroad the confluence of the Queens poorer Allies lavish entertainment profuse rewards cheats from Rome and all in necessitous times But strangers to maintain their own interests must maintain strangeness between the King and his Subjects To supply therefore these necessities all shifts are used as revoking of Charters displacing of Officers and fining them Afforestations with a train of oppressions depending thereon Fines and Amercements corrupt Advancements Loans and many tricks to make rich men offenders especially projects upon the City of London Nevertheless all proved infinitely short of his disbursements so as at times he is necessitated to call Parliaments and let them know his wants At the first the people are sensible and allow supply but after by experience finding themselves hurt by their supplies to the King they grant upon conditions of renewing the power of the Great Charter and many promises pass from the King to that end and after that Oaths and yet no performance This makes the people absolutely deny supplies Then the King pretends Wars in France Wars in Scotland and Wars against the Infidels in the Holy-land whither he is going the people upon such grounds give him aids but finding all but pretences or ill success of such enterprizes they are hardned against supplies of him for the Holy War. Then he seems penitent and pours out new promises sealed with the most solemn execration that is to be found in the Womb of Story and so punctually recorded as if God would have all generations to remember it as the seal of the Covenant between the King of England and his people and therefore I cannot omit it It was done in full Parliament where the Lords Temporal and Spiritual Knights and others of the Clergy all standing with their Tapers burning The King himself also standing with a chearly contenance holding his open hand upon his brest the Archbishop pronounced this Curse ensuing By the authority of God omnipotent of the Son and of the Holy Ghost and of the glorious Mother of God the Virgin Mary and of the blessed Apostles Peter and Paul and of all the other Apostles and of the Holy Martyr and Archbishop Thomas and of all the Martyrs and of the blessed Edward King of England and of all Confessors and Virgins and of all the Saints of God. We Excommunicate and Anathematize and sequester from our holy Mother the Church all those which henceforth knowingly and maliciously shall deprive or spoil Churches of their right And all those that shall by any art or wit rashly violate diminish or change secretly or openly in deed word or counsel by crossing in part or whole those Ecclesiastical liberties or ancient approved customs of the Kingdom especially the Liberties and free Customs which are contained in the Charters of the common Liberties of England and the Forests granted by our Lord the King to the Archbishops Bishops Prelates Earls Barons Knights and Freeholders And all those who have published or being published have observed any thing against them or their Statutes or which have brought in any customs or being brought in have observed and all Writers of Ordinances or Councils or Executioners or such as shall judge by such things All such as are knowingly guilty of any such matters shall ipso facto incur this Sentence such as are ignorantly guilty shall incur the same censure if being admonished he amend not within fifteen days after admonition In the same censure are comprehended all perturbers of the peace of the King and Kingdom for everlasting memory whereof we have hereunto put our Seals And then all throwing down their Tapers extinguished and smoaking they said So let all that shall go against this curse be extinct and stink in Hell. The King all the while continuing in the posture above-mentioned said So God me help I will observe all these things sincerely and faithfully as I am a Man as I am a Christian as I am a Knight as I am a King crowned and anointed If we shall pare away the superstitious ceremonies and consider divine providence we may search into all Histories of all ages and we shall not find a parallel hereunto so seriously composed solemnly pronounced with an Amen from the representative body of the whole Kingdom put in writing under seal preserved to posterity vindicated by God himself in the ruine of so many opposers And yet the dust of time hath almost buried this out of the thoughts of men so as few
with a stiff spirit and a weak mind brought sudden fire into the course of government till it consumed it self in its own flame For this King having newly slipt out of a bondage of wise Government under his Father ran the wild chase after rash desires spending his former time in inordinate love and his latter time upon revengeful anger little inferiour to rage and so in his whole government was scarce his own man. His love was a precedent of a strange nature that commanded him from all the contentments of his Kingdom to serve one man a stranger and prostitute to all manner of licentiousness meerly for some personal endowments It shews that his judgement was weak and his affections strong and in that more weak because he discovered it before he was crowned like some of the weakest of the weaker Sex the birth of whose minds are born assoon as they are conceived and speak assoon as they are born It is true that the bravery of spirit may work after absoluteness in Kings under the colour of some kind of wisdom But it is one thing to rule without Law and another to live without Rule the one dashes against the Law of an English King and may put on the name of Policy but the other destroys the Law of mankind and can bear no better name than of brutish desire All the while Gaveston was in view we find nothing concerning Commonwealth or monument of Parliament saving two Ordinances made by the King and such Lords as suted to the King's way rather than to his wants The first was that de militibus the other de frangentibus prisonam for all the King's labour was to royallize Gaveston into as high a pitch as he could and so to amaze his own eye-sight with contemplating the goodliness of his person So as Gaveston is become the Image of the King and presents his beams and influence into all parts of the Kingdom and according to his Aspect they often change and wane and yet at the best were but as in a misty night The Barons liked not this condition of State-Idolatry they were willing to adore the King but they could not bow to an Image they desired nothing more than that their King might shine in his proper glory Thrice is Gaveston banished thrice he returns the last occasioned another Civil War wherein Gaveston lost his head Thus the Lords removed the Eclipse but little the better thereby they find it a vain labour to compel the Sun to shine by force when it hath no light Though Gaveston be gone the mist of foreign Councils prevail this was bred in the Bloud fed with Bloud and ended in Bloud Through the Glass of foreign Councils all things seem of foreign colour the King to the People and the People to him The King at length begins to see himself undervalued and that it began in himself ventures himself into the Wars with Scotland to win honour goes with much splendour but returns with the greatest blot that ever English King suffered confounded abroad and slighted at home For the bravest men by ill success are lost in common opinion or to speak in a higher strain where God doth not bless man will not The King thus almost annihilated catches hold of Rome fawns on the Clergy passes to them the Ordinances of Articuli Cleri and de prisis bonis Cleri which lost the Free-men no Right although it concluded the Crown And to caress the Commons made the Statute de Vice-comitibus and the City of London likewise by the Statute de Gavelletto But God saw all sorts of men run at riot and sends in upon the Nation Plague Famine and other extraordinary Testimonies of his displeasure even to the wonderment of other Nations and this brought a kind of sobriety into Affairs made all sorts tame and for the present onely prepared them for better times For the King's time of longing again is come and he must have new Play-fellows finds the Spencers or rather was found of them they grow in honour almost beyond the reach of the Nobles but not beyond their envy and are more secure than Gaveston in this that in their first sprouting the King's Council served himself and them to keep in with the Commons by making good Laws such as the Statutes at York of Essoyns Attaints of Jurors Levying of Fines and Estreats into the Exchequer c. all of them promising good Government The Barons nevertheless liked not the Spencers greatness and being by several occasions exasperated joyn in one and occasion a new War The King aided by the Commons who yet thought better of the King than of the Barons whom they saw prejudiced rather out of self-apprehensions than the publick good prevailed against the Barons and made them the first president of death upon the Scaffold Now the Spencers are Lords alone thinking themselves above the reach of the once formidable Barons and the Commons too inferiour for their respect Thus lifted up they take a flight like that of Icarus They had so much of the King's heart as they could not spare any part thereof to the Queen and she being as loth to spare so much for them as they had retired with the Prince to a relief which they brought from beyond Sea and with whom both Lords and Commons joyn The favourites missing of their wonted wings come down faster than they ascended and together with them the King himself all of them irrecoverably Thus favourites instead of Cement between Prince and people becoming rocks of offence bring ruine sometimes to all but always to themselves The King foresaw the storm and thought it safest first to cry truce with the people and come to agreement with them by common consent for the extent of his Prerogative in certain particular cases questionable and this summed up became a Statute for future times to be a ne plus ultra between the King and people The like agreement likewise was concerning services of Tenants to their Lords and an Oath framed to vindicate them from all encroachments And something was done to calm the Clergie for the demolishing of the Templar-Knights but the wound was incurable words are not believed if actions do not succeed nor will Oaths now made to bind Kings Bishops Counsellors of State Sheriffs Mayors Bailiffs or Judges to justice nor directions for regulating of Courts nor Ordinances against false Moneys and Weights nor all of them settle the people but they adhere to the Queen burning with jealousie against the King and both her self and the Lords with rage against the Spencers The King flies and being forsaken of the people the Lords the Clergie his own Son and the Wife of his own bosom and of God himself as the most absolute abject that ever swayed the Scepter lost the same and being made a monument of Gods revenge upon inordinate desires in a King and of the English people being enraged not long surviving his
daring Spirits yet do we not meet with a whisper in story of any turbulent or aspiring humour in them or the people during those tenderer times of that King's Reign But after that he came to know more in himself than was to be found and to outreach his abilities having some of the Lords ready at his Elbow to help him these changed the King's course although the general part of that noble Band kept still their Array and retaining the body of the people in due composure thereby declared themselves to be the King's Friends though the others were Richard's Favourites so as he was fain to stoop to occasion and submit to be a King that would have otherwise been more or less And thus the Lords were become Supporters to the Crown Studds to the Throne and a Reserve to the People against the violent motions of an unbridled mind in their King who seeing them so united and endeavouring to break them into parties to obtain his desire lost both it and himself It is a degree of cleanly modesty to impute the miscarriages of unruly Kings to their Council For however during their minority Counsellors are more rightly Officers of State yet when Kings will be their own men their Counsellors are no other than the breath of the King 's own breast and by which a King may be more truly discerned than any man by his Bosom-friends Edward the Third was a man of a publick Spirit and had a Council suitable to his aim Richard the Second a man that desired what him pleased would have what he desired and a Council he had that served him in all For God answers the desires of mens hearts in Judgement as well as in Mercy and a sore Judgement it is both to King and People when the corrupt desires of the King are backed by a flattering Council It must be granted that the Privy Council of Kings hath been an old Ginn of State that at a sudden lift could do much to the furthering of the present estate of publick Affairs Nevertheless through the Riot of Kings their designes generally tended to make more work for the Parliament than to dispatch to do much rather than well like works for sale rather than for Master-piece and sometimes to undermine yea to out-face the Parliament it self like some unruly Servants that will put away their own Masters Nor can it otherwise be expected unless the King 's elected ones be turned into the Parliaments Committee or that constant annual Inquisition by Parliament be made into their actions for occasional inquiries breed ill blood though no attainder be nor are they easily undertaken whereas constancy in such cases makes the worst to be resolved but into a matter of common course The natural and original power of the Privy-Council is very obscure because there are several degrees of them that occasionally have been used all of whom may deserve the name of Privy-Council in regard of the Parliament which is the most publick Council of all the rest and always hath a general interest in all Causes in the Kingdom The first of these is that which was called The Grand Council of the King which as I think was not the House of Lords who are called by Summons and were onely to attend during the Parliament but a body made up of them and other wise men of his own Retinue And of this it seems there was a constant body framed that were sworn to that service for some in these times were sworn both of the Grand Council and the Privy-Council and so entred upon Record The second of these Councils was also a great Council and probably greater than the other but this was called onely upon occasion and consisted of all sorts like a Parliament yet was none An example whereof we have in the Ordinances concerning the Staple which at the first were made by the King Prelates Dukes Earls Lords and Great men of the Kingdom one out of every County City and Burrough called together for that end their results were but as in point of trial for six Moneths space and then were turned into Statute-law by the Parliament These two are Magna Concilia yet without power further than as for advice because they had no ancient foundation nor constant continuance Another Council remaineth more private than the other of more continual use though not so legally founded and this is called the King's Privy-Council not taking up a whole House but onely a Chamber or a Table signifying rather communication of Advice than power of Judicature which more properly is in Banco And yet the power of this grew as virile and Royal as it would acknowledge no Peer but the Parliament and usurped the representative of it as that had been of the whole Kingdom The ambition thereof hath ever been great and in this most notoriously evident that as it had swallowed up the Grand Council of Lords it seldom can endure the mention of a Parliament but when Kings or Affairs are too rugged for their own touch The Platform of their power you may behold in this their Oath 1. That well and lawfully they shall counsel the King according to their best care and power and keep well and lawfully his Counsels 2. That none of them shall accuse each other of any thing which he had spoken in Council 3. And that their lawful Power Aid and Counsel they shall with their utmost diligence apply to the King 's Rights 4. And the Crown to guard and maintain save and to keep off from it where they can without doing wrong 5. And where they shall know of the things belonging to the Crown or the Rights of the King to be concealed intruded upon or substracted they shall reveal the same to the King. 6. And they shall enlarge the Crown so far as lawfully they may and shall not accounsel the King in decreasing the Rights of the Crown so far as they lawfully may 7. And they shall let for no Man neither for love nor hate nor for peace nor strife to do their utmost as far as they can or do understand unto every man in every Estate Right and Reason and in Judgement and doing right shall spare none neither for Riches nor Poverty 8. And shall take of no Man without the King's leave unless Meat or Drink in their Journey 9. And if they be bound by Oath formerly taken so as they cannot perform this without breaking that they shall inform the King and hereafter shall take no such Oaths without the King's consent first had All which in a shorter sum sounds in effect that they must be faithful Counsellors to the King's Person and also to his Crown not to decrease the true Rights but to enlarge them yet all must be done lawfully And Secondly that they shall do right in Judgement to take no Fees nor any other Oath in prejudice of this The first of these concern the publick onely at a distance and yet
ease was contented to look on whilst his Lords Temporal and Spiritual played their prize yet giving his plaudite rather to his Son than his Spiritual Fathers as if led by principles of Nature rather than Religion This was the blossoming part of the Wickliffists but the principal strength was from beneath where the roots spread and fastned exceedingly especially in the South and Eastern parts of this Kingdom To tell of the Vsurpations of the Clergie the Idolatry of their costly Worship the vanity of their Curses c. was exceeding welcome news to an oppressed multitude especially where these things were rightly understood The issue soon manifested it self to the world no Parliament passed without reflections at Prelates Rome or some such thing and not only the persons and practices of these men but even their Laws and Canons were begun to be had in contempt and their Missives slighted And thus these men pretending patronage both from Right drawn from Heaven and derived from men fail in their Evidence unless the people do still believe more than they are able to understand No marvel if Rome be now rowzed and that sort of men that formerly were Wolves in Sheeps cloathing become now red and fiery Dragons taking up a new course of establishing their power by persecution This was a way of power indeed but it is a touchy thing to have to do with fire lest it gets too high It is therefore holden a point of discretion by the Prelates not to meddle with the Lords or the common people the former were too great the latter too many the one sort would not hear the other would not understand the Teachers therefore being the Velites at them they give fire Wickliff their Leader comes on bravely and notwithstanding they all made at him he routs them and in despite of them all comes off fairly and dies in his bed by the course of nature Then an Ordinance is levelled at the rest of the Teachers this was made of an old Canon the nature whereof was to this purpose That upon complaint of the Bishop the King's Writ shall be granted to apprehend Preachers of Heresies Errours and matters of Slander tending to Discord and Dissention between the States of this Realm with their Factors and Abettors and to imprison them till they be acquitted according to the Law of the Church This Law for such it yet appears gives occasion to consider of these particulars viz. The Crime the Delinquents the manner of Inquisition and the Penalty For the first not to trouble my way with Debate about the right of liberty of preaching the matter in fact was that men did publickly Preach without Authority matters of Theology tending as it is said to sow discord and discention so as they are under consideration and censure of the Church-men and Canon-Law in one regard and of the Laws of the Kingdom and Civil Magistrate as disturbers of the peace on the other side And thus the Subjects Liberty is cast into a mysterious cloudy and doubtful posture by matters of Opinion Secondly the persons Delinquent are also left to an indefinite Construction for they are not only Preachers in publick which might be an Order of Men within the Church-cognizance as things then stood in regard it was permitted to the Church to Authorize men to Preach but also their Factors and Abettors words that might comprehend any other person whatsoever according to the passion or discretion of the Church-men Thirdly the manner of this Inquisition must be according to the Canon and then the people are at the Church mens mercy to return complaints against whom they please upon such grounds as they shall think meet The persons that must make this Inquisition by this Law are the Ordinaries or any one of them and for ought appears the same might be done by Pope Council General National Provincial Diocesan or their Delegates according to the Canon although the last precedent that I met with was executed by a Grand Council of Lords and Prelates in the time of Henry the Second But now the Clergie finding the Laity began to swell against the Canon they thought it high time to get the Civil Sword to joyn in the work to be as their Hands to apprehend and Goalers to hold in custody such as they should complain of without any other Legal Conviction Although hereby they not only disclaimed the exercising of their own power of Imprisoning which they by the Canon formerly claimed to have in such cases but also acknowledged to receive their power Judicatory in such cases from the Parliament Thus was this Ordinance levelled as I said but the shot fell short for this Law attained no further perfection than a meer shape and was complained of by the Parliament within few months after its first noise That it was made and published without the Commons consent or knowledge and that the nature thereof was directly contrary to the Liberties of the people and therefore they prayed that it might be repealed and the same was done accordingly although the times have been such as would not suffer the same to come into the publick Book of Statutes in print But whether Statute or no Statute they tell the King plainly That they will not further be bound or justified by the Prelates than they or their Ancestors were anciently used to be and besides that they thought somewhat more which they laid up against future times nor was it long ere they discovered it For a Subsidy being offered to the King by the Laity under a Proviso That the Clergie would grant a Tenth the Clergie took this Articulating of the Commons in snuff and protested that the Laity should not charge them The Commons hereat begin to bid battle to the Temporalties of the Clergie and had not the King been a fast Friend in good earnest unto the Clergie the Laity had won the Field Thus were these times like the motion of the Ballance unto the Church-men sometimes up sometimes down getting somewhat which they formerly had not with less assurance in what they had CHAP. VII Concerning Trade KINGS hitherto had lived upon the main stock improving the same to the utmost penny few of them laid up for the future much less endeavoured to advance the principal for their Successors There had now been Ten Kings of this Nation since the Conquest all of them spending what they had or could get from the people in the maintenance of their Patrimony or their own Lusts if any over-plus was either gained by or saved from the game their Executors might be the better for it their Heirs were not But Edward the Third had a new game to play he must gain his right by his Sword or he must lose it his Spirit was too big to sit still and bear blows and yet pre-advising himself about the poverty of the people and that their patience would be spent soon after their supplies if they continually saw much
faithfully carried on by him that Justice it self could not touch his person unjustice did and he received this reward from his Nephew Henry the Sixth that he died in the dark because the Cause durst not endure the light Now is Henry the Sixth perswaded that he is of full Age he had laid aside his Guardian the Duke of Gloucester but forgetting to sue out his Livery he betakes himself from the Grace of God into the warm Sun as the Proverb is changing the Advice of a faithful experienced wise Counsellour for the Government of an Imperious Woman his Queen who allowed him no more of a King than the very Name and that also she abused to out-face the World. And after she had removed the Duke of Gloucester out of the way undertook the sway of the Kingdom in her own person being a Foreigner neither knowing nor caring for other Law than the Will of a Woman Thus the Glory of the House of Lancaster goes down and now a Star of the House of York appears in the rising and the people look to it The Queen hereat becomes a Souldier and begins the Civil Wars between the two Houses wherein her English party growing wise and weary she prays Aid of Ireland a Nation that like unto Crows ever wants to prey upon the Infirmities of England The Wars continue about sixteen years by â—its wherein the first loss fell to the English party the pretensions being yet onely for good Government Then the Field is quiet for about four years after which the clamour of ill Government revives and together therewith a claim to the Crown by the House of York is avouched Thereupon the Wars grew hot for about four years more and then an ebb of as long Quiet ensues The Tide at last returns and in two years War ends the Quarrel with the death of Fourscore Princes of the Bloud-Royal and of this good man but unhappy King. Unhappy King I say that to purchase his Kingdoms Freedom from a Foreign War sold himself to a Woman and yet lost his Bargain and left it to Observation That a Conscientious man that marries for by-regards never thrives For France espied their advantage they had maintained War with England from the death of Henry the Fifth with various success The Duke of Bedford being Regent for the English for the space of fourteen years mightily sustained the fainting condition of the English Affairs in those parts and having crowned his Master Henry the Sixth in Paris in the ninth year died leaving behind him an honourable Witness even from his Enemies That he was a brave Commander a true Patriot and a faithful Servant to his Lord and Brother Henry the Fifth and to his Son Henry the Sixth But now the Duke of Bedford is dead and though France had concluded a Peace with the English yet they could not forget the smart of their Rod but concluded their Peace upon a Marriage to be had with a Woman of their own bloud and interest And what they could not effect by Arms in thâ—â—r own Field they did upon English ground by a Feminine Spirit which they sent over into England to be their Queen and in one Civil War shedding more English bloud by the English Sword than they could formerly do by all the men of France were revenged upon England to the full at the English-mens own charge For what the English gain by the Sword is commonly lost by Discourse A Kingdom is never more befooled than in the Marriage of their King if the Lady be great she is good enough though as Jezabel she will neither reverence her Husband obey her Lord and King nor regard his people And thus was this Kingdom scourged by a Marriage for the sin of the wise men that building upon a false Foundation advised the King in the breach of Contract with the Earl of Arminiack's Daughter And thus the King also for that hearkning to such Counsel murthered the Duke of Gloucester that had been to him a Father yielded up his Power to his Queen a masterless and proud woman that made him like a broken Idol without use suffered a Recovery of his Crown and Scepter in the Parliament from his own Issue to the Line of York then renewing the War at his Queens beck lost what he had left of his Kingdom Country and Liberty and like the King that forgot the kindness of Jehojada lost his Life by the hand of his Servant CHAP. XIV Of the Parliament during the Reigns of these Kings THe Interest of the Parliament of England is never more predominant than when Kings want Title or Age. The first of these was the Case of Henry the Fourth immediately but of them all in relation to the pretended Law of the Crown but Henry the Sixth had the disadvantage of both whereof in its due place The pretended Law of the Crown of England is to hold by Inheritance with power to dispose of the same in such manner by such means and unto such persons as the King shall please To this it cannot be denied divers Kings had put in their claims by devising their Crown in their last Will but the success must be attributed to some power under God that must be the Executor when all is done and which must in cases of Debate concerning Succession determine the matter by a Law best known to the Judge himself Not much unlike hereunto is the Case of Henry the Fourth who like a Bud putting up in the place of a fading Leaf dismounts his Predecessor First from the peoples regard and after from his Throne which being empty sometimes he pretended the resignation of his Predecessor to him other whiles an obscure Title by descent his Conscience telling him all the while that it was the Sword that wrought the work But when he comes to plead his Title to Foreign Princes by protestation laying aside the mention of them all he justifies upon the unanimous consent of the Parliament and the people in his own onely person And so before all the World confessed the Authority and Power of the Parliament of England in disposing of the Crown in special Cases as a sufficient Bar unto any pretended Right that might arise from the House of Mortimar And yet because he never walks safely that hath an Enemy pursuing him still within reach he bethinks himself not sure enough unless his next Successours follow the dance upon the same foot To this end an Act of Parliament leads the Tune whereby the Crown is granted or confirmed to Henry the Fourth for life and entailed upon his Sons Thomas John and Humphrey by a Petition presented 5 Hen. 4. Thus Henry the Fourth to save his own stake brought his Posterity into the like capacity with himself that they must be Kings or not subsist in the World if the House of York prevails And so he becomes secured against the House of York treading on his heels unless the Parliament of England shall
in the French Wars the Duke of Gloucester obtained the same power and place But Henry the Sixth added a further Title of Protector and Defender of the Kingdom and Church of England this was first given to the Duke of Bedford and afterwards he being made Regent of France it was conferred upon the Duke of Gloucester And towards the latter time of Henry the Sixth it was granted by him to Richard Duke of York This Title carried along with it a power different from that of a King onely in honour and the person so adorned may be said to sway the Scepter but not to wear the Crown And therefore in the minority of Henry the Sixth whenas the Government was ordered by the Parliament and to that end a Protector was made and he well guarded with a Privy Council and they provided with Instructions one of them was That in all matters not to be transacted ordinarily but by the King 's express consent the Privy Council should advise with the Protector But this is not so needful in regard that it concerneth the power of executing of Laws which by right of the liberty of the Subject is the known duty of the Scepter in whose hands soever it is holden And therefore I shall pass to the Legislative Power wherein it is evident that the Protector 's power was no whit inferiour to the King's power For First the Protector Ex Officio by advice of the Council did summon Parliaments by Writs even as the Kings themselves under their own Test and if they did not bear the Royal Assent yet did they direct the same and received Petitions in Parliament to them directed as to Kings and every way supplied the room of a King in order to the perfecting publishing and enforcing of Law to Execution Secondly the Parliaments holden by Protectors and Laws therein made are no whit inferiour to those by the King whether for Honour or Power And therefore if a Parliament be holden by the Lord Warden and sitting the Parliament the King in person shall arrive and be there present neither is the Parliament interrupted thereby nor the power thereof changed at all though the power and place of the Wardenship of the Kingdom doth utterly vanish by the personal access of the King because in all places where the King is subservient to the Kingdom or the Commonwealth the Lord Warden in his absence is conservient unto him being in his stead and not under him for the very place supposeth him as not because not present And this was by a Law declaratively published at such time as Henry the Fifth was Regent of France and therefore by common presumption was likely to have much occasion of residence in that Kingdom aâ—â— it holdeth in equal force with all other Laws of the highest size which is the rather to be noted because it is though under a Protector obligatory to the King and makes his personal presence no more considerable than the presence of his shadow For the King spent three whole years in the French Wars and during that time never saw England where nevertheless in that interim three Parliaments had been holden one by the Duke of Bedford and two by the Duke of Gloucester in the last of which this Law was made And in truth if we look upon this Title of the Kingdoms Guardianship in its bare Lineaments without lights and shadows it will appear little better than a Crown of Feathers worn onely for bravery and in nothing adding to the real ability of the governing part of this Nation Neither were the persons of these Magnificoes so well deserving nor did the Nation expect any such matter from them Edward the First was a wise King and yet in his absence chose Edward the Second to hold that place he being then not above fourteen years of age Afterwards Edward the Second's Queen and the Lords of her party were wise enough in their way and yet they chose Edward the Third to be their Custos Regni then not fourteen years old his Father in the mean time being neither absent from the Kingdom nor deposed but onely dismissed from acting in the administration of the Government Edward the Third follows the same example he first makes his Brother John of Eltham Custos Regni and this he did at two several times once when he was but Eleven years old afterwards when he was about Fourteen Then he made his Son the Black Prince upon several occasions three times Lord-Warden of the Kingdom once he being about Nine years old and again when he was Eleven years old and once when about Fourteen years old Lastly Edward the Third appointed his Son Lionel Duke of Clarence unto this place of Custos Regni when as he was scarce Eight years old all which will appear upon the comparing their Ages with the several Rolls of 25 E. 1. 3 5 12 14 26. 19 E. 3. If therefore the work of a Custos Regni be such as may be as well done by the Infants of Kings as by the wisest Counsellor or most valiant man it is in my opinion manifest that the place is of little other use to this Commonwealth than to serve as an attire to a comely person to make it seem more fair because it is in fashion nor doth it advance the value of a King one grain above what his Personal endowments do deserve Hitherto of the Title and Power the next consideration will be of the original Fountain from whence it is derived wherein the Precedents are clear and plain that ordinarily they are the next and immediate Off-spring of Kings if they be present within the four Seas to be by them enabled by Letters-Patents or Commission But whether present or absent the Parliament when it sate did ever peruse their Authority and if it saw need changed enlarged or abridged both it and them Thus was the Duke of Gloucester made Lord Warden in the time of Henry the Fifth he being then in France in the room of the Duke of Bedford The like also in Henry the Sixth's time when as the King was young for then the Parliament made the Duke of Bedford Lord Warden and added unto that Title the Title of Protector Afterward at the Duke's going over into France they committed that service to the Duke of Gloucester if I forget not the nature of the Roll during the Duke of Bedford's absence and with a Salvo of his right Not unlike hereunto was the course that was taken by the Parliament in these sullen later times of Henry the Sixth whereof more hereafter in the next Paragraph Lastly The limitation of this high power and Title is different according to the occasion for the Guardianship of the Kingdom by common intendment is to endure no longer than the King is absent from the Helm either by voluntary deserting the work or employment in Foreign parts though united they be under the Government of the same King together
from without and in all good ends from above And therefore as a Seal to all the rest it was wisely done by the Parliament to draw the mindes of the Privy Council together and to present them joyntly before God by an Oath obliging themselves to a solemn and constant observance of their instructions and to perievere therein For the unchangeable God can onely stamp a lasting Image upon the mind and bind the same that is so subject to change to an unchangeable Law whereby the people may be made as happy for continuance as for Righteousness and Peace The Privy Council thus setled dressed and girt becomes of high esteem both for Trust and honourable Employment in great matters The Mint is the very Liver of the Nation and was wont to be the chief care of the Parliament it self in all the dimensions thereof Now the Mint is two ways considered viz. either in the value of the Metal and Money or in the Coinage The first of these and things most immediately concurring therewith the Parliament still retains to its own immediate Survey such as are the inhibiting of exportation of Gold and Silver and of melting of Coyn into Plate or Bullion the regulating of the current of Foreign Coyn the reducing of money both Foreign and Domestick imbased by Counterfacture Clipping Washing c. the regulating of Allay of Gold and Silver the regulating Exchange and such like concerning all which the Reader may please to peruse the Statutes 2 H. 4. cap. 5 6 11 13. 4 H. 4. cap. 16. 3 H. 5. Stat 1. 4. cap. 6. 9. cap. 11. and 2 H. 6. cap. 6. The second Consideration touching the Mint concerned the election and government of the Officers touching the Mint and Exchange or the places where they shall be holden which with some other matters of inferiour nature were left to the Order of the Privy Council either with the King or alone in case of the King's absence or disability A second power given to the Privy Council was in point of Trade and Merchandize Formerly they had somewhat to do therein but still the Parliament set out their bounds In Richard the Second's time the people had liberty of Trade in some Commodities by way of Exportation but the Privy Council might restrain them upon inconvenience to the publick Now the same is confirmed and though it concerned Corn onely yet it was a Precedent that led the way to a much larger power in the Trade of the Staple Commodities of this Island to enlarge or straiten it as they though meet And so they became in a fair way to have a principal power over the Revenues and Riches of this Nation But this lasted not long for within ten years these Licenses of Transportation cost the Merchant so much as he could make little gains of all his care and pains and therefore a rule is set to a general allowance of all Transportation of Corn till the price of Wheat came to a Noble and Barley at Three shillings and no longer This being first made Temporary was afterwards made Perpetual and so gave a restraint unto the power of the King and Council But where no positive restraint was made by any Statute the King and Council seemed to have the sole power left unto them to open and shut the passes of Trade as they pleased For whereas the Commodity of Butter and Cheese was made Staple the King and Council had power to stop the sale thereof notwithstanding that the Law gave full liberty to the Subjects to bring all their Staple-Commodities to the Staple Nevertheless this power in the King is not primitive but derived from the Parliament for they had power over the Kings Licenses and Restraints in such cases as by the several Statutes do appear A third power given to the Privy Council was a power of Summons and Process against Delinquents in cases of Riots Extortions Oppressions and grievous Offences The Summons to be by Privy-Seal the Process Proclamations and for Non-appearance Forfeiture if the Delinquent be of the degree of a Lord if of inferiour rank then a Fine or Out-lawry At the first view the Statute hath an ill favoured Aspect as if it raised up a new Court of Judicature but the time is to be considered with the occasion for it was made for the securing of the peace in a turbulent time And besides the Law carrieth along with it two restrictions which puts the right of Cognizance in the Privy Council to the question First It saveth the Jurisdiction of other Courts and provideth further That no matter determinable by the Law of this Realm shall be by this Act determined in other form than after the course of the same Law in the Kings Court having determination of the same which implieth that some kinds of Riots and Extortions are of so high a nature that though determinable in the Kingsâ—Court yet are they to be determined before the Lords In the next place this Law provideth That such offences as are determinable by the Law of the Realm that is by Jury shall still be so tried Secondly If Conviction be upon Confession or by Certificate in case where by reason of parties and partakings Inquisition by Jury cannot be had there the Lords shall immediately determine the same Lastly If the Certificate be traversed then the same shall be tried in the King 's Bench. But there is another Restriction that undoeth all in effect in point of right because what this Law setleth therein it setleth but for seven years and leaveth the Privy Council to the limits of the Common Law for the future In the mean time the Privy Council may be thought terrible and very high both by this Law and the greatness of the Lords Kings Unkles and Kings Brothers are Subjects indeed but of so high a degree that if a little goodness of nature or publick spirit shine in them they soon become the Objects of admiration from the Vulgar and gain more from them by their vicinity than the King can do at a distance For the Commons of England by the fair demeanour of popular great men are soon won out of their very Cloaths and are never more in danger to part with their Liberties than when the Heaven is fair above their heads and the Nobility serve the King and flatter them Nevertheless as I said the season must also be considered of this power thus by this Law contracted for what the Lords gained not by their popularity the Queen did with her power who now mindful of her contemned beauty and opposition from the Duke of Gloucester against her Marriage removes him out of the way gets the reins of Government into her hand and like a Woman drives on in full career The Duke of York and other Lords not liking this gallop endeavour to stop her pace but are all over-born the Duke taken prisoner and doubtless had pledged the
Duke of Gloucester but that the Heir apparent of the House of York steps in to rescue And new troubles arise in Gascoign to put an end to which the Queens party gains and takes the Duke of York's word for his good behaviour gets this Law to pass expecting hereby if not a full settlement at home yet at least a respit to prevent dangers from abroad during the present exigency And thus upon the whole matter the Lords and Privy Council are mounted up by the Commons to their own mischief CHAP. XVII Of the Clergie and Church-Government during these times IT was no new thing in the World for Princes of a wounded Title to go to the Church-men for a Plaister and they are ready enough to sing a Requiem so as they may be the gainers The Princes therefore of the House of Lancaster had offended against common sence if they had not done the like themselves being not onely guilty in their Title but also by a secret Providence drawn into one interest together with the Church-men to support each other For Henry the Fourth and Archbishop Arundel meeting together under one condition of Banishment become Consorts in sufferings and Consorts in honour for Society begotten in trouble is nourished in prosperity by remembrance of mutual kindnesses in a necessitous estate which commonly are the more hearty and more sensible by how much other contentments are more scant But the Archbishop had yet a further advantage upon the Heart of Henry the Fourth though he was no man of power yet he was of great interest exceedingly beloved of the English Clergie and the more for his Banishment-sake Now whatsoever he is or hath is the Kings and the King is his the sweet influence of the Archbishop and the Clergie enters into his very Soul they are his dearly beloved for the great natural love as he says to the World they bear to him what he could he got what he got he gave to the Church Thus the Family of Lancaster becoming a mighty support unto the Clergie Roman as it was they also became as stout maintainers of the crackt Title of that younger House So was fulfilled the old Prophecie of the Oyl given to Henry the First Duke of Lancaster wherewith Henry the Fourth was anointed That Kings anointed with that Oyl should be the Champions of the Church Now for the more particular clearing of this we are to consider the Church absolutely or in relation to the Political Government of the people Concerning the latter many things did befal that were of a different piece to the rest in regard that the Lords for the most part were for the Clergie and they for themselves but the Commons began to be so well savoured with Wickliff's way that they begin to bid defiance at the Clergies self-ends and aims and because they could not reach their Heads they drive home blows at their Legs A Parliament is called and because the King had heard somewhat feared that the people were more learned than was meet for his purpose and that the Parliament should be too wise he therefore will have a Parliament wherein the people should have no more Religion than to believe nor Learning than to understand his Sence nor Wisdom than to take heed of a Negative Vote But it befel otherwise for though it was called the Lack-learning Parliament yet had it skill enough to discern the Clergies inside and Resolution enough to enter a second claim against the Clergies Temporalties and taught the King a Lesson That the least understanding Parliaments are not the best for his purpose For though the wisest Parliaments have the strongest sight and can see further than the King would have them yet they have also so much wisdom as to look to their own skins and commonly are not so venturous as to tell all the world what they know or to act too much of that which they do understand But this Parliament whether wise or unwise spake loud of the Clergies superfluous Riches and the Kings wants are parallel'd therewith and that the Church-men may well spare enough to maintain Fifteen Earls Fifteen hundred Knights Six thousand two hundred Esquires and one hundred Hospitals more than were in his Kingdom This was a strong temptation to a needy and couragious Prince but the Archbishop was at his Elbow The King tells the Commons that the Norman and French Cells were in his Predecessor's time seized under this colour yet the Crown was not the richer thereby he therefore resolves rather to add to than diminish any thing from the maintenance of the Clergie Thus as the King said he did though he made bold with the Keys of St. Peter for he could distinguish between his own Clergie and the Roman The people are herewith put to silence yet harbour sad conceits of the Clergie against a future time which like a hidden fire are not onely preserved but encreased by continual occasions and more principally from the zeal of the Clergie now growing fiery hot against the Lollards For that not onely the people but the Nobles yea some of the Royal Bloud were not altogether estranged from this new old way whether it was sucked from their Grandfather Duke John or from a popular strain of which that House of Lancaster had much experience I determine not These were the Dukes of Bedford and Gloucester Bedford was first at the helm of affairs at home whilst the King acted the Souldiers part in France as ill conceited of by the Clergie as they slighted by him At a Convocation once assembled against the Lollards the Duke sent unto their Assembly his Dwarf as a great Lollard though he was a little man and he returned as he went even as Catholick as any of them all Non tam despectus à Clero quam ipse Clerum despiciens atque eludens This and some other sleights the Clergie liked not they therefore find a way to send him into France to be a reserve to his Brother And in his room steps forth Humphrey Duke of Gloucester that was no less cool for the Roman way than he Henry the Fifth was not more hearty in Romes behalf for although he was loth to interrupt his Conquest abroad with contests at home yet he liked not of advancements from Rome insomuch as perceiving the Bishop of Winchester to aspire to a Cardinals Hat he said That he would as well lay aside his own Crown as allow the Bishop to take the Hat. Nor was he much trusted by the Clergie who were willing he should rather engage in the Wars with France than mind the Proposals of the Commons concerning the Clergies Temporalties which also was renewed in the Parliament in his days Above all as the Lancastrian House loved to look to its own so especially in relation to Rome they were the more jealous by how much it pretended upon them for its favour done to their House And therefore Henry the Fourth the most obliged of all the