because the Londoners popishly affected were permited to come into his house 〈◊〉 Masse which was beyond both law and custome The Ambassador replyed that if the Mayor would keep them without doores hee would promise to send for none of them but if they came once within his doores hee could not in Praeservation of his Conscience or his Masters honour deny them either accesse to his Religion or safeguard to their persons as far as in him lay upon this a guard was appointed to attend the Ambassadors house whether to keepe out papists or to preserve them that were within or to let in others is yet to be disputed The storme was quiet from thence till Munday when the people being inflamed agayne by the Kings speech came to Westminster with the number of five or six Thousand having weapons and battoones in their hands at the entering of every Coach some cryed Justice others execution a third man told his fellows that both were to be conjoyned and that Justice execution was the noble word upon which quasi dato signo all the rabble cryed aloud with one voice Justice and Execution with a wonderfull strange noise some went to the Coach side and told the Lords that they must would have justice done upon the Deputy In particular above 1000 of them beset the Lord Stewards Coach and demanded Justice and execution of him Justice said they wee have gotten allready and wee only desire and must have it Execution The Lord Steward replyed they should have Justice and Execution and desired them only to forbeare and have patience a while no sayd they wee have had too much patience wee will not suffer longer and therefore my Lord before you goe from us you must grant us execution the Lord Steward told them hee was going to the House to that effect and that they should have all content But whilest they were about to deteine him longer some of the greatest power amongst them sayd wee will take his word for once and with difficulty enough made passage for him The Lords Stayed within till twelve of the clock nor was there any course taken in the meane time for dissolving of the multitude the greatest part went home the back way by water onely when the Lord Holland Lord Chamberlaine and Bristowe came out to their Coach all of them called Justice and Execution but when thy perceived that Bristowe was in the Coach they drew neere to the Coach side and told him for you my Lord Bristowe wee know you are an Apostate from the cause of Christ and our mortall Enemie wee doe not therefore crave justice from you but shall God willing crave justice upon you and your false sonne the Lord Digby Let a man cast his eyes back now but for some few moneths past and hee shall see what trust may bee reposed in the favour of the giddy multitude unlesse a man shall resolve to quitt all Religion and Honesty and to mould and fashion his Conscience to the present distemper and fancy of the people neither can hee doe so safely when so much hazard lyes in the Inconstancy of their Conceptions After this they drew up all the names of those either in the House of Commons or the House of Lords Whome they Imagined to favour the Lievetenant and gave them the Title of Straffordians with this close that all those and all other enemies to the Common-wealth should perish with him and did post up the paper at the gate of Westminster as if the old Democratie of Roome and the Tribunitiall power thereof in Cippo proscribere were now renued and revived A Copy of the Paper posted up at the Corner of the wall of Sr. Wil. Brunkards house in the old Palace-yeard in Westminster Monday 3 May 1641. 1. Lo. Digby The names of the Straffordians posted 2. Lo. Compton 3. Lo Buckhurst 4. Sr. Rob. Hatton 5. Sr. Tho. Fanshaw 6. Sr. Edw Alford 7. Sr. Nich. Slanning 8. Sr. Tho. Danby 9. Sr. Geo. Wentworth 10. Sr. Peter Wentworth 11. Sr. Frederick Cornwallis 12. Sr. Wil. Carnaby 13. Sr. Richard Winn. 14. Sr. Garvis Clifton 15. Sr. William Withrington 16. Sr. William Pennyman 17. Sr. Patrik Curwent 18. Sr. Rich. Lee. 19. Sr. Hen. Slingsby 20. Sr. Will. Portman 21. Mr. Garvis Hollis 22. Mr. Sydney Godolphin 23. Mr. Cooke 24. Mr. Coventry 25. Mr. Ben. Weston 26. Mr. Will. Weston 27. Mr. Selden 28. Mr. Alford 29. Mr. Floyd 30. Mr. Herbert 31. Cap. Digby 32. Serjant Hide 33. Mr. Taylor 34. Mr. Griffith 35. Mr. Scowen 36. Mr. Bridgeman 37. Mr. Fettiplass 38. Dr. Turner 39. Cap. Cha. Price 40. Dr. Parry Civilian 41. Mr. Arundell 42. Mr. Newport 43. Mr. Holborne 44. Mr. Noell 45. Mr. Kirton 46. Mr. Pollard 47. Mr. Price 48. Mr. Travannion 49. Mr. Jane 50. Mr. Edgecombe 51. Mr. Chitchley 52. Mr. Mallery 53. Mr. Porter 54. Mr. White Secret E. D. 55. Mr. Warwick This and more shall bee done to the Enemies of Justice afore-written Nor stayed they heere one of them in the height of his fury cryed out Horresco referens if wee get not satisfaction of the Lievetenant wee will have it of the King or as some say worse If wee have not the Livetenants life wee will have the Kings Oh impious Mouth Oh un-naturall Miscreant This man was marked by a Gentleman of the Innes of Court and foure or five requested by him to beare witnesse of the words Nor did hee stay heere but the Gentleman with fidelity and courage enough went to the fellow and kindly invited him to a pint of wine the fellow suspecting nothing went along with him but in the meane time hee sent for a Constable in whose hearing hee asked him how hee durst spake such words as those hee like a mad man replyed that hee would mainteine them whereupon â—ee was apprehended by the Constable and Committed to the Gate-House where hee was three or foure times examined yesternight some report that hee freely confessed his words and withall threatned to shew great Authority for them even within the Gates of the Court this day I heare little of him but some say the businesse will bee slubbered over with this That hee said only If wee get not satisfaction of the Lâ—vetenant wee will go to the King and it is likely this will bee the Issue of the businesse least this zeale should bee quenched in the breeding and beginning whose very surcharge and excesse is lawdable yea necessary in a time of Reformation Add to this that if this man should suffer it might settle and calme the forwardnesse of the people before the whole businesse bee ended about the Earle of Strafford They have further threatned that after Wednesday they will shut up their shopps and never rest from petitioning till not only the Livetenants matter but also all things else that concerne a Reformation bee fully perfected The house of Commons sat all that day Munday till Monday Protestation 8 at night nor were they Idle
A BRIEFE AND PERFECT Relation Of the Answeres and Replies of THOMAS Earle of Strafford To the Articles exhibited against him by the House of COMMONS on the thirteenth of Aprill An. Dom. 1641. LONDON Printed 1647. To the Reader READER HAVING imployed the Author of this Tteatise to make these Collections for my private information And finding them to bee beneficiall for the Publique I durst not wrong Posterity and my owne Conscience to conceale them for my owne use without imparting them to the good of others For the solemn-Triall therein described is so Paramount in the Equipage of all Circumstances that as former Ages have been un-able so future are un-likely to produce a paralell thereof As for the Person himselfe who as a cunning Master of Defence waved the thrusts of such skilfull and powerfull Adversaries Take his Character in this Bookefrom his owne Mouth seeing otherwise whatsoever may be spoken of him is beneath what was spoken by him So that instead of other Monopolies laid to his Charge hee may seeme most guilty of ingrossing so much Worth and Ability into his owne Bosom Behold here a Garden of the most and best Varieties wherein points of Lawe are interwoven with Acts of State and the affaires of Ireland as in the same Fscutcheon quartered with those of England Herein nothing false is Reported nothing triviall is Observed nothing memorable is Omitted for the Net of his Diligence was so cunningly and carefully spread over all the Transaction that if any passage escaped his notice it may bee concluded so small as inconsiderable to bee observed The Paines in Collecting Care in Preserving Cost in Publishing this Treatise are abundantly satisfied if my sincere-Intentions for the propagation of the Truth be welcomed with thy cordiall and candid acceptance thereof Thine S. R. THE Proceedings against THOMAS Earle of Strafford Lord Lieutenant of Ireland in the Parliament at Westminster An Dom. 1641. SIR YOu have here the Diurnall of the whole Processe against the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland it was taken by the hand of a ready writer a faithfull eare and an understanding head He was present at all the action and I make no doubt of the fidelity of his Relation Which beginneth thus THE House for the appearance of the Lord Lieutenant was the great Hall in Westminster where there was a Throne erected for the King on each side whereof a Cabinet inclosed about with boards and before with a Tarras Before that were the seats for the Lords of the upper House and sacks of wooll for the Judges before them ten stages of seates extending farther then the midst of the Hall for the Gentlemen of the House of Commons At the end of all was a Deske closed about and set apart for the Lord Lieutenant and his Councell On Monday morning about seven of the clock he came from Monday the Tower accompanied with six Barges wherein were one hundred souldiers of the Tower all with Partizans for his guard and fifty payre of Oares At his landing at Westminster there he was attended with two hundred of the trayned-Band and went in guarded by them into the Hall The entries at White-Hall King-streete and Westminster were guarded by the Constables and watch-men from foure of the clock in the morning to keepe away all base and idle persons The King Queene and Prince came to the House about nine of the clock but kept themselves private within their Closets only the Prince came out once or twice to the cloth of State so that the King saw and heard all that passed but was seen of none Some give the reason of this from the received practise of England in such Cases Others say that the Lords did intreate the King eyther to be absent or to be there privately lest pretentions might be made hereafter that his being there was eyther to threaten or some otherwaies to interrupt the course of Justice A third sort That the King was not willing to be accessary to the Processe till it came to his Part but rather chose to bee present that he might note and understand what Violence Rigour or Injustice happened When the Lieutenant entred the Hall the Porter of the Hall whose office it is asked Master Maxwell whether the Axe should bee carried before him or noe who did answere that the King had expresly forbidden it nor was it the custome of England to use that Ceremony but only when the Party accused was to bee put upon his Jury Those of the upper House did sit with their heads covered those of the lower House uncovered The Bishops upon the Saterday before did voluntarily decline the giving of their Suffrages in matters Criminall and of that nature according to the provision of the Cannon-Law and practise of the Kingdome to this day and therefore would not be present yet withall they gave in a Protestation that their absence should not prejudice them of that or any other priviledge competent to them as the Lords Spirituall in Parliament which was accepted The Earle of Arundell as Lord high-Steward of England sat apart by himselfe and at the Lieutenants entrie commanded the House to proceede Master Pym being speaker of the Committee for his accusation gave in the same Articles which were presented at his last being before the upper House which being read his Replyes were subjoyned and read also the very same which were presented before in the upper House Some give the reason of this because the lower House had not heard those Accusations in pulique before others that the formality of the Processe required no lesse however that day was spent in that exercise The Queene went from the House about eleven of the clock The King and Prince stayed till the meeting was dissolved which was after two The Lieutenant was sent to the Tower by his Guard and appointed to recurne upon Tuesday at nine of the clock in the morning The crowd of people was neither great nor troublesome all of them saluted him and hee them with great humility and courtesie both at his entrance and at his returne therefore let fame pretend what it please about the malice and discontent of the multitude That if he passe the stroake of Justice they will teare hâ—m in pâ—eces yet I see there is more in Rumor then in Sight and appearance and in this Report as in all others of this nature more is thrust upon the vulgar who seeme as well fearefull of punishment as exempt from it for all their great number then they doe justly deserve On Tuesday in the morning hee came accompanied as before to Westminster and having stayed in the Exchequer Chamber Tuesday till nine of the clock the King Queene and Prince came as before upon the first day Then Master Pym being called for aggravated the Charge Pyms first Charge which was given the day before by a very ample Speech It is impossible to call to minde all the Hyperbolees the Flashes and superlative Expressions
hee had Strafford's Reply given full satisfaction to all hitherto brought against him about that pretended Arbitrary Government nor would hee spend time in vaine Repetitions for the present Article though in all its parts it were granted to be true yet hee could not perceive by what Interpretation of Lawe it could imply the least Act of Treason and when it should be directly Charged upon him as a point of Misdemeanour Oppression or Felony hee made no doubt but hee should bee very able to cleere himselfe abundantly in that point also yet lest any prejudice might stick to his Honour by these bold Assertions Hee was content to steppe so farre out of the way as to give answere First That it concerned him nothing what particulars in the Lease had past betwixt the King and the Dutchesse of Buckingham or whether she had obteined a more easy Condition then the Duke her husband especially seeing that same was graunted some yeeres before his comming to that Government yet thus much hee could say That the Dutchesse had paid thirty thousand pound fine and therefore no mervaile her yeerely rent was the lesse Secondly For the booke of Rates wherein the chiefe matter of Oppression and Grievance seemed to rest the same was there established by the Deputy Faulkland An. 1628 3 yeers before his going into Ireland and therefore it was exceeding strange in his apprehension how that could rise up in judgement against him Thirdly That hee had his Interest in the Customes by Assignation of a Lease from the Duchesse which was given her before his Government nor did hee ever heare it alleaged as a Crime of Treason for a man to make a good bargaine for himselfe Fourthly That not of his owne accord but at the Kings speciall Command hee had undergone that Charge on hopes that upon the enquiry into the worth thereof the Customes might bee improved for the benefit of the Crowne and the true value thereof discovered This hee proved by the Lord Cottington and Sir Arthur Ingram Fiftly That when a new booke of Rates was recommended to him by the Councell-Board of England in the time of his Lease he so farre preferred a feare hee had That the Trade of Ireland might thereby be discouraged before his owne Commodity as hee presumed in all humility to refuse the said book of Rates and tendred his Reasons thereof to the Kingdome and Councell-Board of England Sixtly That hee never understood that the Customes could arise to those great summes alleaged but though they should yet his advantage was but small for first dividing the fourteene thounds hee paid to the King then five parts of eight which was yeerely given in upon Oath and that procured first by himselfe at the Exchequer Board the other three parts divided amongst foure of them which were equall sharers in the Lease would not amount to any great summe of money And therefore except it were Treason for him to have improved the Kings Revennue encouraged the Trade and refused the new booke of Rates hee could in his owne weake judgement discerne none there nor could hee thinke it a Crime for him to take an Assignation of a Lease graunted before his time and to insist in the booke of Rates used before his comming over And therefore was confident the Lords would rather take his Accusation as an exercise of Rhetorick in the Gentlemen his Adversaries then as a thing spoken in good earnest by them The same day the eleventh Article concerning Tobacco was Charge Aâ—tic 11. Charged on by the same man Master Glyn after this manner That for the farther advancement of his Tyrannicall and Avaritious Designes hee had of himselfe established a Monopoly for the restraint of Tobacco in that Kingdome where they offered five particulars to the proofe First That hee had restrayned the Importation of Tobacco Secondly That in the meane time hee had brought in a great quantity himselfe and sold the same at exorbitant Prizes Thirdly That of Tobacco already imported hee had forbidden any to bee sold but what was first sealed by his Officers Fourthly That upon a pretended disobedience hee had punished a great number of People by Seizures Imprisonments Fineing Whipping Pillory and such like cruell and inhumane usages Fiftly That by these meanes hee had gayned one hundred thousand pounds yeerely For Proofe hereof First The Proclamation for restrayning Tobacco was read Secondly The Proclamation about the sealing of the same Thirdly Some witnesses who declared that Shippes had beene restrayned from landing Tobacco Fourthly Others who had known some Tobacco seized on as forfeited Fiftly The Remonstrance of the House of Commons in Ireland declaring that the Earle had fold 500 Tunne of Tobacco which sold at 2 s. 6 d. per pound amounts to 100000 l. They concluded the Charge That hee had sucked up the blood and eaten up the Kings Liege-people and had by this one point of Oppression raysed greater summes to himselfe then all the Kings Revenue in that Kingdome extended unto And therefore was lyable to the Crime of Treason for troubling the Peace and bereaving the People of their goods who were entrusted into his Care and Government The Lievetenantss Reply was That his most secret thoughts were conscious of nothing but Straffords Reply of a sincere intention and indeavor to promote and advance the well-fare of that Kingdome And withall hee conceived by their leaves that nothing in that Charge could have the least referrence to Treason yet as hee said before for removing of all prejudice he was content to answere First That long before his comming to Ireland the same restraint had been of Tobacco and the same Impost of eighteen pence per pound enjoyned by King James Secondly That at that time the Trades-men for this Commodity paid but twenty pounds a yeere to the Crowne for the Impost but now 4000 l. Thirdly That the Parliament in Ireland 1628 had Petitioned to have this Impost setled by an Act of State for ever afterwards as a part of the Revenue of the Crowne Fourthly That hee had expresse command from the King for issuing those Proclamations and therefore could not Imagine more danger in them then in others for Monopolies in England in the worst sence Fiftly That the Proclamations were sent forth not by himselfe alone but by the whole Councell-Board of Ireland Sixtly That for the contract of Tobacco hee was so tender of it that it was sent over hither and seene and approved of by the Councell-Board of England before it was condiscended to in Ireland For the Proclamations Hee told them it was his own opinion and if hee failed in it hee humbly craved pardon and hoped that it should not bee Treason to have no more judgement then God had bestowed on him that the King was indued by God with a power to make temporary Lawes and cause the same to be promulgated for the good of his People upon suddaine emergent occasions to which Lawes obedience is due till
Copy not to bee First Because no transcript but the Originall only can make faith before the Kings Bench in a matter of Debt therefore farre bee it from them to receive a most slender testimony in matter of Life and Death before the supreme Judicatory of the Kingdome Secondly If Copies bee at any time received they are such as are given in upon Oath to have beene compared with the Originalls which are upon Record such an one was not that Copy It was Replyed by Master Glyn for all of them spake as occasion Glyns Speech served that the House had but the day before admitted Copies as evidences much more should they doe this when it was prosecuted by the Officer himselfe who best knew it having executed the same To this the Lievetenant answered that all other Copies Straffords Reply ought to bee received upon Oath to have beene compared with the Originall as right reason requireth but that this was not so And for the Officer himselfe producing it that was the best Argument hee could use why it should not bee admitted For said hee Master Savill may bee charged with Treason for seising men of warre upon the Kings Subjects hee hath nothing for his defence but a pretended Warrant from me Now what hee sweares to my prejudice is to his own advantage nor can a man by any equity in the world bee admitted to testify against another insuam justificationem The point seemed exceeding weighty and in effect was the Serjant Savils Coppy of the Commission rejected groundworke of the whole Article which not proved nothing could evince him to have beene accessory to the Consequence The upper House therefore adjourned themselves and went up to their own Court and after a very hot contestation betweene the factions and above an houres stay They returned and declared that the Lords after mature deliberation had resolved that the Copy should not bee admitted and desired them to proceede to other proofes which after a little pause they did First the Lord Ranelaugh affirmes that hee heard of such a Warrant and knew sometimes three sometimes five Souldiers Billeted by it Secondly Master Clare declares the very same Thirdly Another Deposeth hee had seene such a Warrant under the Deputies Hand and Seale And so much for the proofe For the Statute they alleaged one of Edw. 3 6. that whosoever should carry about with them English Enemies Irish Rebels or Hooded-men and sesse them upon the Subject should be punished as a Traytor Another of Hen. 6. 7. That whosoever should sesse men of warre in his Majesties Dominions should be thought to make warre against the King and punished as a Traytor They concluded It was evident the Lord Strafford had incurred the penalty and breach of both the Statutes and therefore desired the Lords should give out judgement against him as a Traytor The Lord Lieverenants Reply was That in all the course of his life hee had intended nothing Strafford's Reply more then the preservation of the Lives Goods and welfare of the Kings Subjects and that hee dared professe that under no Deputy more then under himselfe had there beene a more free and un-interrupted course of Justice To the Charge hee answered First That the Customes of Ireland differed exceedingly from the Customes of England and was cleere by Cookes book and therefore though sessing of men might seem strange here yet not so there Secondly That even in England hee had known Souldiers pressed upon men by the Presidents of Yorke and Wales in case of known and open Contempts and that both in point of Outlary and Rebellion and also even for sums of Debt between party and party there is nothing more ordinary then these Sessings to this day in Scotland whereby the chiefe house of the owner is seized upon Thirdly That to this day there hath beene nothing more ordinary in Ireland then for the Governours to appoint Souldiers to put all manner of Sentences in Execution which hee proved plainly to have beene done frequently and familiarly exercised in Grandisons Faulklands Chichesters Wilmots Corks Evers and all preceding Deputies times And had even for Outlaries for the Kings debts in the Exchequer of Collection of Contribution money and which comes home to the point for peteet soms of money between party and party so that hee mervailed quâ fronte or with what boldnesse it could bee called an Arbitrary Government lately brought in by him To this the Lord Dillon Sir Adam Loftis and Sir Arthur Teringham deposed the last of whom told that in Faulklands time hee knew twenty Souldiers Sessed upon a man for refusing to pay sixteen shillings sterling Fourthly that in his instructions for executing his Commissions hee hath expresse warrant for the same as were in the Instructions to the Lord Faulkland before him both of which were produced and read Fiftly That although all these Presidents were not yet it were not possible to governe the Kingdome of Ireland otherwise which had beene from all times accustomed to such summary Proceedings Sixtly that no testimony brought against him can prove that ever he gave warrant to that effect and for the Deeds of the Sarjeant at Armes hee did conceive himselfe to be answerable for it As for the Acts of Parliament hee had reserved them to the dispute of his Lawyers but was content to say thus much for the present First That it is a ground in the Civill-Law that where the King is not mentioned there hee cannot bee included But with all distance to his sacred Person bee it spoken hee conceived himselfe to be in his Master the Kings place for so his Commission did run in that Kingdome of Ireland Secondly The words of the Statute are not applyable to him for God knowes hee never went about in Person to lay Souldiers upon any of the Kings Subjects Thirdly That the Kings owne Souldiers enquiring in a Customary way obedience to his Orders could in no construction bee called Irish-Rebells English-Enemies or Hooded-men Fourthly That the use and custome of the Lawe was the best Interpreter thereof and for that hee had already spoken enough Fiftly That it savored more of praejudice then equity to start out such an old Statute against him and none others though culpable of the same fact to the overthrow and ruine of him and his Posterity Sixtly That under favour hee conceived for any Irish Custome or upon any Irish Statute hee was to bee judged by the Peeres of Ireland Seventhly That Statute of what force soever was Repealed First By the tenth of Henry the seventh where it is expresly declared nothing shall bee reputed Treason hereafter but what is so declared by the present Statute now not a word there of any such Treason Secondly By the eleventh of queene Elizabeth where expresly power is given to the Deputy of Ireland to sesse and lay Souldiers although the same bee reputed Treason in any other To the Statute of Henry the sixt hee Replyed that a
the height of his Tyranny not only to dominiere over Oath to Scotts in Ireland the Bodies but also over the Consciences of men to which purpose hee had enjoyned an Oath to the Scots in Ireland and because some out of tendernesse of Conscience did refuse to take the same hee had fined them in great sommes of money bannished a great nunber from that Kingdome called all that Nation Traytors and Rebells and said If ever hee returned home from England he would roote them out both stock and branch For Proofe of this First Sir JaÌ„my Mountgomery was produced who declared at lâ—rge how that Oath was contrived Secondly Sir Robers Maxwell of Orchyardon who spake to the same purpose Thirdly Sir Jo. Clotworthy who declared that a great number had fled the Kingdome for feare of that Oath Fourthly One Mr. Samuell who deposed that upon the tenth of October 1638. He heard the Deputy say these words That if hee returned hee would roote them out stock and branch They Concluded That this was a point of the most Tyrannicall and Arbitrary Government that before this time was ever heard of not only to Lord it over the Fortunes but also over the Soules of men And that it rested only in the Parliament which hath the Legislative Power to enjoyne Oathes And that therefore this was one of the chiefe points hee had done a gainst the priviledges and Liberty of the Subject The Lievetenant Replyed That every new Article acquainted him with a new Treason Straffords Reply that if hee had done any thing in all his life acceptable to the King and the Countray hee conceived it to bee this To these Particulars First Hee desired the Lords would call to minde the condition of those times no man pointing to my Lord Steward knowes better then your Lordshippe who had then the chiefest place in his Majesties service I would be very sory to rub said he old Sores especially seeing I hope things are in a fayre way to a firme Peace and I wish that I may not bee deceived that is That it may be so only thus much I may say we hâ—d then greater feares and apprehensions in Ireland lest the Scots in the Kingdome who were above one hundred thousand Soules might have joyned with their Country men at home for the disturbance of our Peace meane time we detected a Treason of betraying of the Castle of Knockfergus to a great man in that Kingdome whose name I now spare by one Freeman who upon the discovery was executed The Councell-Board therefore in Ireland resolved to prescribe the Scots an Oath whereby they might declare their discontent at their Country-mens proceedings and obliege themselves to the Kings service But while we were about this they of their own accord came to Dublin to Petition for it and tooke it with a wonderfull alacrity and heartinesse so that it is a marvelous falshood for any man to say it was invented or violently enjoyned by me Secondly about the same time the same Oath vrrbum verbo was by the Councell of England prescribed to the Scots at London and else where which was no small encouragement to us in Ireland Thirdly I had said he which I never shewed because I had no neede before this time a speciall Warrant from the King all written with his owne hand to that effect And when the King commands a matter not contrary to Law truly I said he doe conceive it both contrary to Law and Conscience not to yeeld him all due obedience For the Proofe brought against him there was nothing seemed to bee of any moment but the words For the first words That hee had called all the Nation Rebels and Traytors Hee said there was no proofe at all nor indeede could there be any for if I had said it quoth hee I had beene perfectly out of my witts And he thanked God such irrational-speeches used not to escape him Hee honoured that Kingdome very much because it was rhe native soyle of our dread Soveraigne his gracious Master and because hee knew a part yea he hoped the greatest part of them had beene and ever will be as loyall and dutifell to the King as any other of his Subjects And of those too who hâ—d subscribed that unhappy combination hee knew a great many had done it against their hearts and wills and would bee ever ready upon occasion to remonstrate the same by adhering to the Kings service So that this accusation was nothing but a wrestling and perverting his words and meaning of purpose to make him odious and irritate a whole Nation against him For the other words they were proved only by one witnesse which could make no sufficient faith and that witnesse too hee would evince if not of perjury yet of a notable mistake For hee had sworne positively that hee had spoken these words the tenth of October whereas hee was come out of Ireland into England the twelfth of September before and was at London the one and twentith For those that had sled the Kingdome because of that Oath he knew none such and if they did they fled into Scotland which might sufficiently argue their intentions and resolutions For his part if they were not willing to give that testimony of their Loyalty to their Prince although hee had known of their departure hee would have beene very loath to have kept them against their wills but should have beene gladly rid of them and have made them a Bridge to be gone rather then stay Upon Monday Master Whitlock proceeded to the 20 Article Munday Article 20 the next 5 crowded together and told him that because the matter was intervenieâ—t consimilis naturae they had resolved to joyne the five next Articles together because all of them tended to one point or period that is to shew what bad Designe he had to have subdued the Kingdomes both of Scotland and England by force of Armes and to reduce them to that arbitrary Government he had lately introduced into Ireland The Lievetenant intreated that they would proceede according to the order praescribed by the House which was Article by Article Hee said five Articles were many the matter weighty his Memory Treacherous his Judgement weake It was bitterly replyed by Master Glyn that it did not become Glyns Hony combe interposed the Prisoner at the Barre to praescribe them in what way they should give in their Evidences The Lievetenant modestly answered that if hee stood in Strafford's Reply his place hee would perhaps crave the like favour unlesse his abilities did furnish him with more strength then he could fiâ—de in himselfe for his part he was contented they should proceede any way alwaies provided they would grant him a competent time for Replying Then Whitlock went on and told the Lords that somthing in those Articles concerned the Scottish somthing the English Nation that which concerned the Scottish hee reduced to five heads First That the Deputy had said at
the Councell-Board that the Scotts demands conteined sufficient matter to perswade to an offensive Warre Secondly That the same demands did strike at the Roote and Life of Monarchicall Government and were only to bee answered by the Sword Thirdly That he had caused some Scottish goods and ships to be seized on in Ireland Fourthly That he had engaged the Irish Parliament by their Declaration in that warre against the Scotts Fiftly That by all possible meanes hee had put bad thoughts and suspitions into his Majesty against his Scottish Subjects and laboured to make a National-quarell between them and England which if the Kings piety and the Prudence of better affected States-men had not prevented could not have beene soadered up againe without much blood Concerning England his speeches were eyther before or after the Parliament First Before his Creature and Bosom-friend Sir George Ratcliffe he had said to Sir Robert Kâ—ng when hee was doubting how the King might have monies to pay his Armies that the King had foure hundred thousand pounds in his purse thirty thousand men in the field and his Sword by his side and if hee wanted money afterwards who will pitty him Secondly That his brother Sir George Wentworth had said to Sir Robert Berington upon the dissolution of the last Parliament that seeing the English would not grant supply to the King it seemes they were weary of their Peace and desired to be conquered a second time Thirdly That hee himselfe upon a disâ—ourse with the Primaâ—e of Ireland had said that hee was much of the minde of those English Divines who maintayned it lawfull for a King having tryed the affection and benevolence of his People and then denyed their helpe upon an inevitable necessity and present danger of the Kingdome that he might use his Prerogative for his owne supply and the defence of his Subjects Fourthly To the Lord Conway in a discourse hee had said that if the Parliament meaning the last Parliament should not grant a competent supply that then the King was acquitted before God and Man and might use the Authority put into his hands Fiftly That hee did say at the Councell-Board If the Parliament should deny to helpe the King hee would take any other way he could for his Majesties service and assistance His expressions after the Parliament were two First That the Parliament had forsaken the King and that the King should not suffer himselfe to be over masteredly the frowardnesse obstinacy and stubbornnesse of his People Secondly That if his Majesty pleased to imploy Forces he had some in Ireland that might serve to reduce this Kingdome The Proofe for the Scots Particulars were these First The Lord Traquiere who was indeede very favorable to the Lord Lievetenant and spake nothing to his disadvantage but what was scrued from him with much difficulâ—y hee told them That when hee gave in the demands he heard him say that it was high time for the King to put himselfe into a posture of Warre but that first all the Councell of England said the same as well as hee Secondly That it was a double supposition First that the Demands were truely given in Secondly That there was no other remedy left but Armes to reduce them Secondly The Earle of Mortons testimony being sick himselfe was produced and it was one and the same with the Article Thirdly Sir Henry Vane was examined who declared that he had heard the Lievetenant to advise the King to an offensive Warre when his owne judgement was for a Defensive Fourthly the testimony of the Earle of Northumberland was produced which was the very same with Sir Henry Vanes Fiftly The Treasurer of England deposed the same with Troquiere Sixtly One Beane from Ireland told that hee had knowne Shippes seized on there but by whose procurement or Warrant he knew not To the Articles about England First Sir Robert King and the Lord Ranelaugh deposed the same that Sir Robert King and the Lord Ranelaugh had heard Sir George Ratcliffe speake those words in the Article Secondly Sir Robert Barrington of Sir George Wentworth Thirdly The Primates testimony who is sick was the same with the Article Fourthly The Lord Conway deposed the same with this Article Fiftly Sir Henry Vane deposed He had heard those words spoken at the Councell-Boord For the Words spoken after the Parliament to the first Sir Tho. Jermyne Lord Newburg Earle of Bristoll Earle of Holland were Examined Bristoll did mince the matter But Hollands testimony was expresse because of the exceeding great Love he carried to the Man For the last which were the most dangerous speeches about the reducing of this Kingdome there was only Sr. Henry Vanes testimony who declared only thus That hee had either those words or the like Here some of the Lievetenants friends shewed themselves 1. The Lord Savill who desired of Sir Henry Vanes to know whether he said their or this or that Kingdome and withall said it was very hard to condemn a man for Treason upon such peettit circumstances 2. The Earle of South-hamton desired to know whether Sir Henry Vane would sweare those words positively or not Sir Henry said positively either them or the like The Earle replyed that under favour those or the like could not be positive 3 The Earle of Clare desired to know what could be ment by this Kingdome for his part he said he thought it meant of the Kingdome of Scotland to which the word this might very well be relative that Kingdome being only mentioned in the praeceding discourse And that he was the more ready to bee of that opinion because he could not see by what Grammaticall construction it could be gathered from his words that he meant to reduce England which neither then was neither is now God be thanked out of the way of obedience nor upon Rebellious courses They at last concluded the Charge That the words were so monstrous that to aggravate them was to allay them and therfore they would simply leave them to the judgement of the Lords The Lieutenants Reply was That though the heaping up of those Articles had put him to Straffords Reply a great confusion yet he would endeavor to bring his Answere into the best method he could and first he would reply to the Proofe then add something in generall for himselfe in what a hard taking and lamentable condition he was to have his private discourses his most intimate and bosome friends search'd and sifted to the least circumstance that he might seeme guilty of that which by God's assiistance he should never be To the Lord Troqueeres and the Deputies depositions hee thought their proofes did not much stick upon him for upon the suppositions first that the demands were true secondly that they were not justifiable thirdly that no other course could prevaile Hee could not see what other advice he could possibly give the King then to put himselfe into a posture of Warre especially seeing then there was frequent reports
of the Scotts invading or entring into England nor was he of any other minde then all the rest of the Councell-Board For that of Mortons he doth not positively remember the words but if the demands were read perhaps they would imply nothing lesse and if so how otherwise to be answered but by the Sword All other meanes being first assayed which is ever to be supposed For Sir Henry Vane and Northumberland's testimony about perswading of an offensive Warre he said Hee remembred it very well and thought it as free for him to give his opinion for an offensive as they for a defensive Warre Opinions said he if they be attended with obstinacy or Pertinacy may make an Heretique but that they ever made a Traytor he never heard till now nor under favour should I bee an Heretique eyther said he for as I was then so am I now most willing to acknowledge my weakenesse and correct my errors whereof no man hath more or is more sensible of them then my selfe yet if that opinion of mine had beene followed it might perhaps have spared us some money said he and some Reputation too of which we have beene prodigall enough For the last about the Ships it proves nothing but he would willingly confesse that some ships were there deteined and that by himselfe and his owne direction as Vice-Admirall of Connaugh but it was at the command of the Lord Admirall the Earle of Northumberland and produced his Letter to that purpose To the English proofes He mervailed much how Sir George Ratcliffe words could be put upon him Sir George though alleaged to be his bosom friend yet had thoughts of his own and might have some other thoughts in his bosom and be to some other Expressions then Sir George Ratcliffe No man said he can commit Treason by his Attorney and should I by my friend Sir George as by a Proxie For his Brother He never knew him before so rash but that was nothing to him except they could prove a neerer Identidy then nature had instituted and that his brothers words and his were all one yet withall he conceived that his Brothers words might be very well understood of the Scotts conquering England but not at all of the Irish and so he wished with all his heart that he had not spoken somthing which is like Prophesy To the Primates Testimony with all reverence to his integrity be it spoken he is but one witnesse and in Law can prove nothing add to this said he that it was a private discourse between him and me and perhaps spoken by me tentandi gratia and how farre this should be laid to a mans Charge let your Lordships Judge Yea this seemes to me against humanity it selfe and will make the society of men so dangerous and loathsome to us that our dwelling houses will be turned to Cells and our Townes to Desarts That which God and Nature our Tongues have bestowed upon us for the greater comfort of venting our own conceptions or craving the advice of wiser and learneder men shall become snares and burdens to us by a curious and needlesse feare yet if my words be taken said he with all that went before and followed after I see no danger in them To the Lord Conway I may Reply the same with this addition That it is a very naturall motion for a man to preserve himselfe every Creature hath this priviledge and shall we deny it to Monarchy provided this be done in a lawfull though in an extraordinary way this graine of salt must be added to season all my discourse To that of Sir Henry Vane of offering my service to the King I thanke him for the Testimony and thinke he hath done me much honour thereby but if he or any body else doe suspect that his Majesty will employ me in unlawfull enterprizes I shall think them more lyable to the Charge of Treason then my selfe To the subsequent Testimonies I shall not neede to wrestle about them much only the last of Sir Henry Vane pinches and lies sore upon me but to that which the Earle of Clare and I thanke him for it hath said already give me leave to add this That the Testimony of one man is not a sufficient witnesse nor can a man be accused much lesse condemned of Treason upon this and for that reade the Star of Hen 7. 12. and of Edw. 6. 5. Now my Lords said he to give you further satisfaction I shall desire all the Lords of the Councell which were then present only to the number of eight may be examined whether they heard these words or not for the Archbishop and Sir Francis Windebanke they cannot be had Sir Henry Vane gives the testimony I deny it foure only remaine First the Earle of Northumberlands testimony which was read had declared expressy that he had never heard those words nor any like them from the Lord Strafford but hee spake with great honour and regard to the Kingdome of England Secondly the Marquesse Hamilton who declared upon his oath that hee had never heard such words but that hee had heard the Lievetenant often say that the King was to rule his Royall power Candiâ—è Castè that it would never be well for this Kingdome till the Praerogative of the Crowne and the Priviledge of the Subject went in one pace together and that Parliaments were the happiest way to keepe a correspondency betweene the King and People The very same was delivered by the Lord Treasurer and the Lord Cottington Now my Lords you may mervaile how these words rested only on the eares of Sir Henry Vane but my Lords said hee that I may remove all scruple from you I will make it evident that there was not the least intention that the Irish Army should set a foote in England and then I hope you will conceive that I had no meaning to reduce this Kingdom This he made cleere by the testimony of Northumberland the oathes of Marquesse Hamilton Lord Cottington Lord Treasurer Sir Thomas Lucas who only were private to that matter For other of my words my Lords said he I desire you would not take them by halves if so who should be free from Treason Certainly if such a praecedent take footing Westminster-hall shall be more troubled with Treason then with Common-Law looke therefore to the Antecedents and Consequents of my speeches and you shall finde the state of the question cleerly altered the Antecedents were upon an absolute or inevitable necessity upon a present invasion when the remedy of a Parliament cannot be expected the Consequents for the defence of the Kingdome with accompts afterward to the Parliament The qualifications too in a lawfull convenient and ordinary way so farre as the present necessity can permit Add but these and which of you are not of my mind Is the King endowed with no power from the Lord Is hee not publicus Inspector Regni Stands it not him in hand to do somthing on present
necessities And that these were his words he often proved over and over againe by the Marquesse by the Lord Treasurer Cottington Sir Tho. Jerminâ— My Lords what I have kept to the last said he is this and I would intreate you seriously to thinke of it If a mans Table his Bed his House his Brother his Friends and that too after they have given an oath of secrecy to be rak't to finde out Treason against him who never knew what it meant what earthly man shall passe free from Treason Let my misfortune my Lords be your advertisement your wise Ancestors were glad to put bands and limitts to this Lion Treason if you give him the large scope of words to range into he will at last pull you or yours all to peeces But my Lords I did never thinke till now that matter of Opinion should be objected as matter of Treason For first opinions are free and men may argue both pro con in all faculties without any staine of his reputation otherwise all consultations would be vaine Secondly I may be of another judgement then I declare my selfe to be of opinion perhaps to gaine better Arguments for the maintenance of my owne Grounds Thirdly Many and my selfe often times have propounded my Opinion yet upon hearing better judgements have presently changed it Fourthly We use to strayne our opinions too high sometimes that we may meete in a just moderation with those whom we conceive in the other extremity to be too low Fiftly It is expresly commanded by the Star Hen. 6 9 that though a man should say the King is not lawfull heire to the Crowne and may be deposed yet he is not to be charged with Treason but only with Felony And I hope my Lords those words are of a more transcendent and superlative nature then any alleaged by me to he spoken But my Lords said hee lay it to your hearts it must come to you you and your posterity are they whom God and Nature Byrth and Education have fitted to beautify the Royall-Throne and to susteine the weighty affaires of the Kingdome If to give your opinions in Politicall Agitatious shall be accounted Treason who will be willing to serve the King or what a dilemma are you in If being sworne Councellors you speake not your minds freely you are convict of perjury if you doe perhaps of Treason What detriment what Incommodity shall fall to King and Kingdome if this be permitted Which of you hereafter will adventure yea dare adventure so much as to helpe by your advise unlesse you be weary of your lives your estates your posterity yea your very Honour Let me never live longer then to see this confusion yea I may say it this inhumanity in England for my part my Lords I here confesse my selfe I ever have and ever shal speake my opinion freely in any thing that may concern the Honor and safety eyther of my gracious King or my deere Countrey though the sword be two edged fearing rather him that killeth the Soule then him whose power reacheth only to the body Nor doe I see how I am culpable of Treason unlesse it bee treason for not being infallible and if it be so my Lords you have this rag of mortality before you loaden with many infirmities though you pull this into shreds yet there is no great losse yea there may be a great gayne if by the same I may seeme to have dared too farre to give a testimony to the World of an Innocent conscience towards God and a Resolute loyalty towards my Prince which have ever beene my only Pole-starres in the whole course of my life and if by spilling of mine there be not a way found how to trace out the blood of the Nobility which I hope your Lordships will looke too there is no disadvantage at all suffered by the losse of me You have his very words as neere as I could recollect Tuesday was a day of Rest Upon Wednesday Whitlock Charged thus That the praeceding Wednesday Whitlocks Chaâ—ge Articles were of so high a consequence and of so transcendent a Nature that nothing wanted to make up the perfect measure of the most horrid Treason and monstrous Attempt that ever by a Native was intended against his King and Country But puting these defigned projects into Extention which had undoubtedly hapned to the ruine and subversion both of Church and State had not the clemency goodnesse of the Prince and the Piety and carefulnesse of the well affected Peeres timously foreseene and prevented the same that still the Principles of Tyrany and Oppression had lodged within his bosome and therefore had burst forth into these expressions and advises conteined in the following Articles where first in the twenty fifth they Charged him with three things First That hee had advised the King to a rigorous and unlawfull exaction of Ship-money Secondly That he had given Councell that if the Shreeves should deny their best endeavors and assistances to that effect they should bee sent for and fined by the Starre-Chamber and Impâ—isonment Thirdly That when the Aldermen of London had in all humility represented the Causes why the Ship-money could not be collected amongst them and had given in the Reasons why they refused to give in a List of their names within their City who were able to affoord the Loan-money Hee in a contemptuous Tyrannicall manner in the face of the Councell-Boord had said to the King Sir These men because of their obstinacy and frowardnesse deserved very well to bee fined ransomed and layed by the heeles And it will never goe well with your service untill some of them be hâ—nged up for examples to other The Proofes were these First The Bishop of London Lord Treasurer who declared that he remembred the words very well that the Lord Lievetenant had advised the King to cause the Ship-money to be gathered in but he remembred withall that both himselfe and all the Councell had done the like and that it was upon a present necessity and defect of money for entertayning the Army which the condition of the times considered they all conceived was by any meanes to bee kept on foote Secondly Alderman Wiseman declared that upon an humble Remonstrance made to the Councell-Boord the City would take it ill if a Tax-role should be delivered of their estates who were thought able for the Loan-money the Lord Strafford said they deserved to bee fined ransomed and laid by the heeles but for the words of hanging them up hee heard not at all Thirdly the Earle of Barkeshire declared that the Lord Strafford had said that upon the refusall of such a service enjoyned by the Kings peremptory command it was his Opinion they might be fined Fourthly Alderman Garway attested the preceding words and withall added that the Lord Lievetenant to his best remembrance had said It were well for the Kings service if some of theem were hanged up They closed the Charge That by such undutifull
expressions he had injured the propriety of the Subject and had put such dâ—scontent upon the City that they were the lesse willing upon any occasion to concurre for the advantage of the Kings service The Lievetenant Replyed First That though all the Charge were in the most strict Strafford's Reply and rigid way or sence verified against him yet hee could not conceive by what interpretation of Law it could be rech't home to high-Treason And to that common objection that the treason was not individuall but Accumulative hee replyed that under favour he thought to that manner were as much as to say no Treason at all Because First That neither in Statute Law Common Law nor practise there was ever till this time heard of such a matter as Accumulative-Treason or a Treason by way of consequence but that it is a word newly coyned to attend a Charge newly invented such an one as never was before Secondly That treason was a thing of a simple and specificative nature and therefore could not be so by accumulation but eyther must be so in some or eyther of the Articles or else could not be so at all Thirdly Hee did conceive that it was against the first principles of Nature and false therefore could not be so by Accumulation but eyther must be so in some or each of the Articles or else could not be so at all That a heape or Accumulation should be and not be of Homo-geneous things and thrrefore that which in its first being is not treasonable can never confer to make up an accumulative Treason Cumulus an heape of Graine so called because every or at least some of the individuals are graine if otherwaies an heape it may be but not an heape of graine Just so perhaps these Articles may make up an heape of Felonies Oppressions Errors Mis-demeanors and such like and to the thinge it selfe I shall give an answere when under that name they shall be Charged against me but they can no waies conferre to the making up of Treason unlesse some at the least bee Treason in the Individuall Secondly That the testimonies brought against him were all of them single not two one way and therefore could not make Faith in matter of Debt much lesse in matter of Life and Death yea that it was against the Statute expresly to impeach a man of high-Treason under the evidence of two famous witnesses much lesse to adjudge and convince him upon attestation of one Thirdly To the Lord-Treasurors testimony he did with all his heart condiscend unto it but upon these grounds only that there was a present necessity of money that all the Councell-Boord had so voiced with him yea before himselfe and he allwaies thought it presumption in a man not to follow the wiser and more judicious And that there was then a Sentence of the Starre-chamber for the right of paying Ship-money for his part he would never be more prudent then his teachers nor give judgement against the Judges And therefore he thought it not farre amisse to advise the King for the collecting of that which by Law was his owne in such a present and urgent necessity and although his opinion and it was no more had beene amisse he hoped that though in case of Religion being attended with stubbornnesse and pertinacy it might come home to Heresie yet in his case opinion could not reach so farre as Treason unlesse it be Treason for a man to speake his judgement freely when he is upon his oath to doe the same Fourthly For the words about â—ining he had already acknowledged in his generall Answeres to be true but with these qualifications that it was his opinion only that it was upon the refusall as he conceived of a just service that hee had spoken them by no meanes to praejudice the Citizens but to make them the more quick and active in the Kings service that no ill consequence at all hapned upon them that they were words might have beene spared indeede but innocently though suddenly spoken which he hoped might proceede from a man of such a hasty and incircumspect humor as himselfe made so both by nature and his much infirmity of body without any minde at all to Treason And that if all Chollerick expressions of that nature should bee accounted treasonable there would be more suits of that kinde fly up and down Westminster-hall then Common-Law Fiftly To those words attested by the Alderman hee positively denyed them and hoped they should never rise up against him in judgement because the testimony was single and not positive but only to his best remembrance and that it was exceeding strange that not any one man neither of the Councell or other Aldermen were so quick to observe them but only Alderman Garway which he thought sufficient to nullifie that single testimony except he could demonstrate himselfe to have some rare and singular faculty of hearing In the Close He desired the Lords from his misfortune to provide for their own safety and seriously to consider what a way was chalked out to ruine them both in their lives and their estates if for every opinion given in Councell or words suddainly or hastily spoken they who are borne to weild the great affaires of the Kingdome should be arraigned and sentenced as Traytors Then they went to the twenty sixth Article and Charged thus That the Lord Strafford having by his wicked advices exhausted Charge Article 26 the Kings Treasury did also Councell him First To imbase the Coyne by an allay of copper-money Secondly To seize upon all the Bulloyne in the Mint Thirdly That in discourse with some of the Aldermen about that businesse he had said the City was more ready to countenance and relieve the Rebells then the King and that the King of France did use to mannage such businesses not by Treaties or Requests but by sending forth his Commissaries to take Accompt of mens Estates accompanied with Troopes of Horses The Proofes were First Sir Thomas Edwards who declared that in discourse with the Lord Strafford having remonstrated unto him that their goods were seized on beyond Seas because of the mony taken out of the Mint he told him that if the Londoners suffered it it was deservedly because they had refused the King a small Loane of money upon good security and that he thought them more ready to helpe the Rebels then the King Secondly Mr. Palmer declared that he spake something about the King of France but whether with relation to England or not hee did not remember Thirdly Sir William Parkise attested in the same words and withall that the Lord Cottington was then present and could declare the whole businesse Fourthly Sir Ralph Freeman declared that in a discourse with the Lord Strafford hee had said that the servants in the Mint-house would refuse to worke the Copper mony And hee replyed that then it were well to send those servants to the house of Correction They closed the Charge
That by such undutifull Councell and words hee had given more then sufficient proofe of his Designe and purpose to subdue this Kingdome and subvert the fundamentall Lawes and priviledges of the same The Livetenants Reply First That he had expected some proofs about the two Straffords Reply first particulars but did heare of none and that it was no small disadvantage to him to bee charged with a great many odious crimes by a booke printed and flying from hand to hand through the whole Kingdome yet when they came to prove there should bee no such thing layd against him Secondly About the Speeches Hee ingeniously confessed that some such thing might perhaps have escaped the dore of his lipps when hee saw their backwardnesse to his Majesties service and as the times were 〈◊〉 conditioned hee did not think it much amisse to call that faction by the name of Rebells But yet hee thought hee had abundantly satisfied for that oversight if it was any at Yorke For having understood there that the Citty of London were willing to make a Loan of mony he there before the great councell of the Peeres expressed himselfe to this sence That the Londoners had sufficiently made up all their delayes hitherto by their Act that the King was obliged to their forwardnesse and that hee himselfe should bee as ready to serve them as any poore Gentleman in England About the other words hee said that being in conference with some of the Londoners there came at that time to his hands a Letter from the Earle of Leicester then at Paris wherein were the Gazets inclosed reporting that the Cardinall had given some such order as to leavy mony by forces This hee said hee only told the Lord Cottington standing by without the least application or intention concerning the English Affaires Cottington being examined upon this declared the same in the same manner Thirdly To Sir Ralph Freeman hee said that his testemony did not concerne the Charge at all nor did hee think any thing amisse in it though hee had said it if the servants of the Mint refused to worke according to directions they did deserve the house of correction nor was it Treasonable to say the King might use that house for the correction of his servants as well as any man in the Citty for theirs Fourthly Hee said that there was no great likelyhood that hee had committed reall Acts of Treason when his adverse party was content to trifle away so much time about words neither was there any Treason in them though they had beene fully verified and therefore in that as in all other Articles hee reserved a power for his Councell to dispute in matter of Law They went to the twenty seveneth Article and charged thus That immediatly after his appointment to bee Livetenant to the Charge Article 27 Army here in England hee shewed what Principles of Arbitrary government lurked within his bosome for by his own immediate authority without and against Law hee had layd Impost of mony upon the Kings Subjects where they mention three particulars First That hee had imposed 8. d. per diem upon the County of York for enterteining the trayne Band there one whole Moneth Secondly That hee had sent out warrants for collecting the same and threatned to imprison such as should refuse to pay Thirdly That hee said that it was a Crime nigh to the Crime of high Treason Not to pay the same Fourthly They added that in his generall Replyes hee had brought two things for his defence first that this mony was freely and Voluntarily offered by those in Yorke-shire secondly that the great councell of the Peers had notice of the same To the first they answered that a petition was indeede preferred by the Yorke-shire men and a Moneths pay offered but that the Lord Strafford had refused to present the same upon this exception only because in the same they had petitioned for a Parliament whereby hee evidently declared what little Inclination he had to that way To the second they appeald to all the Lords present whether any such order did passe before the Councell of the Peeres at Yorke The Proofs were First A Warrant issued by Collonell Pennyman for this mony and anorher by Sâ—r Edward Osborne Secondly Master John Burrowes who declared that hee was Clerke to the great councell but did remember of no order and withall added that it might have passed at that time when heâ— attended at Rippon Thirdly Master Dunston who declared that hee had known that mony Levyed by some Musquetiers Fourthly By Sir William Ingram who declared that hee had heard the Livetenant say that to refuse the same came nigh to the Crime of high Treason They concluded the Chrage that by these particulars It was more then evident what unhappy purposes and trayterous Designes hee had to subdue this Kingdome and subvert the fundamentall Lawes and priviledges First To the Petition That it was a true Petition drawn Strafford's Reply up by the York-shire Gentlemen and as true that hee had refused to present the same because of that clause about the Parliament but the matter was thus At his Majesties comming to York it was thought necessary for the defence of that County to keep the Trayned Bond on foote because the Enemy was upon the borders and therefore the King directed him to write to all the free-holders in York-shire to see what they would do for their own defence The time and place were designed by the King but the night before the meeting a small number convented and in a private and factious way did draw up that petition upon the morrow at their appointed Dyet in presence of the whole number the Petition was presented to him where hee did advise them to leave out that clause and that because hee knew the King out of his own gracious disposition had intended to call a Parliament which he desired should rather be freely done then upon the constraint and Importunity of Petitions moreover it would seeme a mercenary thing in them at one and the same time to offer a benevolence and withall to petition for his favour upon this Remonstrance they were all willing to recall the Petition and directed him by word of mouth to offer unto the King the moneths pay in their names which hee did accordingly in the presence of fortie of them to their no small advantage This hee proved by Sir William Pennyman Sir Paul Neale Sir George Wentworth Sir William Savill Sir Thomas Danby who all of them declared as much in ample termes and withall added that nothing was done upon better grounds of necessity and obedience then the offer of that money and that they never had heard any man grudge against it to this time For the second about the councell of Peeres hee alleadged that hee never made mention of any order of theirs but hee remembered very well it was twice propounded before them that the King had approved it at that time
a Just and necessary act and none of the Councell had contradicted it which hee conceived as a tacit approbation and an order in Equivalence But though that had not beene yet there was nothing done in the businesse but at the speciall desires of the Gentlemen themselves for their necessary defence protection yea though hee had done it by himselfe alone yet hee conceived hee had so much power by his Commission causing the Commission to that effect to bee read That albeit he should mistake his Commission and doe some inferiour Act beyond it because Military proceedings are not allwayes warranted by the Common Law yet it should not bee imputed as an Act of Treason to him And to this effect read a Statute of rhe seveneth of Henry the second To the Proofs First Collonell Pennymans warrant or Sir Edward Osbornes it nothing concerned him and hee doubted not but these worthy Gentlemen could Justifie their own Act and that hee had enough to doe to answer his own Misdemeanors Secondly For Sir John Burrowes hee was at Rippon when that Proposition was made Thirdly That as the warrant so neither the Execution troubled him at all Fourthly For Sir William Ingram hee was but a single testimony and that such an one too as hee could produce an evidence to testifie hee had mistaken himselfe in his testimony upon oath if it were not to disadvantage the Gentleman Hee concluded that hee had done nothing in that businesse but upon the petition of that County the Kings spetiall command the connivence at least of the great councell and upon a present necessity for the defence and safety of the County And so much for Wednesday Upon Thursday the Committee for the charge declared that Thursday Charge Sir Walter Ecarles Observations they had done withall the Articles and were content to wave the last for reasons best known to themselves only Sir Walter Earles added that hee had some observations to bring forth upon the two and twenteeth Article which hee conceived might doe much to prove the Lord Straffords designes for Landing the Irish forces in England And they were First That in his Commission hee had power to land them in Wales or in any part of England or in Scotland which were all together superfluous unlesse there had beene some purpose for the same Secondly That within two dayes before the date of the Commission Letters were sent to the Lord Bridgewater and Pembroke from Sir Francis Windebanke to assist the Earle of Worcestor in Levying forces for the Kings service and these might bee supposed to have intended ajoyning with the Irish Thirdly That the Lord Ranelaugh at the raising of the Irish Army did feare such a Designe as this Fourthly That the towne of Ayre in Scotland where the Lord Strafford pretended he would land those forces was fortified with a Bulworke a Garrison and Block-house which would prohibit landing there that the Earle of Argiles bounds were divided thence by the Sea and that the Barr or entrie into the towne was very dangerous and shallow The Proofes were only the reading of the Commission granted to the Lord Strafford The Livetenants Reply First That his Commission was the same Verbatim with Northumberlands for England and that it was drawn up by the Councell board heere and sent over unto him So no more designe in him then in the Gentlemen of the English Army nor no larger then that was put upon him Secondly That this was the first time hee heard of any such Letters nor did they concerne him more then any of the House Thirdly That hee was not bound to purge the Lord Ranelaugh from all his feares and that he had his own feares too which God forbid should be evidence of Treason against any man whatsoever Fourthly That it seemed the Gentleman had better Information from that Kingdome then himselfe yet hee would be confident to say at Ayre there was never such a thing as a Block-house or Garrison But to remove all scruples for indeede the Roade or landing place is not there safe hee declared that it was his intention to have landed some miles above Ayre and made only his Magâ—zine of that towne To the Earle of Argiles bounds hee hoped the Gentleman knew they came not on foot out of Ireland but had shipps to waft and transport themselves and that one of his prime Houses Rosneth was within some few miles of the same frith The Lord Digby finding Sir Walter Earles on ground did handsomely bring him off and told the Lords that all their proofs for that Article were not yet ready that this was a Superfaetation onely of the charge and that in such a businesse as the plotting of Treason they must be content sometimes with darke Probabilities Then Master Glyn desired the Livetenant to resume his defence Glyns charitable speech that they might give a repetition of their Charge and so close the processe so farre as concerned the matter of Fact Hee replyed that in his case all slâ—cknesse is speede enough the matter touched him narrowly even in his life and estate Straffords Reply yea in that which hee esteemed above them both his honour and his posterity and therefore hee confessed hee had no desire to ride post in such a businessâ— That hee knew the Gentlemen at the Barre if they were in his case would think the time little enough except their more able Judgements could sooner dispatch the matter in hand And therefore hee humbly intreated that that day might be granted to him for strengthening himselfe and recollecting his thoughts and spirits and tomorrow he would be ready with his last Replies for himselfe which after a little Ceremony and contestation was condiscended unto by the House of Commons Upon Friday morning about eight of the clock the Lievetenant Friday he was hindred from coming by a sit of the stone of the Tower and my Lords chamber-Groome came to the Hall and gave information to the House upon Oath that the Lord Strafford was taken with an exceeding great paine and fit of the Stone and could not upon any conditions stirre out of his Bed Master Glyn Replyed That it was a token of his willfullnesse Glyn againe not his weakenesse that hee had not sent a Doctor to testifie the same The Lord Steward made answere that a Doctor could not be had perhaps so soone in the morning nor was it possible for any Phisitian to give a certaine judgement concerning a mans disabilitie by the Stone Because there is no outward Symptomes that appeare Master Glyn excepted That if he did not appeare upon Satterday morning he should lose the priviledge to speake in his owne defence afterwards and they permitted to proceede The Lord Steward Replyed that the Lords had appointed foure of their number to goe to the Tower and learne the just cause of his stay and if by any meanes he were able he should be oblieged to come then if not Humanity and
last with new matter or with supplementall Proofe hee might have leave to speake something in his owne Defence The Lord Steward answered It was all the reason in the world The Lievetenant went on thus MY LORDS This day I stand before you Charged with high-Treason My Lord Straffords last speech in the Hall the burthen is heavie yet farre the more in that it hath borrowed the Patrociny of the House of Commons If they were not Interessed I might expresse a no lesse easie then I doe a safe issue and good successe to the businesse but let neyther my weakenesse pleade my Innocence nor their power my guilt If your Lordships will conceive of my Defences as they are in themselves without referrence to eyther and I shall endeavor so to present them I hope to goe away from hence as cleerly justified as I am now in the testimony of a good Conference by my selfe My Lords I have all along my Charge watched to see that poysoned arrow of Treason that some men would faine have to be feathered in my heart and that deadly cup of wine that hath so intoxicated some petcy misalleaged Errors as to put them in the elevation of high-Treason but in truth it hath not beene my quicknesse to discern any such Monster yet within my breast though now perhaps by a sinistrous Information sticking to my cloathes They tel me of a two fold Treason one against the Statute another by the Common-Lawe this direct that consecutive this individual that Accumulative this in it selfe that by way of construction For the first I must and doe acknowledge that if I had the least suspition of my owne guilt I would spare your Lordships the pains cast the first stone at my self passe Sentence of condemnation against my selfe And whether it be so or not I refer my selfe to your Lordships judgement and Declaration You and only you under the favour and protection of my gracious Master are my Judges under favour none of the Commons are my Peeres nor can they be my Judges I shall ever celebrate the providence and wisdome of your noble Ancestors who have put the keyes of Life and Death so farre as concerns you and your posterity into your own hands not into the hands of your inferiours None but your own selves know the rate of your noble blood none but your selves must hold the ballance in dispencing the same I shall proceede in repeating my Defences as they are reduceable to these two maine points of Treason and for Treason against the Statute which is the only Treason in effect nothing is alleaged for that but the fifteenth two and twentith and twenty seventh Articles Here he brought the sum of all his Replies made to these three Articles before and almost in the same words as before only that testimony of Sir Henâ—y Vanes because it seemed pressing he stood upon it and alleaged five Reasons for the nullifying thereof First That it was but a single testimony and would not make Faith in a matter of Debt much lesse in a matter of Life and Death yea that it was expresly against the Statute to impeach much lesse to condemn him upon high-Treason under the testimony of two famous witnesses Secondly That he was dubious in it and exprest it with an as I doe remember and such or such like words Thirdly That all the Councell of eight except himselfe disclaime the words as if by a singular providence they had taken hold of his eares only Fourthly That at that time the King had levied no forces in Ireland and therefore hee could not bee possibly so impudent as to say to the King that hee had an Army there which hee might imploy for the reducing this Kingdome Fiftly That he had proved by witnesses beyond all exceptions Marquesse Hamilton the Lord Treasurer the Earle of Northumberland Lord Cottington Sir William Pennyman and Sir Arthur Terringham that there was never the least intention to land those Forces in England Hee went on So much for the Articles that concerne Individuall Treason To make up the Constructive-Treason or Treason by way of Accumulation Many Articles are brought against me as if in an heap of Felonies or Misdemeanors for in their conceit they reach no higher some prolificall seede apt to produce what is treasonable could lurke Here I am charged to have designed the ruine and overthrowe both of Religion and State The first seemeth rather to have beene used to make me odious then guilty for there is not the least proofe alleaged concerning my confederacy with the Popish-faction nor could there be any indeede never a servent in Authority beneath the King my Master was ever more hated and maligned by those men then my selfe and that for an Impartiall and strict executing of the Lawes against them Here your Lordships may observe that the greater number of the witnesses used against me eyther from Ireland or from Yorkeshire were men of that Religion But for my owne Resolution I thanke God I am ready every houre of the day to seale my disaffection to the Church of Rome with my deerest blood But my Lords give me leave here to poure forth the griefe of my Soule before you these proceeding against me seeme to be exceeding rigorous and to have more of praejudice then equity that upon a supposed Charge of my Hypocrisy or Errors in Religion I should be made so monstrously odious to three Kingdomes A great many thousand eyes have seen my Accusations whose eares shall never heare that when it came to the upshot I was never accused of them Is this fayre dealing amongst Christians but I have lost nothing by that Popular applause was ever nothing in my conceipt the uprightnesse and integrity of a good Conscience was and ever shall be my continuall feast and if I can be justified in your Lordships judgements from this grand imputation as I hope now I am seeing these Gentlemen have throwne downe the Bucklers I shall account my selfe justified by the whole Kingdome because by you who are the Epitomy the better part yea the very Soule and life of the Kingdome As for my Designe against the State I dare pleade as much Innocency here as in matter of my Religion I have ever admired the wisdome of our Ancestors who have so fixed the pillars of this Monarchy that each of them keepe a due proportion and measure with other and have so handsomly tyed up the nerves and sinnews of the State that the strayning of any one may bring danger and sorrow to the whole oeconomy The Praerogative of the Crowne and the Propriety of the Subject have such mutuall relations this takes protection from that that foundation and nourishment from this And as on the Lute if any one string be too high or too lowly wound up you have lost the Harmony so here the excesse of a Prerogative is oppression of pretended Liberty in the Subject Disorder and Anarchy The Praerogative must be used as God doth
doe not escape and I care not how I die whether by the hand of the Executioner or the madnesse and fury of the People If that may give them better content it is all one to me It is but diminutive to call it a wonder it is something above that his thoughts and expressions should be so present with him no more putrifaction in them then if he had beene about some ordinary businesse His Alacrity his Devotion did amaze yea teare in peeces the hearts of all those about him who had the least Grace or Humanity in them Too much Perfection indeed to be lost at one blow but this Age was not worthy of it nor shall any after Age I thinke ever enjoy the like that only which is possible is the object of the will and therefore I will not endeavor to find out words for expressing this wonder of the times only I leave his virtues to speake the rest to the Admiration of Ours and Compassion of succeeding Ages A Letter to a Friend Beleive me Sir This blessed departure of his hath put me in love with Scaffolds more then death bedds Let it bee my Pâ—radox if not Propheticall to me that it is the best kind of Dissolution provided there bee Innocence to uphold the Conscience And with good men at least to mainteine the Reputation afterwards Heere you are attended with the Pregnancy of Judgment and Memory not weakned nor clouded with tedious and giddy sicknesses Heere you have a time praefixed and must of necessity concentricate your selfe and your best resolution elsewhere nature is unwilling to find a Suspension abhorring its own Destruction Imo quam multos in medio scelere mors occupavit medium secuit crimen Here a moment ends the Payne which parhaps not 7 Apprentiships elswhere and here if any where we find pitty yea deservings both with God and good men but he that sent vs hither must prescribe us the way of our returne Upon that very day of the Execution in the afternoone Abyssus abyssum invocat Blood calls for blood there hapned a conflict betwixt the Scotts and English Army no certaine number yet reported nor what occasion some say six score some three score Scotts some twenty some thirty English only the matter it selfe was represented by the Generall the Lord Holland upon a letter from Sir John Conniers to the Parliament upon Friday with a mighty regret that hee had beene appointed for peace but that unhappy rub had fallen out much contrary to his desire The King sent a letter the day before the Execution by the Prince to the uper-house desiring the Rigour of that Sentence might bee remitted but it was sent back unbroken up for feare either to refuse the King or discontent the people God forbid his Majestie should give so slender an eare to their Petitions The Lord Straffords Children are restored to all his estate and if they petition for it shall bee to his Honoures too the House of Commons have beene as forward in this as any else whether to make some recompence to them or to give proofe to the Nobilytie least they shauld bee scared by the example that not so much the meanes as the man was aymed at But it will be a question whether they can restore that head too when the Kingdome shall neede its service It is to bee feared that his great Abilites will shortly bee more understood by our want of them then our fruition so darke is mans understanding in Preserving that which is virtuous and usefull amongst us Virtutem Incolumem odimus The Earle of Straffords Letter to his Majesty IT hath beene my greatest griefe in all my troubles to be taken as a person that should endeavor to present and set things amisse betweene your Majesty and your People and to have given Councell tending to the disquiet of your Majesty and your three Kingdomes Most true it is that such an attempt my private condition considered had beene a great madnesse seeing through your gracious favour I was so provided as I could not expect in any kinde to mend my Fortune or to please my minde more then by resting where your bounteous hand had placed me nay the businesse is most mightily mistaken for unto your Majesty it is well knowne that my poore and humble advices concluded still in this That your Majesty should never be happy till there were a right-understanding procured betwixt you and them no other meanes to effect and settle this happinesse but by the Councell and Assent of the Parliament and no way to prevent the growing evills of this State but by puting your selfe entirely upon the Loyalty and good-Affection of your Subjects Yet such is my misfortune the Truth finds little credit the Contrary it seemes generally beleeved and my selfe reputed the Cause of this great separation betwixt you and your People Under a heavier Censure then this I am perswaded no Gentleman can suffer and now I understand that the mindes of men are the more incensed against me notwithstanding your Majesty hath declared That in your Princely opinion I am not guilty of Treason nor are you satisfied in Conscience to passe the Bill This brings me into a great Streight Here is before me the ruine of my Children and Family hitherto untouc't in all the branches of it with any foule Crime Here are before me the many evills which may befall your sacred Person and the whole Kingdome should your selfe and the Parliament be lesse satisfied the one with the other than is necessary for the King and People Here are before me the things most valued most feared by mortall men Life and Death To say Sir there hath not beene a conflict within me about these things were to make my selfe lesse man then God knowes my infirmities will give me leave and to call a destruction upon my selfe and my yong children where the intentions at least of my heart have beene innocent of this great Offence may be beleeved would finde no easie consent from flesh and blood But out of much sadnesse I am come to a Resolution of that which I take to be best becomming me that is To looke upon that which is principally to be considered in it selfe and that is doubtlesse the prosperity of your sacred Person and the Common-wealth infinitely to be preferred before any mans private interest And therefore in few words as I have put my selfe wholly upon the Honour and Justice of my Peers so cleerely as I wish your Majesty had beene pleased to have spared that Declaration of yours on Satterday last and to have left me entirely to their Lordships So now to set your Majesties Conscience at Liberty I doe most humbly beseech You for the preventing of such mischiefes as may happen by your Refusall to passe the Bill by this meanes to remove praised be God I cannot say this accursed but I confesse this unfortunate thing forth of the way towards that blessed Agreement which God I trust shall for
ever establish betwixt you and your Subjects Sir My consent herein shall acquit you more to God then all the world can doe beside To a willing man there is no injury done And as by Gods-grace I forgive all the world with a calmnesse and meekenesse of infinite contentment to my dislodging Soule so Sir I can give the Life of this world with all cheerefulnesse Immaginable in the just acknowledgment of your exceeding favours and only beg that in your goodnesse you would vouchsafe to cast your gracious Regard upon my poore Sonne and his three sisters lesse or more and no otherwise then their unfortunate Father shall appeate more or lesse guilty of this Death God preserve your Majesty Your Majesties most Humble and Faithfull Subject Servant STRAFFORD Tower May 9. 1641. The Petition of THOMAS Earle of Strafford to the right-Honorable the Lords Spirituall and Temporall in the Parliament at Westminster 1641. Sheweth THAT seeing it is the good will and pleasure of God that your Petitioner is now shortly to pay that duty which we all owe to our fraile Nature He shall in all Christian patience and Charity conforme and submit to that Justice in a comfortable assurance of the great hope laid up for us in the Mercy and Merits of our Saviour Blessed for ever Only he humbly craves to returne your Lordships most humble thanks for your noble Compassion towards those Innocent Children who now with his last blessing he commits to the protection of Almighty God beseeching your Lordships to finish your pious Intentions towards them and desiring that the reward thereof may be given you by him who is able to give above all that we are able either to aske or thinke wherein I trust the honorable House of Commons will afford rheir Christian assistance And so beseeching your Lordships charitably to forgive all his omissions infirmities he doth heartily and truly recommend your Lordships to the Mercies of our heavenly Father that for his goodnesse he may protect you in every good work Amen There was a foolish ridiculous and scandalous Speech printed which was pretended to have been spoken by the Earle of Strafford to certaine Lords before his comming out of the Tower which is protested against and avowed to be false by the Lord Primate of Ireland E of Cleveland E of Newport Lo. Rich Sir William Bâ—lfoure Sir William Wentworth Sir George Wentworth Dr. Carre Dr Price De Mortuis nil nisi verunt The Paper conteining the Heads of the Lord Straffords last Speech written with his own hand as it was left upon the Scaffold falling out of his Bosom 1. Come to pay the last Debt we owe to sinne 2. Rise to Righteousnesse 3. Dye willingly 4. Forgive all 5. Submit to Justice but in my intentions Innocent from subverting c. 6. Wishing nothing but good Prosperity to King and People 7. Acquit the King constreined 8. Beseech to Repent 9. Strange way to write the beginning of Reformation and settlement of a Kingdome in blood 10. Beseech that demand may rest there 11. Call not blood on themselves 12. Dy in the Faith of the Church 13. Pray for it and desire their Prayers with me A true-copy of his Speech delivered on the Scaffold My L. Primate of Ireland IT is my very great comfort that I have your Lordship by me this day in regard I have beene known to you these many yeares and I doe thank God and your Lordship for it that you are heere I should bee very glad to obteine so much silence as to bee heard a few words but I doubt I shall not the noise is so great My Lords I am come hither by the good will and pleasure of Almighty God to pay that last debt I owe to sinne which is death and by the blessing of that God to rise again through the mirrits of Jesus Christ to righteousnesse and life aeternall Heere hee was a little interrupted My Lords I am come hither to submit to that Judgement which hath passed against me I do it with a very quiet and contented minde I thank God I doe freely forgive all the world a forgivenesse that is not spoken from the teeth outwards as they say but from the very heart I speake it in the presence of Almighty God before whome I stand that there is not a displeasing thought arising in me towards any man living I thank God I can say it and truly too my conscience bearing me witnesse that in all my imployment since I had the Honour to serve his Majestie I never had any thing in the purpose of my heart but what tended to the Joynt and Individuall prosperity of King and people although it hath beene my ill fortune to bee misconstrued I am not the first that hath suffered in this kinde it is the common portion of us all while wee are in this life to err Righteous Judgment wee must wait for in another place for heere we are very subject to bee mis-judged one of another there is one thing that I desire to free my selfe of and I am very confident speaking it now with so much cheerfullnesse that I shall obteine your Christian charity in the beliefe of it I was so farre from being against Parliaments That I did allwayes think the Parliaments of England were the most happy constitutions that any Kingdome or Nation lived under and the best means under God to make the King people happy For my Death I heere acquit all the world and beseech the God of Heaven heartily to forgive them that contrived it though in the Intentions and purposes of my heart I am not guilty of what I dy for And my Lord Primate it is a great comfort for me that his Majesty conceives me not merriting so severe and heavy a punishment as is the utmost execution of this Sentence I do infinitly rejoyce in this mercy of his and I beseech God returne it into his own bosome that hee may find mercy when hee stands most in neede of it I wish this Kingdome all the Prosperity and happinesse in the world I did it living and now dying it is my wish I doe most humbly recommend this to every one who heares mee and desire they would lay their hands upon their hearts and consider seriously whether the beginning of the happinesse and reformation of a Kingdome should bee written in Letters of blood consider this when you are at your homes and let me be never so unhappy as that the last drop of my blood should rise up in Judgement against any one of you But I feare you are in a wrong way My Lords I have but one word more and with that I shall end I professe that I dy a true and obedient Sonne to the Church of England wherein I was borne and in which I was bred Peace and prosperity bee ever to it It hath beene objected if it were an objection worth the answering that I have beene inclined to Popery but I say truly
from my heart that from the time that I was one and twenty yeares of age to this present going now upon fourty nine I never had in my heart to doubt of this Religion of the Church of England Nor ever had any man the boldnesse to suggest any such thing to mee to the best of my remembrance and so being reconciled by the merrits of Jesus Christ my Saviour into whose bosome I hope I shall shortly bee gathered to those eternall happinesses which shall never have end I desire heartily the forgivenesse of every man for any rash or unadvised words or any thing done amisse and so my Lords and Gentlemen Farewell Farewell all the things of this world I desire that you would bee silent and joyne with me in prayer and I trust in God wee shall all meet and live eternally in heaven there to receive the Accomplishment of all happinesse where every teare shall bee wiped away from our eyes and every sad thought from our hearts and so God blesse this Kingdome and Jesus have mercy on my Soule Then turning himselfe about hee Saluted all the noble men and tooke a solemne leave of all considerable persons upon the Scaffold giving them his hand After that hee said Gentlemen I would say my prayers and entreate you all to pray with me and for me then his Chaplaine layd the booke of Common-prayer upon the Chayre before him as hee kneeled downe on which hee prayed almost a quarter of an houre and then as long or longer without the Booke and concluded with the Lords prayer Standing up hee espies his Brother Sir George Wentworth and calls him to him saying Brother we must part remember me to my sister and to my wife and carry my blessing to my Sonne and charge him that hee feare God and continue an obedient Sonne to the Church of England and warne him that hee beares no private grudge or revenge toward any man concerning me And bid him beware that hee meddle not with Church-livings for that will prove a moth and canker to him in his estate and wish him to content himselfe to bee a Servant to his Country not ayming at higher Preferments Aliter To his Sonne Master Wentworth hee commends himselfe and gives him charge to serve his God to submit to his King with all faith and Allegiance in things temporall to the Church in things Spirituall chargeth him againe and againe as hee will answer it to him in heaven never to meddle with the Patrimony of the Church for if he did it would be a Canker to eate up the rest of his Estate Carry my blessing also to my daughter Anne and Arabella charge them to serve and feare God and hee will blesse them not forgetting my little Infant who yet knowes neither good nor evill and cannot speake for it selfe God speake for it and blesse it now said hee I have nigh done one Stroke will make my wife husbandlesse my deare children fatherlesse and my poore Servants Masterlesse and will seperate me from my deare brother and all my friends But let God bee to you and them all in all After this going to take off his doublet and to make himself unready hee said I thank God I am not affraid of Death nor daunted with any discouragement rising from any feares but doe as chearfully put off my doublet at this time as ever I did when I went to bed then hee put off his Doublet wound up his haire with his hands and put on a white Cap. Then hee called where is the man that is to doe this last office meaning the executioner call him to me when hee came and asked him forgivenesse hee told him he forgave him and all the world then kneeling down by the block hee went to prayer againe himselfe The Primate of Ireland kneeling on the one side and the Minister on the other To the which Minister after prayer hee turned himselfe having done prayer and spake some few words softly having his hands lifted up and closed with the Ministers hands Then bowing himselfe to lay his head upon the block he told the Executioner that hee would first lay down his head to try the fitnesse of the block and take it up againe before he would lay it down for good and all And so he did and before he layed it down again he told the Executioner that he would give him warning when to strike by stretching forth his hands And presently laying down his neck upon the block and stretching forth his hands the Executioner strooke off his head at one blow and taking it up in his hand shewed it to all the people And sayd God save the King His body was afterwards embalmed and appointed to be carried into York-shire there to be buried amongst his Ancestors He left these three Instructions for his Sonne in Writing First That hee should continue still to be brought up under those Governors to whom hee had committed him As being the best he could pick out of all those within his knowledge and that he should not change them unlesse they were weary of him that he should rather want himselfe then they should want any thing they could desire Secondly He charged him as he would answer it at the last day not to put himselfe upon any publique employments till he was thirty yeares of age at least And then if his Prince should call him to Publique Service he should carefully undertake it to testify his obedience and withall to be faithfull and sincere to his Master though he should come to the same end that himselfe did Thirdly That he should never lay any hand upon any thing that belonged to the Church He foresaw that ruine was like to come upon the Revennues of the Church and that parhaps they might be shared amongst the Nobility and Gentry But if his Sonne medled with any of it he wished the curse of God might follow him and all them to the Destruction of the most Apostolicall Church upon Earth FINIS