gathering of money from the subject under title of a free gift whereas a fift a sixt a tenth c. was set down and required But my good Lord though divers Shires have given to his Majestie some more some lesse what is this to the Kings debt COUNS. Wee know it well enough but we have many other projects IUST It is true my good Lord but your Lordship will find that when by these you have drawn many petty summes from the subjects and those sometimes spent as fast as they are gathered his Majesty being nothing enabled thereby when you shall be forced to demand your great aide the the Countrey will excuse it self in regard of their former payments COUNS. What mean you by the great aide JUST I mean the aide of Parliament COUNS. By Parliament I would fain know the man that durst perswade the King unto it for if it should succeed ill in what case were he JUST You say well for your self my Lord and perchance you that are lovers of your selves under pardon do follow the advice of the late Duke of Alva who was ever opposite to all resolutions in businesse of importance for if the things enterprised succeeded well the advice never came in question if ill whereto great undertakings are commonly subject he then made his advantage by remembring his Countrey Councell But my good Lord these reserved Polititians are not the best servants for he that is bound to adventure his life for his Master is also bound to adventure his advice Keep not back Councell saith Ecclesiasticus When it may do good COUNS. But Sir I speak it not in other respect then I think it dangerous for the King to assemble the three estates for thereby have our former Kings alwayes lost somewhat of their prerogatives And because that you shall not think that I speak it at randome I will begin with elder times wherein the first contention began betwixt the Kings of this land and their subjects in Parliament IUST Your Lordship shall do me a singular favour COUNS. You know that the Kings of England had no formal Parliament till about the 18. year of Hen. the first for in his 17 year for the marriage of his Daughter the King raised a tax upon every hide of land by the advice of his privy Councell alone But you may remember how the subjects soon after the establishment of this Parliament began to stand upon termes with the King and drew from him by strong hand and the sword the great Charter JUST Your Lordship sayes well they drew from the King the great Charter by the sword and hereof the Parliament cannot be accused but the Lords COUNS. You say well but it was after the establishment of the Parliament and by colour of it that they had so great daring for before that time they could not endure to hear of Sr. Edwards lawes but resisted the confirmation in all they could although by those lawes the Subjects of this Iland were no lesse free than any of all Europe JUST My good Lord the reason is manifest for while the Normans and other of the French that followed Conquerour made spoyle of the English they would not endure that any thing but the will of the Conquerour should stand for Law but after a difcent or two when themselves were become English and found themselves beaten with their own rods they then began to favour the difference between subjection and slavery and insist upon the Law Meum tuum and to be able to say unto themselves hoc sac vives yea that the conquering English in Ireland did the like your Lordship knowes it better than I. COUNS. I think you guesse aright And to the end the subject may know that being a faithfull servant to his Prince he might enjoy his own life and paying to his Prince what belongs to a Soveraigne the remainder was his own to dispose Henry the first to content his Vassals gave them the great Charter and the Charter of Forrests JUST What reason then had K. Iohn to deny the confirmation COUNS. He did not but he on the contrary confirmed both the Charters with additions required the Pope whom he had them made his superior to strengthen him with a golden Bul. JUST But your honour knowes that it was not long after that he repented himself COUNS. It is rrue and he had reason so to do for the Barons refused to follow him into France as they ought to have done and to say true this great Charter upon which you insist so much was not originally granted Regally aud freely for Henry the first did usurpe the Kingdome and therefore the better to assure himself against Robert his eldest Brother hee flattered the Nobility and people with those Charters Yea King Iohn that confirmed them had the like respect for Arthur Duke of Britain was the undoubted heir of the Crown upon whom Iohn usurped And so to conclude these Charters had their originall from Kings de facto but not de jure JUST But King Iohn confirmed the Charter after the death of his Nephew Arthur when he was then Rex de jure also COUNS. It is true for he durst do no other standing accursed whereby few or none obeyed him for his Nobility refused to follow him into Scotland and he had so grieved the people by pulling down all the Parke pales before harvest to the end his Deere might spoil the corn And by seizing the temporalities of so many Bishopricks into his hands and chiefly for practising the death of the Duke of Britain his Nephew as also having lost Normandy to the French so as the hearts of all men were turned from him IUST Nay by your favour my Lord King Iohn restored K. Edwards Laws after his absolution and wrote his letters in the 15. of his reigne to all Sheriffes countermanding all former oppressions yea this he did notwithstanding the Lords refused to follow him into France COUNS. Pardon me he did not restore King Edwards Lawes then nor yet confirmed the Charters but he promised upon his absolution to doe both but after his return out of France in his 16. year he denyed it because without such a promise he had not obtained restitution his promise being constrained and not voluntary IUST But what think you was hee not bound in honour to performe it COUNS. Certainly no for it was determined the case of King Francis the first of France that all promises by him made whilest he was in the hands of Charles the fift his enemy were void by reason the Judge of honour which tells us he durst doe no other JUST But King Iohn was not in prison COUNS. Yet for all that restraint is imprisonment yea fear it self is imprisonment and the King was subject to both I know there is nothing more Kingly in a King than the performance of his word but yet of a word freely and voluntarily given Neither was the Charter of Henry the first so
Lords A contrained consent is the consent of a Captive and not of a King and therefore there was nothing done their either legally or royally For if it be not properly a Parliament where the subject is not free certainely it can be none where the King is bound for all Kingly rule was taken from the King and twelve Peeres appointed and as some Writers have it 24. Peeres to governe the Realme and therefore the assembly made by Iack Straw and other rebels may aswell be called a Parliament as that of Oxford Principis nomen habere non est esse princeps for thereby was the K. driven not only to compound all quarrels with the French but to have meanes to be revenged on the rebell Lords but he quitted his right to Normandy Anjou and Mayne COUNS. But Sir what needed this extremity seeing the Lords required but the confirmation of the former Charter which was not prejudiciall to the King to grant JUST Yes my good Lord but they insulted upon the King and would not suffer him to enter into his own Castles they put down the Purveyor of the meat for the maintenance of his house as if the King had been a bankrupt and gave order that without ready money he should not take up a Chicken And though there is nothing against the royalty of a King in these Charters the Kings of England being Kings of freemen and not of slaves yet it is so contrary to the nature of a King to be forced even to those things which may be to his advantage as the King had some reason to seek the dispensation of his oath from the Pope and to draw in strangers for his own defence yea jure salvo coronae nostrae is intended inclusively in all oathes and promises exacted from a Soveraigne COUNS. But you cannot be ignorant how dangerous a thing it is to call in other Nations both for the spoil they make as also because they have often held the possession of the best places with which they have been trusted JUST It is true my good Lord that there is nothing so dangerous for a King as to be constrained and held as prisoner to his vassals for by that Edward the second and Richard the second lost their Kingdomes and their lives And for calling in of strangers was not King Edward the sixth driven to call in strangers against the Rebels in Norfolke Cornwall Oxfordshire and elsewhere Have not the Kings of Scotland been oftentimes constrained to entertain strangers against the Kings of England And the King of England at this time had he not bin diverse times assisted by the Kings of Scotland had bin endangered to have been expelled for ever COUNS. But yet you know those Kings were deposed by Parliament JUST Yea my good Lord being Prisoners being out of possession and being in their hands that were Princes of the blood and pretenders It is an old Countrey Proverbe that Might overcomes Right a weak title that weares a strong sword commonly prevailes against a strong title that weares but a weak one otherwise Philip the second had never been Duke of Portugal nor Duke of Millayne nor King of Naples Sicily But good Lord Errores non sunt trahendi in exemplum I speak of regall peaceable and lawfull Parliaments The King at this time was but a King is name for Glocester Leicester and Chichester made choise of other Nine to whom the rule of the Realme was committed and the Prince was forced to purchase his liberty from the Earle of Leicester by giving for his ransome the Countey Pallatine of Chester But my Lord let us judge of those occasions by their events what became of this proud Earle was he not soon after slain in Evesham was he not left naked in the field and left a shamfull spectacle his head being cut off from his shoulders his privie parts from his body and laid on each side of his nose And did not God extinguish his race after which in a lawfull Parliament at Westminster confirmed in a following Parliament of Westminster were not all the Lords that followed Leycester disinheried And when that fool Glocester after the death of Leycester whom he had formerly forsaken made himself the head of a second Rebellion and called in strangers for which not long before he had cried out against the King was not he in the end after that he had seen the slaughter of so many of the Barons the spoil of their Castles and Lordships constrained to submit himself as all the survivers did of which they that sped best payed their fines and ransomes the King reserving his younger Son the Earledomes of Leycester and Derby COUNS. Well Sir we have disputed this King to the grave though it be true that he out-lived all his enemies and brought them to confusion yet those examples did not terrifie their successors but the Earle Marshall and Hereford threatned King Edward the first with a new War IUST They did so but after the death of Hereford the Earle Marshall repented himself and to gain the Kings favour he made him heir of all his Lands But what is this to the Parliament for there was never King of this land had more given him for the time of his raign then Edward the Son of Henry the third had COUNS. How doth that appear JUST In this sort my good Lord in this Kings third year he had given him the fifteenth part of all goods In his sixt year a twentyeth In his twelfth year a twentyeth in his fourteenth year he had escuage to wit forty shillings of every Knights Fee in this eighteenth year he had the eleventh part of all moveable goods within the Kingdome in his nineteenth year the tenth part of all Church livings in England Scotland and Ireland for six years by agreement from the Pope in his three and twentieth year he raised a taxe upon Wool and fels and on a day caused all the religious houses to be searched and all the treasure in them to be seized and brought to his coffers excusing himself by laying the fault upon his Treasurer he had also in the end of the same year of all goods of all Burgesses and of the Commons the 10th part in the 25th year of the Parliament of St. Edmundsbury he had an 18th part of the goods of the Burgesses and of the people in generall the tenth part He had also the same year by putting the Clergie out of his protection a fifth part of their goods and in the same year he set a great taxe upon Woolls to wit from half a marke to 40s upon every sack whereupon the Earle Marshall and the Earle of Hereford refusing to attend the King into Flanders pretended the greevances of the people Put in the end the King having pardoned them and confirmed the great Charter he had the ninth penny of all goods from the Lords and Commons of the Clergie in the South he had the tenth penny and in
Lord rather to be commended as preparing against all danger of Innovation COUNS. It should be so but call your observation to accompt and you shall find it as I say for indeed such a jealousie hath been held ever since the time of the Civill wars over the Military greatness of our Nobles as made them have little will to bend their studies that wayes wherefore let every man provide according as he is rated in the Muster Book you understand me IUST Very well my Lord as what might be replyed in the perceiving so much I have ever to deal plainly and freely with your Lordship more fear'd at home popular violence then all the forreine that can be made for it can never be in the power of any forraigne Prince without a Papisticall party rather to disorder or endanger his Majesties Estate COUNS. By this it seems it is no lesse dangerous for a King to leave the power in the people then in the Nobility IUST My good Lord the wisdome of our own age is the foolishnesse of another the time present ought not to be preferr'd to the policy that was but the policy that was to the time present so that the power of the Nobility being now withered and the power of the people in the flower the care to content them would not be neglected the way to win them often practized or at least to defend them from oppression The motive of all dangers that ever this Monarchy hath undergone should be carefully heeded for this Maxime hath no posterne Potestas humana radicatur in voluntatibus hominum And now my Lord for King Edward it is true though he were not subject to force yet was he subject to necessity which because it was violent he gave way unto it Potestas saith Pithagoras juxta necessitatem habitat And it is true that at the request of the house he discharged and put from him those before named which done he had the greatest gift but one that ever he received in all his dayes to wit from every person man and woman above the age of fourteen years 4d of old mony which made many Millions of Groats worth 61. of our mony This he had in generall besides he had of every benificed Priest 12d And of the Nobility and Gentry I know not how much for it is not set down Now my good Lord what lost the King by satisfying the desires of the Parliament house for assoon as he had the money in purse he recalled the Lords and restored them and who durst call the King to accompt when the Assembly were dissolued Where the word of a King is there is power saith Ecclesiasticus who shall say unto him what doest thou saith the same Author for every purpose there is a time and judgement the King gave way to the time and his judgement perswaded him to yeeld to necessity Consularius nemo melior est quam tempus COUNS. But yet you see the king was forc'd to yeeld to their demaunds JUST Doth your Lordship remember the saying of Monsier de Lange that he that hath the profit of the war hath also the honour of the war whether it be by battaile or retreate the King you see had the profit of the Parliament and therefore the honour also what other end had the King then to supply his wants A wise man hath evermore respect unto his ends and the King also knew that it was the love that the people bare him that they urged the removing of those Lords there was no man among them that sought himself in that desire but they all sought the king as by the successe it appeared My good Lord hath it not been ordinary in England and in France to yeeld to the demaunds of rebels did not King Richard the second graunt pardon to the outragious rogues and murtherers that followed Iack Straw and Wat Tâ—ler after they had murthered his Chancellor his Treasurer Chief Iustice and others brake open his Exchequer and committed all manner of outrages and villanies and why did he do it but to avoid a greater danger I say the Kings have then yeelded to those that hated them and their estates to wit to pernicious rebels And yet without dishonour shall it be called dishonour for the King to yeeld to honest desires of his subjects No my Lord those that tell the King those tales fear their own dishonour and not the Kings for the honour of the King is supreame and being guarded by Iustice and piety it cannot receive neither wound nor stain COUNS. But Sir what cause have any about our King to fear a Parliament IUST The same cause that the Earle of Suffolke had in Richard the seconds time and the Treasurer Fartham with others for these great Officers being generally hated for abusing both the King and the Subject at the request of the States were discharged and others put in their roomes COUN And was not this a dishonour to the King IUST Certainly no for King Richard knew that his Grandfather had done the like and though the King was in his heart utterly against it yet had he the profit of this exchange for Suffolke was fined at 20000 markes and 1000l lands COUNS. Well Sir we will speak of those that fear the Parliament some other time but I pray you go on with that that happened in the troublesome raigne of Richard the second who succeeded the Grandfather being dead IUST That King my good Lord was one of the most unfortunate Princes that ever England had he was cruell extreame prodigall and wholly carryed away with his two Minions Suffolk and the Duke of Ireland by whose ill advice and others he was in danger to have lost his estate which in the end being led by men of the like temper he miserably lost But for his subsedies he had given him in his first year being under age two tenths and two fifteenes In which Parliament Alice Peirce who was removed in King Edwards time with Lancaster Latimer and Sturry were confiscate and banished in his second year at the Parliament at Glocester the King had a marke upon every sack of Wooll and 6d the pound upon wards In his third year at the Parliament at Winchester the Commons were spared and a subsedy given by the better sort the Dukes gave 20 markes and Earles 6 markes Bishoppes and Abbots with myters six markes every marke 35. 4d and every Knight Iustice Esquire Shrieve Person Vicar Chaplaine paid proportionably according to their estates COUNS. This me thinks was no great matter IUST It is true my Lord but a little mony went far in those dayes I my self once moved it in Parliament in the time of Queen Elizabeth who desired much to spare the Common people I did it by her Commandement but when we cast up the subsedy Books we found the summe but small when the 30l men were left out In the beginning of his fourth year a tenth with a fifteen were granted upon
Crown the ornaments thereof And it is an infalliable maxime that he that loves not his Majesties estate loves not his person COUNS. How came it then that the act was not executed IUST Because these against whom it was granted perswaded the King to the contrary as the Duke of Ireland Suffolk the chief Iustice Tresilian and others yea that which was lawfully done by the King and the great Councell of the kingdome was by the mastery which Ireland Suffolk and Tresilian had over the Kings affections broken and disavowed Those that devised to relieve the King not by any private invention but by generall Councell were by a private and partiall assembly adjudged traitors and the most honest Iudges of the land enforced to subscribe to that judgement In so much that Iudge Belknap plainly told the Duke of Ireland and the Earl of Suffolk when he was constrained to set his hand plainly told these Lords that he wanted but a rope that he might therewith receive a reward for his subscription And in this Councell of Nottingham was hatched the ruine of those which governed the King of the Iudges by them constrained of the Lords that loved the King and sought a reformation and of the King himself for though the King found by all the Shrieves of the shires that the people would not fight against the Lords whom they thought to bee most faithfull unto the King when the Citizens of London made the same answer being at that time able to arme 50000. men and told the Major that they would never fight against the Kings friends and defenders of the Realme when the Lord Ralph Passet who was near the King told the King boldly that he would not adventure to have his head broken for the Duke of Irelands pleasure when the Lord of London told the Earle of Suffolk in the Kings presence that he was not worthy to live c. yet would the King in the defence of the destroyers of his estate lay ambushes to intrap the Lords when they came upon his faith yea when all was pacified and that the King by his Proclamation had clear'd the Lords and promised to produce Ireland Suffolk and the Archbishop of Yorke Tresiltan and Bramber to answer at the next Parliament these men confest that they durst not appear and when Suffolk fled to Callice and the Duke of Ireland to Chester the King caused an army to be leavied in Lancashire for the safe conduct of the Duke of Ireland to his presence when as the Duke being encountered by the Lords ranne like a coward from his company and fled into Holland After this was holden a Parliament which was called that wrought wonders In the Eleventh year of this King wherein the fornamed Lords the Duke of Ireland and the rest were condemned and confiscate the Chief Iustice hanged with many others the rest of the Iudges condemned and banisht and a 10. and a 15. given to the King COUNS. But good Sir the King was first besieged in the Tower of London and the Lords came to the Parliament and no man durst contradict them IUST Certainly in raising an army they committed treason and though it appear that they all loved the King for they did him no harm having him in their power yet our law doth construe all leavying of war without the Kings commission and all force raised to be intended for the death and destruction of the King not attending the sequell And it is so judged upon good reason for every unlawfull and ill action is supposed to be accompanied with an ill intent And besides those Lords used too great cruelty in procuring the sentence of death against divers of the Kings servants who were bound to follow and obey their Master and Soveraigne Lord in that he commanded COUNS. It is true and they were also greatly to blame to cause then so many seconds to be put to death seeing the principalls Ireland Suffolk and York had escaped them And what reason had they to seek to enform the State by strong hand was not the Kings estate as dear to himself as to them He that maketh a King know his errour mannerly and private and gives him the best advice he is discharged before God and his own conscience The Lords might have â—â—tired themselves when they saw they could not prevail and have left the King to his own wayes who had more to lose then they had IUST My Lord the taking of Arms cannot be excused in respect of the law but this might be said for the Lords that the King being under yeares and being wholly governed by their enemies and the enemies of the kingdome and because by those evil mens perswasions it was advised how the Lords should have been murthered at a feast in London they were excusable during the kings minority to stand upon their guard against their particular enemies But we will passe it over go on with our parliaments that followed whereof that of Cambridge in the Kings 12th year was the next therein the King had given him a 10th and a 15th after which being 20. yeares of age rechanged saith H. Kinghton his Treasurer his Chancellour the Iustices of either bench the Clerk of the privy seal and others and took the government into his own hands He also took the Admirals place from the Earl of Arundell and in his room he placed the Earl of Huntingdon in the yeare following which was the 13th year of the K. in the Parliament at Westminster there was given to the King upon every sack of wooll 14s and 6d in the gound upon other Merchandise COUNS. But by your leave the King was restrained this parliament that he might not dispose of but a third part of the money gathered IUST No my Lord by your favour But true it is that part of this mony was by the Kings consent assigned towards the wars but yet left in the Lord Treasurers hands and my Lord it would be a great ease and a great saving to his Majesty our Lord and Master if it pleased him to make his assignations upon some part of his revenewes by which he might have 1000l upon every 10000l and save himself a great deale of clamour For seeing of necessity the Navy must be maintained and that those poor men as well Carpenters as ship-keepers must be paid it were better for his Majesty to give an assignation to the Treasurer of his Navy for the receiving of so much as is called ordinary then to discontent those poor men who being made desperate beggars may perchance be corrupted by them that lye in wait to destroy the Kings estate And if his Majesty did the like in all other payements especially where the necessity of such as are to receive cannot possible give dayes his Majesty might then in a little rowle behold his receipts and expences he might quiet his heart when all necessaries were provided for and then dispose the rest at his pleasure And my good Lord
still called Impost because it was imposed after the ordinary rate of payement had lasted many years But we do now a dayes understand those things to be impositions which are raised by the command of Princes without the advice of the Common-wealth though as I take it much of that which is now called custome was at the first imposed by Prerogative royall Now whether it be time or consent that makes them just I cannot define were they just because new and not justified yet by time or unjust because they want a generall consent yet is this rule of Aristotle verified in respect of his Majestie Minus timent homines in justum pati à principe quem cultorem Dei putant Yea my Lord they are also the more willingly borne because all the world knows they are no new Invention of the Kings And if those that advised his Majestie to impose them had raised his lands as it was offered them to 20000l more then it was and his wards to asmuch as aforesaid they had done him farre more acceptable service But they had their own ends in refusing the one and accepting the other If the land had been raised they could not have selected the best of it for themselves If the impositions had not been laid some of them could not have their silks other pieces in farme which indeed grieved the subject ten times more then that which his Majestie enjoyeth But certainly they made a great advantage that were the advisers for if any tumult had followed his Majesty ready way had been to have delivered them over to the people COUNS. But think you that the King would have delivered them if any troubles had followed IUST I know not my Lord it was Machiavels counsell to Caesar Borgia to doe it and King H the 8. delivered up Empson and Dudley yea the same King when the great Cardinall Woolsey who governed the King and all his estate had by requiring the sixt part of every mans goods for the King raised a rebellion the King I say disavowed him absolutely that had not the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk appeased the people the Cardinall had sung no more Masse for these are the words of our Story The King then came to Westminster to the Cardinals Palace and assembled there a great Councell in which he protested that his mind was never to aske any thing of his commons which might sound to the breach of his Laws Wherefore he then willed them to know by whose means they were so strictly given forth Now my Lord how the Cardinall would have shifted himself by saying I had the opinion of the Iudges had not the rebellion been appeased I greatly doubt COUNS. But good Sir you blanch my question and answer me by examples I aske you whether or no in any such tumult the people pretending against any one or two great Officers the King should deliver them or defend them IUST My good Lord the people have not stayed for the Kings delivery neither in England nor in France Your Lordship knows how the Chancellour Treasurer and Chief Iustice with many others at severall times have been used by the Rebels And the Marshals Constables and Treasurers in France have been cut in pieces in Charles the sixt his time Now to your Lordships question I say that where any man shall give a King perilous advice as may either cause a Rebellion or draw the peoples love from the King I say that a King shall be advised to banish him But if the King do absolutely command his servant to do any thing displeasing to the Common-wealth and to his own perill there is the King bond in honour to defend him But my good Lord for conclusion there is no man in England that will lay any invention ether grievous or against law upon the Kings Majesty and therefore your Lordships must share it amongst you COUNS. For my part I had no hand in it I think Ingram was be that propounded it to the Treasurer IUST Alas my good Lord every poor waiter in the Custome-house or every promooter might have done it there is no invention in these things To lay impositions and sell the Kings lands are poor and common devices It is true that Ingram and his fellows are odious men and therefore his Majesty pleas'd the people greatly to put him from the Coffership It is better for a Prince to use such a kind of men then to countenance them hangmen are necessary in a common wealth yet in the Netherlands none but a hangmans sonne will marry a hangmans daughter Now my Lord the last gathering which Henry the seventh made was in his twentieth year wherein he had another benevolence both of the Clergy and Laity a part of which taken of the poorer sort he ordained by his testament that it should be restored And for King Henry the eight although he was left in a most plentifull estate yet he wonderfully prest his people with great payments for in the beginning of his time it was infinite that he spent in Masking and Tilting Banquetting and other vanities before he was entred into the most consuming expence of the most fond and fruitlesse warre that ever King undertook In his fourth yeare he had one of the greatest subsedies that ever was granted for besides two fifteens and two dismes he used Davids Law of Capitation or head money and had of every Duke ten marks of every Earl five pounds of every Lord four pounds of every Knight four marks and every man rated at 8l in goods 4. marks and so after the rate yea every man that was valued but at 401 paid 12d and every man and woman above 15. yeares 4d He had also in his sixt yeare divers subsedies granted him In his fourteenth their was a tenth demanded of every mans goods but it was moderated In the Parliament following the Clergie gave the King the half of their spirituall livings for one yeare and of the Laity there was demanded 800000l which could not be leavied in England but it was a marvellous great gift that the king had given him at that time In the Kings seventeenth yeare was the Rebellion before spoken of wherein the King disavowed the Cardinall In his seventeenth yeare he had the tenth and fifteenth given by Parliament which were before that time paid to the Pope And before that also the moneys that the King borrowed in his fifteenth yeare were forgiven him by Parliament in his seventeenth yeare In his 35. yeare a subsedy was granted of 4d the pound of every man worth in goods from 20s to 5l from 5l to 10l and upwards of every pound 2s And all strangers denisens and others doubled this summe strangers not being inhabitants above 16. yeares 4d a head All that had Lands Fees and Annuities from 20. to 5. and so double as they did for goods And the Clergy gave 6d the pound In the thirty seventh yeare a Benevolence was taken not voluntary but rated by
it be not to save thy self thy Prince or Countrey for there is nothing more dishonourable next to Treason it self than to be an Accuser Notwithstanding I would not have thee for any respect loose thy reputation or endure publick disgrace for better it were not to live than to live a coward if the offence proceed not from thy selfe if it do it shall be better to compound it upon good terms than to hazard thy self for if thou overcome thou art vnder the cruelty of the Law if thou art overcome thou art dead or dishonoured If thou therefore contend or discourse in argument let it be with wise and sober men of whom thou mayest learn by reasoning and not with ignorant persons for thou shalt thereby in trust those that will not thank thee and utter what they have learned from thee for their own But if thou know more that other men utter it when it may do thee honour and not in assemblies of ignorant and common persons Speaking much also is a sign of vanity for he that is lavish in words is a niggard in deeds and as Solomon saith The mouth of a wise men is in his heart the heart of a fool is in his mouth because what he knoweth or thinketh he uttereth And by thy words and discourses men will judge thee For as Socrates saith such as thy words are such will thy affections be esteemed and such will thy deeds as thy aâ—â—ctâ—â—â—s and such thy life as thy deeds Therefore be advised what thou dost discourse of what thou maintainest whether touching Religion State or vanity for it thou erie in the first thou shalt be accounted profane if in the second dangerous if in the third indiscreet and foolish He that cannot refrain from much speaking is like a Citie without walls and lesse pains in the world a man cannot take than to hold his tongue therefore if thou observest this rule in all assemblies thou shalt seldom erre restrain thy choller hearken much and speak little for the tongue is the instrument of the greatest good and greatest evil that is done in the world According to Solomon Life and death are in the power of the tongue and as Euripide truly affirmeth Every unbrialed tongue in the end shall find it self unfortunate for in all that ever I observed in the course of worldly things I ever found that mens fortunes are oftner made by their tongues than by their virtues and more mens fortunes overthrown thereby also than by their vices And to conclude all quarrels mischief hatred and destruction ariseth from unadvised speech and in much speech there are many errours out of which thy enemies shall ever take the most dangerous advantage And as thou shalt be happy if thou thy self observe these things so shall it be most profitable for thee to avoid their companies that erre in that kind and not to hearken to Tale-bearers to inquisitive persons and such as busie themselves with other mens estates that creep into houses as spies to learn news which concerns them not for assure thy self such persons are most base and unworthy and I never knew any of them prosper or respected amongst worthy or wise men Take heed also that thou be not found a liar for a lying spirit is hatefull both to God and man A liar is commonly a Coward for he dares not avow truth A liar is trusted of no man he can have no credit neither in publick nor private and if there were no more arguments than thee know that our Lord in S. John saith That it is a vice proper to Satan lying being opposite to the nature of God which consisteth in Truth and the gain of lying is nothing else but not to be trusted of any nor to be believed when we say the truth It is said in the Proverbs That God hateth false lips and he that speaketh lips shall perish Thus thou mayest see and find in all the Books of God how odious and contrary to God a liar is and for the world believe it that it never did any man good except in the extremity of saving life for a liar is of a base unworthy and cowardly spirit CHAP. V. Three Rules to be observed for the preservation of a mans estate AMongst all other things of the World take care of thy estate which thou shalt ever preserve if thou observe three things First that thou know what thou hast what every thing is worth that thou hast and to see that thou art not wasted by thy Servants and Officers The second is that thou never spend any thing before thou have it for borrowing is the canker and death of every mans estate The third is that thou suffer not thy self to be wounded for other mens faults and scourged for other mens offences which is to be surety for another for thereby millions of men have been beggered and destroyed paying the reckoning of other mens riot and the charge of other mens folly and prodigality if thou smart smart for thine own sins and above all things be not made an Ass to carry the burdens of other men If any friend desire thee to be his surety give him a patt of what thou hast to spare if he press thee farther he is not thy friend at all for friendship rather chooseth harm to it self than offereth it If thou be bound for a stranger thou art a fool if for a merchant thou puttest thy estate to learn to swim if for a Church-man he hath no inheritance if for a Lawyer he will find an evasion by a syllable or word to abuse thee if for a poor man thou must pay it thy self if for a rich man it need not therefore from Suretiship as from a Man slayer or Enchanter bless thy self for the best profit and return wil be this that if thou force him for whom thou art bound to pay it himself he will become thy enemy if thou use to pay it thy self thou wilt be a beggar and believe thy Father in this and print it in thy thought that what virtue soever thou hast be it never so manifold if thou be poor withall thou and thy qualities shall be despised Besides poverty is oft times sent as a curse of God it is a shame amongst men an imprisonment of the mind a vexation of every worthy spirit thou shalt neither help thy self nor others thou shalt drown thee in all thy virtues having no means to shew them thou shalt be a burthen and an Eye-sore to thy friends every man will fear thy company thou shalt be driven basely to beg and depend on others to flatter unworthy men to make dishonest shifts and to conclude poverty provokes a man to do infamous and detested deeds Let no vanity therefore or perswasion draw thee to that worst of wordly miseries If thou be rich it will give thee pleasure in health comfort in sickness keep thy mind and body free save thee from many perils relieve thee in thy elder years
Justice and good order being more learned in the Law than in doing right and that he had by far more knowledge than conscience Certainly the unjust Magistrate that fancieth to himself a solid and untransparable bodie of Gold every ordinarie wit can vitrifie and make transparent pierce and discern their corruptions howsoever because not daring they cover their knowledge but in the mean while it is also true That constrained dissimulation either in the proud heart or in the oppressed either in publick estates or in private persons where the fear of God is not prevalent doth in all the leisure of her lurking but sharpen her teeth the voluntarie being no less base than the forced malitious Thus it fared between the Barons of England and their Kings between the Lords of Switzerland their people between the Sicilians and the French between the Dolphin and John of Burgoign between Charl the Ninth and the French Protestants and between Henry the third his successor and the Lords of Guise hereof in place of more particulars the whole world may serve for examples It is a difficult piece of Geographie to delinate and lay out the bounds of Authority but it is easie enough coÌ„ceive the best use of it and by which it hath maintained it self in lasting happiness t hath ever acquired more honour by perswading than by beating for as the bonds of Reason and Love are immortal so do all other chains or cords both rustâ—e rot Noble parts of their own Royal and Politick bodies But we will forbear for a while to stretch this first string of Civil Justice for in respect of the first sort of Men to wit of those that live by their own labour they have never been displeased where they have been suffered to enjoy the fruit of their own travels Meum Tuum Mine Thine is all wherein they seek their certaintie protection True it is that they are the Fruit-Trees of the Land which God in Deuteronomie commanded to be spared they gather honey and hardly enjoy the wax and break the ground with great labour giving the best of their grain to the easefull idle For the second sort which are the Merchants as the first feed the Kingdome so do these enrich it yea their trades especially those which are forcible are not the least part of our Martiall Policie as hereafter proved and to do them right they have in all ages and times assisted the Kings of this Land not onely with great sums of money but with great Fleets of Ships in all their enterprises beyond the seas The second have seldome or never offended their Princes to enjoy their trades at home upon tolerable conditions hath ever contented them for the injuries received from other Nations give them but the Commission of Reprisal they will either Right themselves or sit down with their own losse without complaint 3. The third sort which are the Gentrie of England these being neither seated in the lowest grounds and thereby subject to the biting of every beast nor in the highest Mountains thereby in danger to be torn with tempest but the Valleys between both have their parts in the inferiour Iustice being spread over all are the Garrisons of good order throughout the Realm Sir WALTER RALEIGH'S LETTERS Sir Walter Raleigh's Letter to Mr Secretary Winwood before his Iourney to Guiana Honourable SIR I Was lately perswaded by two Gentlemen my ancient Friends to acquaint your Honour with some offers of mine made heretofore for a Journey to Guiana who were of opinion That it would be better understood now than when it was first propounded which advice having surmounted my dispair I have presumed to send unto your Honour the Copies of those Letters which I then wrote both to his Majestie and to the Treasurer Ceuill wherein as well the reasons that first moved me are remembered as the objections by him made are briefly answered What I know of the riches of that place not by hear say but what mine eyes hath seen I have said it often but it was then to no end Because those that had the greatest trust were resolved not to believe it not because they doubted the Truth but because they doubted my Disposition towards themselves where if God had blessed me in the enterprise I had recovered his Majesties favour and good opinion Other cause than this or other suspition they never had any Our late worthy Prince of Wales was extream curious in searching out the Nature of my offences The Queens Majestie hath informed her self from the beginning The King of Denmark at both times of his being here was throughly satisfied of my innocencie they would otherwise never have moved his Majestie on my behalf The Wife the Brother and the Son of a King do not use to sue for men suspect but Sir since they all have done it out of their charitie and but with references to me alone Your Honour whose respect hath onely relation to his Majesties service strengthened by the example of those Princes may with the more hardnesse do the like being Princes to whom his Majesties good estate is not lesse dear and all men that shall oppugne it no lesse hatefull then to the King himself It is true Sir That his Majestie hath sometimes answered That his Councel knew me better than he did meaning some two or three of them And it was indeed my infelicitie for had his Majestie known me I had never been here where I now am or had I known his Majestie they had never been so long there where they now are His Majestie not knowing of me hath been my ruine and his Majestie misknowing of them hath been the ruine of a goodly part of his estate but they are all of them now some living and some dying come to his Majesties knowledge But Sir how little soever his Majestie knew me and how much soever he believed them yet have I been bound to his Majestie both for my Life and all that remains of which but for his Majestie nor Life nor ought else had remained In this respect Sir I am bound to yield up the same life and all I have for his Majesties service to die for the King and not by the King is all the ambition I have in the world Walter Raleigh Sir Raleigh's Letter to his Wife from Guiana Sweet Heart I Can yet write unto you but with a weak hand for I have suffered the most violent Calenture for fifteen days that ever man did and lived but God that gave me a strong heart in all my adversities hath also now strengthened it in the hell fire of heat We have had two most grievous sicknesses in our Ship of which fourtie two have died and there are yet many sick but having recovered the land of Guiana this 12 of November I hope we shall recover them We are yet two hundred men and the rest of our Fleet are reasonable strong strong enough I
of the wars in France and the losse of Rochett he was them enforced to consent to the Lords in all they demanded in the tenth of his reigne he fined the City of London at 50000. marks because they had received Lewis of France in the 11. year in the Parliament at Oxford he revoked the great Charter being granted when he was under age and governed by the Earle of Pembroke and the Bishop of Winchester in this 11. year the Earles of Cornewall and Chester Marshall Edward Earle of Pembroke Gilbert Earle of Gloucester Warren Hereford Ferrars and Warwick and others rebelled against the King and constrained him to yeeld unto them in what they demaunded for their particular interest which rebellion being appeased he sayled into France and in his 15. year he had a 15th of the temporality and a disme and a half of the spirituality and withall escuage of every Knights fee. COUNS. But what say you to the Parliament of Westminster in the 16th of the King where notwithstanding the wars of France and his great charge in repulsing the Welsh rebels he was flatly denyed the Subsidy demanded IUST I confesse my Lord that the house excused themselves by reason of their poverty and the Lords taking of Armes in the next year it was manifest that the house was practised aganst the King And was it not so my good Lord think you in our two last Parliaments for in the first even those whom his Majesty trusted most betrayed him in the union and in the second there were other of the great ones ran counter But your Lordship spake of dangers of Parliaments in this my Lord there was a denyall but there was no danger at all but to returne where I left what got the Lords by practizing the house at that time I say that those that brake this staffe upon the King were overturned with the counterbuffe for he resumed all those lands which he had given in his minority he called all his exacting officers to accompt he found them all faulty he examined the corruption of other Magistrates and from all these he drew sufficient money to satisfie his present necessity whereby he not onely spared his people but highly contented them with an act of so great Iustice Yea Hubert Earle of Kent the chief Iustice whom he had most trusted and most advanced was found as false to the King as any one of the rest And for conclusion in the end of that year at the assembly of the States at Lambeth the King had the fortieth part of every mans goods given him freely toward his debts for the people who the same year had refused to give the King any thing when they saw he had squeased those spunges of the Common-wealth they willingly yeelded to give him satisfaction COUNS. But I pray you what became of this Hubert whom the King had favoured above all men betraying his Majesty as he did IUST There were many that perswaded the King to put him to death but he could not be drawn to consent but the King seized upon his estate which was great yet in the end he left him a sufficient portion and gave him his life because he had done great service in former times For this Majesty though he tooke advantage of his vice yet he forgot not to have consideration of his vertue And upon this occasion it was that the King betrayed by those whom he most trusted entertained strangers and gave them their offices and the charge of his Castles and strong places in England COUNS. But the drawing in of those strangers was the cause that Marshall Earle of Pembroke moved war against the King JUST It is true my good Lord but he was soon after slain in Ireland and his whole masculine race ten yeares extinguished though there were five Sons of them and Marshal being dead who was the mover and ring-leader of that war the King pardoned the rest of the Lords that had assisted Marshall COUNS. What reason had the King so to doe JUST Because he was perswaded that they loved his person and only hated those corrupt Counsellors that then bare the greatest sway under him as also because they were the best men of war he had whom if he destroyed having war with the French he had wanted Commanders to have served him COUNS. But what reason had the Lords to take armes JUST Because the King entertained the Poictovins were not they the Kings vassals also Should the Spaniards rebell because the Spanish King trusts to the Neapolitans Fortagues Millanoies and other Nations his vassals seeing those that are governed by the Vice-royes and deputies are in policy to be well entertained to be employed who would otherwise devise how to free themselves whereas being trusted and imployed by their Prince they entertain themselves with the hopes that other the Kings vassals do if the King had called in the Spaniards or other Nations not his Subjects the Nobilitie of England had reason of grief COUNS. But what people did ever serve the King of England more faithfully then the Gascoynes did even to the last of the conquest of that Duchie IUST Your Lordship sayes well and I am of that opinion that if it had pleased the Queen of Eng. to have drawn some of the chief of the Irish Nobilitie into Eng. and by exchange to have made them good free-holders in Eng. she had saved above 2. millions of pounds which were consumed in times of those Rebellions For what held the great Gascoigne firme to the Crown of England of whom the Duke of Espernon married the Inheritrix but his Earldome of Kendall in England whereof the Duke of Espernon in right of his Wife beares the Title to this day And to the same end I take it hath Iames our Soveraign Lord given Lands to divers of the Nobilitie of Scotland And if I were worthy to advise your Lordship I should think that your Lordship should do the King great service to put him in mind to prohibite all the Scottish Nation to alienate and sell away their inheritance here for they selling they not only give cause to the English to complain that the Treasure of England is transported into Scotland but his Majestie is thereby also frustrated of making both Nations one and of assuring the service and obedience of the Scots in future COUNS. You say well for though those of Scotland that are advanced and enriched by the Kings Majesties will no doubt serve him faithfully yet how their heires and successors having no inheritance to lose in England may be seduced is uncertain But let us go on with our Parliament And what say you to the denyall in the 26th year of his reigne even when the King was invited to come into France by the Earle of March who had married his Mother and who promised to assist the King in the conquest of many places lost IUST It is true my good Lord that a subsidie was then denied and the reasons are
pleas'd notwithstanding that the great Officers should take an oath in Parliament to do Iustice. Now for the Parliament of Westminster in the 17th year of the King the King had three markes and a half for every sack of Wooll transported and in his 18th he had a 10th of the Clergie and a 15th of the Laity for one year His Majestie forbare after this to charge his Subjects with any more payments untill the 29th of his reigne when there was given the King by Parliament 50 for every sack of Wool transported for six yeares by which grant the King received a thousand markes a day a greater matter then a thousand pounds in these dayes and a 1000l a day amounts to 365000l a year which was one of the greatest presents that ever was given to a King of this land For besides the cheapenesse of all things in that age the Kings souldiers had but 3d. a day wages a man at armes 6d a Knight but 2s In the Parliament at Westminster in the 33th year he had 26s 8d for every sack of Wooll transported in the 42th year 3 dismes and 3 fifteens In his 45th year he had â—0000l of the Laity and because the Spiritualty disputed it and did not pay so much the King chang'd his Chancellour Treasurer Privy Seal being Bishops and placed Lay men in their roome COUNS. It seems that in those dayes the Kings were no longer in love with their great Chancellors then when they deserved well of them JUST No my Lord they were not and that was the reason they were well served and it was the custome then and in many ages after to change the Treasurer the Chancellour every 3 years and withall to hear all mens complaints against them COUNS. But by this often change the saying is verified that there is no inheritance in the favour of Kings He that keepeth the figge-tree saith Solomon shall eate the fruit thereof for reason it is that the servant live by the Master JUST My Lord you say well in both but had the subject an inheritance in the Princes favour where the Prince hath no inheritance in the Subjects fidelity then were Kings in more unhappy estate then common persons for the rest Solomon meaneth not that he that keepeth the figge tree should surfet though he meant he should eat he meant not he should break the branches in gathering the figs or eat the ripe and leave the rotten for the owner of the tree for what saith he in the following chapter he saith that he that maketh hast to be â—ich cannot be innocent And before that he saith that the end of an inheritance hastily gotten cannot be blessed Your Lordship hath heard of few or none great with Kings that have not used their power to oppresse that have not growne insolent and hatefull to the people yea insolent towards those Princes that advanced them COUNS. Yet you see that Princes can change their fancies IUST Yea my Lord when favorites change their faith when they forget that how familiar soever Kings make themselves with their Vassals yet they are Kings He that provoketh a King to anger saith Solomon sinneth against his own soul. And he further saith that pride goeth before distruction and a high mind before afall I say therefore that in discharging those Lucifers how dear soever they have been Kings make the world know that they have more of Iudgement then of passion yea they thereby offer a satisfactory sacrifice to all their people too great benefits of subjects to their king where the mind is blown up with their own deservings and to great benefits of Kings conferr'd upon their Subjects where the mind is not qualified with a great deal of modesty are equally dangerous Of this later and insolenter had King Richard the second delivered up to Iustice but three or four he had still held the love of the people and thereby his life and estate COUNS. Well I pray you go on with your Parliaments IUST The life of this great King Edward drawes to an end so do the Parliaments of this time wherein 50 years raigne he never received any affront for in his 49th year he had a disme and a fifteen granted him freely COUNS. But Sir it is an old saying that all is well that ends well Iudge you whether that in his 50th year in Parliament at Westminster he received not an affront when the house urged the King to remove and discharge from his presence the Duke of Lancaster the Lord Latimer his Chamberlaine Sir Richard Sturry and others whom the King favoured and trusted Nay they pressed the King to thrust a certain Lady out of Court which at that time bare the greatest sway therein IUST I will with patience answer your Lordship to the full and first your Lordship may remember by that which I even now said that never King had so many gifts as this King had from his subjects and it hath never grieved the subjects of England to give to their King but when they knew there was a devouring Lady that had her share in all things that passed and the Duke of Lancaster was as scraping as shee that the Chancellour did eat up the people as fast as either of them both It grieved the subjects to feed these Cormorants But my Lord there are two things by which the Kings of England have been prest to wit by their subjects and by their own necessities The Lords in former times were farre stronger more warlike better followed living in their Countries then now they are Your Lordship may remember in your reading that there were many Earles could bring into the field a thousand Barbed horses many a Baron 5. or 600. Barbed horses whereas now very few of them can furnish twenty fit to serve the King But to say the truth my Lord the Iustices of peace in England have oppos'd the injusticers of war in England the Kings writ runs over all and the great Seal of England with that of the next Constables will serve the turn to affront the greatest Lords in England that shall move against the King The force therefore by which our Kings in former times were troubled is vanisht away But the necessities remain The people therefore in these later ages are no lesse to be pleased then the Peeres for as the later are become lesse so by reason of the trayning through England the Commons have all the weapons in their hand COUNS. And was it not so ever IUST No my good Lord for the Noblemen had in their Armories to furnish some them a thousand some two thousand some three thousand men whereas now there are not many that can arme fifty COUNS. Can you blame them But I will onely answer for my self between you and me be it spoken I hold it not safe to mantain so great an Armory or Stable it might cause me or any other Nobleman to be suspected as the preparing of some Innovation IUST Why so my
rather devour themselves then destroy enemies Such an army vvhereof the fourth part vvould have conquered all Ireland vvas in respect of Ireland such an army as Xerxes led into Greece in this tvventieth yeare vvherein he had a tenth of the Clergy vvas the great conspiracy of the Kings unkle the Duke of Glocester and of Moubrey Arundell Nottingham and Warvvick the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Abbbot of Westminster and others vvho in the one and tvventieth yeare of the King vvere all redeemed by Parliament and vvhat thinks your Lordship vvas not this assemble of the 3. states for the kings estate vvherein he so prevailed that he not onely overthrevv those popular Lords but besides the English Chronicle saith the king so vvrought and brought things about that he obtained the power of both houses to be granted to certain persons to 15. Noblemen and Gentlemen or to seven of them COUNS. Sir whether the King wrought well or il I cannot judge but our Chronicles say that many things were done in this Parliament to the displeasure of no small number of people to wit for that diverse rightfull heires were disinherited of their lands and livings with which wrongfull doings the people were much offended so that the King with those that were about him and chief in Counsell came into great infamy slander IUST My good Lord if your Lordship will pardon mee I am of opinion that those Parliaments wherein the Kings of this land have satisfied the people as they have been ever prosperous so where the King hath restrained the house the contrary hath happened for the Kings atchievments in this Parliament were the ready preparations to his ruine COV You mean by the generall discontentment that followed and because the King did not proceed legally with Glocester and others Why Sir this was not the first time that the Kings of England have done things without the Counsell of the land yea contrary to the law IUST It is true my Lord in some particulars as even at this time the Duke of Glocester was made away at Callâ—ce by strong hand without any lawfull triall for he was a man so beloved of the people and so allied having the Dukes of Lancaster and York his brethren the Duke of Aumarle and the Duke of Hereford his Nephewes the great Earles of Arundell and Warwicke with diverse other of his part in the conspiracy as the King durst not trie him according to the law for at the triall of Arundell and Warwicke the King was forced to entertaine a petty army about him And though the Duke was greatly lamented yet it cannot be denyed but that he was then a traytor to the King And was it not so my Lord with the Duke of Guise your Lordship doth remember the spur-gald proverb that necessitie hath no law and my good Lord it is the practice of doing wrong and of generall wrongs done that brings danger and not where Kings are prest in this or that particular for there is great difference between naturall cruelty and accidentall And therefore it was Machiavels advice that all that a King did in that kind he shall do at once and by his mercies afterwards make the world know that his cruelty was not affected And my Lord take this for a generall rule that the immortall policy of a state cannot admit any law or priviledge whatsoever but in some particular or other the same is necessarily broken yea in an Aristocratia or popular estate which vaunts so much of equality and common right more outrage hath been committed then in any Christian Monarchy COUNS. But whence came this hatred between the Duke and the King his Nephew IUST My Lord the Dukes constraining the King when he was young stuck in the Kings heart and now the Dukes proud speech to the King when he had rendred Brest formerly engaged to the Duke Brittain kindled again these coales that were not altogether extinguished for he used these words Your grace ought to put your body in great pain to winne a strong hold or town by feats of armes ere you take upon you to sell or deliver any town gotten by the manhood and strong hand and policy of your noble progenitors Whereat saith the story the King changed his countenance c. and to say truth it was a proud and maisterly speech of the Duke besides that inclusively he taxed him of sloath and cowardise as if he had never put himself to the adventure of winning such a place undutifull words of a subject do often take deeper root then the memory of ill deeds do The Duke of Biron found it when the King had him at advantage Yea the late Earle of Essex told Queen Elizabeth that her conditions was as crooked as her carkasse but it cost him his head which his insurrection had not cost him but for that speech who will say unto a King saith Iob thou art wicked Certainly it is the same thing to say unto a Lady thou art crooked and perchance more as to say unto a King that he is wicked and to say that he is a coward or to use any other words of disgrace it is one and the same errour COUNS. But what say you for Arundell a brave and valiant man who had the Kings pardon of his contempt during his minority IUST My good Lord the Parliament which you say disputes the Kings prerogative did quite contrary and destroyed the Kings charter and pardon formerly given to Arundell And my good Lord do you remember that at the Parliament that wrought wonders when these Lords compounded that Parliament as the King did this they were so mercilesse towards all that they thought their enemies as the Earle of Arundell most insolently suffered the Qu to kneel unto him three houres for the saving of one of her servants and that scorne of his manebat alto mente repostum And to say the truth it is more barbarous unpardonable then any act that ever he did to permit the wife of his Soveraign to kneel to him being the Kings vassell For if he had saved the Lords servant freely at her first request as it is like enough that the Qu would also have saved him Miseris succurrens paria obtenibis aliquando For your Lordship sees that the Earle of Warwicke who was as farre in the treason as any of the rest was pardoned It was also at this Parliament that the Duke of Hereford accused Moubray Duke of Norfolke and that the Duke of Hereford Sonne to the Duke of Lancaster was banished to the Kings confusion as your Lordship well knows COUNS. I know it well and God knows that the King had then a silly and weak Councell about him that perswaded him to banish a Prince of the bloud a most valiant man and the best beloved of the people in generall of any man living especially considering that the King gave every day more then other offence to his subjects For besides that he fined the
their sides had the Armado arrived but belike they staid for us at Maâ—gâ—â—t by which they knew we must passe towards the Indies for it pleased his Majestie to value us at so little as to command me upon my Alleageance to set down under my hand the Countrey and the River by which I was to enter it to set down the number of my men and burthen of my Ships and what Ordinance every Ship carried which being known to the Spanish Ambassadour and by him to the King of Spain a dispatch was made and letters sent from Madrid before my departure out of the Thames for his first letter sent by a Barque of Advise was dated the 19 of March 1617. at Madrid which letter I have here inclosed sent to your Honour the rest I reserve not knowing whether they may be intercepted or not The second by the King dated the second of May sent also by a Coronel of Diego de Poloâ—eque Governour of Guiana Elderedo and Trinidado The third by the Bishop of Portricho and delivered to Poâ—oniâ—que the 15 of July at Trinidado And the fourth was sent from the Farmer and Secretary of his Customs in the Indies At the same time by that of the Kings hand sent by the Bishop there was also a Commission for the speedie levying of three hundred souldiers and ten pieces of Ordinance to be sent froÌ„ Portricho for the defence of Guiana an hundred fiftie from Nuevo Rémo de Grando under the command of Captain Anthony Musica and the other hundred and fiftie from Portricho to be conducted by C. Franc. Laudio Now Sir if all that have traded to the Indies since his Majesties time knew that the Spaniards have flayed alive all the poor men which they have taken being but Merchant men what death and cruel torment shall we expect if they conquer us certainly they have hitherto failed grosly being set out thence as we were both for number time and place Lastly to make an Apologie for not working the Myne although I know his Majestie expects whom I am to satisfie so much as my self having lost my son and my estate in the Enterprise yet it is true that the Spaniards took more care to defend the passage leading unto it than they did the Town which by the Kings instructioÌ„s they might easily do the Countreys being Aspera Nemosa But it is true that when Capt. Kemish found the River low and that he could not approach the Banks in most places near the Myne by a Mile and where he found a discent a volley of Muskets come from the woods upon the Boat and slew two Rowers and hurt fix others and shot a valiant Gentleman of Captain Thornix of which wound he languisheth to this day He to wit Kemish following his own advice thought that it was in vain to discover the Myne for he gave me this for an excuse at his return that the Companies of English in the Town of S. Thome were not able to defend it against the daily and nightly assaults of the Spaniards that the passages to the Mynes were thick and unpassable woods and that the Myne being discovered they had no men to work it did not discover it at all for it is true the Spaniards having two gold Mynes near the Town the one possessed by Pedro Rodrigo de Paran the second by Harmian Frotinio the third of silver by Captain Francisco for the want of Negroes to work them for as the Indians cannot be constrained by a Law of Charls the Fifth so the Spaniards will not nor can endure the labour of those Mynes whatsoever the Bragadochio the Spanish Ambassador saith I shall prove under the Proprietors hand by the Custom-Book and the Kings Quinto of which I recovered an Ingot or two I shall also make it appear to any Prince or State that will undertake it how easily those Mynes and five or six more of them may be possessed and the most of them in those parts which never have as yet been attempted by any nor by any passage to them nor ever discovered by the English French or Dutch But at Kemish his return from Orinoque when I rejected his counsel and his course and told him that he had undone me and wounded my credit with the King past recovery he slew himself for I told him that seeing my son was slain I cared not if I had lost an hundred more in opening of the Myne so my credit had been saved for I protest before God had not Capt. Whitney to whom I gave more countenance than to all the Captains of my Fleet run from me at the Granadoes and carried another ship with him of Captain Woldestons I would have left my body at S. Thomes by my sons or have brought with me out of that or other Mynes so much Gold oar as should have satisfied the King I propounded no vain thing what shall become of me I know not I am unpardoned in England and my poor estate consumed and whether any Prince will give me bread or no I know not I desire your Honour to hold me in your good opinino to remember my service to my Lord of Arâ—undel and Pembrook to take some pity on my poor Wife to whom I dare not write for renewing her sorrow for her son and beseech you to give a copie of this to my Lord 〈◊〉 for to a broken mind a sick bodie and weak eyes it is a torment to write many Letters I have found many things of importance for discovering the state and weaknesse of the Indies which if I live I shall here after impart unto your Honour to whom I shall remain a faithfull servant Walter Raleigh Sir Raleigh's Letter sent to his Wife Copied out of his own hand writing I Was loath to write because I know not how to comfort you and God knows I never knew what sorrow meant till now All that I can say to you is that you must obey the will and providence of God and remember that the Queens Majestie bare the losse of Prince Henry with a magnanimous heart and the Ladie Harrington of her son Comfort your heart dearest Bess I shall sorrow for us both I shall for now the lesse because I have not long to sorrow because not long to live I refer you to Mr. Secretarie Winwoods Letter who will give you a copie of it if you send for it therein you shall know what hath passed I have written that Letter for my brains are broken and it is a torment for me to write and especially of misery I have desired Mr. Secretarie to give my Lord Carew a copie of his Letter I have clensed my ship of sick men and sent them home I hope God will send us somewhat before we return You shall hear from me if I live from the New found land where I mean to make clean my ships and revictual for I have Tobacco enough to pay for it The Lord blesse and comfort you that
you may bear patiently the death of your valiant son This 22. of March from the Isle of Christophers yours Walter Raleigh Yours Walter Raleigh Post-script I Protest before the Majestie of God That as Sir Francis Drake and Sir John Hawkins died heart broken when they failed of their enterprise I could willingly do the like did I not contend against sorrow for your sake in hope to provide somewhat for you and to comfort and relieve you If I live to return resolve your self that it is the care for you that hath strengthened my heart It is true that Kemish might have gone directly to the Myne and meant it but after my sons death he made them believe he knew not the way and excused himself upon want of water in the River and counter feiting many impediments left it unfound When he came back I told him he had undone me and that my credit was lost for ever he answered That when any son was lost and that he left me so weak that he resolved not to find me alive he had no reason to enrich a companie of Rascals who after my sons death made no account of him He further told me that the English sent up into Guiana could hardly defend the Spanish town of S. Thome which they had taken and therefore for them to passe through thick woods it was impossible and more impossible to have victuall brought them into the Mountains And it is true that the Governour Diego Poloâ—eqe and other four Captains being slain whereof Wat flew one Plessington Waâ—s servant and John of Morocâ—urs one of his men slew other two I say five of them slain in the enterance of the Town the rest went off in a whole bodie and took more care to defend the passages to their Mynes of which they had three within a League of the Town besides a Myne that was about five miles off than they did of the Town it self Yet Kemish at the first was resolved to go to the Myne but when he came to the banck-side to Land and had two of his men slain outright from the bank and six other hurt and Captain Thornix shot in the head of which wound and the accident thereof he hath pined away those twelve weeks Now when Kemish came back and gave me the former Reasons which moved him not to open the Myne the one the death of my son a second the weaknesse of the English and their impossibilities to work and to be victualled a third that it were a folly to discover it for the Spaniards and lastly my weaknesse and being unpardoned and that I rejected all these his Arguments and told him that I must leave him to himself to resolve it to the King and State he shut up himself into his Cabbin and shot himself with a pocket Pistol which broke one of his ribs and finding that he had not prevailed he thrust a long Knife under his short ribs up to the handle and died Thus much I have written to Mr Secretarie to whose Letters I refer you to know the truth I did after the sealing break open the Letter again to let you know in brief the state of that business which I pray you impart to my Lord of Northumberland and Silvanus Scoâ—y For the rest there was never poor man so exposed to slaughter as I was for being commanded upon mine Alleagiance to set down not onely the CouÌ„-trey but the very River by which I was to enter it to name my Ships number men and my Artillerie This now was sent by the Spanish Ambassador to his Master the King of Spain the King wrote his Letters to all parts of the Indies especially to the Governour Palamago of Guiana Elderado and Trinidado of which the first Letter bore date 19 of March 16â—7 at Maâ—rill when I had not yet left the Thames which Letter I have sent ot Mr Secretarie I have also other Letters of the Kings which I reserve and one of the Councels The King also sent a Commission to leave three hundred souldiers out of his Garrisons of â—nie Regno de Granado è Portricho with ten pieces of brasle Ordinance to entertain us he also prepared an Army by sea to set upon us If were too long to tell you how we were preserved if I live I shall make it known my brains are broken and I cannot write much I live yet and I told you why Witney for whom I sold all my Plate at Plymouth and to whom I gave more credit and countenance than to all the Captains of my Fleet ran from me at the Granadoes and Wolleston with him so as I have now but five Ships and out of those I have sent some into my Fly boat a sabble of idle Rascals which I know will not spare to wound me but I care not I am sure there is never a base slave in all the Fleet hath taken the pain and care that I have done that have slept so little and travelled so much my friends will not believe them and for the rest I care not God in heaven blesse you and strengthen your heart Sir Raleigh's Letter to Mr Secretary Winwood SIR SInce the death of Kemish it is contessed by the Serjeant Major and others of his inward friends that he told them that he could have brought them unto the Myne within two hours March from the Riverside but because my son was slain my self unpardoned and not like to live he had no reason to open the Myne either for the Spaniard or for the King they answered that the King though I were not pardoned had granted my heart under the Great Sea He replyed that the grant to me was to no man non Ens in the Law and therefore of no force this discourse they had which I knew not of till after his death but when I was resolved to write unto your Honour he prayed me to joyn with him in excusing his not going to the Myne I answered him I would not do it but if my self could satisfie the King and State that he had reason not to open it I should be glad of it but for my part I must avow that he knew it and that he might with loss have done it other excuses I would not frame he told me that he would wait on me presently and give me better satisfaction but I was no sooner come from him into my Cabbin but I heard a Pistol go over my head and sending to know who shot it word was brought me that Kemish shot it out of his Cabbin window to cleanse it his boy going into his Cabbin found him lying upon his bed with much bloud by him and looking in his face saw him dead the Pistol being but little did but crack his rib but turning him over found a long Knife in his bodie all but the handle Sir I have sent into England with my cosin Harbert a very valiant honest Gentleman divers unworthy persons good for nothing neither by sea