from his Fidelity and Industry that Henry at that time lost not the Kingdom of England And Robert failing in the trust reposed in the great Men and fearing to be Excommunicated by Anselm as an Invader made Peace with his Brother and dismissed his Army Florence [4.] Fol. 650. lin 27. of Worcester says as above that very many of the great Men sent for Duke Robert over and promised him the Crown and Kingdom and coming they did some of them adhere to him and others dissembling their Kindness and Affection to him staid with the King But the Bishops Common Soldiers or Stipendiaries and English remained with him being unanimously ready to fight for him The two Brothers are reconciled by the Mediation of Wise Men. The Terms of Peace At which time the Wise Men on both sides consulted together and by their Mediation made Peace between the Brothers on these Conditions That Robert should yearly receive 3000 Marks and that all such as had their (d) In the Latine Honores suos which signifies strictly the Seat and Head of the Earldom or Barony but generally Earldoms Baronies and Honourable Estates Earldoms and Baronies taken from them in England for their Fidelity to the Duke and all those that had the like Estates taken from them in Normandy for their Fidelity to the King should have them again freely without Compositions Ordericus Vitalis gives a third Relation of this Transaction In the year of our Lord [5.] Fol. 785. An. Do. 1101. says he 1101. the Seditious great Men fearing the Magnanimity of King Henry and loving the easiness of Sloathful Duke Robert sent to him that he would suddenly provide a Fleet to transport himself [6.] Ibidem fol. 786. A. that is to say Robert de Belism his two Brothers (e) He was so called because [9.] Malms f. 88. b. n. 30. Rogerus Pictaviensis who he was Domesd in iisdem Comitat. His great Estate he Married a Poictovis Woman and was the same Roger Pictaviensis who in the Conquerors Survey is said to have possessed all the Lands between the Rivers Rible and Mersey in Lancashire and so much more as made 188 Maners in that County 76 in Yorkshire three in Essex 59 in Suffolke 11 in Nottinghamshire seven in Derbyshire 10 in Norfolke 44 in Lincolnshire in all 398. Roger the Poictovin and Arnulph William de Warrenna Earl of Surrey and Walter Giffart Ivo de Grentemaisnil Robert the Son of Ilbert and many others who first privately entred into a Confederacy and then publickly advanced the Dukes Title Anselm the Arch-Bishop and all the Bishops and Abbats and all the Clergy and English adhered to their King as also did Robert Earl of Mellent and others [7.] Ib. 787. B. Aug. 1. In Autumn Robert landed at Portsmouth where he was received of the Nobility who had long since done him Homage The two Brothers remained with their Forces in a [8.] Ibid. fol. 788. A. B. C. Plain some days and there was daily an Intercourse of Messengers between the Noblemen on both sides without effect At length only the two Brothers by consent without any Assistants met between the two Armies and after some Discourse agreed That Robert should quit his Claim to England and release the Homage his Brother had done to him in respect of the Royal Dignity That Henry should yearly pay to him 3000 l. Sterling and render up to him the whole Country of Constance and all he possessed in Normandy except Damfront They also then agreed upon mutual Assistance and that they should resume all their Fathers Lands and Demeasns And lastly That they should equally punish the Fomenters of Discord and Contention on both sides After this Agreement the Duke staid here two Months and then he returned and with him William de Warrenna and others that had lost their Estates in England for his sake Not long after [1.] Ord. Vit. f. 804. C. D. The Duke mediates for the Restitution of the Earldom of Surry to William de Warrenna The King rebukes him for it William de Warrenna made a sad Complaint to the Duke that for his Cause he had lost his Earldom of Surrey of the yearly value of 1000 l. and prevailed with him to come over into England to mediate with the King for the Restitution thereof But moving him in this matter he upbraided him with breach of the Peace for not bringing Publick Traytors to Punishment and not exercising a due severity upon Turncoats telling him he had that very year kindly received Robert de Belesin and given him his Fathers Possessions the Castle of Argentoile the Bishoprick of See's and the Forest of Golfer [2.] Ibidem fol. 805. A. Duke Robert releases the Annual payment of 3000 l. The Earl of Surry is restored To all which was charged upon him the Duke humbly promised amendment and at the Instance of the Queen he released the Annual payment of 3000 l. whereupon the King was reconciled to him renewed the former Peace and restored William de Warrenna to his Earldom who ever after remained faithful to Henry and was numbred among his chiefest Friends After King [3.] Ord. Vit. fol. 787. B. 804. C. Henry had made Peace with his Brother and was confirmed in his Kingdom he began by degrees to punish such Traytors as deserted him and adhered to and invited over Duke Robert He summoned to Trial Robert Mallet Ivo de Grentemaisnil Several Traitors summoned to Trial. Robert de Pontefract the Son of Ilbert Lacey and Robert de Belism the greatest of them all with many others yet not all at once but severally at divers times and after divers ways he impleaded them as guilty of violation of their Faith Some were Fined others lost their Estates Some of them that could not purge themselves of the Crimes wherewith they were charged he condemned in great Sums of Money and from others which he most feared and suspected he took away their Estates and banished them When the mighty Earl [4.] Ibidem fol. 806. A. An. Do. 1102. Robert de Belism summoned to Trial. Robert de Belismo was summoned to the Kings Court there were objected to him forty five Crimes in Words and Deeds committed against the King and his Brother the Duke of Normandy and he was Commanded to Answer openly to every one of them for the King by the space of a year had set Spies upon him who observed and committed to Writing all his oblique Actions He being thus charged asked leave He flies to his Castles as the Custom was to go to Counsel with his Friends and having obtained it knowing he could not purge himself of the Transgressions objected to him in great fear he fled to his Castles while the King with his Barons were expecting his Answer The Kings Serjeant came and informed them that Robert had made his escape The King issues a Proclamation against him to appear He fortifies his Castles
Bishops and Earls I have required him to deliver me the Captive Duke but could not obtain my desire I sent Robert de Belism to him on several Messages he secured him in his Court cast him into Bonds and yet keeps him Prisoner Earl Tedbald is my Vassal and yet by the instigation of his Uncle he riseth up against me and being inflated by his Power and Riches Rebelled and made grievous War against me and my Kingdom and much more to this purpose [6.] Ibidem fol. 859. B. All the French Clergy in this Council justified what he said yet Geofrey Arch-Bishop of Rouen and all the Norman Bishops and Abbats rose up to make his defence and excuse him but could not be heard In this Juncture [7.] Ibid. fol. 863. C. D. Tedbald Earl of Blois reconciles the Noble Normans to King Henry Tedbald Earl of Blois the Kings Nephew made it his business to reconcile all dissenting Persons to the King and brought to him Almaric de Montfort who was received into his favour and restored to the whole Earldom of his Uncle William Eustachius also and Julian his Wife the Kings Natural Daughter were at that time restored to his Grace and their Lands except Breteul which for his faithful Service the King had given to his Kinsman Ralph de Guader in recompence whereof he gave him yearly 200 Marks of Silver in England Hugh de Gournay and Robert de Newburgh with the rest of King Henry's Enemies came in and were graciously received Only Stephen Earl of Albamarle stood out who seeing the King coming against him with an Army by Advice of his Friends humbly satisfied him and thereupon to his own satisfaction was pardoned When this Council was ended in [8.] Ibid. fol. 864. D. 865. A. B. The Pope moves King Henry to restore his Brother Robert and his Son November following the Pope came into Normandy and met King Henry at Gisors to Treat of Peace He told him by the Law of God every Man ought to enjoy his Right and that it was his Desire and the Request of the Council that he should free Robert his Brother from his Bonds and restore him and his Son William to the Dukedom He [9.] Ibidem C. D. His Answer to the Pope Answers the Pope that he did not take the Dukedom from his Brother but only secured his Fathers Inheritance which was given away to Dissolute Men Thieves and Robbers That he was called into Normandy by the Bishops Clergy and Religious to prevent the desolation of the Church and that what he did was not out of choice but by compulsion and invitation The Pope satisfied with his Answer to preserve the Country from desolation and ruine With this Answer which was the same the Norman Bishops would have given in the Council to the King of France the [1.] Ibidem fol. 866. B. Pope was satisfied and approved what he had done and said he had heard enough of the Duke and his Son And so leaving them to shift for themselves his next [2.] Ibid. fol. 866. B. C D. The Pope makes Peace between the Kings of France and England work was to strike up a Peace between the two Kings which was suddenly accomplished without the least cavil exception or difficulty all Castles and Strong Holds taken in the time of War being mutually delivered and Prisoners on both sides set at liberty The War being [3.] Ibidem fol. 867. C. King Henry comes for England ended and things well setled in Normandy King Henry commanded a Fleet to be prepared and many Military Men of all sorts that had served him well and faithfully to accompany him into England where he intended to bestow on some large Rewards and to raise others to great Honours At this time Ralph de Guader who had the Town of Montfort and other Towns and great Possessions in Britany upon the Kings consent and good will offered his Daughter in Marriage to his Natural Son Richard and with her the Towns and Castles of Breteul Gloz and Lire and his whole Honour in Normandy Which intended Marriage was never compleated When the Fleet [4.] Ibid. D. was ready in the Port of Bartaflot now Barfleur the King with a noble splendid Train the Wind at South set Sail on the Twenty fifth of November in the Evening and landed in England next Morning His Sons William and Richard had not the same good fortune for being in another Vessel called the White Ship whereof one Thomas Fitz-Stephen was Captain or Master [5.] Ibidem fol 668. A. Prince William c. with 300 Persons drowned who pretended to hold his Place or Office in Fee both Master and Mariners had got too much Wine in their Heads and striving to be the foremost Ship in the Fleet run upon a Rock and split the Ship so as she presently sunk with near 300 Persons in her [6.] Ibidem f. 870. A. B. Amongst whom were as before noted Prince William his half Brother Richard and his half Sister Maude the Wife of Rotro Earl of Mortain in Perch Richard Earl of Chester and many of the young Nobility who chose that Ship for the Company sake The King [7.] Ibidem fol. 871. A. distributed the Honours and Estates of such as perished in this Shipwrack very providently for he Married their Widows Daughters and Nieces to his Courtiers and Soldiers and gave with them their Patrimonies King Henry [8.] Ibidem A. D. 1120. having lost his Wife and Son by the Counsel of his Wise Men resolved to Marry and chose for his Wife Alice the fair Daughter of Godfrey Duke of Lovain She continued his Queen fifteen years but never bare him any Children Many [9.] Ibidem f. 875. C.D. An. Do. 1122. A new Contrivance against King Henry observing that King Henry had no Issue Male looked towards William Duke Roberts Son and endeavoured to set him up Amongst whom was Gualeran and Robert the Sons of Robert Earl of Mellent who had been Educated in the Kings Court and used as tenderly as his own Children and were both Knighted by him Gualeran besides his Fathers Estate the Earldom of Mellent in France had Beaumont and the Patrimony belonging to it in Normandy His Brother Robert had the Earldom of Leicester in England to whom the King gave Amicia the Daughter of Ralph de Guader which had been Contracted to his Son Richard and Breteul in Normandy with all the Estate appertaining to that Others of the [1.] Ibid. fol. 876. A. B. C. The Confederates Confederacy were Almaric de Monteforti Earl of Eureux the Kings perpetual Foe Hugo de Monteforti Hugo de Novo-Castello or New-Castle William Lupell Baldric de Braye and Pagan de Gisors c. who met in September and entred into a general Conspiracy The King [2.] Ibid. D. An. Do. 1122. Civil War in Normandy understood their Designs and in October summoned together a great Force at Rouen and on
an Earl and Duke Therefore though he was a King anointed yet as he was an Earl or Duke he was under the Iurisdiction of his Lord the King of Fâ—ance But if an Earl or Duke Committed a Crime in the Kingdom of France he might and ought to be Judged by his Peers [1] Ibid. n. 40. and if he were neither Duke or Earl or Liege Man of the King of France and had Committed a Crime in the Kingdom of France yet by Reason the Crime was Committed in France the Barons might Judge him to Death otherwise if the King of England because he was an anointed King who was then a Peer of France could not be Judged to Death might safely enter the Kingdom of France and Kill the Barons of that Kingdom as he had Killed his Nephew Arthur The Monk [2] Ibid. n. 50. Quere Why the Monk said this tells us the truth of the Matter was thus That King John was not justly adjudged from the Dukedom of Normandy because he was not Judicially but Violently thrust out of it For that he sent Eustace Bishop of Ely and Hubert de Burgh to let the King of France know The Mutual Objections Answers and Replys c. That he would Willingly appear in his Court and was ready to stand to the Law in all things if he might have a safe Conduct The King of France answered he should come safely The Bishop then asked him And shall he return safely [3] Ibid. fol. 284. lin 1. Of the King of France and the Envoys of the King of England To which the King returned If his Peers would permit him And when the King of England's Envoys pressed that he might safely come into and return out of France King Philip sware by the Saints of his own Country he should not depart without Iudgment or Tryal [4] Ibid. lin 4. Concerning his Answering in the Court of France The Bishop urged the Dangers that might happen by his coming without Safe-Conduct and that he could not come to his Court as Duke of Normandy but he must come as King of England when as the same person was both King and Duke which the Baronage of England would no ways permit though the King would submit to it For he must either run the Hazard of Imprisonment or Death as a Peer of that Kingdom To which the King of France Rebutted And what is this my Lord Bishop 'T is well known the Duke of Normandy my Tenant hath violently acquired England and if he suddenly hath acquired any greater Honor shall this prejudice his Capital Lord shall He lose by it Certainly not [5] Ibid. n. 10. To which saith the Monk the King of England's Messengers could Surrebutt or answer nothing and so returned home But adds [6] Ibid. Mat. Paris his Opinion about the Condemnation of King John in the Court of France The Monk notwithstanding what the King of England's Envoys said the Great Men of France proceeded to Judgment which justly they ought not to have done because he that was judged was absent and would have appeared if he could And therefore King John being condemned by his Adversaries was not justly condemned [7] Ibid. n. 20. The Popes Opinion about the Death of Duke Arthur The Pope says Duke Arthur was taken by his Vncle at the Castle of Mirebel after he had done Homage and Ligeance to him and therefore might be put to Death without Judgment Secondly [8] Ibid. n. 30.40 The second Objection against King John and the Popes answer The Replies of Lewis his Envoys to the Pope 'T was Objected against King John That he was often Cited to appear in the Court of the King of France and neither appeared personally nor sent any one to appear for him The Pope answered This was only Contumacy and not a Mortal Crime and was otherwise to be punished and therefore the Barons could not judge him to Death Lewis his Messengers replyed That it was the Custom of France That if any one was accused of Murther and appeared not but sent his excuse he was judged as Convicted in all things and the Issue of him barred from Inheriting To which the Pope answered again That suppose King John had been Judged to Death and his Issue barred which could only be for his Territories in France His Answers to them again yet Blanch the Wife of Lewis ought not to succeed but either the Sister of Arthur or Otho Son of Henry Duke of Saxony by her Eldest Sister Maud or the King of Castile her Brother or the Queen of Leon her Eldest Sister [9] Ibid. f. 285. lin 1. To which Lewis his Envoys again Replyed That she had a Title which was good while others appeared and if any nearer to it afterwards claimed Lewis might do what he thought fit or what he ought to do 3. To these things the [1] Ibid. l. 5. The Pope asserts his own Title Pope said the Kingdom of England was his property and that Lewis ought not to spoil him of his Kingdom by War To this Lewis his Commissioners Answered The War was begun before the Pope could pretend to it [2] Ibid. n. 10. Lewis his Envoys indeavour to invalidate it For William Longe-spee and many with him came and invaded Lewis his Territories Therefore his War was just against the King of England that sent him [3] Ibid. The Popes Answer to their Argument for War against King John The Pope answered Lewis ought not to make War upon him for what his Vassal had done but to make his complaint to him as his Lord. To this the Commissioners Replyed [4] Ibidem The Reply of Lewis his Envoys There was a Custome in France That when any Vassal made War upon any one by Authority of his Lord he might make War upon him again without complaining to his Lord. [5] Ibid. n. 30. The Pâ—pes Argument against the War The Reply of Lewis his Commissioners The Pope urged further That the Barons were Excommunicated and all their Favorers by which means Lewis would incur the pain of Excommunication To this his Commissioners replyed he did not favor or Cherish the Barons of England but prosecuted his own right And that he believed neither the Pope nor so great a Council would Excommunicate any man injustly for that at the time of declaring the Sentence they knew not what right he had to the Kingdom of England [6] Ibid. n. 40 The Popes Resolution And after all the Pope said he would determine nothing until that he heard from his Legat Walo This was the Discourse between the Pope and Lewis his Envoyes their mutual Objections Answers Replyes c. Lewis [7] Ibid. n. â—0 Lewis waâ—â—s Essex Norfolk and Suffolk and returns with the Spoils to London He makes Gilbert de Gant Earl of Lincoln and sends him to Block up Nottiâ—gham and Newark Castles made a great Cavalcade into the East of England the
such a Freedom as this was only good against his Lord for if he was produced as a Witness in Court against a Stranger or to wage Law he might object against him that he was born a Villan that is descended from Bond or Villan Parents and if it were proved he might justly be set aside although he was made Free by Knight-Hood The second way of being made Free which was a second way of redeeming Men from Servitude A third way was The third way [2] Ibid. if a Bondman lived quietly a year and day in any privileged Town so as he was received into the Common * That is was either Alderman of Common-Council-Man for the Magistrates and chief Citizens were properly the Gild or Corporation and transacted the the Affairs of Corporation The fourth way Gild as a Member of it That made him Free from Villenage A Fourth way was by Exchange when Base and Vile Services were turned into Rent and that was advanced and paid pro omni Servicio This put the Villan out of all Servitude especially as to his own Person for if the Lord had no Service to command him but the payment of his Rent he was free This is co-incident with the first way by purchase and favour And that there were many manumitted by Grace and Favour of their Lords conditionally at least upon their desire to serve them in the Army it cannot be doubted by any man that doth consider the Usurpations of William Rufus and Henry the First upon their Elder Brother Robert and the long Civil War that attended them The Usurpation of King Stephen upon Maud the Empress and her Son King Henry the Second and eighteen years Wars between them and the War and Differences between King Henry the Second and his Son Henry The Barons Wars in the Reigns of King John and Henry the Third But that the Barons and Military Men and the Bishops and Clergy did Manumise and make Free many of their Clients Bondmen and Villans and did make their Tenures more easie to draw and fix them to their Interest and Party Lastly Time and Desuetude have made the most Free The last way Villenage at this day being rather antiquated and disused than nulled and taken away by Law for when Free-men or Customary Tenants grew wealthy and able to stock a good parcel of Land themselves or were of such Credit as the Lords could trust them with their Stock they then turned their Lands into Farms and instead of Works and Services reserved Rent in Money Corn or otherwise and left the improvement to the Farmer who took to his own use what he could make more of his Farm than he paid to the Proprietor so that the Lords had no need or use for so many Customary Tenants to Plough their Lands c. Cotars Servile People and poor The Labouâ—ers in our â—imes are Gentlemen in â—espect of â—hose wretchâ—d People miserable Laborers as before and they were glad to work for small Wages little more perhaps than for Meat and Drink rather than to be under immediate Servitude to their Lord for it cannot be thought though their Servitude as to the Correction or their Bodies and other Severities was lessened but that still they remained in a Servile State and that the Lords commonly turned over their Works to their Farmers who looked better after them than they could do and saw they laboured more and loytered less yet if they otherwise used them inhumanely or made their Conditions such as might not be indured without extreme misery they had a Remedy against these by Law which they could not have against their Lords And in time and by degrees they insensibly crept into more Liberty as there was less occasion for their Services and at length perhaps it was almost as much trouble to look after them as their Work was worth by which means Villenage became more and more easie until at last it was almost worn out and not regarded and many small Victuals Rents Fowl Capons Hens Eggs c. and small Rents in Money Pence Half-pence Farthings Half-farthings that the poor Villans paid were neglected and lost and the Way and Manner of Living of the Nobility Gentry and Proprietors quite altered and changed And more within the last Hundred and fifty years than in all the time after the Conquest For since Foreign Trading Commerce and Merchandising hath so much increased the Delicacy Softness Pride and Luxury of the People have proportionably grown up with them and were at first in a great measure brought into this Nation with them But all this Freedom obteined by Bondmen or the Freedom of others who were born Free and were Heirs to or had Purchased a small parcel of Land of Socage tenure that is privileged from Services was only personal they were not indeed Bondmen as to their Persons they were Free from Servile Works and Services or if they performed any as many of them did they were known certain and easie They neither had nor pretended to for several hundreds of years that Liberty nor those now esteemed Priviledges then thought Burthens which those sort of men are possessed of and now injoy For first though their Persons and Issue of their Bodies were Free from Servile Works and they were not Bondmen which was the only and true notion of those Freemen in those times yet they were not all together sui Juris for as to the Government and for the keeping of the Kings Peace all the Freemen or People in England were Bondmen either in their own Persons or by their Fidejussors and such as undertook for them and were [3] LL. Etheâ—red in Lambard c. 1. Magna Charta c. 35. Bracton p. 124. b. Briton c. 29. p 72. b. p 73. b. The Glossary to my Introduction c. f. 55. F. and f. 56. throughout bound ten Masters of Families one for another for their own keeping the Peace and Good Behaviour as likewise for their Children Servants and Families except Cleres Knights or Tenants in Military Service their Wives and Children and these Men so Bound were called Free Pleges and perhaps this Old Law is not so much out of force but that Sheriffs in their Turns and Lords of Maners in their Leets may put it in practice if there should be necessity of doing it Secondly The serving on Juries at the Assises and Sessions and that and their Suit and Service to or in County and Hundred Courts which now is accounted a great privilege and their Birth-rights when they have a mind to do mischief was in the times we Write of esteemed a Burthen from which all Tenants in Ancient Demeasns were Free by Tenure all or most Abbies and Monasteries by Charter and many particular [4] Stat. of Malebourh c. 4.52 Hen. 3. Persons as Knights and others purchased of the King Charters of Exemption from being Impannelled in Assises Juries and Inquests which they would not have done had they
judgment of his Pares Peers c. That their Sons and Grand-children should succeed in their Fees observing the antient Custom of giving their Horses and Arms upon every Succession to their Lords or Patrons Also in the same Laws there is extant another Constitution of Lotharius Lotharius his Constitution about Fees Tit. 9. lege 9. dat 6. Novembris 1036. made at the request and desire and by the Council of his Arch-bishops Dukes Marquesses Counts Palatines and the rest of the Nobility for restraining Vassals from aliening and embezling their Fees and Beneficia without licence of your Lords by which means the Service of the Empire had been much impaired and neglected and the profit and advantage of their Lords much diminished 7 Gryph de Weickbild Saxon. c. 42. n. 12 13. These Fees although they received another Form under Charles the Great and in Germany under Conrad the First yet their Original is not to be attributed to them and being much more Antient of right belongs to the Longobards But whither their Origin was from the Longobards or not certain it is these Tenures and Lands were amongst the Franc's a German-people in France some Centuries of years before Charlemagne for Clotharius by his Edict 8 Vales rerum Francicar Tom. 3. fol. 7. Anno Domini 615.15 o Calend. Novemb. 31 o Regni sui Parisiis confirms to all persons their Beneficia or Fees which had been granted to them by his Predecessors or himself It appeareth further for the Antiquity of Feudal Customs 9 Ib. fol 254. Anno 668. The noble Franc's married not their Daughters without the Kings consent That the Noble-men of France who held Fees or Benefices of their Kings dare not Marry their Daughters without their consents and long before that it was usual for the 1 Ib. Tom. 2. fol. 6. Anno Domini 565. Their Children were educated in the Kings Court. Franc's to send their Children when grown up to the Kings Court and to Noble-men to be educated in liberal Arts and War-like Exercises This without question was a feudal Custom and by this way of Education the Prince had two Advantages as our 2 Ib. fol. 438. Author observes first that these young men were Pledges of their Fathers Fidelity towards them and then that the Nobility were accustomed to their Kings in their tender years and learnt how to revere and love them as their Parents in whose Court they had been educated From hence we may with great probability conclude that in these times the greatest parts of the Lands in France and old Germany were beneficia or feudal Lands and holden by Military and other publick Services the Alodia or Lands of Inheritance being but few in respect of them nor were there many Land-holders especially of considerable quantities except the Noblest and Great men and they were only such as were Military men and executed publick Offices and Ecclesiasticks Not but their Mancipia and Servi their Slaves and Drudges might hold a Cottage and some very small parcel of Land at the will of their Lords as they did here in the Saxons time before the Conquest For that such there were here then we find in the Conquerors Survey from one end of it to the other under the Norman Names of Villani Bordarii Servi c. Take one instance for a thousand Easessa Tit. Terra regis Dimid Hund. de Harlava Hadfeldam tenuit Haroldus T. E. R. pro 1. Man viginti Hidis tunc L. Villani modo lx Tunc xix Bordarii modo xxx Tunc xx Servi modo xx11 c. of their Tenures hitherto We pass unto their Courts and Judicatories which if not the same yet were very much alike here and in Germany for as our English Saxons had their Scyregemote or Court The Germans had their County Courts so the antient Germans had their Provincial or County Placita Malls or Conventions for doing of Justice and they were held twice in the year Ll. human Edgar c. 5. or oftner leges polit Canut c. 17. So Capit. Car. l. 7. c. 96. Twice in a year Vt ad (d) Gryph de Weickl Sac. c. 66. n. 4. Mallus why so called ib. c. 65. n. 1.2 Fliccamburch It is called Mallus or Mallum from Ein Mahl signifying in Saxon a sign mark or token as a Stone a Tree a Perch or Pole a Cross a Hill c. at which the Mall or Courts were holden they being always kept at a certain noted place amongst the Saxons and so with us of which one instance for many in the County of Norfolk from a Writ or Commission of William Rufus upon a claim of the Abbat of Ramsey to certain Lands in Holme in these words Willielmus Rex Anglorum H. Camerario Salutem facias convenire consedere 3. Hundr dimid apud Fliccamburch c. this without doubt had been a noted place before the Conquest for the meeting of all or some of these Hundreds the place is upon an Hill about a Mile above the Town of Flitcham in the Hundred of Freebridge citra Lin in Norfolk on the West-side of the way leading from Flitcham to Shernborn now called Flitchamburgh or Burrow being a square plece of ground about an Acre ditched about with an old large Ditch about eight Miles from Holme where the Land in Controversie lay Mallum venire nemo tardat unum circa aestatem alterum circa Autumnum ad Aliud vero si necessitas fuerit vel si denunciatio regis urgeat vocatus venire nemo tardet No man shall forbear to come to the Mall or general Meeting of the Prince or County twice in a year about Summer and Autumn and if there be necessity or the Emperor denounceth by Edict another every one that is summoned shall come in As in England so in Germany the Bishop and Earl both sate in the County Court And as by those Laws of Edgar and Cnute the Bishop of the Diocess and Alderman or Earl were both to be there present to give mutual assistance each to other according to their several Functions and Offices in executing Justice So were they also to be both present in the German Malls or general Placita Addit 2. Car. ad Ll. Boioar. c. 10. Ll. Longobard lib. 2. Tit. 53. or 54. c. 1. These County Courts are much like the Sheriffs turns which were duely observed with us in former times County Courts every month in Germany Besides these there were as now monthly County Courts in every County and the like we find in Germany amongst the old Bavarians Ll. Boioar. Tit. 2. c. 15. § 1. Let there be Placita or Courts in the beginning of every month or every fifteen days to enquire into matters Infra illum Comitatum so as Peace may be in the Province and all Free-men shall meet at the appointed days which shall reside within the County whither they be the Kings Vassals or the Dukes all shall come
put their Judgments in Execution The Subjusticiers were Officers established under the Justiciers to do Execution such were Viscounts Serjeants of the Sword Bum-Bayliffs Bedells or under-Serjeants c. C. 5. with the Coment A Vicount in Normandy was an under Officer of the Law a Pedanens judge and was the very same with a Provost or a Viginer or Vicar who heard small and Ordinary Cases Pasqu Recherch fol. 860. D. Serjeants of the Sword The Office of the Vicount was to hold Pleas of antient Paths Ways Bounds Watercourses c. and to walk the Parish with twelve men of the same and by their Oath or the Oath of the greater part of them to inquire whose Lands lay next the Ways c. and cause them to be amended by those which held the Land accordingly he was to inquire by the Oath of twelve lawful men of Malefactors as Murderers Thieves Traytors Ravishers and other Criminals to keep them in Prison till they were delivered by the Law of the Country These had also under them Serjeants of the Sword who held the Views and made the Summons to them and executed the Precepts of the Assizes and what was judged there and to keep and deliver according to Law Distresses taken The Bedells were the less Serjeants which ought to take the Distress and to do Offices less honourable and to make the lesser Summons and these were in every good Town C. 6. Default Trespassment des Termes sont Appellez defaultes that is such as came not at the time appointed nor appeared in Court according to Summons or when they ought or performed not what they were then to perform were in Default Fealty No man in Normandy could receive Fealty from another without saving his Fealty to the Duke which is to be expressed in doing Homage And therefore the Duke hath the whole Justicement of the body of a man for or by reason of the Fealty that all men owe him If a Lord doth wrong to his man by reason of his Fee the Court then appertains to the Duke if there be no Mesne or middle-Middle-Lord between the Duke and him which by reason of his Fee may have the Court. About Distresses taking Goods and impounding Cattle much used C. 7. as in use with us Of the times when many Lands are to be several or commune C. 8. the Vsage much the same as in England Judges were Sage Persons and Authentick C. 9. So it was in England Who anciently Judges in Normandy Bishops Abbats Priors Canons c. which gave Judgment in Court as Archbishops Bishops Canons of Cathedral Churches and other dignified Persons in Churches Abbats Priors Conventual and Governours of Churches famous for their Discretion and Honesty Bayliffs Knights Serjeants principal and Seneschals of Barons Famous for Knowledge and Honesty every of these might remain in Judgment if the Cause were not their own or they were no ways Parties nor had given Judgment nor were Witnesses in it nor were suspected for Love Favor or Hatred Barons ought to be judged by their Peers and others by all such as cannot be removed from Judgment i. e. such as were not suspected as before Antiently there was in Normandy a greater Justice than all the beforementioned which was called the Seneschal of the Prince C. 10. Seneschal of Normandy He was like the Missi Regales or Dominici in the old Empire or Itinerant Justices anciently that went their Circuits once in two three four five or six years he corrected all inferior Justiciers as Bayliffs c. and removed them from their Offices if he saw it convenient he preserved the Land of the Prince and made to be preserved the Laws and Rights of Normandy to which purpose he travelled every three years through Normandy and visited all the particular Baylywicks and inquired of the Injuries and Excesses done by the Sub-justiciers and also held Pleas of the Sword c. and in all things that belonged to his Office he might cause them to be amended without Pleas or Assizes and in all places where he found any thing amiss he might do as he thought expedient Custom Law and Usage C. 11. Custom Law and Vsage understood and practised in the same manner as in England All such as were Residents in the Dutchy of Normandy C. 14. All the Residents in Normandy sware Fealty to the Duke ought to swear Fealty to the Duke and keep it and therefore in all things they ought to be Loyal towards him and were not to procure his damage nor to give Council or Aid to his manifest Enemies such as were found culpable of any of these things were called Traytors to their Prince and all their Possessions remained to him always The Women in Normandy without consent of their Husbands C 15. could make no Contract or Bargain Wrec belonged to the Duke of great and rich things there named C. 1â— Wrec and of ordinary things to the Lord of the Fee all the Controversies arising from it were to be determined in the Dukes Court. Treasure Trove i. e. found or digged any where C. 18. Treasure Trove belonged to the Duke Waifs belonged to the Lord of the Fee or sometime to the Duke C. 19. Waifs c. according to Custom C. 20. And Glanv lib. 7. c. 16. The Chattels of Vsurers that died belonged to the Duke so to our Antient Kings C. 21. Felonâ— Goods were the Dukes The Chattels of such as killed themselves Excommunicate and Desperate Persons such to whom Confession and the Sacramenâ— was denied were the Dukes C 22. Moveables and Chattels forfeited to the Duke All Moveables forfeited belong to the Duke Moveables were the Chattels of such as were condemned by Judgment that were hanged burnt their Eyes pulled out or their hands or Feet cut off or banished c. C. 24. Assize what Assize was an Assembly of Knights and Sage men with the Bayliff in a certain place and at a certain time which contained the space of forty days between one Assize and another by which Judgment and Justice was done of such things as were heard in Court in these Assizes the Juries sometimes were brought to a Non-scavoir Non-scire Ibidem Juries brought in Ignoramus or Ignoramus And when nothing of Certainty or Credit was deposed the Inquest being first examined the Return or Verdict was L'enquest scet rien Ibidem Lands c. forfeited as in England The Lands and Estates and Profits of condemned Persons for Felony were the Dukes for a year and a day afterwards they were the Lords of the Fee of whom he held immediately so in England C. 25. The eldest Son Succeeds the whole c. In Fuedal Succession the Eldest Son succeeds in the whole and so it descends to the next of the Blood and never ascends when there is any of the descending Line remaining In the Latin Version of the Customer of Normandy
printed at Paris 1539. there is a * C. 25. Chapter de exercitu Ducis not to be found in the French Print of that year but Du Fresn in his * Tom. 3. col 832. Glossary cites a good part of it from the MSS. Customer in the Chamber of Accounts at Paris Military Service in chief which he made use of in these words Or est vn service que Doit estre fet au Prince en armes se lont la Coustume L'establissement des Fiemens des Villes icest service est accoustume á fere par 40. jours Service of 40. days pour le secours l'aide de la terre de câ—ux qui en tiennent les Fiemens come ce soit fet pour aucun Delivrance pour le profit dâ—l Comun Pâ—eple c. Tous fiefs de * See the Glossary Hauberâ— sont especialment establis pour fair le propre service de la Duchee Ensement de Tous les Countees les Baronees Doivent accomplir ce service a decertes toutes les villes qui ont Communes Si devez scavoir que les sieus de Haubere que sont es Countees es Baronnies qui ne sont pas Establies pour la Duquee de Normandie ne doivent pas de service D'ost fo rs as Seigneurs as quieux il sont soumis Excepte nequedent Larrierban del Prince auquel Trestous grans petits pourtant que il soient Convenables pour armes porter sont tenu sans excusation nulle a fair lui aid profit a tout leur pooir Now there is a Service which ought to be made to the Prince in Arms according to the Custom and Establishments of Fees and of Cities or Burghs and this Service is by Custom performed by * Co. Lit. Sect. 95. forty days for the succor and aid of the Land by such as hold the Fees as it were done for any Deliverance and for the profit of the Commune People c. All Military or Knights Fees were especially established to do the proper Service of the Dutchy and likewise all the Earldoms and Baronies ought to accomplish this Service and all the Cities or Burghs that have Communities it is also to be understood that the Knights Fees which are in the Earldoms and Baronies which are not established for the Dutchy of Normandy nor do owe Service to the Army but to the Lords of whom they are holden except at the Arrierban of the Prince to which all both great and small that are able to bear Arms are bound to come without excuse and to give him aid and assistance with all their Power The Latin Version agrees with this French Text and as it proceeds further The Duke granted to such as held of him Scutage Service of the Tenents there is a Clause exactly agreeable to the antient practice in England The Duke of Normandy granted to such as had performed their Service in the Army forty days Scutage-Service of such as held of them by Military Service Exercitus autem dicitur auxilium illud pecuniale quod concedit Princeps Normanniae facto exercitus per 40 dies servitio Baronibus vel Militibus de illis qui tenent de eis feodis vel de tenentibus suis in Feodo Loricali And so was the Usage of our antient English Kings after the Conquest to grant to such as had personally or by substitute or fine performed their Service in the Army Scutage-Service of such as held of them in Military Tenure Heritages partible and not partible C. 26. 36. Gavelkind Tenure in Military Service and Serjeanty impartible Heritage partible was equally divided amongst all the Sons c. All the Children of one Son were but to have the share of their Father divided amongst them A Father that had many Sons Ibidem Glanvil lib. 7. c. 1. 3. Soccagium divisum could not give one a better Share than the other of his Heritage for if he did notwithstanding his Gift it was to be divided with his other Lands amongst his Sons after his death He could not Give Sell Mortgage or any way put any part of his Heritage into the hand of a Bastard Son but within a year and a day it might be recovered by his Heirs Impediments of Succession were Bastardy profession of Religion C. 27. Impediments of Succession Blood attainted Leprosie c. Lands of a Bastard if he had no issue by a lawful Wife returned to the Lord of the Fee Tenures were by Homage by Parage by Bourgage by Almoign C. 28. What Tenures in Normandy Bordage or Tenure of servile works Tenure of Rent or Rent Charge c. No Tenent by Homage could sell or ingage his Fee C. 29. Tenent by Homage could not sell c. without consent of his Lord unless in some parts there was a Custom to sell or ingage a third part or a less so as there was left enough to pay and perform the Services Faisances and Dignities due to the Lords Parage is when the younger Brothers hold their Share of the Fee of the elder Brother and he of the Lord C. 30. Parage and does the Homage and Service they contributing their Shares So it is called Parage in respect of Parentage in which they are equal not in respect of their Estates C. 31. Bourgage Bourgage is a Tenure according to the Customs and Vsages of Bourghs and may be bought and sold as Moveables without the Assent of the Lord. C. 32. Franc Almoign Tenure in Almoign or Franc Almoign So Lands given in pure Alms to God and such as serve him C. 33 Ward and Marriage A Member of a Military Fee what The Duke of Normandy had the Guard or Wardship and Marriage of all Minors which held of him by Homage by a Fee or a Member of a Military Fee A Member of a Military Fee is the eighth part or any part under as a sixth or seventh not but it might be divided into more but less than an eighth could not have Court and Vsage belonging to it So other Lords of such as held of them by Homage The Duke and other Lords had also Reliefs 15 l. of a Military Fee C. 34. Relief and 100 l. of a Barony upon the death of the Tenents an Earl paid 500 l. C. 35. Three Capital Aids Glanv lib. 9. c. 8. Tenents in Military Service paid three Capital Aids one to make the Lords eldest Son a Knight a second to marry his Daughter a third to redeem their Lord out of Prison C. 39 40 41 c. Glanv l. 1. c. 28. to the end Essoins Essoins or excuses for delaying Suits in Feudal Pleas were de Malo veniendi de Malo lecti per Servitium Ducis de ultra Mare de Privilegio crucis c. The same in England C. 50. Warranty Of Warranty whoever was called to it was bound to secure
received the whole Country of Constantin now Contantin being then the third part of Normandy with the Cities Constance Auranches and the Monastery of St. Michaels Mount in the Sea c. Presently [7.] Ib. D. D. upon this Action of Duke Roberts in the first year of the Government of the two Brothers the chief Men that had An. Do. 1088. and were like to have great Estates in both Nations met to Treat about the division and separation of them one from another [8.] Ibid. fol. 666. A. The English and French Normans meet to Consult whether it were expedient England and Normandy should have two different Princes both of them having been under the Power and Government of their defunct Lord who by their assistance had Conquered England They were in a great straight what to do they could not serve two Lords so remote from one another [9.] Ibidem if they faithfully served Robert Duke of Normandy they should offend his Brother William and should lose their Lands and Honours in England and if they proved obedient to William Robert would deprive them of their Paternal Inheritance in Normandy [1.] Ibid. C. At last they resolved that seeing Robert was the elder and that they had Sworn Fealty to him in his Fathers Life time to set him up and make him Prince of England and Normandy for preservation of the Unity of both Nations [2.] Ibidem The chief Friends and Undertakers for Duke Robert This was the Agreement of Odo Bishop of Bayeux Eustacbius Earl of Bulloine They concluded to make Robert King of England and Duke of Normandy (b) Robert de Belesin e or de Bellismo castello [8.] Vales not Gal. in verbo Robert de Belesme who he was quasi bellisimo a Fair Castle in the County of Perch he was eldest Son to Roger de Montgomery Earl of Arundel and Shrewsbery and had the great Inheritance of his Father [9.] Orderic fol. 708. C. in Normandy when his second Brother Hugh de Montgomery enjoyed his Fathers Earldoms in England who dying without Issue they came to this Robert in the [1.] Ibidem 768. C. Tenth year of William Rufus for which he gave him 3000 l. Sterling as a Relief Robert de Belesin and many others which they Communicated to Duke Robert to whom if they would begin he promised sufficient Assistance for effecting their Design Therefore [3.] Ibidem after Christmass they passed into England fortified their Castles and in a short time stirred up a great part of the Country against the King [4.] Ibidem with these joyned Roger Earl of Arundel and Shrewsbery Hugh Grentmesnill Viscount of Leicester and many more very great Men in England or at least seemingly continued with William and favoured the design of Robert [5.] Ibid. D. who fortified Manned and Victualled their Castles and wasting the Countries almost all over the Nation expected Duke Robert with an Army out of Normandy at the Spring [6.] Ibidem King William observing the posture of his Affairs resolved to suppress these Insurrections and to that purpose Convoked Lanfranc Arch-Bishop Bishops Earls and Natural English Lanfranc the Arch-Bishop the other bishops and Natural English side with Rufus and shewed them his intention who exhorted the King to proceed against the Perturbers of the Peace and promised their ready Assistance [7.] Ibidem fol. 667. B. Rochester chosen as a place of advantage and fit for a Magazine Odo with some of the chief Normans who intended to set up Robert chose Rochester as a place of advantage and most fit for their chief Magazine being in the middle way between London and Canterbury near the Sea and near the Kentish Islands which were conveniently seated for the landing Forces and Warlike Provisions from whence at their pleasure they could keep a Correspondency with Duke Robert But [2.] Ibidem fol. 667. B. Rochester besieged Duke Robert lost the Town and Castle by sloath and want of diligence King William prevented their Designs by besieging the Town in the Month of May following where he shut up Odo Eustathius Earl of Bolloigne Robert de Belesme and many other Noblemen and Persons of inferior Rank who in vain expected the Assistance of Robert being detained only by ease and sloath from his promised Expedition [3.] Ib. C. D. The Defendents offer to yield upon Conditions out of the Town they were forced into the Castle where many perished by a raging Sickness and urged by many other necessities they sent out to King William that upon condition they might enjoy their Lands and Estates they would yield the Castle and for the future serve him faithfully as their Natural Lord. The King was angry at these Propositions Rufus denies their Conditions and sware he would take the Perfidious Traytors by force Hang and destroy them with divers kinds of death and to his Nobility having many Friends and Relations in the Castle perswading him to moderation [4.] Orderic fol. 668. B. he gave this Answer That whosoever spared Perjured Men Thieves Plunderers and Execrable Traytors took away quiet and peace from innocent Men and laid a foundation of innumerable Mischiefs to the good and harmless [5.] Ibid. D. but at length overcome by the intercession of his faithful Friends [6.] Ibidem 667. C. which were all the Bishops of England with the English Hugh Earl of Chester (c) [7.] Ibidem 669. C. He was an Esquire to Edward the Confessor and by him made Knight his Father was [8.] Ibidem Humfrid de Teliolo [9.] Ibidem fol. 512. b. Governor of the Fortress of Hastings and Son to Ansfrid the Dane His Mother Adeliza Sister to Hugh de Grentmoisnill Viscount of Leicester and Governor of * Ibidem Winchester He had his name of Rodeleds [1.] Domesd Cestrescire Atiscros Hundr or Roelent from the Castle and Territory of Roelent in the Marches of North-Wales of which he was Governor and General of all the Forces in Cheshire under Earl Hugh and not only defended it against the Welsh but Conquered much of North-Wales [2.] Ibidem which he farmed of the King for 40 l. per Annum [3.] Ibidem besides the Fee of Ross and Rowenloc which he held of the King twelve Miles in length and four in breadth Robert de Roelent William de Warrenna (d) He was Son of Haimon Earl of Corboile in Normandy [4.] Monast vol. 1. fol. 154. Col. 2. n 40. Robert Fitz-Haymon made Earl of Gloucester by Rufus and had the Estate of Brictric the Saxon Earl thereof to whom for the great Services he had done his Father and himself William Rufus gave the Earldom of Gloucester and the Possession of Brictric the Saxon who was Earl thereof before the Conquest The which Earldom and Possessions Queen Maâ—d enjoyed during her life and her Husband the Conqueror afterward This Robert had
of a young Man a Jew Converted to Christianity by Stephen the Protomartyr who [5.] Ibidem St. Stephen appears to a young Jew and Converts him to Christianity appeared to him in a splendid Vesture and a florid Countenance offered Sixty Marks of Silver to force him to renounce Christianity and embrace Judaism again The King as 't is there reported attempted it but without effect the young Man being so close riveted to Christian Religion by Stephens Ghost However the old Man received back half his Money and was satisfied He also [6.] Ib. n. 50. fol. 48. lin 1. Eadmer reports the King denied the Providence of God c. reports from common Fame whereas he could not but know King William and his Actions very well himself that his Mind was so far elated as to deny the Providence of God and to assert that Prayers to Saints were insignificant and availed not This Author mentions not the Disputation said to be between the Jews and Christian Bishops nor the encouragement King William gave the first by promising that if by Argument they overcame the later he would forsake Christianity and turn Jew The first Historian that mentions it is [7.] De Gest Reg. fol. 69. b. n. 40. Rufus his Revenue Malmsbury who softens the Kings Promise with this Expression that it was in Merriment as he believed His Revenue was in all probability the same with his Fathers yet his Expences being greater he took up a new way of augmenting it by keeping [8.] Flor. Wig. fol. 650. He keeps void Bishopricks and Monasteries void Bishopricks and Monasteries and taking the Profits to himself and the day he died he had in his hands the Arch-Bishoprick of Canterbury the Bishopricks of Winchester and Salisbury and as [9.] Vt supra lin 5. Malmsbury says twelve Abbies and when they were disposed of they had them that would give most for them He also had much Money broubht into his Treasury by oppressing and exacting upon the People His chief [1.] Ib. a. n. 50. b. lin 3. Instrument and Adviser in these things was Ranulph a Norman Clerk of mean Parentage but Eloquent and of a ready Wit and an invincible Lawyer to whom the King [2.] Flor. Wig. fol. 649. committed the dispatch of the Business of the whole Kingdom and gave him the Bishoprick of Duresme His craft and subtilty was such that he became [3.] Ibidem fol. 650. the general Informer of the Kingdom and had got such power that he punished some Rich Men all the Kingdom over by taking away their Lands and the Poorer sort by imposing on them a great and unjust Tribute and many ways oppressed both great and small as well before as after he was Bishop until the King died who was buried in the Cathedral at Winchester before the high Altar THE REIGN OF Henry the First THE words by which Historians of these times express the manner of this Kings ascending the Throne are various [1.] Hist nov fol. 54. n. 10 Eadmer says William Rufus died the Second of August and that [2.] Ibidem f. 55. n 10. Henry succeeded his dead Brother Florence of Worcester [3.] Fol. 649. An. Do. 1100. tells us he was slain in the New-Forest on the Fourth of the Nones of August which is the Second of that Month and that his younger Brother Henry succeeded him and on the [4.] Ibid. fol. 650. lin 9. Nones of August which is the Fifth day being Sunday was Consecrated King by Maurice Bishop of London [5.] In W. 2d f. 71. a. n 40. William of Malmsbury reports that Rufus was slain the Fourth of the Nones of August and that after his Funeral [6.] Ib. in H. 1st f. 88. a. n. 20. Henry was * See the Glossary chosen King chiefly by the assistance of (a) He was younger Son of Roger de Bollomonte [4.] Gemet lib. 7. cap. 4. Script Norm f. 1091. Henry Earl of Warwick who he was by Adelina Daughter and Heir of Walleran Earl of Mellent a Town upon the River Seyn in Veuxin Francois between Mant and Poissi He was made Earl of Warwick in the later end of the Reign of William the First or beginning of William the Second Henry Earl of Warwick after some Contests among the great Men and that he was [7.] Ibidem n. 30. Crowned at London with the Shouts of the Rabble on the Nones of August four days after his Brothers death which are to be understood inclusive of the Second and Fifth [8.] Hist lib. 7. f. 216. b. n. 20. Hen. of Huntington says Rufus was killed in the New-Forest on the Morrow after the Kalends of August which is the second day that [9.] Ibidem n. 30. the day after his death he was buried at Winchester and Henry his younger Brother was there Elected King and that going from thence to London he was by Maurice Bishop of London Consecrated [1.] Col. 225. n. 10 20 30 c. Simeon Dunelmensis in this Relation transcribes Florence of Worcester Verbatim [2.] Fol. 781. C. 7â—2 A. Ordericus Vitalis relates that King William on the Morrow after the Kalends of August after Dinner went a Hunting in the New-Forest and with him his [3.] Ibidem fol. 782. B. Brother Henry William of (b) He was [5.] Gemet lib. 8. cap. 5. William of Breteul whence and who he was eldest Son of William Fitz-Osborne Earl of Hereford and had his Fathers Estate in Normandy of which Britolium or Bretolium was the chief Seat from whence he was called William de Bretolio now Breteul not far from Eureux Breteul and other Illustrious Persons dispersed in the Woods it was not long before the King was killed whose death made an horrible noise in the Forest Henry posted to Winchester where the Royal Treasure was The Contest between William of Breteul and King Henry about his Succession and demanded the Keys as if he had been true Heir William of Breteul followed him in great haste and intending to prevent his design said to him We ought legally to remember the Faith we have engaged to your Brother Duke Robert who is the first born Son of King William and I and you my Lord Henry have done him Homage and therefore we are in all things to keep our Faith to him as well absent as present Upon this there was a sharp Contention and a great Confluence of Men Henry's power increased who laying his Hand upon his Hilt drew out his Sword and would not permit any Stranger by a frivolous delay to seize the Scepter of his Father At length Friends and Wise Counsellors coming together the Contention was allayed and by found Advice lest there might be made a greater Division the Castle and the Royal Treasure was delivered to Henry and then hastning to London with Robert (c) He was [4.] Gemet Script Norm lib. 8. cap. 15. eldest Son to Roger de Bellâ—monte and
William Crispin were taken [1.] Ibid. fol. 855. A. The King of France was alone and lost in a Wood from whence a Country Man conveyed him to Audeley whether the remains of his routed Army was retired In this Battle were [2.] Ibidem fol. 884. D. But 900 Horsemen on both sides but 900 Milites or Horsemen on both sides unless perhaps there might be so many Milites besides their Retinue and they accounted a great number whereof only three were killed for they were so Cloathed with Iron as they could scarce be in danger [3.] Ibidem fol. 885. B. King Lewis his Standard was here taken and King Henry bought it of him that took it for 20 Marks which he kept as a token of the Victory His Horse also was taken which was sent back next day with his Saddle Bridle and whole Furniture And Prince William sent likewise his Cousen William the Son of Duke Robert his Horse which he had lost with many other Gifts When King Lewis [4.] Ibid. D. Almeric de Monteforti perswades King Lewis to raise a new Army returned to Paris Almeric de Monteforti who was not in this Fight came to Visit and Comfort him being much dejected at his ill fortune in their Discourse he encouraged him to attack his Enemies again and advised him to send to the Bishops Earls and other great Persons of the Kingdom and then the Priests with their Parochians by the Bishops Directions would go with him whether he should Command them that so by a common Army he might take revenge upon his publick Enemies and promised the utmost of his own and his Friends Assistance [5.] Ibidem fol. 886. A. The King being well pleased followed his Advice and forthwith sent his Edict to the Bishops who readily obeyed it and Anathematized the Priests and Parishioners of their several Diocesses if they went not with the King at the time he should appoint with their whole Strength against the Rebellious Normans They came from Burgundy [6.] Ibidem B. C. Berry Paris the Countries of Orleance Vermandois Beavais Laudun and le Estamps and other places as Wolves to their Prey and committed strange Outrages in their March which the Bishops permitted out of hatred to the Normans To these the King joyned an Army which he gathered from Noyon and the Isle from Tournay and Arras from Gournay and Clermont and from all the Provinces of France and Flanders The French besiege Breteul that he might restore to their ancient Honours all such as were in exile for the sake of William the Son of Duke Robert With this Army he laid Siege to Bretteuill or Breteul which is in the heart of Normandy The Governor of this place was Ralph de Guader a Britain The Valour of Ralph de Guader Governor of Breteul who valiantly sallied out upon and fought with them and commanded all the Gates of the Castle to be opened but none could enter such was the courage of the Defendants At three of the Gates there was a sharp and obstinate Conflict and many sell on both sides King Henry so soon as he heard [7.] Ibidem C. D. the French were returned into Normandy sent his Son Richard with a Supply of 200 Milites or Horse to Ralph de Guader which being discovered the courage of the Assaylants began to fail them The brave Governor went from Gate to Gate to encourage and aid his Soldiers and often changed his Armour that he might not be known The King followed his Son and those he had sent before with a great Army and resolved to fight the great Body of the French But they despairing of taking the Town were forced to return into France The French march home carrying back nothing besides plundred Goods but Ignominy and Blows [8.] Ibidem fol. 857. A. William de Chaumont the King of France his Son in Law and other haughty Soldiers much moved at their ill success before Breteul in their march home set upon the Castle of Tiliers where Gilbert the Castâ—llan suddenly sallied out upon them and took William Prisoner for whose Redemption he had 200 Marks of Silver Others also of his Company he surprised and the rest fled with disgrace Upon this success [9.] Ibidem B. C. Richer de Aquila a great Baron submitted to the King and by the Mediation of his Uncle Rotro Earl of Perch obtained his Fathers Estate both in England and Normandy The Castellans of Gloz and Lire followed his Example made their Peace and delivered them up to King Henry In the midst of [1.] Ibid. D. An. Do. 1119. October (g) This Pope was [2.] Orderic f. 848. A. Guido Arch-Bishop of Vienne in Dauphin seated upon the River Rhone a Frenchman and chosen the Second of February then last past he was Son to William Duke of Burgundy whose Mother was Alice Daughter of Richard the Second Duke of Normandy Calixtus the Pope with the Roman (h) By the Roman Senate Ordericus means * Ibidem the Colledge of Cardinals many of whom he names and says it was their special Prerogative to chose and Consecrate the Pope Senate came to Rhemes stayed there fifteen days and held a Council There were fifteen Arch-Bishops and more than two hundred Bishops An Ecclesiastical Council at Rhemes with many Abbats and Dignified Men of the Church for by the Popes Command they were called out of Italy Germany France Spain Britany and England the Isles of the Ocean and all the Western Provinces [3.] Ibidem King Henry's Prohibition and Directions to his Bishops in this Council The King of England indeed permitted the Bishops of his Kingdom to go to the Synod but did altogether prohibite them to make any Complaints of any sort whatever telling them he would do every one that complained Right in his own Land [4.] Ibid. fol. 858. A. That he paid yearly the Revenue those that had gone before him had granted to the Roman Church And yet says he I hold the Priviledges in like manner acknowledged due to me in ancient times declaring the further Liberty he gave them in these words Go ye salute the Pope in my name and only hear his Apostolical Precepts but bring none of his new Inventions into my Kingdom In this Council the King of France accompanied with his [5.] Ibidem C. D. The King of France in this Council complains of the King of England Barons came and made his Complaint against King Henry That he was his Confederate and yet committed many Spoils and Rapines upon his Subjects That he violently invaded Normandy that was a Fee of his Kingdom That against all Law and Right he detestably Treated Robert Duke of Normandy that was his Vassal and Henry's Lord and Brother That he had taken and a long time detained him in Prison And behold says he William the Son of the Duke who I present here before you he hath utterly disinherited and banished By
Salisbury that favoured the Empress he raised all the Force he could and upon the first day of July in the Evening came thither and set fire on the Town where the Kings Soldiers lay which put the King into such a fright who then was in the Nunnery that he left his Plate and other Goods behind him and by the benefit of a dark Night hardly escaped with his Brother Henry Bishop of Winchester The Earls Soldiers killed many of the Kings and took many amongst them [2.] Gervas ut supra Col. 359. lin 1. c. William Martel taken Prisoner his Ransom William Martel for whose Redemption there were given 300 Marks and the Castle of Sherborn Not many days after [3.] Ib. n. 10. Milo Earl of Hereford dies An. Do. 1144. Milo Earl of Hereford one of the chief Counsellors most faithful Friends and greatest Supporters of the Empress died to her great Grief and Misfortune The next year King Stephen seized upon Geofry de Magna villa in his Court at St. Albans and kept him Prisoner [4.] Ibid. Col. 360. n. 10 Hen. Hunt ut supr n. 40. King Stephen seiseth Geofrey de Magna villa he gives up the Tower of London his Castles of Walden and Plessetâ— King Stephen besiegeth Lincoln and is baffled until he delivered up to the King the Tower of London his Castles of Walden and Plessets and not long after was slain first having given the King much trouble and Plundered Ramsey Abby After this the King again besieged the Castle of Lincoln where the Earl of Chester destroyed eighty of his [5.] Ib. n. 50. Workmen and Engineers so as he was forced to depart having done nothing From thence he gathered a great Force and marched to [6.] Ibidem b. n. â—0 Anno Domini 1145. The Earl of Gloucester worsted at Faringdon King Stephen besiegeth Walingford Castle Faringdon where the Earl of Gloucester was erecting a strong Fortress or Castle where they fought or rather skirmished and much Blood having been spilt the Earl was forced from his Enterprise From thence he came and besieged Walingford Castle against which when he saw he was not likely to prevail by Force or Art he built a Castle called [7.] Ibidem n. 30 40. Gervas Doroâ— col 1361. n. 10 20. He built Craumerse Castle against it The Earl of Chester makes his Peace he is made Prisoner and delivers Lincoln Castle Anno Domini 1146 1147. Craumersh and placed a Garison to keep in and hinder the Excursions of the Garison of Walingford Hither came to the King Ranulph Earl of Chester and made his Peace and added to his Forces a considerable Strength A while after he came to the Kings Court at Northampton where he was taken and kept in Prison until he had delivered to the King the Castle of Lincoln in which City he kept a most splendid Christmass Geofrey Earl of Anjou having subdued and [8.] The Earl of Anjou sends for his Son Henry Robert Earl of Gloucest dies settled Normandy and Anjou in Peace had a great desire to see his Son Henry and sent three Noblemen with a Guard for him to Earl Robert who Conducted him safely to Warham where he took Ship and afterwards never saw him for the Earl fell sick of a Fever at Gloucester of which he died on the First of November and was buried at Bristol in the Monastery he built there After his Death the [9.] Ibid. Col. 1363. lin 1. The Empress goes into Normandy to her Husband Empress wearied out with these Commotions and Wars in England before Lent passed over into Normandy choosing rather to live there with her Husband in Peace than undergo so many Troubles In the year 1149. Henry the Son of the [1.] Ibid. Col. 1366. n. 30 40. An. Do. 1149. Henry the Son of the Empress comes into England Empress Cum grandi Comitatu militum Electorum peditum rediit in Angliam returned into England with a great Company of choice Knights or Horsemen and Foot and stirred up the Thoughts and Courage of many against King Stephen for after the Deaths of Robert and Milo Earls of Gloucester and Hereford and the Empress having passed the Sea none could move the Noblemen against King Stephen but the true Heir to the Crown After his Appearance in England he took with him Ranulph Earl of Chester and Roger Earl of Hereford and some others He is Knighted by David King of Scotland his Great Uncle besides those he brought with him out of Normandy and went to David King of Scotland his Great Uncle who received him with great Joy and Honour and in the Solemnity of Pentecost Knighted him and some others This raised [2.] Ibidem n. 60. Col. 1367. lin 1. David King of Scots comes to Carlisle great Suspicion in King Stephen and his Son Eustachius for when the King of Scots with his Forces and his Nephew with the * So called in respect of the East parts of Scotland The two Kings of England and Scotland retreat one from another Western Barons of England were united in the foresaid Solemnity King Stephen came to York with a great Army lest they should surprize that City and stayed there unto the end of August but both the Kings one at Carlisle the other at York were afraid of one another and so of their own accords they retreated Stephen towards Lincoln and David toward Scotland but Eustachius Son of Stephen now also Knighted by his Father made great havock and spoil upon the Lands belonging to the Earls and Barons which favoured Henry [3.] Ibid. Col. 1367. n. 30. An. Do. 1150. These old Historians begin the year at Christmass Henry receives the Dukedom of Normandy who in the beginning of January in the year following sailed into Normandy and with his Fathers good liking received that Dukedom [4.] Chron. Norm f. 984. B. C. D. The King of France takes offence at it They are reconciled Geofrey Earl of Anjou Henry's Father dies as his Inheritance by his Mother At which the King of France took offence raised an Army and with Eustachius in his Company invaded Normandy and besieged the Castle of Arches Earl Geofry and his Son prepare to oppose him in the mean time he burnt the City of Sees and when the Father and Son had drawn together a great Army and Marshalled their Troops by the Mediation of Wise Men the King received the Homage of Henry for the Dukedom of Normandy and one Gerrard Berlas Lord of the Castle of Monstreul out of Prison and so rested satisfied Being thus in quiet Duke Henry intended to call together all his great Men of Normandy on the Fourteenth day of September at Lisieux to Treat and Consult about his Voyage into England in the interim his Father labouring under a great Fever died on the Seventh of the same Month and left him Lord and Heir of Normandy and Anjou Within less then half a year
Laicks to Collect this Tenth but the King of Scots met them between Werk and Brigeham and would not permit them to enter into his Kingdom to collect them yet offered to give the King for them The King of Scoâ—s offers 5000 Marks and to have his Castles again Five thousand Marks of Silver After the same manner Philip King of France caused the Tenths of the Rents and Moveables hominum suorum of his Men or Subjects to be collected in all his Dominions This very year [4.] Ibidem n. 50. Raymund Earl or St. Giles makes War upon Richard the Kings Son and is conquered Raymund Earl of St. Giles Aimer Earl of Engolism Geofry de Rancune and Geofry de Lusignan and almost all the richest People of Poictou made War upon Richard Earl of that Country and he upon them who overcame them all and amongst other Prisoners he took one Peter Seillun that had advised the Earl of St. Giles to take some Merchants or Tâ—adesmen that were under Earl Richards Protection and Inhabitants of his Countries and use them ill The Earl kept him close Prisoner and when the Earl of St. Giles [5.] Ibidem b. lin 1. found he could not Redeem him Way-laid and gave order to his Castellans and Soldiers to apprehend any of the King of England's Sons Earl Richard's Subjects Within a little while they seize upon Robert Poer and Ralph his Brother two Knights of the Kings Family that had been in Pilgrimage at St. James in Spain and were returning home and delivered them to Earl Raymund who kept them in Prison until his Servant Peter was ser free Richard would make no exchange but said the Reverence of their Pilgrimage was sufficient to discharge them and therefore the King of France Commanded they should be set free neither for Respect to the King of England or his Son Richard but for the Reverence he bare to St. James the Apostle [6.] Ibidem n. 10. The Earl of St. Giles Released them not by the King of France his Command but for the great Ransom he had of them Earl Richard [7.] Ibidem n. 20. An. Do. 1188. Richard enters his Country and wastes it moved with this entred his Country with an Army and wasted it with Fire and Sword and besieged and took his Castles near Tholose The King of France hearing the Complaints of the People sent into England to King Henry to know whether the damages that were done in his Dominions by his Son Richard were done by his Order and demanded Restitution King Henry returned this Answer The King of France complains to the King of England That his Son had not done any thing by his Directions or Consent and that he had let him know by John Arch-Bishop of Dublin that he had done nothing but by Advice of the King of France At this time King Henry [8.] Ibidem n. 30 40. King Henry receives a Letter from the Patriarch of Antioch received an Epistle of the Patriarch of Antioch representing to him the miserable Condition of the Christians in the Holy Land How that on the Fourth of July 1187. Saladin Emperor of the Saracens or Turks in a pitcht Battle had killed their Prince Raimund with his own hands that there were of Bishops Templars Hospitallers and others that accompaâ—ed them 1200 slain and 30000 Foot besides those that were destroyed in the Towns and Cities which were taken there reckoned up to the number of thirteen That he then besieged Jerusalem and swore to take the Sepulchre and divide it into small pieces and throw it into the Sea c. To this the King [9.] Ibidem f. 367. a. n. 20 30 c. He Answers it and gives great hopes that Relief would speedily be sent sends an Answer to the Patriarchs of Jerusalem and Antioch in which he gives them great encouragement and tells them there was coming to their assistance such an Army of Christians as was never heard of nor seen before and that amongst the other Princes he and his Son rejecting and despising all the Glory and Pleasures of the World were coming towards them with all the speed imaginable But in the mean time [1.] Ibidem n. 50. The King of France enters Berry wiâ—h a great Army Philip King of France had raised a great Army and entred Berry and taken Castle-Radulf quod Burgenses reddiderunt ei which the Burgesses delivered to him and proceeding almost all Berry except Luches was delivered to him The King of England demanding a Reason of these things it was told him they were done in Revenge for the Injuries Richard Earl ' of Poictou had done to the King of France and Earl of St. Giles The King of [2.] Ibidem b. liv â— c. The King of France refuses to make Peace England Advising with his Friends sends Baldwin Arch Bishop of Canterbury and Hugh Bishop of Lincoln to the King of France that they might persuade him to Peace and when they could not he passed into Normandy and landed at Barfleu on the Eleventh of July and gathered together in Normandy and his other Countries a great Army In the mean time Richard Earl of Poictou enters Berry destroys the Lands of the Earls and Barons that adhered to the King of France and took some of them The King of France [3.] Ibidem n. 10. left Berry to William de Barres to defend it and went toward the King of England permitting his Soldiers to waste his Dominions He sends Walter Arch-Bishop of Roven John Bishop of Eureux and William Marshall to demand Restitution and unless he made it to defie him The King of France Answers he would not desist until all Berry and Veuxin-Norman was subjected to him Toward the [4.] Ibidem n. 20 30. Richard Earl of Anjou destroys the King of France his Countries The King of France desires Peace later end of August the King of England entred the King of France his Dominions His Son Richard took William de Barres Prisoner and his Father and he and William de Mandevill burnt and destroyed the King of France his Countries and took his Towns and Castles more and faster than he burnt and took theirs so as he sent to them and desired Peace and offered to part with what he had gotten in Berry They came to a Conference at [5.] Ibidem n. 40. They meet to Treat of Peace but cannot agree Gisors to Treat of Peace and when they could not agree the King of France in a mighty rage and anger cut down a brave spread flourishing Elm between Gisors and Trie where the Conferences were wont to be between the Kings of France and Dukes of Normandy and sware there never should be more Conferences in that place The [6.] Ibidem n. 50. Several French Lords lay down Arms. Earl of Flanders Earl Theobald and the other Earls and Barons of France laid down their Arms and said they would fight no more against
much Barly and Wine accordingly And an hundred Gally's armed with their whole Furniture and Victuals for the Mariners or Gally-men for two years All these things he Claymed as heir to his Father King Henry to whom King William had devised them on his Death bed Tancred [8] Ibid. n. 10. What Tancred gave to him by advice of his wise men gave him 20000 ounces of Gold in lieu of his Sisters Dower and 20000 to be Quit of his other Demands and for a Marriage to be contracted between Arthur Duke of Britany King Richards Nephew and his Daugther And upon Executing the Charter of Peace between them [9] Ibid. b. n. 50. Tancred gave him other twenty thousand ounces of Gold to be free from all his Questions and Demands whatsoever And that for Tancreds greater security he should [1] Ibid. f. 386. a lin 2. n. 10. write to the Pope and give him an Account of their Agreement which Epistle bare [2] Ibid. 40. A. D. 1190. King Richard declares his Nephew Arthur his heir if he dyed without issue date at Messina November 11th wherein he Declares his Dearest Nephew Arthur his next Heir if he dyed without Issue This year Dyed [3] Ibid. f. 390. b. lin 5. n. 10. The Death of Robert Earl of Leicester Ranulph Glanvill and Baldwin Arch-Bishop of Canturbury Robert Earl of Leicester in Romania going to the Holy Land and Ranulph de Glanvill Dyed at the Siege of Acon and then and there also Dyed Baldwin Arch-Bishop of Canturbury and left Hubert Bishop of Salisbury his Executor who performed his Office faithfully and Distributed his Goods according to his Desire In the month of February King Richard sent his Gally's from Messina to Naples for his Mother [4] Ibid. f. 391. b. n. 10 20. Queen Alienor A. D. 1191. and Berengaria Daughter of Sanâ—â—us King of Navarre whom he was to Marry They came through France and Iâ—aly to Naples over Land Not long before this time There happened in [5] Ibid. A great Dissention between the Chancellor John the Kings Brother and other Noble men England great Dissension between the Chancellor and Earl Iohn the Kings Brother and the other great men of the Land and it came to such an height as they all wrote to the King Concerning the State of his Kingdom and the Grievances the People susteined by the Chancellors Government who sent from Messina [6] Ibid. n. 30. Walter Arch-Bishop of Roven and William Marshal Earl of Striguil Commanding his Chancellor [7] See Append n. 73 74. A. D. 1191. The Chancellors haughtiness That all things in the Kingdom should be done by the advice and assistance of the Arch-Bishop of Roven and the joynt undertaking and Direction of William Marshal Geofry Fitz-Peter Hugh Bardolf and William Bruer When they came into England they dare not deliver him the Kings Letters for he Despised all the Kings Mandates and would have no Peer or aequal in the Kingdom On the first of March King Richard [8] Hoved. ut supra n 40 50. went from Messina to Catania another City of Sicily 60 Miles from it to visit Tancred where he staid three Days and at his Departure they presented one another with Gifts Tancred brought him on his Journey toward Messina and before they left one another he gave him a Letter he had [9] Ibid. f. 392. a. lin a. n 10 20.30 The Treachery of the King of France to King Richard discovered by Tancred received from the King of France by the Duke of Burgundy in which he told him the King of England was a Traytor and would not keep the Peace he made with him And that if he would set upon him in the Night he would assist him with his Forces and Destroy the King of England and his Army To whom the King of England said he was not had not been nor would be a Traytor And that what Agreement he had made with him he would observe it so long as he Lived And that he could not easily believe the King of France would send him such a Letter To whom King Tancred Answered That if the Duke of Burgundy denyed he gave him those Letters from the King of France he was ready to disprove him by one of his own Dukes The King at his return to Messina mightily Estranged himself from the King of France who inquiring into the reason of it King Richard let him Know by the Earl of Flanders That he had received such a Letter and the Contents of it and let the Earl peruse it The King of France was silent for a while and then said the pretended Letter and Lye was a Trick of King Richards to get rid of his Sister Alice whom he had Sworn to Marry and threatned that if he did Leave her and Marry another Woman he would be his Enemie so long as he Lived The King of England [1] Ibidem King Richard refuses to Marry the King of France his Sister Replyed he could by no means make â—is Sister his Wife because his Father had Known her and begotten a Son of her and produced many Witnesses to prove it And the matter of fact appearing to the King of France to be so By the Advice of the Earl of Flanders and others of his great men a Composition was made between them The King of France was to acquit him of his Oath and Agreement hâ— had made concerning his Sister Alâ—ce and King Richard was to pay him in five years time 10000 Marks The difference between the Kings of England and France composed whereof he paid him 2000 down and was to deliver Gâ—sors and what else the King of France had given in respect of the intended Marriage and then he was at Liberty to Marry who he pleased and the Agreement further was That by his Chart the King of France Granted The Duke of Britany a â—eâ—â—aâ—aâ—ie to France That the Dukedom of Britany should for ever belong to the Dominion of the Duke of Normandy and that the Duke of Britany should always be his Man or Feudatary and should answer all things to him as to his Liege Lord. And that the Duke of Normandy should answer to the King of France for both Dukedoms and so they were made friends and the Agreement confirmed by their Oaths and Seals with the Addition of many Witnesses On the 30 th of March [2] Ibid. n. 40 The King of France with his Army arrives at Acon the King of France Sayled from Messina and two and twenty days after arrived at Acon with his Army The King of England staid there with his Army after his Departure and the very Day he set Sayl Queen Alienor came thither with Berengaria and the [3] Ibid. n 50. King Richard sends to the Pope to confirm and Consecrate his Brother Geofry fourth day departed toward England and went by Rome and by her the King sent to the
investing them in their Earldoms girt William Marshal with the Sword of the Earldom of Striguil and Geofry Fitz-Peter with the Sword of the Earldom of Essex who though before they were called Earls and had the Administration of their Counties or Earldoms yet were not Girt with the Sword of their Earldoms The same day also he made [2] Ibidem Hubert Archbishop of Canturbury his Chancellor The King of Scots [3] Ibid. n. 50. The King of Scots reneweth his Demands by three Priors of his own Nation Reneweth his Demand of Northumberland and Tumberland and made the same promises King Iohn Answered them That when their Lord the King of Scots his Dear Cousin came to him he would do what was just concerning that and all his other Demands [4] Ibid. b. lin 5. And sent Philip Bishop of Durham to meet him hoping he would come having sent Roger Bishop of St. Andrews and Hugh Malevise for him and went himself to Nottingham at Whitsunday and staid in those parts in Expectation of him but he would not come he only sent back the two Messengers to him with demand of the two Counties and to let him Know if he denyed his demands he would endeavor to acquire them by force and expected his Answer within Forty Days In the mean time King Iohn committed Northumberland and Tumberland with their Castles to the keeping and defence of William Stutevil And having dispatched his Affairs in England passed into Normandy and landed at Diepe King John passeth into Normandy and was at Roven on [5] Ibid. n. 30 40. And makes a Truce with the King of France Midsummer Day where came to him a Multitude of Soldiers Horse and Foot and presently there was a Truce made between him and the King of France until the Morrow after the Assumption of St. Mary that is the 16th of August and here Philip Earl of Flanders did Homage to King Iohn six days before that Feast Philippus comes Flandriae devenit homo Regis Iohannis apud Rothomagum c. Henry [6] Ibid. f. 452. a.n. 10. France and Normandy interdicted Earl of Namur brother to Philip Earl of Flanders Peter of Donay a Famous Soldier and his Brother the Elect of Cambray were taken by some of the French Kings Soldiers and delivered to him Peter of Capua a Cardinal and the Pope's Legat interdicted France for the taking of the Elect of Cambray as also Normandy for the Detention of Philip Bishop of Beavais and before he would release the Sentence the King of France was forced to Release the Elect and King Iohn the Bishop of Bravais But because he was taken in Arms he gave King Iohn 2000 Marks Paris [7] f. 198. n. 50. says 6000 and took an Oath never to bear Arms again against Christians Philip King of France [8] Hoved. f 452. a. n. 10.20 The King of France Knighted Arthur Duke of Britany and received his Homage Knighted Arthur Duke of Britany and Received his Homage for Anjou Poictou Tourain Main Britany and Normandy In the Morrow after the Assumption of St. Mary August 16th the two Kings treated two Days by their Commissioners between Buravant and Gaâ—llon and the third Day they spake by themselves but the King of France shew no Kindness to the King of England and the reason was because he had possessed himself of Normandy and other Countries without his Licence whereas he ought first to have come to him and demanded his Right and done him Homage In this Treaty [9] Ibid. n. 30. His Demands of King John the King of France Demanded all Veuxin That is all between the Forest of Lions the Seyn the Isle of Andeli and the River Ept. Affirming that Geofry Earl of Anjou the Father of Henry Son of Maud the Empress had given it to Lewis the Gross King of France for his assistance in gaining Normandy from King Stephan of England And Demanded that Poictou Anjou Tourain and Main might be rendred to Arthur Duke of Britany and made other Demands the King of England could not Grant King Richards riches adhered to King John and so they Departed The Earls and Barons of France that had adhered to King Richard became the men of King Iohn and Sware to him they would not make Terms with the King of France unless with his Consent and he Swore to them he would not make Peace with him unless they were comprehended in it In October the King of France [1] Ib. b. l. 1. took the Castle of Balun which was taken ill by William de Rupibus or Roche General of Duke Arthurs Forces was sent to him that there was no such Agreement between his Lord Arthur and him The King replyed he should not omit to do his pleasure notwithstanding his Lord Arthur and then went and besieged Lavardin [2] Ibid. l. 7. but hearing the King of England was coming with his Army left the Siege and marched to Mans King Iohn followed him and he left that place In the mean time William de Roche had craftily gotten Arthur out of the [3] Ib. n. 10. Arthur reconciled to King John and made Governor of Mans. custody of the King of France and reconciled him to his Uncle King John and delivered to him the City of Mans of which he was made Governor by them both and the very same day it was told Duke Arthur that King Iohn would put him in prison whereupon he and his Mother that night made their escape to Anger 's Paris [4] f. 198. n. 30. says he went privately to the King of France William * Hoved. f. 453. a. n. 30. A. D. 1199. William King of Scots admonished by a Revelation not to invade England King of Scots in pursuance of his Claim to the Counties of Northumberland and Cumberland raised an Army with intention to invade England but coming to the Shrine of St. Margaret sometime Queen of Scotland which was at Dunfermlin where he stays all night he was admonished by a Revelation in his Sleep That he should not invade England with his Army and so he permitted it to depart home or discharged it Permisit exercitum suum Domum redire After Christmass the two [5] Hoved. f. 454. b. n. 10.20 A. D. 1200. A Treaty between King John and King Philip. Kings met at a Treaty between Andeli and Gaillon in which Treaty they agreed That Lewis Son to the King of France should take to wife Blanch the Daughter of Alfonso the Eighth King of Castile King Iohns Niece with whom he was to give and quiet claim the City of Eureux and the whole Earldom and all the Fortresses and Castles which the King of France had in Normandy at the time of the death of King Richard and besides give her 30000 Marks of Silver and did Swear That he would not give any assistance to his Nephew Otho in Men or Money whereby he might obtain the Roman Empire to which