than Sermons S. Chrysostom does not inlarge so much upon Moral Topicks as to give the sence and understanding of the Text. He follows the Version of the LXX but he often hath recourse to the differences of the Ancient Greek Versions and quotes even the Hebrew Text in some places to clear difficulties There are some Psalms upon which we have no Homilies of S. Chrysostom as the first and second but there are upon the third and following to the 13th upon the 41st and 43d and so on the 117th and from the 119th to the last which make in all sixty Homilies which certainly are S. Chrysostom's To these may be added the Homily upon the thirteenth Psalm and two others upon the fiftieth which have likewise S. Chrysostom's Style Those upon the 51st 95th and 100th are more doubtfull yet I see no reason that we should reject them It is not so of the Commentaries upon the 101st Psalm and upon the six that follow which are Theodoret's The Commentary upon the 119th belongs to some modern Greek that speaks against the Iconoclasts and takes out of Theodoret's Commenâ—aries part of what he writes There are also four Sermons upon particular passages of the Psalms but they must not be joined to the rest because they are not Explications of the Text of the Psalms but Sermons upon distinct Subjects These are a Discourse upon these words of the 44th Psalm The Queen standeth at thy right hand preached in Constantinople some Days after Eutropius his Disgrace who had retired into the Church but was gone out again He speaks in his Preface of the Advantage of reading the Holy Scripture He describes afterwards how the Church was beset when Eutropius had taken Sanctuary there He relates what he had done to help him and with what sincerity he had spoken without fearing the Threatnings uttered against him He observes that he was taken by his own fault for the Church had not forsaken him but he had quitted it But yet it was no wonder that he reaped no greater benefit from that Sanctuary because he entred not into it with a Christian heart That when any Man flies into the Church to take sanctuary there he ought to go in with his Mind as well as with his Body because the Church is not made up of Walls but of an Holy Union among the Members of Jesus Christ. Upon occasion of this Eunuch's Disgrace he shews how little Solidity there is in the goods of this World and draws a fine Picture of the Instability of Riches and then concludes with an excellent Description of the Church Nothing says he to his Auditors is stronger than the Church Let it be your Hope your Haven and Refuge It is higher than the Heavens of a larger extent than the Earth She never waxeth old but still retaineth her strength and vigour for this cause the Scripture calleth her a Mountain to shew her stability a Virgin because she cannot be corrupted a Queen because of her Magnificence and Splendour and it gives her the Name of Daughter by reason of her Union with God c. Both the Sermons upon these words of the 48th Psalm Be not thou afraid when one is made rich were likewise preached in Constantinople In them he recommends Alms-deeds and Hospitality and he toucheth upon the Necessity of being present at Divine Service The Homily on these words of the 145th Psalm My Soul bless thou the Lord is a Sermon for the Holy Week called then the great Week The reason of that Name S. Chrysostom gives in the beginning of his Discourse which is this This Week says he is called the great Week because Jesus Christ wrought great Mysteries at this Time He delivered Man from the Tyranny of the Devil he overcame Death bound the strong armed Man blotted out Sin But as this Week is the great Week because it is the first of Weeks for the same reason Saturday is called the great Day and for this cause many of the faithfull do upon this Day double their Exercises some fast with greater Austerity others watch continually others bestow much on the poor some apply themselves with greater Zeal to the Practice of good Works and by their Piety bear witness to the Mercy of God Emperours themselves honour this Week they grant a Vacation to all Magistrates that so being freed from worldly Care they may spend these Days in the Worship of God They give honour also to this Day by sending Letters every where to command the Prison doors to be opened Let us also have regard to these Days and instead of Palm-branches let us offer him our Hearts Then he explains the Psalm My Soul praise thou the Lord. The royal Prophet says he cries out Praise the Lord O my Soul why does he direct his Discourse to the Soul to teach us that the Soul should apply her self to the words that are uttered For if he that prayeth doth not understand his own words how would he have God to give ear to him God often doth not grant our Petitions but that is for our good he deferrs some time not to deceive us with vain hopes but to make us more zealous and diligent for the fervency of Prayer 〈◊〉 ceaseth when we have what we desired so that to keep up our Devotion God is pleased to with-hold his Gifts He observes in this Sermon that the Righteous after Death live with us pray with us and are amongst us c. S. Chrysostom writ a Commentary upon Isaiah but we have only part of it from the beginning to the eleventh Verse of the eighth Chapter Both the historical and spiritual Sence is set forth with much solidity and clearness There are also five Homilies of his upon these words of Isaiah ch 6. I saw the Lord â—pon an high Throne and one concerning the Seraphim spoken of in the same place they are moral 〈◊〉 upon various Subjects and especially of the reverence due to sacred things and of the dignity of the Priesthood there is a very remarkable passage concerning the Ecclesiastical and the Civil Power Uzziah saith he went himself into the Holy of Holies to offer Incense 〈◊〉 being King he would usurp the Priesthood I will said he burn Incense for I am worthy to do it Oye Princes keep within the Limits of your own Power The bounds of Ecclesiaâ—tical power differ from those of secular Government The King rules over earthly things the Churches Jurisdiction relates to heavenly goods God hath committed to Kings the things of the Earth and to me those of Heaven when I say to me I mean to Priests So that though a Priest prove unworthy of his Office yet for all that you ought not to despise the dignity of the Priesthood God hath made the Body subject to Kings and the Soul to Priests The King pardons corporal Offences but the Priest remits Sins The one compels the other exhorts the one imposes a law the other gives counsel one uses spiritual
decide this difference of which he inform'd Charles the Simple in another Letter The two Competitors obey'd and came both to Rome where the Cause was decided in favour of Richerus who was ordain'd Bishop of Liege by the Pope and Hilduin was excommunicated This contest began in the year 920 and ended in the year 922. The third Letter of Pope John X. is directed to the Bishops of the upper Narbonnois The Church of Narbonne which was the Metropolis of that Country being vacant Agius had been elected into it according to the Canon but a powerful man named Gerard possess'd himself of that Archbishoprick having counterfeited Letters from the Pope John X. disowns them in this Letter and declares that he would not give him a grant thereof when he came to Rome tho he was ignorant of his Treachery and Knavery but that being since fully inform'd of the matter he orders them not to acknowledge him any longer for Bishop since he had been neither elected by the Clergy and Laity of that Town nor ordain'd by the Bishops of the Province By the same Letter he sends the Pall to Agius These three Letters of John X. are extant Concil Tom. IX p. 574. Leo VII WE have likewise three Letters remaining of Leo VII The First is directed to Hugh Duke of France and Abbot of S. Martin of Tours The Letters of Leo VII He therein enjoyns him under the pain of excommunication not to suffer any Women to stay or so much as enter within the inclosure of that Monastery The Second is directed to Gerard Archbishop of Lorch in Germany He grants him the Pall and permits him to make use of it not only on the days of consecrating the Holy Chrism and of the Resurrection of our Lord but also on the Festivals of Christmass of the Blessed Virgin of the Apostles of St. John the Baptist of St. Lawrence of St. Stephen and of all those Saints whose Bodies lay interr'd in his Church and on the Day of his own Consecration and of the Dedication of the Church during the consecration of Bishops and Priests and the Sermons to the new Converts He exhorts him to behave himself so as that the Sanctity of his Moâ—als may be suitable to the Dignity of that Ornament and afterwards makes a very edifying Moâ—al discourse upon that subject This Gerard came afterwards to Rome and consulted with the Pope about several Questions to which he gave an answer directed to the Bishops of France and Germany The first of these Questions is concerning Necromancers Magicians and Wizards whether they ought to be admitted to Penitence The Pope reply'd that the Bishops ought to bring them over to repentance by their exhortations that so they might live like Penitents rather than dye like Criminals He adds that if they slighted the censures of the Bishops they ought to be punish'd according to the Rigor of the civil Laws The second Question is whether the Bishops ought to say Pax Vobis or Dominus Vobiscum the Pope reply'd that they ought to act conformably to the custom of the Church of Rome wherein Pax Vobis was said on Sundays the principal Festivals and on the Festivals of the Saints on which days they likewise said Gloria in excelsis and that Dominus vobiscum was us'd in the time of Lent the ember-Ember-Weeks the Vigil of Saints and â—n fast-Fast-days The third Question is to know whether the Lords Prayer ought to be said at the benediction of the Table The Pope reply'd No because the Apostles recited it at the consecration of the Body and Blood of JESUS-CHRIST The fourth is whether a man might marry with his God-mother or God-daughter The Pope reply'd that such Marriages were forbidden The fifth has respect to those Priests who marry publickly The Pope orders that thâ—y shall be depriv'd of their Dignity but that their Children should not be endamaged thereby The sixth is whether Surfragan Bishops can consecrate Churches ordain Priests or Confirm The Pope prohibits it according to the tenth Canon of the Council of Antioch The seventh is concerning those who marry their Relations without knowing it and who afterwards upon the knowledge thereof confess it to the Priest the Pope orders that they shall be parted and enjoyn'd Pennance The last is concerning those who rob Churches the Pope declares that the Bishops ought to proceed against them with all the Authority God has put into their hands At the end of this Letter he adds that he constituted Gerard his Vicar in Germany and exhorts the Bishops to joyn with him in reforming those abuses which the Incursions of the Pagans and the persecution rais'd by false Christians had introduc'd These Letters of Leo are written in a pretty good Stile and full of good Maxims and confirm the Judgment which Flodoard has passed upon him that he was a great Servant of God His Letters are extant Concil Tom. IX p. 594. Agapetus II. WE have likewise a Letter of Pope Agapetus II. wherein he adjusts the difference which A Letter of Agapetus II. was then on foot between the Church of Lorch and that of Salzburgh concerning the Right of Metropolitanship by giving the Priority to the Archbishop of Lorch whose See was the most ancient Metropolitan together with a Jurisdiction over the Eastern Pannonia and over the Country of Avarois of the Moravians and Sclavonians and by granting to the Archbishop of Salzburgh whose See was rais'd to an Archbishoprick by Leo III the Right over the Western Pannonia There is another Letter of this Pope which is a Priviledge in favour of the Abby of Clâ—ny Both these Letters are extant Concil Tom. IX p. 618. John XII WE have two Letters of John XII One by which he grants the Pall to Dunstan The Letters of John XII Archbishop of Canterbury and the other whereby he excommunicates Issuard and his Adherents who had seiz'd upon the Lands and Estates belonging to the Abbey of S. Simphorien in Provence These Letters are extant Concil Tom. IX p. 641. John XIII THere are four Letters of John XIII The first is directed to the Bishops of Bretagne The Letters of John XIII whom he exhorts to acknowledge the Archbishop of Tours for their Metropolitan The second is directed to Edgar King of England wherein he promises him to turn out of the Church of Winchester such Prebendaries as lead a scandalous Life and to put some Monks into their places The third and fourth are two priviledges which he grants one to the Monastery built by Berenger Bishop of Verdun the other to the Monastery of S. Remy of Rheims These four Letters are extant Concil Tom. IX p. 663. Benedict VI. POpe Benedict VII by his Letter to the Bishops of France and Germany confirms the The Letter of Benedict VII Arbitration made in favour of the Church of Lorch by his Predecessor Agapetus and sends the Pall to Pilgrin who was Archbishop of the place This Letter is extant Concil
His mentioning the Destruction of Ninive makes some think that he lived in the Time of Sardanapalus under Jeash and Jehu which if it were so he wou'd be the most ancient of the Prophets Josephus is of Opinion that he lived in the Time of Jotham and that he foretold the Ruine of Ninive which happen'd many Years after the time of Josiah St. Jerome Theodoret and Theophylact say he Prophecied after the Captivity of the Israelites others say under Hezâ—kiah and some under Manasses The most received Opinion is that he Prophecied after the Captivity of the Ten Tribes by Shalmanezer before Sennacherib's Expedition against the Tribe of Judah which is foretold in the first Chapter of his Prophecy Nor have we any better Information either of the Country or time of the Prophet Habakkuk The Jews say that he Prophecied in the time of Manasses or Jehoiachim a little before the Captivity St. Epiphanius and the false Epiphanius make him Contemporary with Zedekiah and Jeremiah Others say he lived in Josiah's time St. Jerome in Daniel's confounding him with that Habakkuk who is mentioned by that Prophet The most probable Opinion is that he lived under the Reign of Manasses whose iniquities he seems to describe in his first Chapt. Vers. 13 and 14. and before the Expedition of the Chaldeans against the Jews which he foretells in the first Chapt. Vers. the 6th as well as their Destruction Chapt. the 2d Vers. the 3d. The time wherein Zephaniah Prophecied is exactly marked out to us in these Words at the beginning of his Prophecy The Word of the Lord came unto Zephaniah the Son of Cushi the Son of Gedaliah the Son of Amariah the Son of Hizkiah in the days of Josiah the Son of Amon King of Judah We don't know from what Country he came St. Cyril makes him to have been of Noble Extraction because he mentions his Ancestors Haggai and the two following Prophets Prophecied not till after the return of the Jews from the Captivity of Babylon It is said in the beginning of Haggai's Prophecy that it was written in the second Year of Darius tt the Son of Hystaspes and the sixth Month. Zechariah the Son of Barachiah Grand-Son of Iddo uu wrote his Prophecy in the same Year of Darius two Months after the Prophet Haggai as he himself has observed in the beginning of his Prophecy He is a different Person from that Zechariah of whom Isaiah speaks in his eighth Chapter xx and of him that was slain by the Command of King Joash between the Temple and the Altar 2 Chron 24. 20. Malachi whose Name in Hebrew signifies My Angel yy Prophecied since Haggai and Zechariah after the Rebuilding of the Temple For the two former exhort the People to build the Temple but he exhorts them to observe the Law and offer their Sacrifices with purity which does necessarily suppose that the Temple was already rebuilt Besides this the Disorders for which he reproves the Jews are the very same with those which Nehemiah lays to their charge which is a manifest Argument that they both lived in the same time Malachi is the last of the Prophets and as there was none other to succeed him till the coming of Jesus Christ so he concludes his Prophecy with an Exhortation to the Jews to observe the Law of Moses and wait for the great and dreadful Day of the Lord who should turn the Hearts of the Fathers to the Children and the Hearts of the Children to their Fathers All which clearly and expresly sets before us St. John Baptist and Jesus Christ. The two Books of the Maccabees were not written by the same Person as the sensible difference of the Style of the Chronology and the History sufficiently shew zz We don't know who is the Authour of the first 't is indeed very probable that it was Originally written in Hebrew and afterwards translated into Greek and Latin The second is an Abridgment or Epitome of Jason who was one of the Jews of Cyrene as it appears by the Preface of that Book which begins Chap. 2. Vers. 23. It is preceded by two Letters of the Jews at Jerusalem to the Jews inhabiting Egypt added by the Author of this Abridgment which he has made with a great deal of Liberty These two Books are called The Books of the Maccabees from the Name of Judas the Son of Mattathias Sir-named Maccabeus because he had placed in his Banner the first Hebrew Letters of the Words of a certain Sentence in Exodus aaa which being joyned together make that word These two Books contain the History of the Jews under the Government of the Greeks from the Reign of Alexander to that of Demetrius Soter whch comprehends the space of Forty Years or thereabouts and they conclude an Hundred and Thirty Years before the Coming of our Saviour Jesus Christ. NOTES a THere is no Paradox more dangerous than the Opinion of those who have presumed to deny that the Pentateuch was composed by Moses I have already observed in the first Edition that this Paradox was started by Rabbi Aben Ezra because he is the first that raised these Objections which have occasioned some Persons to believe that Moses was not the Author of the Pentateuch and though he durst not openly declare his Opinion in this Matter yet he expresses himself after such a Manner that it will evidently appear that he was not heartily perswaded that the Pentateuch was written by Moses For in his Explication of these Words in Deuteronomy Behold what Moses said to the Israelites that were beyond Jordan he not only makes use of this passage to shew that this Book was not Moses's but he musters up the most terrible Objections he could raise for this purpose You will know the Truth says he if you comprehend the Mystery of the Twelve Moses wrote the Law The Canaanites were then in the Land In the Mountain of the Lord it shall be seen Behold his Iron Bed Words which allude to some passages in the Pentateuch and which he uses to prove that it was not written by Moses And 't is principally upon the Authority and Reasons of this Rabbi that Hobbs Pererius and Spinosa established their Doctrine when they publickly maintain'd that the Pantateuch was not written by Moses To these Authors we may add Monsieur Simon who has wrote a Book called A Critical History of the Old Testament I was not willing to name him in the first Edition of this Volume though I took occasion then to confute his Reasons but since he has been pleased to declare that he was the Person whom I meant in a Letter to Monsieur Labbe a Doctor of the Faculty he ought not to resent it as an Injury if I attack him by name and endeavour to shew that his Hypothesis about the Books of Moses is a rash and dangerous as Spinosa's Monsieur Simon lays down his Opinion in the first Chapter of the first Book of his Critical History p. 3. of Leer's
which he shall cite shall be compell'd by the Governour to come to Rome This Edict which is contrary to the Canons and also to the Decrees of the Council of Sardica hath no place here It is dated the 6th of June in 445. The Eleventh Letter to Dioscorus Bishop of Alexandria was written certainly some Time after the Ordination of that Bishop and consequently in 445. S. Leo having spoken of the Union and Agreement that there ought to be between the Church of Rome and Alexandria because the First was founded by S. Peter and the Second by S. Mark his Scholar He exhorts Dioscorus to observe that which was practised in the Church of Rome touching the Times of Ordinations which ought not to be conferr'd on all Days indifferently but only on Saturday-night just before the Lord's Day which may be looked upon as belonging to the Lord's Day He would have them who celebrate Ordination to be Fasting and that they continue the Fast of Saturday upon the Lord's Day that is to say That since they begin to fast all Day on Saturday they do not eat till the Evening of the Lord's Day after the Ordination is ended so we ought to understand S. Leo's Words This Explication is confirmed by Urban II. in the Council of Clermont in the Year 1095. where speaking of Ordinations he says Et tunc protrahatur jejunium usque ad crastinum ut magis appareat in die dominico ordines fieri And then let the Fast be lengthned till the Morrow that it may be the more apparent that Orders are conferred on the Lord's Day In the Second Part of this Letter he advises him to observe the Custom of the Church of Rome which was to reiterate the Holy Communion when so great Numbers come to the Church upon solemn Festivals that all those that come cannot enter It was evidently the same who began the Sacrament again for the Bishop ordinarily administred it and it was not allow'd to a Priest to offer in the presence of a Bishop He wrote this Letter to Dioscorus by Possidonius a Deacon of Alexandria who is evidently the same that S. Cyril sent to S. Caelestine for S. Leo witnesses That he had often been present at the Ordinations and Processions of Rome The Twelfth Letter is to Anastasius Bishop of Thessalonica and although the Date of it be not well known yet it is referr'd to this Year S. Leo in this Letter lays some Faults to the Charge of this Bishop and prescribes him some Rules which he would have him observe He tells him That he and his Predecessors being made his Deputy he ought to execute that Charge with Moderation and suspend the Judgment of Matters of Consequence and which have some Difficulty to make Report of them to the Holy See He tells him That he must act with Gentleness and Charity principally in reproving Bishops and that he must rather amend them by Kindness than Severity He afterward objects some Faults against him not directly laying them to his Charge They saith he who seek their own Interest more than that of Jesus Christ take no Care how they manage Affairs they depart from the Laws of Charity they love rather to Rule than to Advise the Honour pleaseth them when it raiseth them and they abuse the Title which hath been given them for the Preservation of Peace He adds That it is a Grief to him that he is forced to use such Terms but he thinks himself in Fault when he knows That he whom he hath made his Deputy is departed from the Laws which he hath given him He then tells him That the Reason of this Imputation is the Severity which he hath used towards Atticus Metropolitan of Epirus because he had not appeared at the Synod to which he had been summon'd He tells him That although he were Blame-worthy yet he had not Power to condemn him without waiting for the Judgment of the Holy See because being but Deputy he was assumed in partem sollicitudinis non in plenitudinem potestatis To share in his Care not exercise the same Authority He appoints in the Second Canon that Metropolitans should preserve the Rights which are granted them by the Canons In the Third he says That such Persons may not be chosen for Bishops as are Laymen or Novices or twice married or have married Widows In the old Edition it is Sed nec qui viduam copularit Neither he that marrieth a Widow It ought to be read Qui unam vel habeat vel habuerit sed quam sibi viduam copularit He that hath or shall have but only one Wife but whom he married when she was a Widow F. Quesnel hath thus corrected it following the Authority of the Collections of Councils In the Fourth Canon he commands the Bishops Priests and Deacons to live unmarried and observes That the Use of Marriage was not allowed to Subdeacons Nevertheless S. Gregory lib. 2. Regist. Ep. 42. says That it was too hard to refuse it to the latter In the 〈◊〉 Canon he saith that he ought to be made a Bishop who is chosen by the 〈◊〉 and People He gives Power to the Metropolitan in case that their Judgments be divided to preferr him who is of greatest Worth and hath most Votes But 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 forbids him making any Person a Bishop whom the People would not have In the Sixth Canon he judges it very fit that the Metropolitan should write to his Vicar concerning the Election that it may be confirmed by his Judgment and so after the Death of the Metropolitan he wills that the Bishops of the Province should assemble themselves and chuse one of the Priests or Deacons of the Vacant Church and that they give an Account of their Election to his Vicar that he may confirm it He commands him notwithstanding to return a speedy Answer Sicut enim saith he Just as electiones nullis volumus dilationibus fatigari ita nihil permittimus te ignorante praesumi For as we will not have due Elections to be disturbed with Delays so we do not allow that any thing be presumed on without your Knowledge In the Seventh Canon he appoints according to the Nicene Council That two Synods be held every Year in each Province He requires that if there be any Cause among the Bishops accused of Crimes which cannot be determined in the Provincial Synod it should be made known to his Vicar and if he could not end it he should write to the Holy See In the Eighth he declares That he that would go from one Church to another out of Contempt of his own shall be deprived both of that he would have and of that he hath Ut nec illis praesideat quos per avaritiam concupivit nec illis quos per superbiam sprevit That he may not preside over those whom he through Covetousness hath desired not those whom through Pride he hath contemned S. Leo in this follows the Canon of the Council of Sardica
his Friends they had been forced to own and support him that they Acknowledged their Fault and begged pardon for it protesting They should never adhere to Photius or any of his party as long as they should continue in their Obstinacy This Petition of theirs being presented the Pope's Legates declared That they received them The Form was read unto them who having approved of and subscribed unto it their Petition being laid upon the Gospel and the Cross they presented it to Ignatius the Patriarch who restored unto them their Pontifical Habit and then they took their places in the Council Though the number of the Bishops be not expresly mention'd yet Ten of them are named in this Session The Priests Ordained by Methodius and Ignatius who had sided with Photius were likewise admitted who having presented a Petition to the same purpose as the former and subscribed to the Form were also restored The same was done with the Deacons Sub-Deacons and other Clerks these Penances being inflicted upon them all That they that eat Flesh should forbear it together with Eggs and Cheese and they that eat no Flesh should abstain from Eggs Cheese and Fish on Wednesdays and Fridays and eat nothing but Pulse with Oyl and a little Wine to fall upon their knees Fifty times a day to say a Hundred times Kyrie eleeson My God I have sinned forgive my sin O Lord to repeat the Sixth Thirty sixth and Fiftieth Psalms until Christmas-day and to forbear till that day all Sacerdotal Function Thus ended this Session with the usual Acclamations In the Third Session which was held on the 11th of October the Pope's Legates the Deputies from the East the Commissioners and 23 Bishops being met together the Arch-bishops of Ancyra and Nice who had been Ordained by Ignatius and Methodius and had favoured Photius were Summoned to subscribe unto the Form in order to be Restored But they declared That having sufficiently suffered for having formerly Subscribed whether to good or ill purpose they were resolved to Subscribe onely to the Profession of Faith they had Subscribed unto when they were Ordained and pray'd the Council to be satisfy'd with their Resolution After this the Emperour's Letter to Pope Nicholas was read wherein he signify'd unto him the Deposing of Photius and intreated him to let him know how he should deal with those who had espoused his Quarrel or had been Ordained by him expressing his desire That they should be pardoned who came in first to Acknowledge their Fault He gave him notice withall that he sent Deputies from Ignatius and Photius with Basilius one of his Gentlemen-Ushers that he may order Things in their Presence as he shall think most expedient or send them back with Commissioners from him that he may know his clear Intention This Letter was followed by another from Ignatius to the same Pope In which having Extolled the Holy Apostolick See and commended the Emperour's Zeal he says That he sends him a Metropolitan and a Bishop to express his Thankful Acknowledgment to give him a faithful Account of all Passages and know of him what Measures he must take in the present Juncture concerning the Bishops of Photius his Faction Whom he divides into two Classes viz. those Ordained by himself and those Ordained by Photius He puts amongst these Paul Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia who opposed him at first but afterwards returned to his Duty With this Letter was Read Pope Adrian's Answer in which this Pope having promised Ignatius the Patriarch that his Affection for him shall not fall short of his Predecessor's and praised God for his Restauration he gives him for a Standard the Decree given by Pope Nicholas against Photius and Gregory and confirming the same declares them Degraded of all Sacerdotal Offices and not to be regarded as Bishops no more than Gregory and Photius who took upon him a Power he had not Gregorium Syracusanum Photium Tyrannum eos quos idem Photius in Gradu quolibet Ordinasse putatus est ab Episcoporum numero vel Dignitate quam usurpative ac ficte dedit merito sequestrantes To prove Photius his Ordinations to be void he gives these following Reasons First Because Photius was like Maximus and his Ordination or rather Intrusion in all points like unto his Secondly Because Pope Nicholas his Predecessor had so Decreed it Thirdly Because Photius being a Great Man a Courtier a Novice an Intruder an Adulterer Excommunicated having no lawful Power could not consequently confer it upon his Followers A Maxim which he afterwards confirms as owned by Photius and those of his Party He therefore requires that the same Rigour be used with relation to those who had been Ordained by Photius and even to Paul himself who was recommended unto him by Ignatius who says he must expect an everlasting Reward for the Persecution he had suffer'd besides the Temporal Rewards of the Church and the Honour he has acquired by his Sufferings As to those who had been Ordained by Methodius or Ignatius he commends the Zeal of those who had withstood Photius and suffer'd constantly for the Cause of Ignatius but for the rest who submitted to Photius either of their own accord or by force he declares That provided they come in and Sign the Form he sends by his Legates they ought to be Pardon'd and left in possession of their Church-Dignities notwithstanding their Opposition against the Patriarchal Dignity and the Holy Catholick See Yet he declares withall That those who assisted at the Illegal Council held at Constantinople against the Holy See should be incapable of Pardon were not the Compassion of the Holy See invaded by them as great as their Demerit He exhorts Ignatius to see the Articles drawn up at Rome against Photius and his Council Subscribed unto Lastly He commends John of Silea his Charity and Zeal for Ignatius This Letter being read was highly Commended by all the Bishops and so this Session ended with the usual Acclamations The Fourth Session was held Octob. 13th In which two Bishops were Accused Theophilus and Zachary by Name who were both Ordained by Methodius and continued obstinate in Photius his Party These Bishops being called into the Council required that the other Bishops that stood it out for Photius should also be called in There was some time a Debate upon the matter whether or no they should be admitted But the Pope's Legates did at last consent That Three of them should be called in in the Name of the rest to hear the Sentence passed against them When they were to be called in they had all withdrawn themselves except Theophilus and Zachary Who being come before the Council maintained That Pope Nicholas had Communicated with them The Legates convinced them of Falshood by Nicholas his Letters against Photius which they caused to be read Thomas and Elias made it appear likewise That they had never owned Photius for a Patriarch Which appearing undeniable Theophilus and Zachary were pressed
shall Teach the People the Creed and Lord's Prayer in Latin and their Mother-Tongue 3. That they shall Teach them to say the Responses after the Priest in Divine-Service 4. That the Priests shall understand the Nature of the Sacraments of Baptism Confirmation and the Lord's Supper and that by the Mysterious use of a Visible Creature the Salvation of the Soul is further'd 5. That they shall have Books necessary for their Office viz. A Book for Celebration of Sacraments a Book of the Lessons Anthems Administration of Baptism a Calendar and Homilies for all the year 6. That they shall recite S. Athanasius's Creed at the Prime 7. That they shall have notice of the Solemn time for Baptism as H. Saturday and the Saturday before Whitsuntide although in cases of necessity Baptism may be administred at all times He observes that they used Three Dippings and had in their Fonts a Vessel which they used onely to Baptize in 8. That they should know all the days in the year which they are to keep Holy viz. All the Sundays in the year from Morning to Night our Lord's Nativity St. Stephen's St. John's St. Innocent's Circumcision Epiphany Purification Easter Ascension H. Saturday Whitsuntide St. John Baptist the XII Apostles and chiefly St. Peter and St. Paul The Assumption of the Virgin Mary the Dedication of St. Michael's Church and all other Churches the Feast of every Saint in Honour of whom any Church is Founded That they ought to observe the Fasts appointed by the Prince but as to the Festivals of S. Remedius S. Maurice and S. Martin the People ought not to be forced to keep them nor hindred if their Devotion lead them to it 9. That Clergy-men ought not to have Women that are Related to them with them 10. Nor go to Taverns 11. Nor frequent Courts of Judicature nor be Bail nor go a Hunting 12. That they should know that none ought to be Ordained for Money and if any Man be he ought to be deposed as well as he that Ordained him 13. That no body ought to receive nor employ a Clergy-man of another Diocess without the consent of his Bishop 14. That they ought not to celebrate Mass in private Houses or Unconsecrated Churches unless in respect to the Sick 15. That Tithes ought to be paid the third part of which belongs to the Bishop according to the Council of Toledo that as for himself he was contented with a Fourth part according to the Constitutions of the Roman Bishops and the use of the Church of Rome 16. That Women ought not to come near the Altar nor doe any Offices about it That when they are to wash the Vessels and Church the Clerks shall take them from the Altar and deliver them to the Women at the Rails of the Altar whither they shall bring them again and the Priests shall also receive there the Offerings of the Women to carry them to the Altar 17. That Priests shall Preach both by their Word and Example That Men ought not to be Usurers 18. That no Clergy-man Ordained or to be Ordained shall go out of his own Diocess either to Rome or to Court or to obtain Absolution without the allowance of his Bishop and that they shall admonish them that will go to Rome out of Devotion that they ought not to go till they have confessed their sins in their Diocess because they ought to be bound or loosed by their own Bishop and not by a Stranger 19. That nothing shall be Sung or Read in the Church which is not taken out of Scripture or the Writings of the Orthodox Fathers That they shall not honour any unknown Angels but onely S. Michael S. Gabriel and S. Raphael That Priests shall all have one way of Administring Penance and shall impose it according to the nature of Mens Faults 20. That they shall put the Offerings of the Faithful to a Good Use. 21. That they shall not suffer a Contract of Marriage between Relations to the Fifth degree but nevertheless those that are Married in the Fourth degree shall not be parted but put to Penance so long as they continue together That it is not lawful to Marry the Relations of a First Husband or First Wife also a God-son or God-daughter at Baptism or Confirmation That they who have committed Fornication with a Relation in the First degree may not coâ—…nue together that they shall be put to penance and parted but they may Marry others That Slaves may not Marry without the consent of their Master and if they doe the Marriage is null 22. That Priests shall Teach their People to doe Works of Mercy Instruct them in Vertue and win them from Vice but chiefly from Perjury 23. That they shall Officiate in the Churches they are appointed and shall not fail to say the Canonical hours both by day and night 25. That they shall admonish God-fathers and God-mothers that they are obliged to make their God-sons and God-daughters when they are at Age of Discretion to be sensible of the Promise they have made for them These Constitutions shew how prudent and wise a Man this good Bishop Hatto was Being very Aged he laid down the Government both of his Diocess and Monastery which he had always held with it in 823 and lived a private Monk the rest of his Life He died in 836. He also Wrote a Relation of the Visions of St. Wettinus or Guettinus a Monk of the same Abbey which are also mention'd by Strabo This Tract is printed among the Visions of Hildegardes and other Religious Men at Paris 1513. and by F. Mabillon Saec. Benedict 4. p. 1. This is a proper place to Treat of the Writings of Agobardus which for the most part concern Agobard the Discipline of the Church The Life of this Author is very obscure some think him a Frenchman though they have no clear proof of it He was Coadjutor a Or rather a Suffragan We ought to Read Chorepiscopus in Ado as it is in the Chronicon of Hugo Flaviniaâ—ensis and not Co-episcopus because if he had been Co-episcopus or Coadjutor there had been no need of Ordaining him a-new when Leidradus retired And 't is certain there were at this time Suffragans in France or rather a Suffragan of Leidradus Arch-bishop of Lyons who being desirous to retreat into the Monastery of Soissons in the beginning of the Empire of Lewis the Godly Argobardus was put in his place by the consent of the Emperour and b A Whole Synod What Synod it was is not known M. Baluzius believes it was that of Mentz in 813. but this Synod was under Charles the Great and Leidradus did not retire and so Agobard could not be Ordained till the Reign of Lewis the Godly a whole Synod of France which approved of the Choice that Leidradus had made of him for his Successor But this Ordination was afterward found fault with because 't is against the Canons for a Bishop to
says He who has regenerated you by Water and the Holy Spirit grant you the Unction of Salvation Now 't is God alone who is the Author of Grace the Dispenser of Spiritual Gifts and who remits Sins In discoursing on the third Point namely concerning the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of CHRIST after he had taken notice of its Sublimity and its Incomprehensibility he says That God commiserating our Frailty has provided a Remedy for us by this propitiatory Sacrifice offer'd for our daily Faults and forasmuch as he has taken out of our sight and carry'd to Heaven that Body which he offer'd for our Redemption that we might not be depriv'd of the present Protection of his Body he has left us a Salutary Pledge of his Body and Blood which is not a Symbol of a vain empty Mystery but the real Body of JESUS CHRIST which his secret Efficacy produceth every Day after an invisible manner in the Solemnity of those Mysteries under the visible Form of the Creature 'T is this Body which he spake of to his Disciples a little before his Passion This is my Body and this is my Blood And elsewhere He that eateth my Flesh and drinketh my Blood dwelleth in me and I in him John 6. 56. Being therefore thus instructed by the Will and Pleasure of this true Master in partaking of his Body and Blood we may boldly maintain That we are chang'd into his Body and that he dwelleth in us not only by an Union of the Will but by the Reality of the Nature which is united to us He adds That we should not imagine it to be any Dishonour to a God who condescended to enter into the Womb of a Virgin to be in Pure and Virgin Creatures That what appears externally to be the Substance of Bread and Wine became internally the Body and Blood of JESUS CHRIST And to make this Change the more credible he compares it to the Creation and says That if God could make Creatures out of Nothing he could more easily convert them into the Substance of his Body The Second Letter of Fulbert of Chartres is concerning a Custom in use in his time of giving to the Priests after their Ordination a Consecrated Host which they kept and communicated of for forty Days together He had been ask'd the Reason of this Custom But before he reply'd to that he observ'd That different Churches had their different Customs which was no hindrance of their being united in the same common Faith Afterwards he says That this Custom was observ'd by all the Bishops of his Country That he remember'd that formerly a Priest having receiv'd a consecrated Host from his Bishop and communicating thereof every Day it one Day happen'd That after he had celebrated these Mysteries he lost this Host by wrapping his Habit in the Communion Table-cloth That on the Morrow in the time of Celebration when he came to communicate he was very much surpriz'd at his missing the Host. That the Bishop being inform'd of what had happen'd through his Carelessness had impos'd on him a very severe Pennance S. Fulbert adds That this Accident gave him an occasion of asking this Bishop Whether it were not better that the Priests should eat this Host the first or second Day after it was consecrated without dividing it into so many Pieces But that this Bishop had return'd him this Answer That they were oblig'd to keep this Host for the space of Forty Days because as JESUS CHRIST had been Forty Days upon Earth after his Resurrection and appear'd to his Apostles several times so the Bishop in ordaining his Priests gave them the Eucharist to take for Forty Days together to put them in mind of those Forty Days during which our Lord appear'd to his Apostles after his Resurrection Fulbert having ask'd Whether this Mystery might not be as well perform'd by the Bread which the Priests consecrated every Day was answer'd by the Bishop That as many particular Churches spread over the Face of the whole Earth made but One Catholick Church because they have all one Common Faith just so many Particucular Hosts offer'd by many Faithful are only One Bread because of the Unity of the Body of CHRIST That the Bread consecrated by the Bishop and the Bread consecrated by the Priest are chang'd into one and the same Body of JESUS CHRIST by the Omnipotency of the same Virtue which operateth in both but as it may be said in some measure That the Body of JESUS CHRIST born of the Virgin and nailed to the Cross is different from the Body of JESUS CHRIST when raised from the Dead Even so it seems That the Bread consecrated on the Ordination-day and kept by the Priests may have a particular Signification distinct from the Bread which was consecrated every Day the former may denote the Body of JESUS CHRIST raised from the Dead to die no more the latter JESUS CHRIST who dies and rises again every Day for us The Third and Fourth Letters are directed to King Robert wherein he prays him to order Eudes Count of Chartres to cause the Castles to be demolish'd which were built by Vicount Geofrey and very much incommoded the Church of Chartres The Two following contain nothing in them remarkable The Seventh is directed to Leoterick Archbishop of Sens whom he exhorts to make use of his Authority in succouring Avisgaudus Bishop of Mans whom the Count of that City oppress'd and to threaten the said Count with Excommunication in case he did not restore to him his Revenue and let him be quiet The Eighth is a Copy of a Letter which he had written to this Avisgaudus who complain'd that Fulbert and Leoterick had publish'd his Confession Fulbert gives him to understand That he wrong'd them in having such a Thought of them That they had never publish'd any thing but what was for his Advantage and which might serve to justifie him against those who had accus'd him of having quitted his Bishoprick out of Avarice Baseness or for some other dishonourable Cause That if he had trusted to their Secrecy such Things as he ought to repent of they had taken great Care to conceal them but that they had no Power to conceal those which were publick both before and after his Confession As to that part of this Bishop's Complaint that they had said of him That he was in Love with a Monastick Life Fulbert returns him this Answer That he ought not to take this amiss since it could be no Prejudice to him for the Love of a Religious Life render'd him rather worthy than unworthy of the Bishoprick into which he desir'd to enter again were there nothing else to hinder him from it But that they could not perceive how he could be put into Possession again because he could not complain that he had been turn'd out of it or that any one had been put into Possession of that See against his Will since he had voluntarily quitted it under
Congregation of St. Maur Publish'd a new Edition much finer and more correct than the preceeding Printed at Paris in 1675. which is a signal Proof of his accurate Industry and sound Judgment whose Merit is well known in the Common-wealth of Learning To St. Anselm's Works are annex'd those of Eadmer a Monk of Canterbury and his Pupil the First of which is the Life of his Tutor written very largely and in a very plain Style Eadmer St. Anselm ' s Pupil The Second is call'd The History of Novelties and divided into six Books of which the first Four contain a Relation of the Contests which St. Anselm had with the Kings of England about the Affair of the Investitures and of the Persecutions he suffer'd upon that Account and the Two last the History of the Transactions in the Church of Canterbury under Radulphus his Successor who was translated from the Bishoprick of Rochester to the Arch-bishoprick of Canterbury five Years after St. Anselm's Death and govern'd that Church till A. D. 1122. The Third is a Treatise of the excellent Qualities of the Virgin Mary in which he extols her Nativity Annunciation Assumption the Love that she had for her Son and the Advantages she procur'd for Men and ends with a Prayer made to her The Fourth is a particular Tract of the four Cardinal Vertues observable in the Blessed Virgin The Fifth is a Discourse of Beatitude or rather of the State of the Blessed in Heaven which he had heard deliver'd by St. Anselm The Sixth is a Collection of divers Similitudes and Comparisons that were taken out of St. Anselm's Works or which he had heard from his Mouth The Same Author likewise compos'd a Treatise of Ecclesiastical Liberty and wrote the Lives of St. Wilfrid and St. Dunstan and many Letters which are not as yet Published He died A. D. 1121. CHAP. X. Of the Ecclesiastical Writers of the Eleventh Age who compos'd Treatises of Church-discipline or Commentaries on the Holy Scripture BURCHARD a German by Nation a Monk of Lobes and the Pupil of Olbert Abbot Burchard Bishop of Worms of Gemblours succeeded Franco his Brother in the Bishoprick of Worms A. D. 996. He assisted in the Council of Selingenstadt held by Aribo Arch-bishop of Mentz in 1023. and died in 1026. He compil'd by the help of Olbert a Collection of Canons distributed according to the Matters and divided into twenty Books call'd Decrees in which he has copy'd out and follow'd Regino but he has added many things and even committed several Errors which Regino never fell into This Work was Printed at Colen in 1548. and the next Year at Paris and at the end of it are annex'd the Canons of the Council of Selingenstadt 'T is compos'd very Methodically but without a due choice of Matters being full of Quotations of the false Decretals of the Popes according to the Custom of that Time GODEHARD Abbot of Tergernsee and afterwards Bishop of Hildesheim flourish'd Godehard Bishop of Hildesheim Gosbert Abbot of Tergernsee Guy Aretin Abbot of La Croix St. Leufroy Aribo Arch-bishop of Mentz in the beginning of the Century Father Mabillon has Publish'd five Letters written by him in the fourth Tome of his Analecta GOSBERT was in like manner Abbot of Tergernsee and Contemporary with the former Four of his Letters are Publish'd by Father Mabillon in the same Place GUY ARETIN Abbot of La Croix-St Leufroy flourish'd from the Year 1020. to 1030. and compos'd a new Method for Learning the Art of Musick call'd Micrologus He likewise wrote a Treatise of the Body and Blood of JESUS CHRIST against Berenger which is lost ARIBO the nineteenth Arch-bishop of Mentz is plac'd by Sigebert and Trithemius in the Class of the Ecclesiastical Writers The former only attributes to him a certain Commentary on the Fifteen gradual Psalms and the other adds a Letter to Berno Abbot of Richenaw and some others He says That that Arch-bishop held in the Year 1023. a Council at Selingenstadt with Burchard Bishop of Worms and the other Bishops and Abbots of his Province in which were made very useful Constitutions and that he died under the Emperor Conrad A. D. 1031. BERNO a Monk of St. Gall and afterward Abbot of Richenaw who was contemporary with and the familiar Friend of Aribo is likewise recommended by Trithemius as a Berno Abbot of Richenaw Person not inferiour in Knowledge to any of the learned Men of his Time He was more especially Skilful in the Art of Musick which was much study'd in that Age and compos'd many Works as well in Prose as in Verse We shall here mention those that Trithemius has taken notice of viz. A very elegant and useful Treatise Dedicated to Pilgrin Arch-bishop of Colen but he does not declare the Subject of it A Treatise of Musical Instruments Another of the coming of our Lord Dedicated to Aribo A Book of the Office of the Mass one of the Fast of the ember-Ember-weeks one of Saturdays Fast another of the Time of the Monocord and several Letters But Trithemius has forgotten to make mention of the Life of St. Ulric Bishop of Augsburg compos'd by that Author and set forth by Surius as also of the Life of St. Meginrad Bishop and Martyr which Father Mabillon Publish'd in the second Part of the fourth Benedictin Century Berno flourish'd under the Emperor Henry II. from A. D. 1014. till 1048. when he died after having been Abbot during forty Years His principal Work is the Treatise of the Office of the Mass in which he enquires into the Authors of it and the Original of the Prayers of which 't is Compos'd He supposes that in the beginning of the Church the Mass was not said after the same manner as afterwards that in the time of the Apostles no other Prayers were recited but the Lord's Prayer and that for that Reason St. Gregory Pope ordain'd that the Lord's Prayer should be said over the Host after the Consecration He adds That the Canon was not made by a single Person but that it was augmented from Time to Time and that the other Parts of the Mass were Establish'd by Popes or by Holy Fathers Lastly he Treats in particular of the Gloria in Excelsis and of the times when it ought to be said of the Solemnity of the Octaves of Pentecost of the Office for the Sundays in Advent and other Sundays of the Year of that of the four Ember-weeks and of other Rubricks of the Divine Office But it ought to be observ'd That in this Book as in other Works of the same Nature divers Matters of Fact are advanc'd without sufficient Ground and even contrary to the Truth of History BRUNO Duke of Carinthia Uncle by the Father's side to the Emperor Conrad II. was Bruno Bishop of Wurtzburg ordain'd Bishop of Wurtzburg A. D. 1033. He wrote a Commentary on the Psalms taken out of the Works of the Fathers with certain Annotations on the Songs of the Old
other Prelates except the Bishop of Winchester were of the same Opinion Thomas would not hearken to that proposal but to be set at Liberty he express'd his desire to speak with two Lords who were with the King when they were come he desir'd that he might be allow'd time till the next day and said that then he would make such an Answer as God should direct him Whereupon the Assembly deputed the Bishops of London and Rochester to deliver that Message to the King but the former said that the Arch-bishop was desirous to have time in order to look over his Papers and to prepare to give an account to his Majesty The King being satisfy'd with that Declaration sent him word by the two Lords with whom he desir'd to speak That he was willing to grant him the time he sued for provided that he kept his word in giving an account of the things that were committed to his Charge Thomas forthwith declar'd that he never made such a promise However he was permitted to depart and that very Night he was seiz'd with a violent fit of the Colick which hindred him from rising the next Morning The King sent two Lords of his Court to enquire whether he were Sick and at the same time to give him a Summons He excus'd himself for the present by reason of his Indisposition of which they were Witnesses and promis'd to appear the next day In the mean while a report was spread abroad that if he went to the Royal Palace he would be Assassinated or arrested the next day several Bishops us'd their utmost endeavours to perswade him to make a resignation of his Arch-bishoprick and of all his Possessions to the King in regard that they were much afraid lest he should lose his Life if he did not submit He did not seem to be at all concern'd at their Remonstrance but forbid all the Bishops to assist at the Proceedings that were to be carried on against him and declar'd that he appeal'd to the Holy See The Bishop of London protested against the Prohibition â—he then made and retir'd with all the Bishops except those of Winchester and Salisbury who continu'd with Thomas Becket However that Prelate after having Celebrated Mass went to the Palace bearing his Crosier Staff himself The King refus'd to admit him into his Presence and retiring into a private Chamber sent for the other Bishops and made great complaints to them against Thomas Becket The Bishops approv'd the King's Resentments avouching that that Arch-bishop was a perjur'd Traytor and that it was requisite to proceed against him as guilty of High Treason However they durst not bring him to a Formal Tryal but only sent him word by Hilary Bishop of Chichester That forasmuch as after having promis'd Obedience to the King and Sworn to observe the Customs of the Kingdom he acted contrary to his Oath they did not take themselves to be any longer obliged to obey him that therefore they put their Persons and Churches under the Popes Protection and cited him to his Tribunal The King likewise sent him word by Robert Earl of Leicester that he expected an account Thomas Becket's Retreat to France of the Things committed to his Charge Thomas protested that he was discharg'd by the King's Son when he was made Arch-bishop of Canterbury Afterwards he refus'd to submit to the Judgment of the King Bishops and other Lords of the Kingdom declar'd that he would acknowledge no other Judge but the Pope and cited the Bishops before him After having made this Declaration he went out of the Palace the Doors of which he open'd with the Keys that were found hanging on the Wall and was accompanied to his House by a crowd of poor People On that very Night he took a resolution to retire and to the end that it might be done more secretly he feign'd an inclination to lie in the Church and made his escape having chang'd his Cloaths and Name but before he embark'd he took some turns about the Coasts of England to avoid being apprehended Then he pass'd over into Flanders arriv'd at Graveline and retir'd from thence to the Abby of St. Berthin where he discover'd himself and sent Deputies to Lewis VII King of France to inform him of his present distress and to entreat his Majesty to permit him to stay in his Kingdom They were prevented by the Deputies of the King of England but the French King did not receive them favourably and declar'd on behalf of Thomas Becket even before the arrival of his Deputies These last were kindly entertain'd and the King promis'd all manner of Protection to the Arch-bishop in his Kingdom and said that in that Point he only follow'd the Custom of the Kings his Predecessors who by a very peculiar Privilege were always in a capacity to afford a Sanctuary in their Dominions to Persecuted Bishops and to defend them against all their Enemies The Deputies of the King of England and those of the Arch-bishop went to the Pope The Pope's Declaration in his Favour who was then at Sens The former brought over some of the Cardinals to their side but the Pope stood for the Arch-bishop nevertheless he gave Audience to the Deputies of the King of England who press'd him to oblige the Arch-bishop to return to England and entreated him to send a Legate a latere to take cognizance of that Affair and to accommodate it or to determine it without Appeal The Pope refus'd to do any thing till the Arch-bishop arriv'd in Person and having declar'd his resolution to the Deputies they departed very much dissatisfy'd A little after Thomas Becket accompanied by the Arch-bishop of Trier and the Abbot of Berthin came to Soissons where King Lâ—wis admitted him into his Presence and re-iterated the promises he had made to his Deputies Afterwards he went to Sens to meet the Pope whom he soon made sensible of the Justice of his Cause by shewing him the Articles that were drawn up at Clarendon which with common consent were found contrary to the Interest and Liberty of the Church The next day he proffer'd to quit his Metropolitical Dignity and entreated his Holiness to nominate another Person to supply his place But the Pope would by no means allow it order'd him to keep his Arch-bishoprick and recommended him to the Abbot of Pontigny into whose Monastery he retir'd The King of England being informed of the Pope's Answer by his Deputies consiscated the wâ—ole Estate and Goods of the Arch-bishop of Canterbury with those of his Relations and Friends banish'd them from his Kingdom and publish'd new Ordinances more prejudicial to the Liberty of the Church than the former Thomas Becket wrote to him as also to some Bishops of England about that Matter but those Remonstrances prov'd ineffectual However he propos'd a Conference in which the Pope was to assist but his Holiness being return'd to Rome the King sent Deputies to him whom he caus'd to pass through
Person of whose Repentance he has any reason to make a Doubt You may impose upon the Minister and so procure Baptism by false Pretences but God who knows the Hearts keeps his own Treasures himself and does not grant his Grace but only to those that are worthy of it so that none can imagine that he may sin more freely because being yet but a Catechumen he shall receive the Remission of his Sins in Baptism for this Sacrament is the Seal of Faith and Repentance is the Beginning and Stamp of Faith Lastly We are not washt from our Pollutions by Baptism only that we might sin no more but because we have our Heart already purified Quia jam corde loti sumus The Second Part of this Treatise is of Penance after Baptism called Exomologesis He declares at first that he finds it difficult to discourse of this Second Repentance which is the last Hope that remains to those who have committed any Crimes that is to say Enormous Sins after Baptism Lest says he by treating of this new Means of recovering our selves from Sin which God offers to us it might seem as if we would open a Way for Sinning afresh However he says that God foreseeing Man's Infirmities and the Devil's Temptations was willing that though the Gate of Remission was shut and the Grace of Baptism refused for ever to those who had forfeited their Baptismal Innocence they should yet have one Remedy left which is a Second Repentance but that it is granted to them but once He afterwards describes the laborious Exercises of this publick Penance called Exomologesis 'T is says he an Exercise instituted to humble and abase the Sinner It makes him lead a Life that is proper to prevail with God for Mercy it makes him lie in Sack-cloth and upon Ashes entirely to neglect his own Body it overwhelms his Mind with Grief and Sorrow it reduces him to drink nothing but Water and to eat nothing but Bread and to take no more than what is necessary for his Sustenance it obliges him to prolong his Prayers and to feed them if I may so say by Fastings It causes him to break out into Sighs Groans and Tears to cry Day and Night to the Lord to cast himself at the Priest's Feet and to prostrate himself before God's Favourites Lastly To conjure all his Brethren to pray to God for him and to appease his Wrath by their Prayers After having thus described the Fatigues of this Exomologesis he shews the Necessity of it and reproves those who were ashamed to embrace it when they had committed Sins after Baptism His Book of Prayer is a Discourse partly Moral partly Ecclesiastical for in the First Part he explains the Lord's Prayer and in the Second he discourses of some particular Ceremonies used in the Prayers of the Christians First He advises the Christians to be reconciled to their Brethren to free their Minds from all sort of Trouble and Passion to purifie their Hearts from all Sin before they betake themselves to Prayer Secondly He says that the Christians do not use to wash their Hands before Prayer but that in Praying they commonly lift them up towards Heaven Thirdly That it is not necessary to take off our Cloaks when we Pray nor to sit always after Prayer Fourthly That we ought to pray with a modest Countenance lifting our Hands towards Heaven Fifthly That our Voices must be low that we must not speak louder than is necessary to be heard For says he it is not the Sound of our Words that God gives ear unto but he regards the Intention of our Heart Sixthly That when we fast in private and for the sake of Devotion we must not abstain from the Kiss of Peace as when it is a solemn Fast against the time of Easter Seventhly That the Stationary Days that is to say those Days when several of the Faithful continued in Prayer and Fasting till Three a Clock in the Afternoon we must not abstain from assisting at the ordinary Prayers as if it was necessary to break our Fast as soon as we have received the Body of Jesus Christ. Your Station says he will be more solemn Receive the Lord's Body and keep it and so you shall be Partakers of the Sacrifice and you will perform your Devotion the better In his Book concerning Idolatry he shews that the Crime of Idolatry is not only committed by Sacrificing to Idols but also several other ways of which he gives us a very pretty Account He pretends that all those Workmen who make Pictures representing the False Gods that the Astrologers who have given to the Planets the Names of the Heathen Gods and who attribute to them any Power and Efficacy Professors of Rhetorick who commend the Gods of the Heathens the Merchants that furnish Commodities for the Adorning the Temples and offering Sacrifices to the Gods are all guilty of Idolatry He maintains that it is not lawful for the Christians to Feast on those Days which the Pagans Solemnize in Honour of their Gods nor to adorn their Houses with Torches and Laurels in Honour of their Princes and magistrates that they may be allowed to go to the Weddings of their Kinsfolks though Sacrifices be offered there but that this is only to satisfie that Duty to which we were obliged upon the Account of our Relation That it is likewiise lawful for Servants to follow their Masters to the Sacrifices and for Christians to render to Heathen Emperors that which is their Due But that they ought not to accept of Offices nor bear Arms at least that they cannot do it without countenancing of Idolaty Lastly He does not acquit those of Idolatry who attribute the Name of God to the pretended Deities of the Heathens or who swear by their Name whether it be through Custom or otherwise And all this is grounded upon this most certain Principle That all those who any ways favour the Wicked in their Vice or contribute to Wickedness in any manner whatsoever are themselves guilty but Tertullian seems to stretch it a little too far in some Particulars and to lay too great a Sâ—â—â—ss upon the Rigour of Things which might be excused As for Example To bear Arms for the Defence of the Empire to Adorn their Houses with Torches and Laurels in Honour of their Princes and to make use of some ways of Speaking that are Customary though they may have some Affinity to Idolaty And to the same purpose defending in his Book De Coronâ Militu the Action of a Soldier who had refused to put a Crown upon his Head he maintains that it is absolutely prohibited to the Christians to Crown themselves and even to bear Arms He speaks in this Discourse very advantageously of Custom and Tradition and relates several remarkable Examples of Ceremonies which he pretends to be derived from Tradition To begin says he with Baptism when we are ready to enter into the Water and even before we make our
of the Church built there 255. JESUS CHRIST His Divinity 44. Images defaced by St. Epiphanius at Anablatha Incarnation of JESUS CHRIST Explication of that Mystery 5. 7 8. 44. 47. 111. 149. 170 171. Its Causes and Effects 9. 43. Instantius a Priscillianist 190. 275. Joy of a Christian in Afflictions 151. Ischyras a false Priest His History 29. Ision a Meletian Bishop 29. Italy Council of Italy in 362. against the Synod of Ariminum 266. Ithacius or Idacius Bishop A Spanish Author Enemy of the Priscillianists 191 192. Judgment Last In what place it will be made 75. 77. Judgments Ecclesiastical 249. 257. 278 279 c. Julian the Apostate Succeeds Constantius and concerns not himself in the Affairs of the Christians 31. Sends an Order to Alexandria to drive St. Athanasius thence and what followed thereupon 31 32. Declaration against Julian 162 163. St. Julitta Her Martyrdom 151. Julius Bishop of Rome Assembles a Council at Rome and declares St. Athanasius innocent 51. His Judgment in favour of that Saint 30. 40. History of the Life of this Pope 51. His Writings ibid. His Letters upon the Incarnation and his Decretals supposititious 52. Death ibid. Just. Of the State of their Souls between their Death and the last Judgment 165. Justina an Arian Persecutes St. Ambrose 200. 223 c. Justinian Emperor Become Master of Italy Treats the Popes hardly 18. Justinian the Younger Causes Pope Sergius to be banished 19. Juvencus a Christian Poet. His Life and Writings 20 21. K. KIngs Respect and Obedience due to them 39. 41. 91 92. Ought not to meddle with Matters of Faith 41. 224 225 226. Ought to protect Religion 222. L. LAmpsacus Council there in 365. under the Emperors Valens and Valentinian 266. Laodicea Council celebrated between 360. and 370. the Canons of it received by the whole Church 268 c. St. Lawrence History of his Martyrdom 207. A good Action of his ibid. Law of the Jews but for one Nation 6. Leo Isauricus Would have killed Pope Gregory II. 19. Leontius Governor of Rome puts Pope Liberius in Prison 19. Liberius Bishop of Rome Successor to Julius 60. Imprisoned by Constantius 18. Letter to the Bishops of the East attributed to him is not Genuine 60. Maintains the Party of St. Athanasius with Vigour 61. Therefore banished ibid. He signs the Condemnation of St. Athanasius approves an Heretical Profession of Faith 62. and c. Returns to Rome and changes his Opinion 63. Defends St. Athanasius and the Faith of the Church ibid. His Death ibid. and d. Letters and Writings ibid. A Judgment upon this Bishop ibid. Liberty of the Christian Religion where first allowed 12. Licinius Emperor of the East Loses a Battel against Constantine in Pannonia 12. Second Battel in Thrace between them ibid. Publishes Edicts against the Christians and persecutes them ibid. Overcome at the Siege of Nicomedia throws himself at Constantine's Feet who gives him his Life ibid. Put to Death afterwards by Constantine at Thessalonica ibid. Longinus first took upon him the Quality of Exarch or Vice-Roy of Italy 18. Lord's Day Celebration of the Lord's Day 12. 14. f. 17. 26. Not to fast on it 203. Succeeded the Jewish Sabbath 45. Lucifer Bishop of Calaris Deputed by Pope Liberius to Constantinople 79. Assists at the Council of Milan and vigorously defends St. Athanasius ibid. His Constancy and Steadiness causes his Exile ibid. Genius and Writings ibid. Unadvisedly ordains Paulinus Bishop of Antioch 80. Separates from the Church ibid. Judgment upon his Style ibid. Subject of his Writings ibid. Lucilla a Lady of Carthage her History 89. Lucius Bishop of Alexandria an Arian Author of some Letters touching the Feast of Easter and of some Books upon several Subjects 106. Ludovicus Pius Son of Charlemaigne Sends Bernard to Rome and why 19. Luitprandus King of the Lombards 19. M. MAcarius Priest of Alexandria Defends St. Athanasius before Constantine 29. Accused of breaking a Chalice ibid. The Macarii How many of them 55. Their Works 56 57. Rules attributed to the Macarii 58. Maccabees Their Panegyrick 167. Macrobius a Donatist Priest Author of a Book addressed to Confessors and Virgins 53. Magick Canons against Magicians 269. Mamas Martyr His Panegyrick 156. Marcellus of Ancyra Wrote against his Brethren and why 3. i. 6. Life Fortune and Actions 50. St. Athanasius always defended him ibid. Fragments of his Works ibid. Judgment upon his Doctrine ibid. Refutation of his Errours 6. Marcellus Bishop in Campania Sent by Pope Liberius to the Council of Arles 61. Marcellinus Bishop of Rome Never sacrificed to Idols Marcellina St. Ambrose's Sister 210. Marriage Not forbidden 47 110. Canons against Marriages forbidden by the Laws See St. Basil's Canons of Penance 140. and c. In what manner married Persons ought to behave themselves 110. Marriage between Brother and Sister-in-Law forbidden 137. 140. Divorce 237. Polygamy forbidden 197. Of the Marriage of Children under the Power of their Parents 142. 229. Second and Third Marriages 140 141 142. Marriage with Infidels forbidden 223. Martyrs History and Commendation of the Forty Martyrs 156. Martyrs may be saved without Baptism 110. Matter not Eternal 5. Matronianus a Priscillianist 190. Maxentius Tyrant Destroys Rome afterwards Conquered by Constantine 11. Maximus Philosopher of Alexandria 186. His Panegyrick 167. Procures himself to be Ordained Bishop of Constantinople 160. His irregular Manners 169. His Writings 186. Meletius His Life Ordination and Actions 187. Melitius Author of the Sect of Melitians condemned by Peter of Alexandria 26. 242. Melitians Schismaticks 28. and f. Judgment of the Council of Nice concerning them 251. Melitine Synod there about the Year 357. 265. Metropolitan His Authority and Rights 257. 269. 277. 278. Ought not to assume the Quality of Prince of Priests or Sovereign Priest 278. Messiah Came into the World for all Mankind 6. Milan Council there in 346. To find means of terminating the Differences between the Bishops Another Council in 355 under Pope Liberius Another against Jovinian 390. Monks Institution of Monks 53. Precepts and Instructions for Monks 124. 156. A good Description of Monks anciently 164. Of their Habits and of the Austerity of their Life 165. Might be Ordained Bishops 45. Musculus a Protestant His Translation of Eusebius's History what 4. Mysteries hidden from Catechumens and Pagans 48. N. NArses Count. Delivers Italy from the Tyranny of the Barbarians 1. Nature Not Evil of its self 59. Nectarius Bishop of Constantinople His Death 195. A Judgment upon this Author ibid Neocaesarea Council there in 314. 248. Canons 248 249 c. Nice in Bithynia History of the Council of Nice and Circumstances concerning it 2. 7. 12. 15. 23. 250 c. The Nicene Creed the only Rule of Faith 42. Nicephorns Callistus composed an Ecclesiastical History and when 4. Put many uncertain and Fabulous Stories into it ibid. Nisibis a City of Mesopotamia 49. Nismes Council held in that City in the Time of St. Martin 275. Nonna Mother of St. Gregory Nazianzen 166.
they are 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 H◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon Original Sin upon the Fall of Mâ—â—â— and Angels upon the 〈◊〉 of a 〈◊〉 of Baptism and Grace upon the Distinction of Veâ—ial and 〈◊〉 Sâ—â—s upon the Eternity and the Inequâ—lity of the Pains of the Daâ—â—ed upon the Exâ—… of the VVill of God to save Men upon Fâ—â—e-Will and upon the State of Souls till the Day of Judgment Having thus explained what concerns Faith he comes to Hope and he â—â—â—th That Christians â—â—â—ght to Hope in God alone and that whatsoever we Hope for is coâ—prehended in the Lord's Prayer upon which he makes some Reflections Lastly he treateth of Charity without which he pretends That no Man can be Rigâ—…eous To which he 〈◊〉 all the 〈◊〉 of God and Advices of the Gospel This Book was written after St. Jerom's Death who dyed in 420. as is plain by the 87th Chapter where St. Augustin speaks of him as one dead The Book intiâ—â—led The Câ—â—bâ—â— of a Christian has much the same Design with the foregoing St. Augustin coâ—posed i◠〈◊〉 after he was a Bishop in a plain Stile that it might be the more proper to instill the Doctrine and Prâ—â—â—pts of Christian Religion into those Christians who were not Skilfull in the Latin Tongue He exhorts them at first to fight against the Devil Then he shews Thâ—â— Men get the Victory over him when they overcome their Passions and bring their Bodies under Subjection which is only done by submitting to God to whom every Creature ought to be subject either Willingly or out of Necessity He adds That in this Combat Man is armed with Faith and with the Assistances which Christ meâ—â—â—ed for us by his Death At last he runs through the Articles of the Creed and refutes the contrary Herâ—sâ—â—s The Book of Instruction for these that have no Knowledge of our Religion was written at the Request of a Deacon of Carthage who desired of St. Augustin Rules and a Method to Caâ—eâ—â—iâ—e his People acceptably and usefully The Father comforts him at the beginning upon his being very often not pleased with his own Discourses since it sometimes happens that a Discourse which displeases the Speaker is very acceptable to the Hearers He adviseth him to teach them cheerfully and not to be tired with it and then furnishes him with Rules how to instruct them right in their Religion He saith in the first place That perfect Instruction should begin at the Creation of the World and end with the present Age of the Church Bâ—â— for this there is no need of learning by heart or reciting all the Books of the Bible one needs only chuse the best the most admirable and most diverting Passages He layeth down in the second place his usual Rule That every thing ought to be referred to Charity That Care must be taken that the Aâ—ditor may believe what is spoken Hope what he Believes and Love what he Hopes for And he would have him inspired with a wholsome Fear of God's Judgments and kept from all prospects of temporal Interest and Advantage that he might have by being a Christian. He observes That the same Method is not to be followed with the Learned as with the Ignorant and he lays down very prudent Rules how they are to be dealt withal He shews what Things commonly tiâ—â— the Heareâ—â— and he gives excellent Remedies how they may be avoided and at last makes Two instructive Speeches one pretty long the other shorter but composed with a great deal of Art to serve for an Example or Pattern of such Instructions as ought to be given This Treatise shews That to instruct Men well in Religion is an harder Task than most Men imagine and that the Method formerly used was nobler and larger than that which is now observed This Book is of the Year 400 or thereabouts Though St. Augustin does not mention his Treatise of Continency in the Review of his Works yet he owns it in the 262d Epistle and Possidius reckons it among his VVorks This Book is a Discourse upon these VVords of the 140th Psalm Set a Watch O Lord before my Mouth and keep the Doors of my Lips O let not my Heart be enclined to any evil Thing let me not be occupied in ungodly Works with the Men that work Wickedness He shews That true Continency consists in suppressing ones Passions and he recommends the Necessity of Grace to overcome them He speaks against the Proud who excuse their Sins and particularly against the Manichees who charged their Sins upon an evil Nature that was in them This Sermon is thought to be of the Year 395. or thereabouts Both the following Treatises are written against the Errour of Jovinian This Enemy of Virginity had drawn aside several Roman Virgins from their Design of continuing so and perswaded them to marry saying to them Are you better than Susanna or Anna or so many other Holy Women Though Jovinian's Opinion was rejected at Rome yet this Heretick's Disciples gave out That none could refute him without condemning Marriage To undeceive those that were of this Opinion St. Augustin writ a Book intituled Of the Advantage of Matrimony before he undertook to speak of the Excellency of Virginity Wherein he saith first That the Union betwixt the Husband and the Wife is the most Ancient and the most Natural After that he examineth a Question rather Curious than Useful namely How Men could have had Children had they persisted in the State of Innocence He observes a Four-fold Advantage in Marriage The Society of both Sexes the Procreation of Children the good Use of Lust which is regulated by a Prospect of having Children and the Fidelity which Husband and Wife preserve towards each other He saith That every Union between a Woman and a Man is not Marriage He doth not think That this Name is to be given to that Union whose aim was only to satisfie their brutish Passion if they endeavoured to prevent their having Children He declares That Man guilty of Adultery who should abuse a Virgin when he has a Design of Marrying another As for the Young Woman he judgeth her guilty of Sin but not of Adultery if she is true to that Man and Designs not to marry when he leaveth her Nay he preferrs her before several married VVomen who abuse Matrimony by their Intemperance He doth not excuse from venial Sin either the Man or the VVoman who have another Prospect in Marriage than the begetting of Children In a word he distinguishes Three Things in Marriage The Fidelity which married Persons owe one to the other which is of natural Right the Procreation of Children which ought to be the end of Marriage and the Sacrament â—r mysterious Signification which makes it indissoluble For which Reason he determines That though humane Laws permit a Man to marry again when he is divorced from a former Wife yet it is not Lawful for Christians to whom St. Paul forbids it He concludes That Marriage is
Martyrs come to know the Necessities of the Faithful and to hear their Prayers He does not question but Martyrs help the Living but he knows not whether they do it by themselves or whether God doth it by Angels at their Request He confesseth That we cannot know by which of these means or whether by both the Martyrs work Miracles He concludes That of all that is done for the Dead nothing availeth them where they are but the Offering of the Eucharist Prayers and Almsdeeds That these things are not useful to all but only to such as deserved in their life-time to reap Benefit by them after their death That however these things are performed for all Christians that were Baptized because we cannot distinguish who shall be the better for it or not That it is better that they should be superfluous to some than that they should be wanting to others That these Duties are with Reason more exactly performed for our Friends and Kindred that we may receive the same Assistance from our other Relations That the Decency of Burial availeth nothing to the Salvation of the Dead but it is a Duty of Humanity which is not to be neglected The Discourse of Patience is one of those that St. Augustin mentions in the 231st Letter He treateth there of that Vertue rather Dogmatically than Pathetically He takes notice at first That God's Patience is of another nature from that of Men because he cannot suffer Then he distinguishes True Patience which is a Vertue from the Counterfeit which is a Vice Ambitious Men Covetous Luxurious Men and Robbers endure patiently extremity of Pain and Misery yet want the Vertue of Patience because they suffer upon an ill account None but such as Suffer for a good Cause can be said to be truly Patient But if wicked Men endure all things for the Goods of this World What ought not the Righteous to suffer for Eternal Life Then he proposes the Examples both of Job and of the Martyrs to the which he opposes the Impatience of the Donatists who killed themselves that they might be accounted Martyrs shewing That Self-Murther is a greater Sin than Murthering of another For saith he a Parricide is more guilty than a Man-slayer because he kills a Person that is nearer to him than other Men By the same reason he must be thought the greater Sinner who kills himself because none are so near to us as our selves Lastly He maintains That True Patience is not from our own strength but from God's help because true Patience is grounded upon Charity which is the Gift of God This puts St. Augustin upon discoursing of Grace and proving that it is not given to our Merits but that it prevents them and goeth before Faith it self which is the beginning of all good Works This short Discourse was written about the Year 418. Of the Four following Sermons upon the Creed there is none but the first which comes near St. Augustin's Stile as it is observed in the Preface It contains a clear and succinct Explication of the Articles of the Creed He saith upon the Article of the Church That there is but one only true Catholick Church which opposes all Heresies and can never be overcome Upon the Article of the Forgiveness of Sins he distinguisheth two sorts of Sins Light and Great Sins Baptism remitteth both After Baptism Light Sins from which no man can be absolutely free are remitted by the Lord's Prayer But great Sins as Adultery and other Enormous Crimes cannot be remitted but by an humbling Penance In this Creed we find the Article of Everlasting Life which gives Grounds of Suspicion that this Discourse is none of St. Augustin's because this Article is not in the Book of Faith and the Creed which is certainly his The Benedictines have Reason to Print the Three other Sermons upon the same Subject in a small Character and to observe as they do that they are written in a very different Stile from St. Augustin's yet they believe them to be ancient and written by some Disciple of St. Augustin during the Vandals Persecution against the Catholicks which is mentioned in the Second Sermon They likewise put into the same rank Three other Sermons which they believe to belong to the same Author The Sermon of the Fourth Day of the Week Or Of the Dressing of the Lord's Vineyard A Discourse concerning the Flood and the Sermon of the Time of the Barbarian's Persecution which they have also Printed in a small Character They have left the Sermon of the New Song under St. Augustin's Name but they say in the Preface That they doubted whether it was his They might have passed the same Censure of the Sermon of Discipline and that of the Usefulness of Fasting which I cannot find to be any more than the others of S. Augustin's Stile Nay I scarce believe That the Sermon of the taking of the City of Rome which is the last in this Volume is truly St. Augustin's yet every man is left to judge as he pleases that shall read it The Treatises which you find in the Supplement are certainly none of St. Augustin's The Benedictines have made an exact Critick of them in their Prefaces and have Collected all that could be said or guess'd at concerning their Authors The first is a Collection of One and twenty Questions gather'd without any Order by a very Ignorant Author Most of them are about Philosophical Matters and composed of Extracts out of several of St. Augustin's Books The Sixty five following Questions and Answers which are found in some Manuscripts under Orosius's and St. Augustin's Names are in a better order than the former and concerning more Theological Matters but they are Extracts out of several Passages The first Twelve are taken out of a Treatise falsly attributed to St. Augustin Concerning the Trinity and Unity of God Most of them that follow are Extracts out of St. Eucherius Some are out of St. Augustin's Treatise upon Genesis They end with a Citation of a Passage of St. Augustin against those who desire to be Bishops that they might Command taken out of the 19th Chapter of the 19th Book of the City of God which is quoted as of a Father ancienter than himself One of the Fathers saith he hath said very elegantly against those that desire to Command Let those saith he who would Command rather than Serve others know that they are not Bishops The Book of Faith to Peter belongs to St. Fulgentius to whom it is ascribed in a Manuscript of Corby above One thousand Years old as well as in another later It is cited under his Name by Ratramnus in his Treatise of the Body and Blood of Christ. Both Isidore and Honorius of Autun do likewise mention a Treatise of St. Fulgentius containing the Rule of Faith which is not different from this The Book of the Spirit and Soul which is a Collection of Passages from several Authors is attributed to Hugo de S. Victore by
because he speaks of himself as Bishop of Rome for tho' indeed some say that S. Leo made use of S. Prosper yet I shall never be persuaded that so Eloquent a Pope as S. Leo was hath Craved the Pen of another and Preached to his People the Sermons that another made M. Anthelmi must pardon me if I preferr M. Faber's Judgment before his and if without relying upon the Authority of that MS. we acknowledge the first Sermon to be S. Leo's But why doth it bear S. Prosper's Name in that Ancient MS Do we not know that there is a great confusion in the most Ancient MSS. about the Titles of Sermons and that often they are very faulty Witness the Two Ancient MSS. a Thousand Years old of which F. Mabillon speaks in the Preface to S. Maximus's Homilies Mus. Ital. T. 1. P. 4. where the Homilies of S. Maximus bear the Name of S. Austin We need not then wonder if a Sermon of S. Leo's carries the Name of S. Prosper in a MS. of 900 Years old And yet this doth not prove that it is this Fathers nor that he hath put it under his own Name because it was known even then that S. Prosper made S. Leo's Sermons or that it was Copied out of a Manuscript wherein the Sermons of S. Leo were attributed to S. Prosper M. Abbot Anthelmi owns That in the time of S. Prosper the Sermons which were made for S. Leo did bear the Name of that Pope Why then was the Name of S. Prosper affixed to them Three Hundred Years after Whence did he that wrote the Manuscript learn that they were S. Prosper's Why had not all his other Sermons the same luck What necessity is there for amending all other Manuscripts by this wherein there are no more than Three of S. Leo's Sermons The Transcriber might easily mistake he might Copy the first Sermon from a Manuscript which had been S. Prosper's or written by S. Prosper and take the Name of him that wrote the Manuscript or the Person 's whose it was for the Name of the Author He might find this Sermon at the end of S. Prosper's Works and so attribute it of his own head to S. Prosper However that he it often happens that we find in the most Ancient Manuscripts the Sermons of S. Maximus and S. Caesarius under the Name of S. Austin and Ambrose which in our time have been restored to their true Authors upon the account of the mere agreement of Stile with the other Sermons of S. Maximus and Caesarius and without the Authority of any Manuscript And why may we not do the same to the Sermon of S. Leo A Negative Argument taken from the silence of Gennadius Gelasius and Anastasius is of little consequence Gennadius often passes over in silence many excellent pieces of those Authors of whom he speaks Gelasius had no design to speak of his Sermons and Anastasius never uses to mention the Writings of Popes We must then leave S. Leo in possession of his Sermons The Four First are Discourses upon his own Promotion to the See of the Roman Church The First was Preached according to some a Year after according to others on the Day of his Ordination but it is more probable that it was on the Octave after it for he speaks of his Election as lately past and of some time that came between and yet he signifies that he did not Preach it upon the same Day that he was Ordained but recurrente per suum ordinem Die quo 〈◊〉 â—…s Epistoâ—… officiâ—… 〈◊〉 â—…re principiuâ—… The same Day â—…ing in its course on which the Lord was pleased to give a beginning to my Episcopal Charge which agrees very well to the â—…e He gives God thanks in this Sermon for the favours which he hath received of 〈◊〉 and more especially That he had permitted him to return again to Rome after a long absence to Govern that Church He declares to his People the grateful sense he had of their good-will to him in chusing him their Bishop beyond his desert He desires them to help him by their Prayers that he may govern the Church in Peace He assures them That he will always have that Day in great Honour in which he was advanced to his See because altho he ought to tremble by reason of his unworthiness yet 〈◊〉 was obliged to rejoyce in the favour which God had shewn him hoping that he who hath permitted him to be put into a Charge of so great Weight will help him to undergo it and give him strength that he may not â—…t under the Burden of that Dignity Lastly He testifies the Joy that he hath to see the Bishops his Brethren assembled and makes them to hope that S. Peter is with them and that he governs that Church in the Person of his Successor In the Second Discourse Preached a Year after his Ordination he says That tho' all Bishops ought to give God the Honour of their Ministry yet he had greater reason than any Body else to Attribute it wholly to the Divine Mercy when he considers on the one hand his own Weakness and on the other the Excellency of his Ministry That the very thoughts of it made him tremble because nothing is more to be feared than Labour by the Weak gâ—… Dignity by Mean Persons and an Office by Men of no desert Labor fragili sublimitâ—…â—â—â—mist digâ—… non â—…l That nevertheless he doth not despair nor is faint-hearted because he puts his Trust in him who works in and by Man That the Psalm which they are about to sing is very proper to humble 〈◊〉 Bishop and to give all the Glory to Jesus Christ that it speaks of Melchisedeck an Eternal Priest whose Parents are not known which is a Type of the New Law and the practice of the Church which bestows not the Priesthood upon Persons of Quality or of a particular Family nor by Succession but chuses such Men as the Holy Spirit hath fitted for it insomuch that it is not the Prerogative of Birth that qualifies for the Sacerdotal Unction but 't is the Heavenly Grace that makes Bishops That the Church is still governed by Jesus Christ who hath given to S. Peter the Apostolick Power That that Apostle never forsakes his Church but continues to be the Foundation of it that his Authority and Power still lives in his Successors and that it is to him that that little good which he doth in his Charge is to be attributed That it is S. Peter also that he ought to Extol upon that Day that it is the Feast of that Apostle That the Bishops his Brethren were assembled not so much to Honour him as S. Peter who is not only Bishop of the Roman Church but the Head of all the Churches in the World Upon this Account he Exhorts the Christians of the Church of Rome to excel the Christians of all other Churches in the World in Vertue In the Third Discourse upon the same
the Creed a great number of Letters and his Poems written â—ith a great deal of Wit If what I say of his Eloquence saith Honoratus be not credible sure Eucherius will be regarded who having received his Book in Verse and Prose wroâ—e back again to him That there was in it an equal Portion of Wit and Eloquence yea let them believe Auxiliaris a Roman Orator who commends his Letters as Pieces excellently written He had so ready a Wiâ— that he could Read Compose Dictate and Write with his own Hand at the same time 'T is wonderful but it is authorized by the Testimony of the Poet Edesius who himself saw it His Table was so Frugal that he never durst invite any Body to it He sought all Opportunities of being serviceable to the Publick Being at the Salt-pits he invented and made some Engines himself or certain Instruments to make some Wares which would remove themselves conveniently and easily He rose at Midnight went 8 or 10 Miles on Foot officiated every day at Divine Service and made very long Sermons When he imposed Penance on Offenders which he did ordinarily on the Lord's day they came to hear him in Throngs All that were present poured forth Tears and being astonished at the Judgments of God and allured by the Promises they sent out such strong Crys and Sighs That all the Place was filled with the noise of them Who ever better displayed the Rigor of God's Judgments Who ever more lively represented the Torments of Hell Who ever made Sinners more sensible of the Enormities of their Crimes After his Exhortation was ended he received the first Supplications with Tears and confirmed by Prayer the Fruit of Repentance stirred up by his Exhortations He cast out Devils from the Bodies of such as were possessed by making them renounce their Sins publickly When he saw his People go out of the Church after the Gospel was read he kept them bâ—ck by telling them You may easily go from hence but you cannot go from Hell Who can express saith Honoratus how much good his Viâ—â—tations did in the French Churches He often went to see S. German with whom he made an enquiry into the Life and Manners of the Clergy While he was with him a certain Bishop named Celedonius was accused before him because he had married a Widow before he was ordain'd which is forbidden by the Canons and the Authority of the Holy See Some added That he had been present at the Tryal and Condemnation of Criminals The Case being discussed with all the fairness imaginable and the Witnesses heard he pronounced That he whom the Holy Canons deprived of his Priesthood ought to forsake it of himself He resolv'd with himself to go to Rome he complains That he had been condemned with too much Severiâ—y S. Hilary understanding this puts himself immediately upon his Journey to go to Rome the Coldness of the Season the Heighth of the Alps and other Troubles in the Journey could not take off the Edge of his Zeal he conquered them all and went to Rome on Foot after having paid his Devotion to the Tombs of the Apostles and Martyrs he went to S. Leo gave him all due Respect and Veneration and humbly besought him that he would make no Alteration in the ordinary Discipline of the Church He complain'd That those Bishops who had been condemned in France were permitted to exercise their Ministry at Rome which was a great Scandal and ought to be rectify'd by him As for himself he says He came not to assist at their Their Tryal or Condemnation but only to pay his Respects and what he said was by way of Protestation not Accusation and if he would not hearken to him he would not be further troublesome about it Nor was he more bold and courageous in his Words than Actions He proved that he very little valued the Menances of Rome for he stiffly maintain'd what he had done yielded to no Man would never communicate with those whom he had condemned and seeing that he could not make the Romans understand Reason he went home again Being returned he neglected nothing that might appease the Pope's Mind he first of all sent Ravennius the Priest who afterward was his Successor and then deputed the * Priests Dr. Cave Bishops Nectarius and Constantius to negotiate his Affair with the Pope he gave them long Instructions but found no acceptance It is worth our Pains to read what Auxiliaris the Praefect of Rome who was also imployed to pacify the Pope wrote to our Saint I have received according to my Duty the Bishops Constantius and Nectarius who are come hither on your behalf I have often discoursed with them about your Constancy and Contempt of the World I have also spoken of your Business to Pope Leo I do not doubt but here you will be a little asâ—onish'd since you are always firm and in the same Purposes not being transported with excessive Anger or Joy I do not believe but that you must suspect some part of the World to be governed by Pride but Men do not easily endure that others should speak their Opinions freely of them besides the Roman Ears are very Nice that they will not suffer any thing that doth not please them I am of Opinion that if you would become more mild you would gain much by it Grant me this and remove those little Clouds by the small Change of a Calm S. Hilary did nothing of it but seeing that no great Success was to be hoped for by that Negotiation he gave himself wholly to Prayer and Labor and passed the rest of his Days in continual Austerities Some Hours before his Death he called together his Society and having made a very affectionate Discourse to them he resign'd his Soul to God anno 454. We have related the Life of this Bishop at length as it is written by Honoratus Bishop of Marseille because it contains many very important Points of Discipline and discovers the Disposition and Character of S. Hilary We have also in it an enumeration of the Works of S Hilary We have nothing of them at present but the Life of Honoratus a Letter to Eucherius and a Poem upon the Beginning of Genesis F. Quesnel hath collected these Three Pieces and caused them to be printed at the End of S. Leo's Works * The Life of Honoratus was put out by Genebrard and printed at Paris 1578. Octavo 'T is also in Surius and in Bibâ— Patr. Tom. 7. with the other Two The Life of Honoratus had already been publish'd by Bollandus It doth not at all come short of the Idea which Honoratus hath given us of the Wit and Eloquence of S. Hilary He says in the Beginning That he had a great Conflict in his Mind and though he took great Delight in celebrating the Memory of S. Honoratus yet on the other Hand he was much troubled to think that he had lost a Person for whom he had so great
not only very difficult to prove but which are even confuted by the authentick Examples of Antiquity Avitus testifies also his respect for the Pope in the six and thirtieth Letter to Senarius a Minister of King Theodoric where he says That the Laws of Synods enjoyn the Bishops to have recourse to the Bishop of Rome as Members to their Head in those things which concern the state of the Catholick Church that therefore he had written to Pope Hormisdas to know the success of his Embassy into the East and did wait for his Answer about it He prays Senarius also to communicate to him the Particulars of that Affair In the next Letter he desires of Peter Bishop of Ravenna to know what News there is The Letter which he wrote upon this Subject to Pope Hormisdas is among the Letters of this Pope Father Sirmondus hath plac'd it in the last place among Avitus's and subjoyned an Answer to it whereby it appears that Hormisdas was not satisfy'd with the Greeks We shall speak more of this when we come to give an account of the Life and Letters of this Pope In the eight and thirtieth Letter Avitus speaks of one of his Writings which he had found again and dedicates it to Apollinaris the Son of the famous Sidonius The nine and thirtieth is written to King Gondebaud about a Slave who had detain'd a Depositum Avitus had removed the cause from the Church of Vienna to that of Lyons where Process should have been made against him This Slave confest that he had this Depositum but he accused Avitus of bidding him detain it Avitus purged himself of this Accusation with much Modesty and Submission testifying to the King that he was ready to do whatsoever he would The small Possessions says he which belong to my Church and even those which belong to all our Churches are at your service 't is you that have given or preserved them to us The one and fortieth Letter to King Clouis is very remarkable Aritus congratulates this King upon his Baptism and describes the pomp and advantages of it This Letter informs us that he was baptized on Christmas night In the nine and fortieth Letter he speaks boldly against a Man who hath deflowr'd a Maid and declares that he could not receive him until he had done Penance that it was in vain for him to threaten that he would cite him to Rome and accuse him of having Children for this threatning should not any ways hinder him in doing his duty He adds That if he does not submit to a voluntary Penance he shall be cast into Prison and not be suffered any longer to live so licenciously There is nothing very remarkable in the other Letters of Avitus they are for the most part written to invite Bishops to be present at some Festival Solemnity Avitus had composed many Homilies whereof he himself made a Collection but there is none of them remaining except one entire Homily upon the Rogation days In it he relates the Origine and Institution of this Solemnity The Province of Vienna being afflicted by Earthquakes and continual Tempests and the Fire taking hold of the great Church on Easter-Eve St. Mamertus stopt it by his Prayers and from thence he took occasion to appoint these Rogation-days for giving thanks to God and preventing the like Calamities for the future He chose for this Solemnity three days between Easter and Ascension and made solemn Processions on these days The other Churches of the Gauls followed the example of the Church of Vienna and used Prayers at the same time and after the same manner Avitus reckons it to be one of the greatest Advantages of this Institution that then all the faithful joyn'd together to bewail their sins and to beg pardon of the Lord. He composed also other Homilies upon the Rogation-days whereof we have not now so much as any extracts Father Sirmondus relates afterwards the Titles of eight Sermons of Avitus which were preach'd at the Dedications of Churches and are taken from an ancient Manuscript of the Bibliothick of Mr. de Thou where are also some Fragments to be seen He hath also found in Gregory of Tours and Agobardus some Extracts of the Conference of Avitus with King Gondebaud but the most considerable Fragments of the Works of this Author are those which he hath taken from the Explication of St. Paul's Epistles written by Florus a Deacon of the Church of Lyons The Works from which these Fragments were taken are the Books against the Arians and against those who say that the Flesh of Christ was nothing but a Phantism two Sermons upon Easter three Sermons upon the three rogation-Rogation-days one Sermon upon the Ascension of Christ one upon Whitsunday one upon the Cup of the Lord's Supper a Discourse upon the Creed a Sermon upon the Ordination of a Bishop a Homily upon Jonas another upon the Ascension of Elias one upon the Passion of Jesus Christ a Sermon at the Dedication of the Church of St. Michael and a Sermon upon King Ezechias Avitus composed also many pieces in Verse but he himself could not find them to make a Collection of them as he testifies in his Letter to Apollinaris so that he could only publish the five Poems which he had made upon the History of Moses viz. upon the Creation of the World upon the Fall of Man upon the Sentence which God pronounced against him upon the Deluge and upon the Passage through the Red-Sea To which he added afterwards a Poem in Praise of Virginity address'd to his Sister There are also found in the Bibliothicks other Poems upon the Continuation of the History of the Old Testament which go under the Name of Avitus and may well enough be his although Gregory of Touris and St. Isidore of Sevil mention only six Poems which we now have Howsoever this be these Works are neither beautiful nor useful The style of Avitus is harsh obscure and intricate He had Wit enough but little of greatness and elevation of Mind he was moderately Learned and never fail'd as to his Integrity and good Intentions The Poems of Avitus have been already printed by themselves at Francfurt in 1507 at Collin and Paris in 1508. and 1509. at Lyons in 1536. and in the Bibliothicks of the Fathers but Father Sirmondus is the first who published his other Works He caused them to be printed at Paris by Cramoisy in 1643. with Notes well worth the reading Since this time Luc d'Achery hath publish'd in the fifth Tomb of his Spicilegium the Conference which Avitus had with the Arian Bishops in the presence of King Gondebaud Here follow the Contents Ennodius Bishop of Pavia of it Avitus Bishop of Vienna Aeonius of Arles Apollinaris of Marseilles the Bishop of Valentia and some others being present at the Feast of St. Justus to which they had been invited by Stephen went from thence to the Court of King Gondebaud at Sabiniacum Avitus propos'd to him a
Filings of the Chain of St. Peter if the Priest who is appointed for filing them could have any for this File will not take hold when those who desire them do not deserve to receive them B. 3. Ep. 30. He sent every where some of these Filings enchas'd in Keys See B. 1. Ep. 25 29 30. B. 2. Ind. 11. Ep. 33 47. B. 5. Ep. 6. B. 6. Ep. 20 23 25. B. 7. Ind. 1. Ep. 34. Ind. 2. Ep. 54. 126. 111. B. 10. Ep. 7. B. 11. Ep. 45. He desires the Reliques of other Saints B. 2. Ind. 11. Ep. 9. He makes use of Reliques for Consecrating of Churches B. 5. Ep. 45 50. B. 7. Ind. 2. Ep. 73 74 85. B. 9. Ep. 26. Of the Use of Images SErenus Bishop of Marseilles having broken and thrown down the Images of his Church because he observ'd that the People ador'd them the Pope commends his Zeal that he had hindred him from worshipping them but he does not take it well that he had broken them because they serve for Books to those who cannot read who learn by looking upon them with their eyes what they cannot discovery by reading of Books He thinks that he should have let them stand and only have instructed the People that they should not worship them B. 7. Ind. 2. Ep. 110. Serenus receiving this Letter doubted whether it was St. Gregory's or no. This first assures him that it was his and speaks to him of this Action in these very words We praise you says he to him for hindring the People from worshipping of Images but we rebuke you for breaking of them Tell me my Brother where is the Bishop that ever did thâ— like If nothing else could hinder you from doing it yet ought you not to have refrain'd for the very singularity of the thing Should you not have been afraid to make People believe that you thought your self the only wise and prudent person There is a great deal of difference between worshipping an Image and learning whom we ought to worship by the historical Representation of a Picture for what the Scripture teaches those who can read the Picture informs such as have eyes to look upon it The unlearned see in it what they ought to follow it is a Book to them who know not a Letter and therefore it is very useful for Barbarians for whom you ought to have a particular regard who live amongst them and not give them offence by an indiscreet Zeal You ought not to break that which is plac'd in the Churches not to be worshipped but to give Instruction to the Ignorant Ancient Custom permitted the Pictures of Sacred Histories to be set up in Churches and your Zeal if it had been attended with discretion would never have tore them nor have occasion'd such a Scandal as has driven away a part of your People from your Communion You ought therefore to call them back again and declare unto them that Images ought not to be worshipped that you would not have broken them but that you saw the People adore them and that you will permit them to continue for the future provided they be made use of only for * This is expresly contrary to the Council of Trent Sess 25. which declares that Images are to be plac'd in Churches and to be worship'd there and to the common Doctrine of Romish Writers now who allow at least of Relative Worship to be given them Instruction Do not forbid Images but hinder them from being worshipped in any manner whatsoever and stir up your People to Compunction and the Adoration of the Holy Trinity by looking upon the Pictures of Holy Histories B. 9. Ep. 9. Of divers Ceremonies of the Church of Rome ST Gregory having appointed certain new Rites in the Church of Rome was reprov'd for it by some of his Friends who were disgusted with him for following the Customs of the Church of Constantinople which he design'd to humble in every thing They blam'd him chiefly for four things 1. For saying Hallelujah at Mess on other days besides Whitsunday 2. That the Sub-deacons were not in their Habit when they perform'd their Office 3. For singing Kyrie Eleison Lord have mercy upon us 4. For ordering the Lord's Prayer to be repeated immediately after the Canon of the Mess. St. Gregory answers in general That in none of these Heads he had follow'd the Custom of any other particular Church That as to the Hallelujah it came from the Church of Jerusalem from which St Jerom took it and introduc'd it into the Church of Rome in the time of Pope Damasus That in obliging the Sub-deacons to minister without their Habit he had renew'd an ancient Custom that had been abrogated by a Pope whose name be knew not That the Sub-deacons do only wear Linen Albes in the Church of Syracuse which has receiv'd the Customs of the Roman Church its Mother and not in the Greek Church That formerly Kyrie Eleison was not wont to be said and at present it is not said after the manner of the Greeks who repeat it altogether whereas at Rome the Clergy begin it and the People respond to it and as often as they do Christe eleison is said which Practice is not us'd among the Greeks That in the daily Messes something is omitted of what us'd to be said at Mess but then Kyrie eleison and Christe eleison is sung for a much longer time As to what concerns the Lord's Prayer he adds That it is us'd immediately after the Canon post Precem because the Apostles had a custom of Consecrating the Sacrifice of Oblation with this Prayer only ad ipsam solummodo Orationem and that it did not appear to him proper to repeat over the Oblation a Prayer which had been made by a Civil Lawyer and not to repeat over the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ that Prayer which himself compos'd And besides that among the Greeks the Lord's Prayer is pronounc'd by all the People but at Rome the Priest only says it B. 7. Ind. 2. Ep. 64. The Clergy of Rome would not have the Clergy men of the Church of Ravenna to wear the Mappulae St. Gregory grants the use of them to the Deacons only while they are administring their Office The Bishop of Ravenna maintains that all the Clergy-men ought to wear them B. 2. Ind. 11. Ep. 55. A Song was sung in the Church of Ravenna on the Easter Wax-Candle B. 9. Ep. 28. St. Gregory ordains Processions or Letanies in the time of War B. 9. Ep. 45. He permits Messes to be said in Houses B. 5. Ep. 42 43. The Roman Church had not in his time any other History of the Martyrs but what is in Eusebius She us'd only a Catalogue of the holy Martyrs for every day of the year which noted barely the time and place of their Martyrdom B. 7. Ind. 1. Ep. 3. He forbids to travel on Sunday but he does not think it unlawful to bathe on
other Festivals the sick only shall be baptiz'd to whom Baptism ought never to be deny'd at any time whatsoever By the fifth Canon it is ordain'd That Children shall be baptiz'd whenever they are presented if they be sick or cannot suck the breast By the sixth All the Orders of Clergy-men who are oblig'd to Celibacy from Bishops down to Sub-deacons are forbidden to cohabit with their Wives or if they will dwell with them they are commanded to have with them one of their Brethren who can give testimony of their Continence The seventh forbids Clergy-men who have no Wives to keep any of the Female Sex to govern their House unless it be their Mother or their Sister The eighth forbids to admit any of those into the Clergy who have had Carnal dealing with a Woman after the death of their Wife The ninth declares That if any Person falling sick desires and receives the Benediction of Penance which is call'd the Viaticum and is given at the receiving of the Communion and afterwards being in health will not submit to publick Penance That such a Person may be admitted into the Clergy if he be not convicted of a Crime In the tenth it is ordain'd That the Bishop shall recite every day the Lord's Prayer after Mattins and Vespers The Council of Epaone The Counicl of Epaone THis Council was assembled at Epaone by the Letter of Avitus Bishop of Vienna under the Reign of Sigismund King of the Burgundians on the 15th of September in the Year 517. Avitus Bishop of Vienna Viventiolus Archbishop of Lyons together with 23 Bishops were present at it And in it there were made 40 Canons The first contains That the Bishops who are requir'd by their Metropolitan to come to the Ordination of a Bishop shall not fail to be present at it The second and third renew the Canons against the Ordination of Bigamists and those who have done Penance The fourth forbids Ecclesiasticks Priests and Deacons to keep Dogs and Birds for Hunting and Hawking The fifth forbids the Priests of one Diocese to serve a Church of another Diocese without the leave of their Bishop The sixth forbids to give the Communion to a Priest or Deacon who travels without a Letter from his Bishop The seventh declares all sale of the Churches Possessions which is made by Priests to be null and void The eighth ordains the same thing with respect to Abbots and does not allow them so much as to enfranchize Slaves The ninth forbids an Abbot to have two Monasteries under his Government The tenth forbids the New-establishments of Monasteries or little Congregations without the leave of the Bishop The eleventh forbids Clergy-men-to cite any before Lay-Judges without the leave of the Bishop but allows them to defend themselves if they be cited before them The twelfth declares That it is not lawful for the Bishop to sell the Possessions of his Church without the Knowledge of his Metropolitan and permits him only to make profitable Exchanges The thirteenth declares That if a Clergy-man is convicted of a false Testimony he shall be look'd upon as guilty of a capital Crime The fourteenth ordains That if the Clergy-man of one Church is made Bishop of another he ought to leave to the former Church all that he had receiv'd by way of gift and not retain any thing but whâ—â— he purchas'd for his own use The fifteenth separates from the Communion those Clergy-men that shall eat with a Heretical Clergy-men and forbids Lay-men even to be present at the Festivals of the Jews The sixteenth permits Priests to relieve Hereticks that are sick who are willing to be converted by applying to them Chrysm but if they be in health the Bishop must perform this Office The seventeenth declares all the Legacies which the Bishop makes of the Churches Possessions to be null and void unless the Church has receiv'd as much profit by his own Possessions The eighteenth That Clergy-men cannot acquire Prescription in the Revenues of the Church which they possess The nineteenth If an Abbot is accused of Fraud or Negligence and refuses to stand to the Judgment of the Bishop he shall be call'd to an account before the Metropolitan The twentieth forbids Clergy-men to visit Women in the Afternoon yet if there be a necessity of visiting them they may go in company with other Clergy-men The one and twentieth forbids to consecrate Widows for Deaconesses insomuch that if Widows are willing to be converted i. e. to lead a Religious Life the Benediction of Penance shall only be given to them The two and twentieth declares That the Priest or Deacon who commits a capital Crime shall be Depos'd and shut up in a Monastery all the rest of his Life and that he shall not be admitted to the Communion but in this place only The three and twentieth That he who having received the Penance forsakes it to lead a Secular Life cannot enjoy the Communion until he return to that state of Life which he had embrac'd The four and twentieth permits Lay-men to accuse Clergy-men provided they propose nothing against them but what is true The five and twentieth sorbids to place the Reliques of Saints in Country Chappels unless there be Clergy in the Neighbouring Parish who can honour them by singing in these Chappels from time to time and forbids also to ordain Clergy-men on purpose sor these Chappels unless there be sufficient Provision made for them The six and twentieth ordains That only Altars of Stone shall be consecrated with Chrysm The seven and twentieth That Bishops in the Celebration of Divine Service shall follow the order of the Metropolitan Church The first Council of Lyons The eight and twentieth That if a Bishop die before he has absolv'd a Person condemned his Successor may give him Absolution if he amend his Fault and do Penance The nine and twentieth Canon imports That the lapsed i. e. those who after being baptiz'd in the Church go over to the Sects of Hereticks and formerly were not restor'd without much difficulty shall immediately be receiv'd after a Penance of two years provided that they shall fast three days in a year that they shall frequently come to Church and that they shall be there among the Penitents and withdraw with the Catechumens The thirtieth ordains That those who have contracted Incestuous Marriages shall not be admitted to Penance unless they be parted The following Degrees are these within which Incest is committed according to this Council If any Man marry the Wife of his Brother the Sister of his Wife his Step-mother the Sister of his Uncle on the Father or Mother's side his Daughter-in-law or his Cousin-German and the Issue of a Cousin-German The one and thirtieth renews the Canon of the Council of Ancyra about the Pâ—nance of Manâ— slayers who can avoid the Punishment enacted by the Civil Laws The two and thirtieth separates from the Church the Wife of a Priest or Deacon who marries and him that
Truth But in a doubtful Case it is better to leave things as they are As to the Chapter concerning the Letter of Ibas there is no doubt but that it is reproachful against St. Cyril and even against the Council of Ephesus but then we must not condemn it as Heretical upon that account The Council of Chalcedon did not formally approve it but tolerated it and look'd upon it as a Proof of the Orthodox Faith of Ibas since at the same time that he did most oppose St. Cyril he made this Profession That there was but one Person and two Natures in Jesus Christ. As to the Writings of Theodoret they ought not to be condemn'd as Heretical For tho this Author did never approve the Anathematisms of St. Cyril and had defended the Person of Nestorius yet he always rejected his Error And therefore the most that he can be accus'd of is his being too partial his not understanding aright the Sentiment of St. Cyril but he cannot be accus'd of being an Heretick And indeed if John of Antioch and the Orientalists were not oblig'd to approve the Anathematisms of St. Cyril if they were not forc'd to retract what they had said and written before the Union why is Theodoret treated more harshly Lastly The Council of Chalcedon having never requir'd Theodoret to retract his Writings it was needless to condemn them Nevertheless it must be confess'd That the fifth Council having condemn'd the three Chapters and the greatest part of all the Bishops in the World having subscrib'd this Condemnation it was convenient for Peace-sake to agree to it and that those behav'd themselves very ill who did not only obstinately refuse to subscribe this Condemnation but also separated from the Communion of those who sign'd it For nothing is more to be desir'd then Peace and many times it is very fit to sacrifice out private Interests for the Repose and Tranquality of the Church The fifth Council of Arles The fifth Council of Arles SApaudus Bishop of Arles held this Council at the end of June in the year 554 wherein were made seven Canons The first That in the Province there should be a Conformity as to the Ceremony of Offerings to the usage of the Church of Arles The second That the Monasteries and Jurisdiction over the Monks shall belong to the Bishop in whose Territory the Monasteries are situate The third That the Abbots shall not remove from their Monastery without leave from their Bishop The fourth That a Priest cannot Depose a Deacon or a Sub-deacon without the Bishops knowledge The fifth That Bishops shall take care of the Nunneries that are in their City and the Abbess can do nothing against the Rule The sixth That the Clergy cannot leave the Revenues of the Church in a worse condition then they found them The seventh That a Bishop shall not Ordain the Clergy-men of another Bishop The second Council of Paris in the Year 555. THe same Sapaudus held another Council the next year consisting of six and twenty Bishops at The second Council of Paris 555. Paris wherein the Deposition of Saffaracus Bishop of Paris was confirm'd The third Council of Paris THe Archbishops of Bourges of Roan and of Bourdeaux were present at this Council together with thirteen Bishops It was held under King Childebert towards the year 557. It made ten The third Council of Paris Canons The first is a long Canon against those who detain the Possessions belonging to the Church The second is against those who invade the Possessions of the Church The third is against those Bishops who seek after the Possessions of another The fourth forbids to marry the Widow of his Brother his Father or his Uncle his Wives Sister her Daughter-in-law her Aunt the Daughter of her Daughter-in-law c. The fifth is against those who take away by force or desire in marriage Virgins consecrated to God The sixth forbids to desire of the Prince to grant Maids or Widows against the Consent of their Kinsfolk The seventh renews the Prohibition of receiving any Person Excommunicated by his Bishop The eighth forbids to constitute any one Bishop over the People against their will It Ordains that there shall be a Choice made with perfect freedom by the People and the Clergy that he shall not be appointed by the Order of the Prince nor ordain'd against the Judgment of the Metropolitan The ninth Ordains that the Children of Slaves to whom Liberty has been granted on condition that they pay some Service shall be oblig'd to Discharge this Office to which they were design'd The tenth is That these Canons shall be sign'd by the Bishops The Edict of Clotharius The Edict of Clotharius BY this Edict the King grants to the Bishops the Power of hindring the Execution of unjust Judgments given by the Judges It forbids any to use his Authority for taking away by force or marrying Maids and Widows It forbids also to marry Virgins consecrated to God It secures to the Church the Donations that are made to it and grants it Exemption from Taxes It exempts Clergy-men from Publick Offices and confirms all the Grants made to the Church by his Predecessors The first Council of Bracara LUcretius Metropolitan of Bracara held this Council of seven Bishops on the first day of May in the year 563 under King Ariamirus Father L'abbee reckons it the second but that which he places first is a Forgery The first Council of Bracara The Bishops begun with rejecting the Errors of the Priscilianists by causing the Letter of St. Leo to Turribius and the Canons of the first Council of Toledo to be read and by making seventeen Propositions against the Errors of Manichaeus and Priscilian They read afterwards a Letter from the Holy See address'd to Profaturus and made two and twenty Canons concerning Discipline The first is That the same way of singing the Mattins and Vespers shall be every where observ'd and that the private Customs of Monasteries shall not be mix'd with the Usage of the Church The second That on solemn days the same Lessons shall be read The third That the Bishops shall not salute the People after a different manner from the Priests and that they shall only say The Lord be with you That the People shall answer And with your Spirit That this is the Practice of the whole East which is of Apostolical Tradition The fourth That in Divine Service that Order shall be observ'd which Profuturus has receiv'd from the Holy See The fifth That the Usage of the Church of Bracara shall be observ'd in the Ceremonies of Baptism The sixth That the Bishops of the Province shall be rank'd according to their Antiquity The seventh That the Revenues of the Church shall be divided into three Parts That the first shall be for the Bishop the second for the Clergy and the third for maintaining the Church and the Light That the Arch Priest or Arch-Deacon shall give an account
death That if they part they shall continue under Penance as long as the Bishop shall think fit The thirteenth ordains That Jews shall not be Judges of Christians nor receivers of Taxes The fourteenth forbids them according to the Edict of Childebert to appear in publick from Holy Thursday till Easter-day The fifteenth forbids Christians to eat with Jews The sixteenth declares That all Christian Slaves who serve Jews may redeem themselves for a price fix'd by the Canon and that their Masters cannot refuse to set them at liberty if they pay them the sâ—â— The seventeenth That those who cause any to give a false Testimony and to swear falsly against others shall be excommunicated till death and those who commit these Crimes shall be declar'd infamous The third Council of Lyons and unworthy to be believ'd in any Testimony The eighteenth ordains That those who accuse the Innocent to their Prince shall be depos'd if they be Clergy-men or excommunicated if they be Lay-men until they have done Penance The nineteenth concerns a Nun who would give her Patrimony that she might come out of her Monastery or at least that she might live more freely She is declared to be excommunicated and all those who shall make the like Donations as well as those who accept them upon that condition The third Council of Lyons THe Archbishop of Lyons and seven other Prelates of France were present at this Council together with some Deputies in the Year 583 in the Month of May They made six Canons By the first Clergy-men are forbidden to keep in their Houses strange Women and those who are oblig'd to Celibacy are forbidden to have any familiarity with their Wives The second ordains That care shall be taken to signifie in the Letters which are granted to recommend Captives the day of their date the Price which is agreed upon the Necessity of the Captives and that care shall be taken to authorize them by Subscriptions which cannot be suspected The third decrees Excommunication against the Nuns who go out of their Monastery The fourth renews the Canons against forbidden Marriages The fifth forbids Bishops to celebrate the Feasts of Easter and Christmas any where but in their own Church The sixth ordains Bishops to take care of the Lepers of their Diocese and to give them something to clothe and maintain them that they may not run from City to City The second Council of Valentia held in 583. THis Council consisting of seventeen Bishops made an Act to confirm the Donations made by The second Council of Valentia in 583. King Gontranus and by the Queen Austegisildis his Wife and by his Daughters Clodeberga and Clotilda to the Churches of St. Marcellus and St. Symphorianus and all the rest The second Council of Mascon held in 585. THis Council was very numerous six Archbishops and seven and thirty Bishops were present at it in person together with twenty Deputies from other Bishops and three Bishops who had no The second Council of Mascon in 585. See They made twenty Canons The first is an Exhortation to the People for the holy Celebration of Sunday Let no Person say they prosecute any Suit of Law on this day let none follow their own business let none yoke Oxen but let all the World apply themselves to sing the Praises of God Let those who are near the Churches run thither to shed Tears there let your eyes and your hands be lifted up to the Lord c. Afterwards they decree Penalties against those who break the Sunday according to the state and condition of the Persons If he be an Advocate they order that he shall be driven from the Bar if he be a Peasant or a Slave that he receive some blows with a stick if he be a Monk that he be excommunicated for six Months Lastly they exhort Christians to spend even the night of Sunday in Prayers In the second it is ordain'd That the Feast of Easter shall be solemniz'd and that all shall refrain from servile Works for the space of six days The third Canon is for hindring the Custom which begun to grow common of baptizing on all the days of the Martyr's Festivals They ordain that Children shall be kept till Easter and that they shall be brought to Church during Lent that having received Imposition of Hands and afterwards being anointed with the Holy Oyl they may be regenerated at Easter with the holy Baptism The third Council of Toledo In the fourth it is ordain'd That Men and Women shall offer every Sunday Bread and wine at the Altar The fifth declares That the Divine Laws have granted to Priests and Ministers the tenth of their Possessions that the Christians have a long time observ'd these Laws but that of late for some time they have not been observ'd which oblig'd them to ordain that the Faithful revive this ancient Custom and give the Tenth to the Ministers of the Altar which shall be employ'd either for relieving the Poor or for redeeming Captives The sixth forbids Priests to celebrate Mass after they have eat and drunk It ordains also that the remainder of the Eucharist shall be eaten up on Wednesday and Friday after Mass by Children In the seventh it is ordain'd upon the Remonstrance of Praetextatus and Papoulus That the Bishops shall take the Slaves who are set at liberty into their protection and that they shall be Judges of the Differences which shall arise upon this occasion The eighth ordains That those who fly to Churches shall not be taken thence by force but if the Bishop finds them guilty he shall give leave to take them away without violating the holiness of the Church In the ninth they declare That it is not lawful for any Judge to take cognizance of the Causes of a Bishop and that they ought to be carried to the Metropolitan The tenth forbids to accuse Priests Deacons or Sub-deacons before other Judges then Bishops The eleventh recommends Hospitality to Bishops The twelfth does not allow a Judge to proceed against Widows and Orphans unless they advertise the Bishop The thirteenth forbids Bishops to keep Birds and Dogs for Game The fourteenth is against those who desire of Princes the Possessions of others that they may invade them without Forms of Law The fifteenth ordains Lay-men to show respect to Clergy-men and to salute them if they meet them on Horsback in the way to light off their Horse and salute them if they meet them on foot The sixteenth forbids the Widows of Sub-deacons Exorcists and Acolythists to marry again The seventeenth forbids to Inter the Dead upon Bodies that are half rotten The eighteenth threatens those who contract unlawful Marriages The nineteenth forbids Clergy-men to be present at the Executions of Criminals The twentieth ordains the Celebration of a Synod every three years which shall be appointed by the Bishop of Lyons and the King in a convenient place After this Council the King Goniranus made an Edict
River of the same Name Anno. 742. by the care of Baufail but charge of Charles the Great and Pepin Kings of France to the Monastery of Fulda Founded by Boniface which imports that this Monstery shall be Subject to the Holy See only and that no Person shall say Mass or exercise any Jurisdiction there unless invited by the Abbot There is also a Letter of Boniface to Griphon Pepin's Brother wherein he recommends tâ— him some Monks of Turingia to protect them against the Pagans The 15th Letter of Zachary is directed to the Bishops of France He sent it by some Monks or Clerks who were sent by Optatus Abbot of Mount Cassin and from Caroloman to procure Peace between Gripho and Pepin and to demand a second time St. Benedict's Body which they pretended had been stolen away from Mount Cassin He exhorts the French Bishops to maintain the Justice of their Demand In the 16th he exhorts the French to suffer no Ecclesiastical Person guilty of Murder or Fornication and advises them to assemble Councils every Year to restore the Discipline The 17th Letter is supposititious at least the Title and Date of it are false for it is directed to Austrebert Bishop of Vienna and there was no Archbishop of that Name in that Church under Zachary's Pontificate and it is dated the 7th of March of the first Year of Constantine which is the Year 741 of the Vulgar Aeâ—a at which time Zachary was not Pope The 18th is not more certain 'T is a Prohibition somewhat ill written that a certain Person should not marry his Father's God-Daughter because of the Spiritual Consanguinity These Epistles are all of them extant in Tom. 8. of the Councils p. 1498. ANDREAS CRETENSIS ANDREW born at Damascus having finished his first Course of Studies in his own Country came to Jerusalem towards the year 730 where he embraced a Monastick In this Story of Andreas Cretensis there is certainly a great Mistake for how coul'd he come to Jerusalem in 730 and become a Mâ—nk and in that Quality represent his Patriarch Theodorus at the sixth General Council which was 50 Years before viz. in 680. His coming to Jerusalem ought to be placed doubtless towards the Year 630 and then his Death will fall toward the beginning of the 7th Century according to the Calculation of Dr. Cave Cas. Oudin and the best Chronologers Life and was at the 6th Council in his Patriarch Theodorus's stead and there encountred the Monotholites He was detained at Constantinople and put among the Clergy or that Church he was ordained Deacon and had the care of the Education of Orphans committed to him A little after he was ordained Archbishop of Creete he governed this Church many years and died at Mitilene in the beginning of the eighth Century of the Church He composed a great number of Sermons and particularly Panegyricks Father Combefis collected all that he could meet with in the Libraries and printed them in Greek and Latin at Paris in 1644. With Notes and an Index to explain the Words This Collection contains 17 of them The first is upon the Virgin 's Nativity He extols this Festival which he looks upon as the Original and Principal of all the Feasts of the New-Law He there speaks of Joachim and Anne of the Presentation of the Virgin in the Temple The 2d is upon the Annunciation In it he maketh several Divine Reflections upon the Angel's words The 3d is on the Circumcision and upon St. Basil He follows Africanus's Opinion about Joseph's Ancesâ—ors and says he was Jacob's Natural Son and Heli's according to the Law He speaks of the Names of Immanuel and Jesus and makes some Mystical and Moral Observations upon the 8th Day Then he passes to the Praises of St. Basil in the end whereof he maketh an excellent Prayer to him The 4th is upon our Lord's Transfiguration It contains several Allegorical Reflections upon the Circumstances of this Miracle The 5th is an Homily in which he explains Lazarus's Resurrection He there confounds Mary Lazarus's Sister with the Woman that was a Sinner The 6th is upon Palm-Sunday The two next upon the Exaltation of the Cross. The three following are upon the Virgin 's Death In it he describes several miraculous Circumstances of her Death and particularly her Triumphant Ascension into Heaven in Body and Soul The 12th is a Panegyrick upon Titus first Bishop of Creete The 13th is upon St. George whose Martyrdom he relates The 14th is a Panegyrick upon St. Nicholas Bishop of Myra He says nothing of his Life in particular but only that he encounter'd the Arians that he preserved Lycia from Famine and Andâ—… 〈◊〉 â—â—nverted an Heretick Bishop The 15th contains the Praise the Life and Miracles of a certain Monk named Patapiâ—s The 16th which is another Panegyrick upon Patapius is not Andrew's of Creete but some of his Scholars who relates how that holy Hermit appeared to Andrew of Creete and what he had told him of his Life The 17th contains excellent Instructions about the Miseries and Uncertainty of Human Life F. Combefis in his Addition to the Bibliothecâ— Patrum attributes also to Andrew of Creet two Homilies the one upon the Virgin 's Nativity which had been published by Schottus under the Name of German Bishop of Constantinople Allatius hath attributed it to Gregory Bishop of Nicomedia and it is found in some Manuscripts under St. John Damascene's Name But F. Combefis having seen it in a Manuscript under Andrew of Creete's Name believes it rather to be his than the others because of a great number of Compound Words commonly used by Andrew of Creete The second is a Sermon upon the Beheading of St. John Baptist already published by Lipomannus They attribute to this Archbishop Andrew a great number of Odes Pieces in Prose upon the Festivals of the Year which F. Combefis hath joyned to his Homilies He does also ascribe to him some Iambick Verses directed to Agatho the Deacon which are at the end of the Letter of this latter in the second Volume of the Addition to the Bibliotheca Patrum Some believe that this Archbishop of Creete is also the Author of the Commentary on the Revelation bearing the Name of Andrew of Caesarea Which maketh others think that he was translated from the Arch-bishoprick of Creete to that of Caesarea in Cappadocia But there is no need to suppose this groundless Translation For though we should suppose this Work to be of Andrew's of Creete which is uncertain Caesarea might perhaps have been put for Creete This Author's Sermons are not so contemptible as the most part of those of the modern Greeks they are full of Wit Learning and Morality and want not Eloquence nor Greatness His Discourse abounds with compound and hard Words his Narrations plain his Reflections just his Praises vehement his Figures natural and his Instructions solid ANASTASIUS ANASTASIUS Abbot of the Monastery of St. Euthymius in Palestine flourished about the year 740.
although there was no Invocation of Saints yet many Doctrines and practices were allowed and believed which laid the Foundation of Saint-Worship which was introduced soon after As 1. It was held That the Souls of the Martyrs were every where present but especially at their Tombs where several Miracles were wrought 2. Many of the eminent Fathers both for Learning and Devotion made Rhetorical Panegyricks of the Christians deceased wherein by Apostrophe's and Prosopopeia's they seemed to invoke Souls departed Thus S. Jerom in his Epitaph of Paula saith Farewel O Paula and â—y thy Prayers help the decrepis Age of him that honours thee And so Nazianzen in his Invectives against Julian saith Hear O â—â—ou Sâ—ul of great Constantine c. 3. The Christians in their Prayers at the Commemoration of the Memories of the Martyrs not only used many unwary Expressions implying a sort of Invocation of them but did formally pray to God to grant them such Blessings as they stood in need of through their Intercession for so Austin says We mention not them as Aug. in Joan. tract 84. though we prayed for them but that they may pray for us These Doctrines and Practices so prepared Men's Minds for the Invocation of Saints that about the Year 60â— S. Gregory inserted Petitions to them in the publick Litanies among the Latins as Petrus Gâ—apâ—aus had some time before among the Greeks and it was quietly received and allowed and so continued to the Times of Charles the Great and downward till the Reformation without any considerable Opposition So apt are Men to cherish Will-worship was much used Relicks and the Cross were reverenced ii Relicks reverenced Altho the Reverence of Bones and other Relicks of Saints seems as absurd a piece of Idolatrous Worship as the Heathens themselves were guilty of yet it was the first that crept into the Church through the Policy of Satan which was effected by this Means It pleased God for the Testimony of his Doctrine and Truth to work great Miracles by the dead Bodies of his Saints in witness that they had been his Messengers and Instruments of his Will But that which was intended by God for the good of Men and Conversion of Souls became a Snare to lead them into Error for their admiration of the vertue which God seemed to put into them stirred them up not only to seek for them and use them as Amulets and Remedies against all Evils and Distempers but also made them give them a singular Respect and Veneration as we may gather from S. Austin's Words I know many Aug. de Eccles Man c. 34. that worship Graves Images c. Indeed there was a Respect always paid to the Martyrs deceased by the Christians by celebrating their Memories at their Tombs upon the anniversary of their Martyrdom and by bestowing a neat and convenient Burial upon them but it was never allowed by the Orthodox Fathers to give them a Divine Honour Yea S. Gregory says That it is not lawful to bring the Greg. lib 3. ep 30. Body of the Saints into a publick view or handle them with the Hands 'T was Satan's Subtilty to insinuate Idolatry by an intemperate Devotion But in France no veneration of Images was allowed The Prohibition of contracting Marriages was extended to the fourth degree of Consanguinity Spiritual Affinity kk Prohibition of Marriage to the fourth Degree of Consanguinity Spiritual Affinity To avoid all incestuous Marriages such Canons as these prohibiting Marriage within certain degrees are very convenient to be imposed and ought to be observed And tho' indeed this may seem too strict restraining such Kindred from Marriage as the Word of God it self doth seem to permit Lev. 18. being extended to the fourth degree of Consanguinity yet 't is better to prohibit something in it self lawful where there is little or no inconvenience consequent upon it than to permit a thing which in strictness perhaps is lawful but is in appearance evil and scandalous as a Marriage-Conjunction of Persons near-a-kin is commonly accounted But as to Spiritual Consanguinity or Affinity as it is no real Relation so to hinder such as are thus allied from Marriage is an Instance of Papal Tyranny and Usurpation no Persons being really better qualified for Marriage together than such as are Brethren and Sisters in the Lord So that though the Constitution for not marrying to the fourth degree is tolerable enough yet the latter since it may produce many Inconveniences among Men deserve no Regard or Observation and it is to be believed that it had long since expired had it not been much for the Advantage of the Papal Hierarchy by creating an abundance of Dispensations began then to take Place The Celebration of Sundays was then very solemn On this Day they did forbear all manner of servile Work and Christians were obliged to be present at Divine Service which was solemnly perform'd The keeping of publick Markets was prohibited on this Day This is the number of the Holy Days then kept set down in the 158th Chapter of the first Book of the Capitularies The Festivals of Christmas S. Stephen S. John the Evangelist the Innocents the Octave of the Lord the Epiphany the Octave of the Epiphany the Purification of the Blessed Virgin eight Days at Easter the great Litany the Ascension Whitsunday S. John Baptist S. Peter and S. Paul S. Martyn and S. Andrew As to the Virgin 's Assumption it is said We leave it out to enquire into it Churches were built with as much splendor and Magnificence as the Age would permit they were decked and adorn'd the Altars consecrated and covered with Linen-Cloath the Service was performed with great Pomp. The Roman way of singing was brought into the Churches of France but they kept still their own peculiar way of Singing They took great care of the Church-Books and Singing Women were forbidden to come near the Altars and Abbesses to give the Blessing to make the Sign of the Cross upon Men's Heads and to give the Veil with the Sacerdotal Benediction Simony was severely forbidden They made Laws against Usury then not only in Ecclesiastical but Laymen There were many Hospitals for the Poor and the Sick The paying of Tithes was become obligatory and all sorts of Persons were constrained to pay them to Church-Men They were forbidden exacting any thing for the Sacraments or for Ecclesiastical Offices Church-Revenues were divided into three Parts one part was for the repairing of Churches the other for the Poor and the last for Churchmen They began to oblige the Clergy of Cathedrals to live together canonically They made divers Constitutions to keep Monks in order They forbad to receive Children without the Parent 's Consent and to veil Virgins before 30 Years of Age and Widow-Women before the thirtieth Day after their Husbands Decease They prohibited a Sort of Clerks which wore the Religious Habit and would live neither as Monks nor Clergymen The Rectors of Country Parishes
of the Priest in administring of it 125. Cann't be conferred upon a Person not absolv'd ibid. Usury prohibited 120 122 126 128. W. WIdows a Constitution for Widows and Orphans 126. And far vailed Widows 131 137. Bishops to judge their Cause 132. The Time prefixed for them to take the Vail 118 120 How they ought to live in their single Life 135. Witches condemned 138. Witnesses the Age which is necessary to qualifie them to depose 135. False Witnesses the Penance imposed upon them 96. Excommunicated 130. Women Clergymen forbidden to have a familiar Converse with Women 118 124 127 134 135 136 138 152. Have sometimes administred the Holy Sacrament of the Lord's Supper 120. Obliged to be covered in the Church 178. Z. ZAchary Bishop of Agâ—â—â—ia the Pope's Legate at Constantinople 87 89. His Conduct during this Office disapproved in a Council 89. Deposed and excommunicated on the same account ibid. FINIS A NEW Ecclesiastical History Containing an ACCOUNT of the CONTROVERSIES IN RELIGION THE LIVES and WRITINGS OF Ecclesiastical Authors AN Abridgment of their Works And a JUDGMENT on their STYLE and DOCTRINE ALSO A Compendious HISTORY of the COUNCILS AND All Affairs Transacted in the CHURCH Written in FRENCH By Lewis Ellies du PIN Doctor of the SORBON VOLUME the EIGHTH Containing the HISTORY of the TENTH CENTURY LONDON Printed for Abel Swall at the Unicorn in Pater-Noster-Row MDCXCVIII TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE AND Right Reverend Father in God HENRY Lord Bishop of LONDON AND ONE Of His Majesty's Most Honourable Privy Council c. My Lord YOUR Generosity to Strangers which all the World owns and must admire hath Encourag'd me to Publish these Papers under the Protection of your Venerable Name They are of such a Nature as may in a great measure expect a favourable Reception from your Lordship who are one of the Fathers of our Church And may not be ungrateful to those who would know what Luminaries shone and what Learn'd Men Flourish'd even in those dark and ignorant days of Christianity My Lord I will not trouble your Lordship with a long Account of Du-Pin's Performance whom you very well understand in the Original and much more the Fathers of whose Writings and Lives he has given us an Extract in this Collection Whether I have done him Justice or no your Lordship is the best Judge Such therefore as it is I submit it and my self to better Judgments and Humbly Present it to your Lordship as an Acknowledgment of the Honour I have of being one of My Lord Your Lordship 's Most Humble and Dutiful Servants William Jones TO THE READER THE greatest Part of the Historians who have deliver'd their Opinions concerning the Character of the Tenth Century have represented it as an Age of Darkness Ignorance and Obscurity accompany'd with Notorious Disorders and Irregularities The Authour of a Treatise call'd The Perpetuity of the Faith has undertaken to Vindicate it from these Censures and to make it appear on the contrary That it is one of the most Happy Ages of the Church and that it's Disorders being only such as were common to Lesser Perpet Part 3. p. 36â— the Preceding it has some very remarkable Advantages But a third Writer who would seem to keep the middle Way between both these Extremes appears in my Opinion to have come nearer to the Mark. For if on the one side the Authour of the Perpetuity has well observ'd That there were Holy Men and some clear-sighted Persons in that Century it cannot be deny'd on the other side That Ignorance Vices and Irregularities were not generally very predominant The inconsiderable Number of Authours who wrote the few Works they left the Rudeness and Barbarism of their Stile the Matters contain'd in their Dissertations and the Complaints that even those Writers themselves make of the Disorders which prevail'd in their Time are evident Proofs That the Censures pass'd upon that Century are not without sufficient Ground And if a due Comparison be made between the Writers the Works the Subjects treated of the Constitutions of Councils the Church-Discipline and the Manners of the Christians of the same Age with those of the preceding it cannot but be readily acknowledg'd That it is in many Respects inferiour to them 'T is true indeed that there were Irregularities in all the Ages of the Church but that they were Commensurate to those which were so common in the Tenth Century or that they were spread abroad so far or become so general is an Assertion which cannot be maintain'd with any manner of probability For who can avouch with assurance That that Age had as great a share in Learning and Eloquence was as fruitful in Illustrious Personages and Ecclesiastical Writers or waâ— as productive of Excellent Works and Regular Constitutions as the preceding Centuries Who would adventure to compare the Popes John IX X XII and XIII and the other Bishops of Rome who liv'd in the Tenth Century I will not say to S. Leo or S. Gregory but even to those Popes who were less eminent in former Times Or who would attempt to set up Ratherius Atto Flodoard Luitprand Metaphrastes and other Ecclesiastical Writers whose Number is very small not to say in opposition to S. Athanasius S. Basil S. Ambrose S. Augustin Eusebius and Theodoret but even to the more Common Authours of the preceding Ages Upon the whole it ought to be certainly determin'd That 't is not without good Reason that that Century in comparison of the fore-going and even of those that follow it has been generally stil'd The Age of Darkness Ignorance and â—…curity However it must be acknowledg'd That 't was not altogether Dark and that it brought forth some Lights which penetrated the Darkness and dispers'd part of the Obscurity The most Ingenious M. Du Pin follow'd these Luminaries and took them for his Guides in writing the Ecclesiastical History of the Age in which they flourish'd and in giving an Impartial Account of the Matters treated of by them which he has done with that Clearness Generosity and Integrity which is so inseparable from the Character of this Great Man A Table of the Contents OF THE TENTH CENTURY CHAP. I. AN Account of the most considerable Transactions in the Eastern Church during the Tenth Century Page 1. Leo the Philosopher Emperor of the East ibid. The Disturbances which happen'd in the Eastern Church upon the Account of Leo ' s fourth marriage ibid. Nicolas Patriarch of Constantinople is banish'd ibid. Nicolas is re-established ibid. The Letters of Nicolas Patriarch of Constantinople to the Pope and others 2 The Re-union of the Clergy of Constantinople ibid. The Patriarchs of Constantinople who succeeded Nicolas ibid. Theophylact an unworthy Patriarch of Constantinople ibid. Polyeucta Patriarch of Constantinople ibid. Nicephorus Phocas Emperor ibid. John Zemisces Emperor 3 The Death of Polyeucta and Basil put in his place ibid. Antony Studita Patriarch of Constantinople ibid. Nicolas Chrysobergius and Sisinnius Patriarchs of Constantinople
belong'd to the Archbishoprick of Rheims Artaldus for this Excommunicated him King Lewis to make him amends for the Losses he sustain'd granted him the Earldom of Rheims and the Priviledge of the Mint and assisted him in taking several Castles which were held out by the Troops of Hebert Fortune did not long favour Artaldus for Hugh entring into a new League with Hebert against Lewis d'Outremer they came with William Duke of Normandy besieg'd the City of Rheims became Masters of it at the end of six days and caus'd Artaldus to appear in the Church of S. Remy in the presence of several Lords and Bishops and oblig'd him to make a Resignation of his Archbishoprick and to content himself with the Abbeys of S. Bazol and Avenay into the former of which he retir'd after he had govern'd the Church of Rheims for the space of Eight years and seven months Hugh the Son of Hebert was replac'd in possession thereof and was ordain'd Priest by Guy Bishop of Soissons three Months after his return and fifteen Years after his first Election He had spent this Interval of Time at Auxerre where he had follow'd his Studies under Guy Bishop of that City who had ordain'd him Deacon for he had receiv'd his other Orders at Rheims from the Hand of Abbo Bishop of Soissons The next Year namely 941. the two Counts Hebert and Hugh conven'd the Bishops of the Province The Council of Rheims for the Deposing Artaldus and ordaining Hugh of Rheims at Soissons and enter'd into a Consultation of ordaining Hugh the Son of Hebert Archbishop of Rheims The Deputies of the Clergy and Laity of Rheims met there and demanded that he might be ordain'd asserting that Artaldus had not been Elected according to the Canon but intruded by Force and that he had given up all the Title he could claim to that Archbishoprick Upon this Remonstrance the Bishops resolv'd upon ordaining Hugh and immediately set out for Rheims for that purpose Artaldus was already withdrawn to Lewis d'Outremer but that Prince having been defeated in the Year 941. near Laon Artaldus was very lucky in reconciling himself with Hugh the White and Hibert in re-entring into the Possession of his Abbeys and in making a League with Hugh Archbishop of Rheims who soon after receiv'd the Pall that was sent him by Pope Stephen VIII Notwithstanding this League Artaldus return'd to Lewis d'Outremer In the mean time Hebert dying in 943. Lewis was perswaded by Hugh the White to entertain the Sons of this Count and also to leave Hugh in possession of the Archbishoprick of Rheims upon condition that they restor'd to Artaldus his Abbeys give him another Bishoprick and grant that his Kinsmen should retain the Honours they had obtain'd This Treaty was not long kept for Hugh the White and Lewis d'Outremer Warring against each other the latter laid Siege twice to the City of Rheims and the second time having chas'd away Hugh Archbishop of Rheims he enter'd the City and re-establishes Artaldus who was replac'd in his See in the Year 946. by the Archbishops of Treves and Mayence The Church of Amiens becoming Vacant the year after Hugh ordain'd Tetbold Arch-deacon of Soissons Bishop thereof which occasion'd a Trial which was brought before an Assembly of Bishops and Lords held near the River Cher. The Affair was not brought to any Issue at that place but put off 〈◊〉 November In the mean time Artaldus was left in possession of the Archbishoprick of Rhems and Hugh permitted to stay at Mouzon A Council was call'd and held at Verdun wherein were Robert Archbishoy of Treves Artaldus The Council of Verdun Archbishop of Rheims Odalric Archbishop of Aix Adalberon Bishop of Mets Gozelin Bishop of Tulle Hildebald Bishop of the Upper Rhine in the presence of Bruno an Abbot Brother to King Otho and of the Abbots Agenold and Odilo Hugh was cited thither by two Bishops but would not appear The Synod adjudg'd the Archbishop◠of Rheims to belong to Artaldus Another Council was call'd in January following upon the same Subject and held in the Church of The Council of Mouzon S. Peter near to Mouzon They met at the time appointed and Hugh made his appearance But after he had discours'd with Robert Archbishop of Treves he withdrew and only caus'd a Letter to be presented by one of his Clergy which was brought from Rome and writ in the name of Pope Agapetus wherein it was order'd that Hugh should be re-establish'd in the Archbishoprick of Rheims The Bishops having read the Letter alledg'd that it would not be reasonable to supersede the Execution of the Orders which they had reciv'd from the Holy See upon the account of a Letter presented by the Enemy of Artaldus and after they had read the nineteenth Chapter of the Council of Carthage concerning the Accuser and the Accused they adjudg'd Artaldus to have continued in the Communion of the Church and in possession of the Archbishoprick of Rheims and that Hugh who had been already summon'd before two Synods without appearing to either ought to be depriv'd of the Communion and Government of that Church till such time as he should clear himself in a General Council This Sentence they notified to Hugh who for his part declar'd that he would not submit to it In the mean time Artaldus having appeal'd to the Authority of the Holy See Pope Agapetus sent Bishop Marinus his Vicar to King Otho that he might call a General Synod to pass a definitive Sentence on this Affair It was held at Ingelheim the seventh of June in the Year 948. Marinus the Pope's Legat was the The Council of Ingelheim in favour of Attaldus President thereof and the Archbishop of Cologne Mayence Treves and Hambourgh his Assistants with six and twenty Bishops of Germany without reckoning Artaldus Archbishop of Rheims upon whose account the Assembly met The Kings Otho and Lewis d'Outremer were likewise present The latter made his Complaints against the Rebellion of Hugh and afterwards Artaldus presented his Petition to the Popes Legat and the Synod wherein he gave a Remonstrance of all his Concerns which was as follows That after the death of Herveus Seulsus who had been put up in his place declar'd himself against the Kindred of his Predecessor and that he might gain his point he enter'd into a Confederacy with Count Hebert who cast them into Prison where they were confin'd till the death of King Robert That Seulfus dying in the third year of his Pontificate being poyson'd as several attested by Hebert ' s Creatures that Count seiz'd on the Church of Rheims and was in possession thereof for the space of six years by the permission of King Radulphus But that afterwards that King being mov'd by the Remonstrances of the Bishops who complain'd that that Church was left so long without a Pastor after he had made himself Master of Rheims had caus'd him to be ordain'd by eighteen Bishops That he
had discharg'd the Episcopal Functions for nine years together ordain'd eight Bishops and a great many Clerks and crown'd King Lewis and Queen Gerberga But that Count Hugh being incens'd against him because he would not joyn in his Revolt against the King had forc'd him after he had taken the City of Rheims to resign his Archbishoprick had sent him into the Monastery of S. Bazol and had put into his place Hugh Count Hebert ' s Son who had been ordain'd Deacon at Auxerre That afterwards he call'd a Synod at Soissons wherein a Proposal was made to him to permit the Ordination of Hugh That he immediately oppos'd it and had declar'd them Excommunicated who should ordain any other Archbishop of Rheims whilst he was living and him who should accept of such Ordination That afterwards to get out of their hands he had desir'd them that they would let him go to ask advice of the Queen and his Friends what he ought to do and that they would send some body along with him to know his answer They sent with him Bishop Deroldus to whom in the presence of the Queen he gave this Answer That he Excommunicated the Bishops who should dare to ordain another in his place repeating the Protestation he had formerly made of appealing to the Holy See That without being concern'd at this Denunciation some of these Bishops went to Rheims to ordain Hugh That from that time King Lewis proving unsuccessful he had been oblig'd to wander from place to place like a Vagabond and that afterwards several of his Friends had brought him by force to the Counts Hugh the White and Hebert who having him in their power constrain'd him to resign the Revenues of his Church and sent him into the Monastery of S. Bazol That being inform'd that they design'd to make away with him he fled to Laon. That since that King Otho came in to the assistance of King Lewis had turn'd Hugh out of the Archbishoprick of Rheims and re-establish'd him therein That Hugh retir'd to the Castle of Mouzon that in the Conference held upon the River Cher where he was present with Hugh his Affair was there debated before the Bishops then present That Hugh had there produc'd a Letter writ to the Pope in his name whereby he desir'd to be discharg'd from his Archbishoprick which he had maintain'd was counterfeit That the Favourites of Hugh having alledg'd that an Affair of that Importance could not be determin'd in that Assembly because it was not a Synod convocated according to form they had put it off to November wherein a Synod was to be held and that in the mean time it was order'd that he should have the Government of the Church of Rheims and Hugh was allow'd to stay at Mouzon That Hugh came in the Season of Vintage with Count Thibold to carry off all the Wine round about the City of Rheims That the Synod had been held at Verdun as appointed to which Hugh was cited and he would not make his Appearance nor to another held afterwards near Mouzon which had pass'd a Sentence absolutely in his favour But that Hugh having declar'd that he would not submit to this Sentence and remaining still at Mouzon he had sent to Rome by the Ambassadors of King Otho a Petition containing his Complaints that he expected the Issue of all from the Orders of the Holy See and the Determination of the Council This Petition of Artaldus having been read in Latin and in the old Teutonick Language Sigeboldus a Clerk belonging to Hugh enter'd presented to the Council the Letter which had been brought from Rome and which had been already produc'd before the Council of Mouzon and avouch'd that it had been given him by the Legat Marinus then present It was written in the name of Guy Bishop of Soissons Hildegaire Bishop of Beauvais and of all the other Bishops of the Province of Rheims who desir'd the re-establishment of Hugh and the Expulsion of Artaldus When this Letter had been read the Bishops therein mention'd did declare that it was Counterfeit and that they had never heard the least mention of any such thing nor gave their Consent that such a Request should be made in their Names Upon this their Declaration this Deacon was depos'd as an Impostor and Calumniator and in the same Session Artaldus was confirm'd in the Archbishoprick of Rheims In the second Session Robert Archbishop of Treves alledg'd that since they had re-establish'd Artaldus as lawful Archbishop of Rheims it was requisite to condemn the Intruder Marinus told them the Council ought to pronounce a Sentence agreeable to the Canon and after the Decrees of the Pope's touching this Subject were read the Bishops declar'd Hugh to be Excommunicated and thrown out of the Church till such time as he should do Pennance for his Fault In the other Sessions they debated on several Points relating to Church Discipline and all the Acts of this Council are reduc'd into Ten Canons The first contains the Excommunication of Hugh The second the Resettlement of Artaldus and the Excommunication of those who were ordain'd by Hugh unless they should appear before the Synod to be held at Treves September 13. to make Satisfaction and to receive Pennance for what they had done The third inflicts the same Punishment on Count Hugh the White for having turn'd out Radulphus Bishop of Laon. The fourth prohibits the Laity from bestowing Churches on Priests or from turning them out of them without the Approbation of the Bishop The fifth is against those who abuse the Priests or do them any wrong In the sixth it is order'd that the whole Easter-Week and the Monday Tuesday and Wednesday after Whitsunday should be kept as Festivals as well as the Lord's Day In the seventh it is order'd that in the Grand Litany which is on S. Mark 's day a Fast shall be kept as in the rogation-Rogation-Week before the Ascension The eighth imports that the Laicks should have no share of the Offerings which the Faithful offer'd on the Altar The ninth that the Cognizance of all Differences about Tithes should be brought before the Bishops The tenth and last Canon is imperfect and one cannot well comprehend the meaning thereof There is mention made of Widows dedicated to the Service of God After this Council Lewis d Outremer assisted by Conrad Duke of Lorrain retook Mouzon Montague The Council of Mouzon and Laon and the Bishops being met at Mouzon Excommunicated Count Thibold and cited Count Hugh the White to appear before the Synod to be held at Treves In this Assembly Guy Bishop of Soissons who had ordain'd Hugh came to wait upon King Lewis and to give him Satisfaction Artaldus when he departed from Laon went to Treves with Guy Bishop of Soissons Radulphus Bishop of Laon and Wickfroy of Terrouane where they met with Marinus the Pope's Legat and Robert Archbishop of Treves who waited for their coming without whom there would
Manners and of the Discipline of the whole Church That according to St. Gregory's Opinion the Bishops when in fault are subject to the Correction of the Holy See but when they are unblameable Humility in one sence renders them all Equal Lastly That when the Bishops of Rome of this time were like to Daâ—… nothing could be done more than had been done since the Bishops and the King had writ concerning this very Business to the Holy See and they had not undertaken to decide it in the Province till such time as they had no hopes of having it try'd at Rome which was conformable to the Canons of the Council of Sardica He quoted several Passages out of St. Gregory to show that Bishops are oblig'd to punish Offences and that they may Depose Bishops who are convicted thereof He added That tho' one might pass by other Crimes in silence one could not do so in the Case of High Treason yet that there have been Instances of Archbishops of Rheims condemn'd by the Bishops of the Province for this very Crime namely Gilles Archbishop of Rheims who prov'd disloyal to Childebert and Ebbâ— and was depos'd at Thionville That the Decree of Dâ—… which imports that the Causes of Bishops shall be try'd at Rome ought to be extended to none but difficult Causes and not to such wherein the Crime is self-evident That the African Bishops have contested the very Right of Appellation and that the Councils of Nice and Antioch appointed the Synod of the Province to determine these Matters That he would very readily grant the Church of Râ—… more than ever the African Bishops pretended to allow it That they consulted it when the Affairs of the State permitted it and they submitted to its Determinations unless they were contrary to Equity But if it remain'd silent the Ecclesiastical Laws ought to be consulted and the rather because the Church of Rome at present was destitute of all manner of Supports and Supplys for since the Fall of the Empire it has lost the Churches of Alexandria and Antioch as well as those of Africa and Asia and all Europe began to fly off from it That the Church of Constantinople was withdrawn from its Obedience That the Churches of Spain which were most remote did not acknowledge its Determinations and that From all this Learned and Judicious Speech of the Bishop of Orleans it cannot but be observ'd that even in these dark times wherein Rome might with ease have imposed on the blind and ignorant World there were some so wise and so honest as not to think its Bishop especially if a wicked and ignorant one to be the Infallible Judge of all Controversies Now whether this honest proceeding of the Council of Rheims in judging Arnulphus even in a time when they professed to pay all due deference to the Holy See and whether the Practice of the Modern Gallican Churches in this Age be not a sufficient Evidence to prove how little they even of the Romish Communion believe the Doctrine of the Pope's Infallibility unless as far as they gain by it I leave the fair and impartial Reader of both Parties to judge Rome had abandon'd it self since it no longer gave any wholesome Advice to it self or others He concludes that according to the Examples and Canons of former times they ought to proceed to the Trial of the Archbishop of Rheims Upon this the Synod came to a Resolution the Defendant was called in who took his place among the Bishops The Bishop of Orleans upbraided him with the Favours he had received from the King which he had return'd with Treachery The Defendant alledg'd that he had done nothing against the King that he was always Loyal to him that he had been taken by force in his City by the Enemy the King not coming to his Assistance The Bishop of Orleans oppos'd to him the Testimony of Adalger the Priest who said he had deliver'd up the Gates of the City by his order The Defendant reply'd that the thing was false the Priest maintain'd to his Face that his Evidence was true Arnuâ—phus of Rheims complain'd of the ill usage he had met with the Bishoy of Soissons ask'd him why he did not appear when he was cited by the King and Bishops and upon the Answer he made that he could not being then retain'd in Custody that Bishop reply'd that he had offer'd to conduct him and alledg'd several Circumstances to prove that he had behav'd himself very deceitfully Afterwards another Witness was produc'd who told him that he had said to him that he preferr'd Prince Charles to all the World and if he had any kindness for him he ought to endeavour to serve him Whereas several Abbots declared that Arnulphus ought to be permitted to withdraw and to ask advice what Answer to make it was granted him and he withdrew into a corner of the Chamber with the Archbishop of Sens and the Bishop of Orleans Langres and Amient Whilst they consulted together they read in the Synod the Canons of the Councils of Toledo against those who prov'd disloyal to their Prince In the mean time Arâ—ulphus acknowled'd and confess'd his Crime before the Bishops who were retir'd aside with him who call'd others to be present at his Declaration He made it before them and thirty Abbots or Clerks which were call'd to be Witnesses This Acknowledgment took off the Objection which might arise upon the Account of the Holy See because Arnulphus having not appeal'd to it chose his Judges and acknowledg'd his Fault there was no difficulty remaining so that they might condemn him without inâ—roaching upon the Rights of the Holy See But to be inform'd what Ceremony they should use in his Deposition several Canons were consulted and a great many Instances were produc'd which took up the remaining part of this Session The next day the Bishops meeting in the same place after they had debated several Affairs both Ecclesiastical and Civil resum'd that of the Archbishop of Rheims and as they were debating after what manner he ought to be treated King Hugh and King Robert entred with the Lords and then thank'd the Bishops for the Zeal they had express'd for them and ask'd them how the Case stood The Bishop of Orleans return'd them this Answer that there was no need of returning them Thanks for doing what was only their Duty that they had not acted therein out of any Motive of Love to them or of Hatred to Arnulphus they could heartily with that he were able to clear himself but that at last after many Evasions he had acknowledg'd his Crime and consented to be degraded from his Priesthood in the presence of several Abbots and several Clerks who were Witnesses of that Declaration that he thought it proper to have him there before him that the King himself might be both Witness and Judge and that by this means his Accusers the Witnesses which had given in Evidence against him and the Judges
oblig'd to live Continently when they come to years of Maturity CHAP. V. An Account of the Churches of England IN the beginning of the Ninth Century King Alfred re-establish'd the Universities and caus'd The State of England in the Tenth Century the Liberal Arts and Sciences to flourish in England inviting over the Abbot Grimbaldus and several other Learned Men of France but the Kings his Successors were chiefly imploy'd in Reforming the Corruptions of Manners and Discipline In the beginning of this Century King Edward upon the Remonstrances and Threats of the Pope who complain'd that for Seven years the whole Country of the West-Saxons was destitute of Bishops caus'd a Council to be assembled at Canterbury in which Archbishop Phlegmon presided and where several Persons were chosen to be A Council at Canterbury under King Edward and Phlegmon Archbishop of that City Bishops in that Province and elsewhere who were ordain'd by Phlegmon after his Return from Rome whither he went on purpose to give an Account to the Pope of the Proceedings of the Council and to pacifie him The Pope approv'd their Regulations order'd that for the future the Churches should no longer be left vacant and confirm'd the Primacy of the Church of Canterbury All these Actions are attributed by several Authors to Pope Formosus but in regard that this Pope dy'd a long while before the time of King Edward they are rather to be ascrib'd to John the Ninth who possess'd the See of Rome in the beginning of Edward's Reign A. C. 904. to which this Council may be referr'd The same King publish'd in the year 906. divers Laws against the Disturbers of the Tranquility â—â—ng Edward's Laws of the Church against Apostates whom he condemns to death against Clergy-men who commit Robberies or Fornication against Incestuous Persons against those who refuse to pay Tythes or to keep Sundays and Fasting-days and against Sorcerers and leud Women who are condemned to different Punishments It 's also ordain'd in that Edict that Persons condemn'd to dy for Capital Crimes should be permitted to make a Confession of their Sins in private to a Priest and that those who have been deprived of any Member for an Offence and survive three days should cause their Wounds to be dress'd and receive Consolation after having obtain'd a Licence from the Bishop King Ethelstan who succeeded Edward in the year 923. in like manner caus'd certain Laws to King Ethelstan's Laws be Enacted relating to Ecclesiastical Affairs with the Advice of the Prelates Lords and Learned Men of his Kingdom by which he ordain'd That all the Lands and even those of his own Demeans should be liable to pay Tythes He enjoyn'd all those who held any Estates of him to allow somewhat for the Maintenance of the Poor and other charitable Uses He prohibited Outrages that were done to the Churches and again condemn'd the Sorcerers and Witches to Imprisonment and to pay great Fines He regulated the manner of proving the Innocence of Accused Persons by Fire or Water-Ordeal Forbad the keeping of Markets or buying and selling on Sundays And ordain'd that perjur'd Persons and false Witnesses should be depriv'd of Christian Burial To these Laws he added divers Instructions for the Bishops and recommended the Reading in the Monasteries every Friday Fifty Psalms upon his Account Forasmuch as the most remarkable Circumstances of those Laws is that which relates to the Clearing or Convicting of an Accused Person by the Trial of Fire or Water then commonly call'd Ordeal and in regard that the manner of performing it is there explain'd at large it may not be improper here to insert an Account of that passage If any one be desirous to clear himself by Ordeal that is to say by the Trial of Fire or Water let them come to the Priest three days before he do it who shall give him a Benediction after the usual manner and during those three days let him eat nothing but Bread and Salt or Pulse let him hear Mass every day let him make an Oblation let him receive the Sacrament on the day he is to undergo the Trial If it be that of Cold Water let him be plung'd one Fathom below the Surface of the Water If it be that of a Hot Iron let it be put into his Hand and left there three days without looking on it If it be that of Hot Water let it be made boyling hot and let the Hand or Arm of the Accused Person be put into it In all these Trials both the Accused Person and the Accuser are to Fast and to cause Twelve Witnesses to be present who may take an Oath with them and let Holy Water be sprinkled upon them There are two Editions of these Laws one of which is printed at large and the other is an Abridgment of them King Edmund had no less Zeal for the maintaining of the Discipline of the Church than his Predecessor Ethelstan He held in the year 944. which was the third of his Reign even on easter-Easter-day An Ecclesiastical Assembly under King Edmund an Assembly of the Prelates and Lords in which he made certain Laws relating to Chastity and the payment of Tythes and of the Alms-penny as also against those who offer'd Violence to Nuns against perjur'd Persons and those who assisted at profane Sacrifices In these Laws are specified the Ecclesiastical Penalties to be inflicted on the Infringers of them viz. The privation of Christian Burial and Excommunication The Bishops are there enjoyn'd to repair their Churches at their own Charge and to prefer a Petition to the Prince for the Reparation of others and for their Ornaments He likewise made Laws for the punishment of Murderers and for the regulating of Marriage-Solemnities This Assembly was held under Wulstan Archbishop of York and Odo Arch-bishop of Canterbury The latter made about that time certain Ecclesiastical Constitutions by way of Admonition or Odo Arch-bishop of Canterbury Instruction in which he recommends 1. That the Church should be left in the peaceable Enjoyment of its Priviledges and Immunities and that no Taxes should be laid on the Revenues belonging to it 2. He admonishes the King and the Princes to obey the Archbishop and Bishops to be humble to oppress no Man to administer Justice to all to punish Criminals and to relieve the Poor with their Alms. 3. He orders the Bishops to lead an Exemplary Life to visit their Diocesses once every year to preach the Truth boldly to Kings and Princes to Excommunicate none without just grounds and to shew to All the way to Salvation 4. He enjoyns the Priests in like manner to live Circumspectly and to wear Habits conformable to their Order 5. He gives the same Admonition to all the Clergy 6. He exhorts the Monks to perform their Vows and forbids them to turn Vagabonds contenting themselves only with wearing the Habit of Monks without leading a Life consonant to their Profession He recommends to them working with
XVIth upon Palm-Sunday The XVIIth upon Maundy-Thursday The XVIIIth upon easter-Easter-day The XIXth upon our Saviour's Ascension The XXth upon Whitsunday The XXIst upon the day of St. Peter's being made Bishop of Rome as is suppos'd The XXIId upon the Lord's Prayer The XXIIId upon the Apostle's Creed The XXIVth of the indecent apparel of Men and Women THere is also a short Chronicle of the Kings of France from Pharmond to Philip the first reckoned by some to be written by Ivo Bishop of Chartres but neither does this seem to be his nor another much larger ascrib'd to him by some from Ninus King of Assyria to Loüis le Debonnaire which was written by Hugo Floriacensis The Pannormia of Ivo Bishop of Chartres was printed at Basil in 1499. and at Louvain in 1557. The Decretum was printed at Louvain in 1561. And at Paris in 1647 with the Letters and Sermons correctly published by Father Fronto a Regular Canon of St. Genevieve In which Edition are added the Learned Notes of Juretus Canon of Langres and of Souchet Canon of Chartres upon the Letters of our Bishop CHAP. II. The History of the Church of Rome under the Popedom of Paschal II. Gelasius II. and Calixtus II. Containing the Rise Progress and Conclusion of the Contests between the Holy See and the Empire about the Right of Investitures PAschal II. call'd before he was Pope Rainier was a Tuscan the Son of Crescentius and Alsatia The Election of Paschal II. He embrac'd the Monastick Life and practis'd it in the Abbey of Cluny under the Abbot Hugh He was Created Cardinal Priest of St. Clement by Gregory VII and made Abbot of the Monastery of St. Stephen and St. Lawrence of Rome After the Death of Urban II. the Cardinals cast their Eyes upon him to advance him to the Papal Chair When he had intimation of this he absconded for some time but being afterwards discovered he was Proclaimed Pope by all the Cardinals with the loud Acclamations of the People and Consecrated the 14th day of August in the Year 1099. The first thing he did was entirely to drive out the Anti-pope Guibert He declar'd War against The Death of Guibert The Anti-popes who succeeded him him and forc'd him to fly to the Mountains of Abruzzo where he Died in the Year 1100. His Death did not put an end to the Schism which had lasted 20 Years already for after him came three more Anti-popes who succeeded one after another but fell within a short time The first was Albert of Acella whom Richard Duke of Campania the great supporter of Guibert caus'd to be Elected in his stead At the end of four Months he was taken by Pope Paschal's Friends and shut up in the Monastery of St. Lawrence After this the people of Cava a small Town near Palestrina undertook to bestow the Pontificate on a Roman nam'd Theodoric who enjoy'd the Title of Pope only three Months and thought himself very happy in relinquishing it and becoming an Anchoret Maginulphus who was Elected at Ravenna by the name of Silvester IV. seem'd to have a greater interest but he Dy'd within a short time after By this means Paschal being freed from all his Rivals retook Castellano and Benevento from the Prince of Capua and the Town of Cava on which Peter Collona Abbot of Farfa had seized and driven Stephen Corso out of Rome who having seiz'd upon St. Paul's Church annoy'd the Romans by his continual Incursions Having thus quieted Italy his designs were aim'd against the Emperor Henry Conrad the Son of that Emperor who was Governor of Italy Dying in the Year 1101. Henry had a design of passing The Designs of Paschal II. against the Emperor Henry into Italy going to Rome and holding a Council there the beginning of the Year 1102. to adjust the differences that had been between him and the Holy See The Pope made no open opposition to it nay he invited the Emperor thither But forasmuch as they could not trust each other the Emperor would not venture to rely on the Italians and Paschal was not very sorry that Henry did not come into Italy However he held a very large Council at Rome about the end of Lent where Henry not appearing The Council of Rome under Paschal II. against the Emperor Henry in Person nor having sent any Ambassadors thither was Excommunicated with all his Adherents And because several maintain'd that there ought to be no regard had to such kind of Anathema's the Pope in this Council drew up a Form in these Terms I Anathematize all Heresie and chiefly that which disturbs the State of the present Church which teaches and maintains that no regard is to be had to Anathema's and that one may lawfully contemn the Ecclesiastical Sanctions I promise to obey Pope Paschal and his Successors I approve and condemn what the Holy Catholick Church approves and condemns The Pope exacted this Oath of all that assisted at the Council and on Holy-Thursday published the Excommunication against Henry drawn up in these Words Whereas Henry has not ceased from rending the garment of Jesus Christ that is has not ceas'd from ravaging the Church by Fire and Sword from dishonouring it by his Perjuries Incontinence and Homicides he has been Excommunicated and Condemn'd for his Contumacy and Disobedience by Pope Gregory of Blessed Memory and by our Predecessor Urban II. and we also have anathematiz'd him for ever in our last Synod by the Judgment of the whole Church which we desire may be notified to the whole World and especially to the people residing beyond the Mountains that they may have no hand in his Iniquity Henry to avoid the stroke of this Excommunication about the end of that Year order'd publication to be made that he intended to resign the Empire to his Son Henry and to Travel to the Holy-Land The Rebellion of Henry V. against his Father He not only caus'd this to be published by Bishop Eginard but likewise engag'd himself by a Vow to undertake this Journey This proposal engag'd the affection of the Princes and Clergy of the Empire to him and several of his Subjects made preparations to accompany him in this Expedition But when they perceiv'd that he had no design to perform his Vow they began to change their inclination towards him which gave his Son Henry an occasion of Rebelling against him when by his Father's stay he saw his hopes of very suddenly enjoying the Empire frustrated Having enter'd upon this Design by the wicked Counsels of three great Lords he left his Father at Mentz where he had spent the Christmas Holy-days in the Year 1104. and withdrew to Bavaria Religion being the cloak to cover this unatural Disloyalty He began by anathematizing the Heresie of his Father and by promising Obedience to the Pope The Nobless of Austria Germany and the Eastern parts of France declaring for him he enter'd into Saxony where he was very well received and having
forth without trouble Affirm that Angels respected her All Nations have desir'd her that the Patriarchs and Prophets have been acquainted with her and that she was chosen above all Women and Preferr'd to all her Sex The Church teaches me to have an Uncommon Veneration for the day when she dy'd and when she was receiv'd with an unexpressible Joy into Heaven The same Church learns me to honour the day of her Birth being verily perswaded that like Jeremiah and St. John Baptist she was sanctify'd in her Mothers womb Yes the Mother of our Lord was Holy before she was Born and therefore the Church cannot err in believing that the day of her Birth was also Holy nor in keeping it solemnly as such I also am thoroughly perswaded that she was endu'd with so many Graces that not only her Birth was sanctify'd but also all the rest of her Life which was exempt from all Sin a favour that never yet was granted to any Other of the Off-spring of Man What then are we able to contribute to these Honours Let her conception also have Honours say they since it preceeded her Birth because had not this Conception preceeded her Birth could not have been extant to be honour'd Very well for the same reason any one might Celebrate the Feasts of their Father and Mother and mount upwards even to their remotest Ancestors Then we should have a prodigious Number of Feasts indeed and which would be more proper for the Eternity of the other Life than the poor circumscrib'd Limits of this But there is a Book produc'd where this Feast is Authoriz'd as they pretend by Divine Revelation Why this might very well be and I my self could sooner compose one in favour of any of my Ancestors For my part I am not willing to Credit any of these Books which have neither Reason nor Authority on their side For what Consequence is there that a Conception must be Holy because the Birth was so was it made Holy by its Precedence Whence had it this Sanctity to communicate to the Birth and on the contrary is it not because this Conception was not Holy that it was thought necessary to Sanctifie the Virgin afterwards Whence proceeds the pretended Sanctity of this Conception Will any one say that it was occasion'd by Grace to the End that she might be conceiv'd Holy But then she could not receive the Appanage of her Divinity before she was Divine and that she could not possibly be before her Conception Some will say perhaps that she was conceiv'd and sanctify'd in the same Moment but that is what they cannot reasonably make out for how can Holyness be where sin is and how can any one deny that sin is not to meet where Concupiscence is to be found If they will not Affirm she was conceiv'd by the Holy Ghost which I presume no body will Offer to Assert so that not having been Sanctify'd before her Conception because she then was nothing nor at her Conception because she was then in the State of Sin she must have been sanctify'd in the womb of her Mother after her Conception and that tho' her Birth was Holy her Conception was not In a word her good Fortune of being conceiv'd in Sanctity is owing only to Jesus Christ for all the other Children of Adam have been conceiv'd in Sin This being thus what reason can there be for Introducing a Feast of the Conception How can it be maintain'd that a Conception which proceeds not from the Holy Ghost but rather from sin can be Holy Or how could they conjure up a Holy-day on Account of a thing that is not Holy in it self The Church may have reason to boast indeed of a Feast which honours sin or Authorizes a false Holyness Yet whatever People may think she will never be brought to Approve of an Innovation contrary to her Usual Custom that being the Mother of Rashness Sister of Superstition and Daughter of Levity More-over if they had proceeded rightly in Introducing this Feast they should first have consulted the Holy See and not follow'd blindly and without Deliberation the suggestions of some hair-brain'd Ideots St. Bernard adds that he has understood this error was in other Places That he had hitherto forborn taking Notice of it out of a Veneration he had for the Holy Virgin which proto spread it self over the whole Church of which he was a Member he could no longer dissemble his resentments without Offending all He concludes with saying that he submits his Judgment to the more Sage and Experienc'd and chiefly the Authority of the Church of Rome to whom he reserves the Decision of thiâ— matter being ready to alter his Opinion if the Holy See shall be of another Mind Some Authors have undertaken the Defence of the Feast of the Conception of the Virgin and among others a certain Person has written a Treatise on this Subject commonly Attributed to St. Anselm wherein he attacks St. Bernard without naming him Likewise an English Monk call'd Nicholas writ a little after St. Bernard's Death against his Letter This Monk has been refuted by Peter Abbot of Celles and at the same time Poton Priest and Monk of Prom blam'd those that had receiv'd three new Feasts which were that of the most Holy Trinity of the Transfiguration and of the Conception of the Virgin all which he esteem'd very extravagant In the Century following John Beleth and William Durand Bishop of Mande disapprove also of this Feast but notwithstanding it was Authoriz'd in the Fifteenth Century by the Council of Basil. It must here be understood with Father Mabillon that St. Bernard means by Conception that same instant in which the Body of the Virgin was Conceiv'd and not with the School-Divines the moment of the Union of the Soul with the Body for he could not have overthrown those that say that she was Sanctify'd this Instant but only such as maintain she was Sanctify'd before she was animated if he should have compar'd her Sanctification with that of Jeremias and St. John Baptist but he plainly insinuates that she was not Sanctify'd before her Soul was United to her Body Thus it may be observ'd that St. Bernard had no very favourable Thoughts of the Immaculate Conception of the Virgin Mary The Hundred Seventy Fifth Letter of St. Bernard is an Answer to one writ to him by the Patriarch of Jerusalem wherein he Recommends to him the Knights of the Cross. This Patriarch was William of Flanders who had been formerly a Hermit at Tours The Hundred Seventy Sixth is written in the Name of Alberon Arch-Bishop of Treves to his Holiness Pope Innocent This Arch-Bishop not being able to go in Person to wait on the Pope writes him this Letter to assure his Holiness of the unfeigned Obedience of the Churches on this side the Mountains and moreover exhorts him not to concern himself at the loss of Benevento and Capua which Roger of Sicily had taken from him and
taking away from them such effects as they had unjustly gotten by their Usuries and Extortion In the Fourth Letter of the Fifth Book he writes to Pope Eugenius III. the Causes which the Abbot de la Chaise-Dieu alledg'd against the Arch-Bishop of Arles and the Bishop of Viviers nominated by his Holiness to take Cognizanae of the Difference which was between the Bishop of Nismes and that Abbey In the Fifth he wrote to the same Pope about the refusal which the Arch-Bishop of Bourdeaux had made of ordaining him who had been elected Bishop of Angoulème In the seventh he replies to several questions which had been propos'd to him by Thibald Abbot of St. Colomba of Sens. Among the rest was this Why they repeat the Unction of the Sick at Cluny Peter the Venerable says that the Case is not the same with the Unction of the Sick as with the Unctions of Baptism and Confirmation whose Efficacy is simple and only One nor the same as with the sacerdotal Unction or the Unctions of Churches and Holy Vessels which imprint a Consecration which can never be effac'd Whereas the effect of the Unction of the Sick being only Remission of Sins wherein Men fall after they are recovered of their Sickness it ought to be repeated in the next Sickness The Sixth Book contains several Letters of Peter of Cluny to St. Bernard and of St. Bernard to Peter of Cluny of which the fourth is somewhat remarkable Peter of Cluny therein intreats St. Bernard to procure an Union between the Monks of Cluny and of Cisteaux by ordering that whenever the Monks of Cluny should come into the Monasteries of those of Cisteaux they might be entertain'd as the Monks of the Monastery and admitted into the Refectory the Dormitory and the other Regular Places There are likewise in the same Book several Letters to Pope Eugenius III. in one of which viz. the Ninth he assures him that the Arch-Bishop of Vienna does not at all oppose the Interests of the Order of Cluny as the Pope had suppos'd and sent him word in the preceeding Letter In the Twelfth he advertises him of the Division which was in Chartreux the Great upon occasion of a Person Elected to the Bishoprick of Grenoble In the Twenty Fifth he gives him to understand of the Irregularities of the Bishop of Clermont In the Twenty Seventh he wrote to him in favour of Humbert of Beaujeu who returning from beyond Sea was setled in the Neighbourhood of Cluny and had put a stop to the Wars and Robberies committed there in his Absence and had quieted all the Countrey thereabouts but because he had quitted the Order of Knights Templars and taken his Wife again the Pope could not endure that he should live in the World Peter of Cluny in this Letter remonstrates to him that it was very proper for him to use his Indulgence towards this Lord and to grant him a Dispensation of living with his Wife and of leading a secular Life Peter the Venerable Abbot of Cluny In the Twenty Eighth he wrote to him against the Provost Abbot and other Ecclesiastical Lords of Brioude who had turned a Clerk out of his Church and his demeans without any form of Justice nay so much as denying him to clear himself by the Tryal of Fire as he had offered them to do The Forty Second Forty Third Forty Fourth and Forty Fifth Letters are likewise written to Eugenius III. The first in favour of the Abbot of Brems and the second in favour of Guy Lord of Domnus who had been interdicted by the Pope for having marryed a second Wife in the Life time of his first Peter of Cluny shews the Pope the Reasons upon which he believes that the first Marriage ought not to stand and prays him to determine this Affair according to this Remonstrance and to take off the Interdiction which he had issued out against this Lord. The Third is in favour of the People of Placenza who were unwilling to admit of a Bishop consecrated by the Arch-Bishop of Ravenna and they thought they had reason for it because they were to admit of no Bishop but who was sent by the Pope In the last he acquaints the Pope of a Treaty which he had made with a Lord of his Neighbourhood The Fifteenth Letter of this Book is a circular Letter written by Peter of Cluny to all the Superiors of the Houses of his Order wherein he warmly reproves the Abuse which was establish'd among the greatest part of his Religious of eating Meat every day in the Week except Friday He shews that this was forbidden by the Rule of St. Benedict which enjoyns them to eat nothing but Fish and by the Example and Institution of Odo one of the Founders of their Order The Seventeenth Eighteenth Nineteenth and Twentieth Letters are about the Croisade Peter of Cluny had been invited by Sugerus Abbot of St. Denys and by St. Bernard to meet at that Assembly which was to be held at Chartres upon this Design he excuses himself from coming by two of his Letters but withal commends that design In the Twenty Sixth written to Everard Grand-Master of the Order of Knight Templars he commends their Institution and interceeds for Humbert of Beaujeu who had left them The Thirty Ninth written to his Nieces is in commendation of a Virgin Life The Seventh Book contains three Letters written by Peter of Cluny to Sugerus Abbot of St. Denys an Answer of that Abbot three Letters of St. Bernard and one Letter of Peter of Celles written to Peter of Cluny Besides the Letters we have already mentioned there are a great many others which are either Letters of Compliment or on Affairs of little Moment and several other Moral ones about the Spiritual Monastick Life such as the Ninth and Tenth of the first Book the Twelfth Fifteenth Twenty Second and Fiftieth of the Second the Fourteenth Thirty Ninth Fourtieth Fourty First and Fourty Second of the Fourth Book the third of the Fifth and the Thirteenth and Fourteenth of the Sixth All these Letters are penn'd with a great deal of Purity and pleasantness of Stile full of Life and solid Thoughts They are not indeed so Airy as the Letters of St. Bernard nor so full of Turns and playing upon Words but the Style is more Correct Even and Pure These Letters are follow'd by the Tracts of Peter of Cluny The first is dedicated to Peter of St. John's who in a Conference which they had together had told him that some of those with whom he convers'd had asserted that Jesus Christ is not expresly call'd God in the Gospel Peter of Cluny in this Treatise proves the contrary from all those Passages in the Gospel where Jesus Christ is stiled God and has such Attributes apply'd to him as belong to none but God The Second Tract is against the Jews wherein he proves the Divinity of Jesus Christ that he is the Messias who had been foretold by the Prophets
In spight of all his endeavours it was established there and there continued as we are informed by a Letter of Enervin Provost of Stemfeld near Cologne written to St. Bernard wherein he gives him The Hereticks of Cologne to understand that within a short time they had discovered several Hereticks near that City some whereof had abjur'd their Errors and two others having maintain'd them obstinately had been burnt by the People These Hereticks taught that they were the only Persons among whom the true Church had subsisted because they alone had follow'd the Example of Jesus Christ and had possess'd nothing of this Worlds Goods They forbid the eating of Milk meats and the Flesh of Beasts They would not discover what their Sacraments were however they had own'd that they believe that the Bread and Wine which they did eat every Day was consecrated by the Lord's Prayer for the nourishment of those who were the Members and the Body of Jesus Christ that in this Sense it became the Body of Jesus Christ that Others had not the true Sacraments but The Hereticks of the 12th Century only the Appearance of them and that they held a false Tradition of men They admitted of a Baptism by Fire and the Holy Ghost as more Excellent than the Baptism of Water for which they had no great Esteem They believ'd that their Elect had a power of Baptizing and Consecrating They distinguish'd three sorts of Persons among them Hearers Believers and the Elect. Lastly they condemn'd Marriage without giving any reason for it The same Author likewise takes notice that there were likewise in that Country several other Hereticks different from the former who had been even instrumental in discovering them who deny'd that the Body of Jesus Christ was Consecrated on the Altar because all the Priests of the Church are not Consecrated and that the Ministry is corrupted by the secular and prophane lives of the Ecclesiasticks That therefore they have no other power than to teach and Preach and that all their Sacraments are Null except the Baptism of Adult persons for they did not believe that Infants ought to be baptiz'd They likewise taught that only Marriages contracted between a Man and Maiden were lawful and that all others were no better than Fornication They had no trust or Confidence on the Mediation of Saints They Asserted that Fasts and other Mortifications were not at all necessary for the Just no nor for sinners themselves They styl'd all the Usages of the Church which were not Establish'd by Jesus Christ and the Apostles Superstitions They deny'd Purgatory and maintain'd that the Souls departed immediately went into the Place allotted for them and by consequence they render'd the Prayers and Sacrifiees of the Church for the Dead Null and Void These are the Errors which Enervin attributes to those two Sorts of Hereticks to oppose which he excites the Zeal of Saint Bernard who at that time in discoursing upon these Words in the Cantieles Take us the little Foxes took an occasion from this Text to write against those Modern Hereticks whom he compares to Foxes At the First he represents their Morals in the 65th Sermon wherein he accuses them of Being Proud Lovers of Novelties of making no scruple to swear and forswear themselves of concealing their Mysteries of â—eading dissolute Lives of being too familiar with marry'd Women and Maids of being Cheats and Hypocrites Afterwards in the 66th Sermon he refutes in particular their Errors about Marriage Abstaining from Meats Infant-Baptism Purgatory Prayers for the Dead the Efficacy of Sacraments and the like Lastly he speaks of their false Constancy which made them suffer Death and the greatest Torments and he reproves several Princes and even several Bishops who tolerated those Hereticks by receiving presents from them Those Sermons of Saint Bernard were written about the year 1140. which serves to fix the Epocha of the time wherein those Hereticks of Cologne first appear'd These are the same Hereticks whom sometime after Ekbert Abbot of St. Florin in the Diocess of Treves oppos'd in his Tracts dedicated to Reginald Arch-Bishop of Cologne He had often had Conferences with them whilst he was Canon in the Church of Bonne and whereas they were frequently discovered to be in the Diocess of Cologne he thought himself oblig'd to expose their Errors and refute them This is what he has done in his six Discourses which are to be met with in the Bibliotheca Patrum He therein takes notice that those Hereticks in Germany were call'd Cathari in Flanders Piphri in France Fisserani and makes them to be the off-spring of the Manichees We will now give you an Account of the Errors which he attributes to them and refutes in those Discourses They condemn says he Marriage and threaten Damnation to those who dy'd in a marry'd state Some among them only condemn such Marriages as are contracted between any beside such as have never been marry'd They eat no flesh because they believe it to be unclean which is the Reason which they give of it publickly but in private they say that Flesh is the Devils Creature They have divers Opinions about Baptism some of them say that 't is of no use to Infants in secret they add that the Baptism with Water is of no avail for which reason they re-baptize those who enter into their Sect in a particular Way and assert that 't is the Baptism of the Holy Ghost and of Fire They Believe that the Souls of the Departed enter the very day of their Death into a State of Everlasting Happiness or of Everlasting Misery and do not believe Purgatory By consequence they reject the Prayers the Alms and the Masses for the Dead If they come to Church hear Mass and communicate there 't is only for show for they suppose that the Sacerdotal Order is utterly extinct in the Church and only subsists in their Sect. They do not believe that the Body of Jesus Christ is Consecrated on the Altar but call their own Flesh the Body of Jesus Christ and in taking of Food say that they make the Body of Jesus Christ. I have heard adds He from a man who had left their Sect after he had discover'd the Turpitude and the Errors thereof that they asserted that Jesus Christ was not born of the Virgin that he had not real Flesh that he did not rise again really but in a Figure he believ'd that 't is for this Reason that they keep not Easter but have another Festival which they call Bema Lastly he accuses them also of teaching that the Souls of Men are those Apostate Angels who were turn'd out of Heaven This Sect had likewise some Followers in the Diocess of Toul as we are inform'd by the Letter of The Hereticks of Toul Hugh Metellus a Regular Canon of that Diocess written to his Bishop Henry wherein he gives him to understand that in his Diocess there were dangerous men who began to start
should Crown him Emperor of the West The Pope commended his Design about the Re-union of the two Churches and promis'd to contribute as far as 't was possible towards the carrying it on but as for the demand of the Empire he answer'd That the matter appear'd to him to be too difficult and that it did not lye in his Power to grant what he desir'd Some time after Paschal the Antipope died at Rome and those of his Party chose for Pope John Abbot of Struma Altho' Frederick had own'd his Authority yet he did not forbear to send the Bishop of Bamberg to Alexander to negotiate a Treaty of Peace with him That Prelate had a Conference with Alexander in Campania and told him that his Master did not design any longer to act contrary to his Interest but forasmuch as he refus'd to declare plainly that he would acknowledge him as lawful Pope or to promise Obedience to him they parted without concluding any thing Altho' Alexander's Affairs prosper'd every day more and more nevertheless the Romans could not be induc'd to receive him into their City and he usually resided either at Frascati or in Campania Frederick carry'd on a War in Italy A. D. 1175. but not being succesful in his Enterprizes he renew'd the Negotiations of Peace so that the Pope sent Legates to treat with him about it but they were not able to come to any Agreement The next Year Frederick's Army was entirely defeated by the Milanese Forces insomuch that he was constrain'd to send Ambassadors to Alexander to conclude a Treaty of Peace The Conditions were propos'd and were at last ratify'd in 1177. at Venice where the Emperor and the Pope had an Interview The former abandon'd the Party of Octavian Guy and John of Struma and promis'd Obedience to Alexander who took off the Excommunication denounc'd against Frederick and re-admitted him to the Communion of the Church of Rome Some Authors relate divers fabulous Circumstances concerning this Reconciliation and amongst others that the Pope made an escape to Venice in a Disguise that he was forc'd to implore the assistance of the Doge that the Emperor sent his Son Otho with a Fleet to oblige the Venetians to deliver up the Pope into his Hands that they defeated him and took him Prisoner that the same Son agreed upon certain Articles of Peace with the Pope that Frederick came in Person to confirm the Treaty that he prostrated himself before all the People at the Feet of the Pope who set his Foot on his Neck pronouncing these Words It is written thou shalt tread upon the Basilisk and trample under Foot the Lion and the Dragon that Frederick answer'd I do not obey you but Peter and that Alexander reply'd both me and Peter All these particulars are so many Fables the Falshood of which is prov'd by Alexander's Letters and by the Testimony of the Historians of that time 'T is worth the while to observe after what manner Alexander speaks upon occasion of that Peace in his Letter On the 21st Day of July says he by the Emperor's Order the Son of the Marquess Albert and his Imperial Majesty's Chamberlain took on Oath in the presence of divers Ecclesiastical and Secular Princes of the Empire that upon the Emperor's arrival at Venice he should ratify by Oath the Articles of the Peace of the Church that were already agreed upon that he should grant Peace to William King of Scicily for fifteen Years and a Truce for Seven to the Lombards On the 24th Day of the same Month the Emperor came to the Church of St. Nicolas at the distance of a Mile from Venice and having abjur'd the Schism as well as all the Bishops and German Princes he receiv'd Absolution with them afterwards being arriv'd at Venice he gave us the marks of his Obedience with all manner of Humility at the entrance of St. Mark 's Church in the presence of an innumerable Multitude of People receiv'd from us the Blessing of Peace gave us the right Hand and conducted us with Devotion to the Altar The next day being the Festival of St. James we went to St. Mark 's Church to celebrate Mass the Emperor came to meet us without the Church gave us the right Hand re-conducted us when Divine Service was ended held the Stirrup whilst we got up on Horse-back and perform'd all the Devoirs and Respects due to us that his Predecessors were wont to do The Matters of Fact are thus related by the Pope himself in three Letters The next day the Emperor went to pay a Visit to the Pope and on August 1. he himself took an Oath the same thing being likewise done by the German Lords to observe the Peace that was concluded Afterwards Absolution was given to those that had taken part with the Antipopes and who promis'd for the future to obey Pope Alexander and his Successors On September 16. the Pope held a Council of the Bishops of Italy and Germany in which the Treaty of Peace was confirm'd and the Anathemas renew'd against the Schismaticks who were not as yet return'd to the Bosom of the Church and the Emperor ratify'd it by publick Letters Lastly the Emperor before he left Venice concerted with the Pope Matters relating to the restitution of the Revenues of the Church of Rome and set forward in his Journey to Lombardy whilst the Pope went to Anagnia where he arriv'd December 14. and from whence the next Year he was re-call'd to Rome by the Clergy Senate and People of that City Thus an end was put to the Schism of the Church of Rome and Alexander continu'd in the peaceable Possession of that See till his Death which happen'd in the Month of August A. D. 1181. Cardinal HUMBALD a Native of Lucca was chosen in his Place and sirnam'd LUCIUS Lucius III. III. He was expell'd Rome by the Senators and retir'd to Verona where he died November 25. A. D. 1185. LAMBERT Arch-bishop of Milan succeeded him under the Name of URBAN III. These Urban III. two Popes had several Conferences at Verona with the Emperor Frederick about the putting of the Treaty of Peace in Execution and the Election of the Arch-bishop of Trier The latter had also some Contests with the Emperor about certain Territories left by the Princess Mathilda to the Church of Rome the disposal of the Estates of the Bishops after their decease which the Emperor claim'd as his Right and the Taxes that were allotted to be paid to the Abbesses And indeed Matters were carry'd to that height that Urban threaten'd to excommunicate the Emperor and that Prince call'd an Assembly of the Prelates and Princes of Germany at Geinlenhusen A. D. 1186. to maintain his Rights in which it was determin'd An Assembly at Geinlenhusen in 1186. to write to the Pope about that Affair Their Letter extremely incens'd his Holiness and caus'd him to take a resolution to denounce a Sentence of Excommunication against the Emperor which would
owns her natural Infirmities and even sometimes gives advice to the Soul The Author in this Discourse produces great variety of fine Passages out of the Greek Fathers and takes an Occasion to discuss some Doctrinal Points amongst others the necessity of Confession is more particularly inculcated He also proves that the Souls of the Righteous after their Death are translated to Heaven and there enjoy everlasting Happiness and explains several Questions about the Resurrection but he chiefly treats of Points relating to Morality and the State of Human Nature PETRUS CROSOLANUS or CHRYSOLANUS being translated from a certain Bishoprick Petrus Chrysolanus to the Metropolitan See of Milan in the beginning of this Century was sent in Quality of Legate by Pope Paschal II. to the Court of Alexis Comnenus Emperor of Constantinople where he disputed with much earnestness both by word of Mouth and Writing against the Opinion of the Greeks concerning the Procession of the Holy Ghost Upon his return the Archbishoprick of Milan was contested with him by Jordanes and he was condemn'd in a Council held at Lateran in 1116. to leave it and to return to his Bishoprick The Discourse is still extant which he made to Alexis Comnenus about the Procession of the Holy Ghost It is in Latin in Baronius under the Year 1119. and in Greek and Latin in the First Tome of Allatius's Book call'd Graecia Orthodoxa EUSTRATIUS Archbishop of Nice was one of those Persons who reply'd to Chrysolanus He Eustratius Archbishop of Nice was a Man of profound Learning and Skill as well in Ecclesiastical as Civil Affairs His Treatise against Chrysolanus is extant in Manuscript in several Libraries and Leo Allatius makes mention of Five other Treatises of this Author but we have none printed except certain Greek Commentaries on Aristotle's Analyticks published at Venice A. D. 1534. as also his Commentaries on the Ethicks of the same Philosopher printed in Greek at Venice in 1536. and in Latin at Paris in 1543. At the same time NICETAS SEIDUS wrote a Treatise against the Latins the Design of Nicetas Seidus which was to prove that Antiquity is not always most Venerable and therefore that greater Honour is not due upon that account to Old Rome than to the New Leo Allatius produces a great number of Fragments taken out of this Treatise in his Books of the Concord between the Greek and Latin Churches L. 1. c. 14. § 1 2. L. 2. c. 1. § 2. L. 3. c. 12. § 4. ISAAC an Armenian Bishop being separated from the Communion of his Country-men and Isaac an Armenian Bishop turn'd out of their Society compos'd against them in the Year 1130. divers Works in which he confutes their Errours In the first and chief of these Writings he accuses them of being addicted to the Heresy of the Aphthartodocites that is to say of believing that the Body of Jesus Christ was not like ours but impassible immortal uncreated and naturally invisible that by the Incarnation it was chang'd into the Divine Nature which absorb'd it as a drop of Honey thrown into the Sea is so far intermixed with the Water that it entirely disappears He adds that by reason of this Errour they did not attribute to the Holy Mysteries of the Eucharist the Name of the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ but that of his Divinity or Godhead Isaac confutes his Adversaries by several Passages of Holy Scripture and the Testimonies of St. Athanasius and St. Cyril of Alexandria Afterwards he reproves them upon account of divers Matters which relate only to Discipline although he makes as many Errors of them as Heresies Viz. 1. That they neglected to celebrate the Festival of the Annunciation in any Month of the Year under pretence that the Virgin Mary did not conceive in March Isaac maintains that she conceiv'd on the 25. day of that Month and endeavours to prove it by the Testimonies of Eusebius St. Athanasius and St. Chrysostom but they are taken out of supposititious Pieces 2. That they do not celebrate the Nativity of Jesus Christ with due Solemnity contenting themselves only to commemorate in a mournful manner without any Ceremony the Annunciation of our Saviour's Nativity and Baptism in one Day 3. That they do not mingle Water with the Wine in the Chalice in order to the Consecration 4. That in the Administration of the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper they make use of unleavened Bread Isaac confutes this Custom and affirms that Jesus Christ us'd leaven'd Bread in the Institution of the Eucharist and that although it were granted that he made use of unleaven'd yet that would not infer a necessity of imitating him in regard that the Church observes many Things in the Celebration of the Holy Mysteries which are not conformable to what our Saviour did at that time He produces several Examples in the Eighth Chapter to that purpose 5. That they were wont to make an Oblation of Oxen Sheep and Lambs at the Altar 6. That they have not a due Veneration for the Sign of the Cross. 7. That they sometimes join Three Crosses together and impose on them the Name of the Trinity 8. That they usually sing the Trisagion with Petrus Fullo's Addition that is to say in adding to these Words Holy God Almighty God Immortal God these who wast crucify'd for us 9. That they do not receive Ordination from the Archbishop of Coesarea 10. That they do observe a very rigorous Fast call'd Artoburia in the Week preceeding Tyrophagia that is to say the Week before the beginning of Lent during which the Greeks abstain from eating Flesh and live on White-meats Isaac condemns this Custom as superstitious and the original of that Fast refuting the Reasons alledg'd in vindication of it Afterwards he makes an Exhortation to the Armenians to renounce their Errors and absur'd Customs contrary to the Faith and Discipline of the Church established in the Councils and by the Bishops of Rome Bishop Isaac's Second Treatise against the Armenians is not so large as the former He there reckons up 29 Articles of Heretical or Erroneous Opinions to be imputed to them the most part of which may be referr'd to those we have but now observ'd adding 11. That they do not solemnize the Festival of * Lights Lumieres on the Sixth day of January in commemoration of the Baptism of Jesus Christ. 12. That they usually make their Consecrated Oils of Rape-seed and not of Olives and that they do not administer Unction at the Sacrament of Baptism 13. That they permit none but those Persons who Officiate to say the Lord's Prayer 14. That they do not blow upon baptized Persons 15. That they do not shew a due Respect to the Images 16. That during the time of Lent they do not resort to the Church nor adore the Crosses 17. That they were wont to eat Cheese on Saturdays and Sundays in Lent 18. That they do not rightly honour the Saints 19. That they do not
Death of Stephen K of England and the beginning of the XII Gauterius of Mauritania is ordain'd Bishop of Laon in the place of another Gauterius the Successor of Bartholomew of Foigny Pope Anastasius confirms the Statutes of the Regular Canons of St. John at Lateran takes into the Protection of the See of Rome the Order of the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem and ratifies their Privileges  The Death of Gillebert de la Pâ—… Bishop of Poitiers 1155 I. Arnold of Brescia excites Commotions in Rome against Pope Adrian who suspends the City from Divine Service till the Romans should expel that Heretick and his Followers These last are forc'd to escape by flight to Otricoli in Tosâ—any where they are well receiv'd by the People But some time after Arnold of Brescia is taken Prisoner and deliver'd up to the Prefect of Rome who causes him to be burnt and his Ashes to be cast into the River Tiber lest the People shou'd shew any honour to his Relicks The Pope pronounces Anathema against William King of Sicily who had refus'd to receive his Letters because he did not give him the Title of King and had taken possession of some Territories belonging to the Patrimony of the Church of Rome IV. Frederick is crown'd Emperor at Rome by the Pope XIII The Contest that arose An. 1132. between the Abbey of Cluny and that of Cisteaux as to the Affair of Tithes is at last terminated by an Accommodation  Basil of Acris Archbishop of Thessalonica returns an Answer to the Letter which was writ to him by Pope Adrian to induce him to be reconcil'd to the Latin Church 1156 II. The Pope concludes a Treaty of Peace with William King of Sicily and grants him the Title of King of both Sicilies V. The Emperor being offended at the Letter which the Pope had writ to him drives the two Legates who brought it out of his Dominions forbids all his Subjects to take any Journeys to Rome and sets Guards upon the Frontiers to hinder the passage of those that shou'd attempt to enter XIV A Difference arising between Adrian IV. and Frederick concerning the Terms of a Letter writ by this Pope to the Emperor which imported that Adrian had conferr'd upon that Prince the notable Favour of the Imperial Crown The Pope is oblig'd to give another Explication of the Terms of his Letter to afford satisfaction to the Emperor but takes an occasion to complain that Frederick had prefix'd his own Name before that of the Pope in one of his Letters that he exacted Fealty and Homage of the Bishops that he refus'd to receive his Legates and that he prohibited his Subjects to go to Rome Otho Bishop of Frisinghen quits his Bishoprick and retires to the Abbey of Morimond where he liv'd a Monk before his advancement to the Episcopal Dignity and dies there in the Month of September in the same Year Philip formerly Bishop of Taranto and afterwards Prior of Clairvaux is constituted Abot of Aumône of the Cistercian Order  Hugh of Poitiers a Monk of Vezelay begins to write his History of that Monastery The Death of Peter the Venerable Abbot of Cluny on christmass-Christmass-day 1157 III. VI. XV.   The Death of Luke Abbot of St. Cornelius 1158 IV. VII XVI Thomas Becket is made Lord Chancellor of England by King Henry II. The Reformation of the Regular Canons of St. Victor at Paris is establish'd in the Monastery of St. Everte at Orleans by Roger its first Abbot   1159 V The Death of Adrian The greatest part of the Cardinals chuse ALEXANDER III. Octavian is Elected Anti-pope by others and maintain'd by the Emperor He takes the Name of Victor III. VIII The Emperor being present at the Siege of Cremona the two Competitors for the Papal Dignity present themselves before him to be supported He appoints 'em to come to Pavia there to be judg'd by a Council XVII    1160 I. Alexander who refus'd to appear in the Council of Pavia having been inform'd of what was there transacted against him excommunates the Empereror Frederick IX XVIII Thirty Persons the Followers of Arnold of Brescia call'd Publicans having taken a resolution to pass into England to divulge their Doctrine are there seiz'd on publickly whipt stigmatiz'd with a hot Iron on their Fore-heads harrass'd and at last starv'd to death with hunger and cold Arnold Bishop of Lisieux is sent Legate into England A Council at Pavia held in the Month of February which declares the Election of Alexander to be void and Excommucates him with his Adherents but confirms that of Victor A Council at Oxford in which the Publicans or Vaudois are convicted and condemn'd Hugh a Monk of Cluny Hugh Arch-bishop of Roan Michael of Thessalonica condemn'd for the Heresy of the Bogomiles retracts his Errors and makes a Confession of his Faith Philip Bishop of Taranto Odo de Deuil Gilbert Abbot of Hoiland 1161 II. X. Lewes the Young King of France marries Adella or Alix Daughter of Theobald Count of Champagne who died in 1152. XIX Alanus abdicates his Bishoprick at Auxerre and retires to Clairvaux The Kings of Denmark Norway Hungary and Bohemia as also six Archbishops twenty Bishops and many Abbots write as 't is reported Letters by way of excuse to the Assembly at Lodi by which they own Victor as lawful Pope The Death of Theobald Archbishop of Canterbury He has for his Successor in that Archbishoprick Thomas Becket Chancellor of England who is Consecrated on Whit-Sunday Dr. Gilbert Foliot is translated from the Bishoprick of Hereford to that of London An Assembly at New-Market in the Month of July in which the Election of Alexander III. is declar'd Legitimate and that of Victor Illegal An Assembly at Beauvais at the same time which passes alike Judgment with that of New-Market in favour of Pope Alexander An Assembly of the Prelates of England and France in which both Kings assisted where were present the Legates of Alex-and Victor and Deputies from the Emperor Frederick Alexander is there own'd as lawful Pope and Victor Excommunicated with his Adherents An Assembly at Lodi held June 20. in the presence of the Emperor Frederick which confirms what was transacted in that of Pavia the preceding Year in favour of Victor Peter de Roy a Monk of Clairvaux Enervinus Provost of Stemfeld Ecbert Abbot of St. Florin Bonacursius Ebrard de Bethune Michael of Thessalonica Odo a Regular Canon 1162 III. The Pope who had fled for Refuge to the Territories of William K. of Sioily waiting for a favourable opportunity to pass into France arrives there at last on the Festival of Easter and is receiv'd by the Kings of France and England who go before him upon the River Loire as far as Torey land to meet him and conduct him on the Road each holding one of the Reins of his Horse's Bridle XI An interview between the King of France and the Emperor at Avignon where the Anti-pope
James at Liege's Life of St. Modoaldus Anscherus's History of the Life and Miracles of St. Angilbert Theofroy or Theofredus's Life of St. Wilbrod Hariulphus's Life of St. Arnulphus with a Relation of the Miracles of St. Riquier and the Life of St. Maldegisilus Bruno of Segni's Lives of Pope Leo IX and of St. Peter of Anagnia Guibert Abbot of Nogent's Life written by himself His Encomium on the Virgin Mary Nicolas a Monk of Soissons's Life of St. Godfrey Aelnothus's History of the Life and Passion of Canutus King of Dnmark Thomas a Monk of Ely's Account of the Life and Translation of St. Etheldrith Guigue's Life of St. Hugh Bishop of Grenoble Geffrey Sirnam'd the Gross's Life of St. Bernard Abbot of Tiron Rodulphus Abbot of St. Trudo's Life of St. Lietbert Ulric Bishop of Constance's Lives of St. Gebehard and St. Conrad Baudry Bishop of Dol's Life of St. Hugh Arch-bishop of Roan and of some others Gualbert a Monk of Machiennes's Two Books of the Miracles of St. Rictrude Pandulphus of Pisa's Life of Pope Gelasius II. Fabricius Tuscus's Life of St. Adelm William of Malmsbury's Life of the same Saint Auctus's Lives of St. Gualbert and Bernard Hubert with the History of the Translation of St. James's Head Odo Abbot of St. Remigius at Rheims's Relation of Miracle wrought by St. Thomas St. Bernard's Life of St. Malachy The Life of St. Bernard written by William Abbot of St. Thierry by Arnold Abbot of Bonneval by Geffrey Abbot of Clairvaux and by Alanus Bishop of Auxerre with other Relations of his Life and Miracles William Abbot of St. Thierry 's History of the Actions of William of Conches Peter the Venerable's Two Books of Miracles Suger Abbot of St. Denis's Life of Lewes the Gross King of France Herman Abbot of St. Martin at Tournay's Three Books of the Miracles of St. Mary at Laon. The Life of St. Otho the Apostle of Pomerania by divers Authors Archard's Life of St. Geselin Hugh Cardinal Bishop of Ostia's Letter about the Death of Pope Eugenius III. Robert Arch-Deacon of Ostrevant's Life of St. Aâ—bert The Life of St. Ludger by a Nameless Anthor Thibaud or Theobald a Monk of St. Peter at Beze's Relation of the Acts and Miracles of St Prudentius Gautier or Gauterius a Canon of Terouanes's History of the Life and Martyrdom of Charles Sirnam'd the Good St. Aelred's Life of St. Edward The Life of Thomas Becket Archbishop of Canterbury by divers Authors with the Letters of the same Prelate Ecbert and Theodoric's Relations of the Life of St. Elizabeth Abbess of Schonaw Hugh a Monk of St. Saviour's Life of Pontius Larazius Philip of Harveng's Lives of divers Saints Nicolas a Canon of Liege's Life of St. Lambert Sibrand's Life of St. Frederick Bertrand's History of the Miracles of Robert Abbot of La Chaise-Dieu Radulphus Tortarius's Book of the Miracles of St. Benedict Gonthier or Gontherius's Life of St. Cyricius and St. Julitia Works of Morality and Piety Philip Sirnam'd the Solitary's Dioptron or the Rule of a Christian Life Bruno of Segni's Moral Discourses attributed to St. Bruno Guibert Abbot of Nogent's Treatise of Virginity Geffrey Abbot of Vendôme's Twelfth Thirteenth Fourteenth and Fifteenth Tracts Honorius of Autun's Treatise of the Philosophy of the World St. Norbert's Discourse Guigue's Meditations with a Treatise of the Comtemplative Life or the Ladder of the Cloister Franco Abbot of Afflighem's Treatise of the Mercy of God and his Letter to certain Nuns Eckard Abbot of Urangen's Letters and Discourses Hugh a Monk of Fleury's Two Books of the Royal Power and the Sacerdotal Dignity Hugh de Foliet a Monk of Corbie's Works Hugh of St. Victor's Soliloquy of the Soul His Encomium of Charity His Discourse on the manner of Praying His Discourse of the Love of the Bride-Groom and the Spouse His Four Books of the Vanity of the World St. Bernard's several Letters His Treatise of Consideration His Tract of the Manners and Functions of Bishops His Treatise of Conversion His Treatise of Injunctions and Dispensations The Commendation of the New Militia His Treatise of the Degrees of Humility His Treatise of the Love of God William Abbot of St. Thierry 's Letter to the Carthusian Monks of Mont-Dieu His Treatise of the Contemplation of God His Tract of the Dignity of Love His Mirrour of Faith His Mystery of Faith His Meditations Arnold Abbot of Bonneval's Treatise of the Words of Jesus Christ upon the Cross. His Treatise of the Principal Works of Jesus Christ. His Treatise of the Six Days Work His Meditations Peter the Venerable Abbot of Clunys's Letters Antonius Melissus a Greek Monk's Collection of the Maxims of the Fathers Potho a Monk of Prom's Five Books of the House of God and a Treatise of Wisdom Sérlo's Treatise of the Lord's Prayer Nicolas a Monk of Clairvaux's Letters Henry of Huntington's Treatise of the Contempt of the World St. Elizabeth Abbess of Schenaw's Visions and Letters St. Aelred's Mirrour of Charity His Treatise of Spiritual Amity Gilbert of Hoiland's Ascetick Treatises and Letters Richard of St. Victor's Treatises of Piety St. Hildegarda's Letters Visions and Answers to certain Questions Philip of Harveng's Moral Discourses on the Book of Canticles His Letters His Treatises on the Vertues and Endowments of Clergy-Men Adamus Scotus's Treatises about Moses's Triple Tabernacle and the Three kinds of Contemplation John of Salisbury's Polycraticon with a Letter by the same Author Peter of Celles's Letters and other Works Geffrey Abbot of Clairvaux's Letters Baldwin Archbishop Canterbury's Sixteen Treatises of Piety and a Tract of the Recommendation of Faith Isaac Abbot of L'Etoile's Treatise of the Mind and the Soul Henry Abbot of Clairvaux's Treatise of the City of God in Exile Peter Abbot of Clairvaux's Letters Garnier of St. Victor's Treatise call'd The Gregorian John a Carthusian Monk of Portes's Letters Stephen de Chaulmet a Carthusian Frier of the same Monastery's Letters Gonthier or Gontherius's Treatise of Fasting and Alms-giving Sermons Guibert Abbot of Nogent's Treatise of Preaching Odo Bishop of Cambray's Discourse concerning the the Sin against the Holy Ghost and the Parable of the Unjust Steward Radulphus Ardens's Sermons Bruno of Segni's CXLV Sermons Guibert Abbot of Nogent's Sermon on the last Verse of the 7th Chapter of the Book of Wisdom Geffrey Abbot of Vendôme's Eleven Sermons Hildebert Bishop of Mans's Two Sermons with his Synodical Discourse Drogo Cardinal Bishop of Ostia's Discourse Hugh of St. Victor's Hundred Sermons Petrus Abaelardus's Sermons Amedeus of Lausanna's Eight Sermons in Commendation of the Virgin Mary St. Bernard's Sermons on the Sundays Festivals and other days of the Year and on divers other Subjects Arnold Abbot of Bonneval's Discourse in Commendation of the Virgin Mary Petrus Sirnam'd the Venerable his Sermon on our Saviour's Tranfiguration Guerric Abbot of Igny's Sermons Germanus Patriarch of Constantinople's Sermons St. Aelred's Sermons Adamuus Scotus's XLVII Sermons Ecbert's Two Sermons Arnulphus Bishop of Lisieux's Sermons on the Annunciation of the Virgin Mary Peter
and afterwards has changed it because of his weakness for one less rigid and severe and has in this last received all Orders may without scruple perform the Functions incumbent on those Orders remaining a Monk in the latter Monastry In the hundred and fifth and the hundred and sixth he declared to the Archbishop of Monreal in Sicily that he is obliged to redeem all the Estates of his Church which he had alienated to no good purpose and forbids him to alienate them any more In the hundred and seventh he determined that Beneficiaries are obliged to reside in the Church where their Benefices lie In the hundred and eighth he confirmed a Treaty made between Walter Archbishop of Rouen and Richard King of England by the consent of the Chapter and Bishops of the Province of Normandy by which the Archbishop of Rouen was to give Andely to the King except the Churches Prebends Fiefs and the Land of Fresne and the King in lieu was to give him all the Mills which he had at Rouen the Towns of Diepe and Boteille with the Land of Louviers and the Forest of Aliermont In the hundred and ninth to the Bishops of Arras Tournay Terouane and Cambray he laid open the whole Suit that had been about the Election of a Provost into the Church of Seclin in Flanders The Countess of Flanders who claimed the Patronage of that Church had named a Provost for it the Canons being unwilling to receive him she appealed to the Holy See notwithstanding which Appeal the Canons had chosen John of Bethune for their Provost who had obtained a Rescript from the Predecessor of Innocent ordering the Bishop and Provost of Soissons to maintain the Election and excommunicate the Countess if she should oppose it In pursuance of this the Commissaries had excommunicated the Countess and their Judgment had been likewise seconded by other Commissaries but at last the Case being brought before Innocent he declar'd That the Rescript in favour of John of Bethune had been obtained by a Trick that the Countess had been unjustly excommunicated and therefore he revoked all that had been acted by the Commissaries This is the Substance of this Letter and the next to the Archbishop of Rheims In the hundred and eleventh he forbad the Archbishop of Canterbury to build a Chappel that might any way be a prejudice to his Cathedral In the hundred and twelfth he declared it meritorious to reform Women from their Iewdnesses and to marry them By the three following he ordered that the Monastry of Baume should be subject to that of Cluni In the hundred and sixteenth written to the Canons and Provost of St. Juvenca of Pavia he order'd them to entertain the Canon to whom his Predecessor had given a Mandate to be admitted into their Chapter In the hundred and seventeenth to the Archbishop of Bourges he declar'd That the Pope alone has Authority to permit Bishops to change one See for another By the hundred and eighteenth he entrusted the Bishop the Chanter and a Canon of the Church of Paris with the execution of a Mandate which his Predecessor had given to Bernard of Lisle for a Canonship of Tournay in which he had been invested by the Dean of Paris In the hundred and nineteenth he gave Commission to the Bishop of Lamego to a Monk that had before been Bishop of that City and to a Prior to be Judges in a difference between the Archbishop of Brague and the Canons of St. Martins of Castre about Immunity In the hundred and twentieth he ordered the Archbishop of Milan to confer the Dignity of Chancellor of his Church on Henry Subdeacon of the Church of Rome The three next were written to procure the restitution of those things to the Cardinal of Sancta Maria which had been taken from him by Hubert the Son of Palavicin He ordered that unless within a fortnight they gave satisfaction for the damage done to that Cardinal the Churches of Placentia and Parma should be deprived of their Bishopricks and subjected to the Archbishop of Ravenna In the hundred twenty fourth he gives leave to the Bishop of Oviedo to make a Monastry of a house of Regular Canons In the hundred twenty fifth he gave permission to take off the Censure that had been published against the Kingdom of Leon and to absolve the King but not before he had restored the Bishop of Leon and made him reparation for the Injury he had done him In the hundred twenty and sixth to the Archbishop of Tarragon he said That having heard that his Church was too full by reason of the Benefices that had been given to a great many Persons both within and without his Diocess he would have him for the next seven years let alone the filling of Vacancies that by this means it might be eased The hundred and twenty seventh is a Confirmation of a Mandate granted by his Predecessor for a Canonry of the Church of Cambray The two next have nothing in them worth taking notice of The hundred and thirtieth is the Confirmation of a Treaty between the King of France and Earl of Flanders In the hundred and thirty first to the Abbots of Citeaux and of Clairvaux he forbad the Archbishop of Rouen to act in any thing against Philip King of France to the prejudice of that Appeal which he had put in to the Holy See and he trusts these two Abbots to see the Order executed In the hundred thirty second he granted the Bishop of Tortona the power of forcing the Monks of his Diocess to observe the Interdict which he had published In the hundred and thirty third he gave order that the Parishioners of St. Achindanus at Constantinople dependent upon the Archbishop of Grado should pay their Tenths to this Arch-bishop tho they had been used to pay them heretofore to the Bishops his Suffragans In the hundred and thirty fourth he answer'd the Abbot and the Religious of Belleville that they might build Oratories wheresoever they had Religious sufficient to celebrate Divine Office provided still that they first have leave of the Bishop of the place By the next Letter he freed them from that excessive Duty of Procuration which they owed the Religious of St. Irenaeus The hundred and thirty sixth is an Approbation of the Statutes of the Abbey of St. Waast of Arras In the hundred and thirty seventh he confirms the Customs and Privileges of the Abbey of Vezetai and grants it some new ones particularly that of singing Gloria in excelsis on the day of the Translation of St. Mary Magdalen in Lent In the hundred thirty and eighth he revok'd a Privilege granted to a certain Chapter that their Church should never be interdicted upon the account of any injury done by the Lords of the place to the neighbour Churches because they had abused this Grant In the hundred and fortieth he confirmed the Decree of the General Council of Lateran for settling the number of Domesticks
Celebrate twice he enjoyns that after the first Celebration he shall take care to drink up what is left in the Chalice to wipe his Fingers to wash them and to take care to have Water to Wash after the Second time of Celebrating at least that there should not be any Deacon or any other Minister assisting at the first Celebration who should be capable of this Ablution He likewise Orders That the Eucharist shall be kept in a proper and decent Box and shall be carry'd to the Sick cover'd over with a White Cloth a Taper and Cross being carry'd before it and that it shall not be given but in publick and only to those who desire it The Third imports That such Children as are expos'd shall be Baptiz'd that no Person shall be presented to Confirmation by his Brother by his Mother or his Uncle or his Mother-in-Law and that Deacons shall not Administer Baptism or enjoyn Pennance unless in case of necessity The Fourth enjoyns the Priests in inflicting of Pennances to consider the Circumstances and the Qualities of the Sins and the Condition of the Persons and to take care not to impose any Pennance which may discover the Crime as for instance not to make a Woman suspected by her Husband He prohibits Priests who have fall'n into any Sin to approach the Altar to Celebrate Mass before they have confess'd their Sins And Lastly He Orders That the Priests should not enjoyn the Laicks as a Pennance to Order so many Masses to be said for them The other Constitutions of this Council are taken out of the Lateran Council under Alexander III. The Council of Lambeth in the Year 1206. IN the Year 1206 Stephen of Langton Arch-Bishop of Canterbury held a Synodal Assembly at his The Council of Lambeth 1206 Palace of Lambeth wherein he made Three Institutions The First about the Right of Mortmain which was paid to Churches The Second against Drunken Clubs and the Third to prohibit Priests from saying above one Mass a day except in the Christmass or Easter Holy-days or when a Curate is oblig'd to bury a Corps in his Church in which Case he who celebrates ought not to receive the Ablution but at the last Mass. The Constitutions of Cardinal Gallo drawn up in the Year 1208. GAllo Cardinal Deacon of St. Mary's who liv'd under the Pontificate of Innocent III. and was sent The Constitutions of Cardinal Gallo in the Year 1208. by that Pope as his Legate into France has left us several excellent Constitutions about the Behaviour of the Clergy drawn up in the Year 1208. In the First he condemns all the Priests and other Ecclesiasticks who kept in their Houses suspicious Women excepting those Clerks who were of the Minor Orders who might marry but not hold their Benefices with their Wives He orders That the Ecclesiasticks should be admonish'd not so much as to keep their Mothers or their Wives or any of their Nearest Relations in their Houses In the Second he prohibits under pain of Excommunication the demanding any thing for Baptism Burial Benediction and the rest of the Sacraments of the Church and yet he allows that Laicks should be admonish'd not to refuse out of a Motive of Avarice what the Faithful were us'd to give out of Devotion to testifie the respect they bore to the Sacraments The Third and Fourth prohibit the Clergy and Beneficed Persons from wearing red Habits or such as were made in the fashion of the Laicks Habits The Fifth prohibits Monks from wearing sumptuous Robes or of any other Colour than Black The Sixth prohibits the Clerks and Monks from being Usurers or Merchants under the Penalty of Excommunication The Seventh enjoyns the Superiours to put these Constitutions in Execution The Eighth and Ninth import That they shall admonish the Scholars to observe them and if they will not then they shall be declar'd Excommucate by the Chancellor who shall have no correspondence with them till they have made satisfaction and receiv'd Absolution from the Bishop or in the Bishop's Absence from the Abbot of St. Victor Lastly He enjoyns the School-masters to explain these Constitutions themselves These last Articles shew that these Orders were made at Paris The Council of Avignon in the Year 1209. IN the Year 1209 Hugh Raymond Bishop of Riez and Milo Legates of the Holy See held a Council The Council of Avignon 1209 at Avignon the 6th of September at which were present the Arch-Bishops of Vienna Arles Ambrun and Aix with Twenty Bishops several Abbots and several Curates There they made these following Constitutions By the First Bishops are enjoyn'd to Preach the Word of God and cause it to be Preach'd in their Diocesses The Second imports That the Bishops shall make use of Censures if occasion require to oblige the Earls Lords and other Persons to swear That they will extirpate the Hereticks and turn the Jews out of all manner of Offices The Third That Usurers shall be Excommunicated The Fourth That the Jews shall be hinder'd from exacting Usury from working on Sundays and from eating Flesh on days of Abstinence The Fifth Orders the paying of Tithes to the Ecclesiasticks and forbids the Alienation of them The Sixth Prohibits unjust Exactions and Taxes made by the Lords without the Authority of the Prince and Orders That the Territories of those Lords who exact them shall be interdicted The Seventh prohibits Laicks under Pain of Excommunication from exacting any Taxes from the Clergy and from seizing upon the Estates of Bishops or Ecclesiasticks after their Death The Eighth likewise Prohibits the Laicks from intermeddling with the Elections or from hindering the freedom of them The Ninth Prohibits the Building of Churches Fortify'd with Castles and enjoins the Fortifications of such as have them to be Demolish'd except such as are necessary for the Repulsing the Pagans The Tenth Confirms the Laws made for the preservation of Peace and condemns the Arragonese the Barbanzonese and Routiers who disturb it The Eleventh Enjoins the Ecclesiastical Judges speedily and with Resolution to Dispatch the Causes which shall brought before them The Twelfth is against the forwardness of some in taking off an Excommunication or Interdiction 'T is declared according to a Decretal of Pope Innocent III. That no Excommunication made for some Dammage done shall be taken off till such time as the Excommunicate Person shall Swear to make Reparation and if it be for having committed a default in Judgment till such time as he likewise Swear to appear before the Judge The Thirteenth Contains a new Law against Perjured Persons by which the Absolution of those who are guilty of that Crime is reserv'd to the Pope as well as the Absolution of Sacrilegious Persons and Incendaries The Fourteenth Renews the Law of the Lateran Council to oblige the Collators of Benefices to Present within Six Months The Fifteenth Prohibits Bishops Abbots and other Superiors from allowing the Monks to hold any thing by way of Property and the
of the first Benefice shall forthwith bestow it on whom he pleases and if he delays Presenting the space of three Months not only the Right of Presenting shall lapse to another as is order'd in the former Lateran Council but also that he shall bestow so much of his Revenues on the Church as he has gain'd by the Vacant Benefice The same thing is order'd with respect to Personats and therein 't is prohibited the having two Personats in one and the same Church tho' they have not the Cure of Souls However 't is declar'd That the Holy See may dispense with this Law with respect to Persons of Merit and Learning who ought to be Dignify'd with Considerable Benefices when there shall be sufficient Reason for it The Thirtieth orders That those who shall Collate Benefices on in-sufficient Persons shall be Suspended from their Right of Collating and that this Suspension shall not be taken off but by the Authority of the Pope or Patriarch The Thirty first imports That the Children of Canons and especially Bastards may not have Prebends in the Churches where their Fathers are Canons The Thirty second orders the Patrons of Parochial Churches to allow the Curates a sufficient Part of the Revenues for their Maintenance and enjoins the Curate to serve their Cures themselves and not by Vicars at least that a Parish-Church shall not be annex'd to a Prebend or a Dignity in which Case he who is the Incumbent being oblig'd to do Duty in the Great Church shall substitute in his Place for the Cure a constant Vicar to whom he shall allow a Competency It prohibits the laying a Pension on the Revenues of Curates The Thirty third orders That the Bishops or their Arch-Deacons shall not exact the Right of Procuration but when they shall Visit in their own Persons that they shall observe the Regulation made in the Lateran Council This Law likewise extended to the Legates and Nuncio's of the Holy See and they who Visit are recommended not to seek their own Profit but the Glory of Jesus Christ and to apply themselves to the Reformation of Manners and to Preaching The Thirty fourth prohibits the Exactions made under a pretence of paying the Duty of Procuration to Legates or any others The Thirty fifth prohibits the Appealing from a Judge to a Superior before he has pass'd Sentence unless there be a lawful Cause for such an Appeal which shall be represented to the Judge before it can be brought before the Superior which is enjoin'd without prejudice to those Constitutions which order That the greater Causes shall be referr'd to the Holy See The Thirty sixth imports That if the Judge revoke a Comminatory or Interlocutory Sentence which he has pass'd he may continue the drawing up of the Process when an Appeal has been made from this Sentence The Thirty seventh prohibits the granting of Commissions for the allowing Persons to appeal before Judges above two days Journey distant from the Place where the Person assign'd is and the obtaining such Commissions without special Orders from the Lord of the Place The Thirty eighth enjoyns the Judges to have a Publick Officer or two sufficient Persons who shall write down all the Form of the Processes which shall be communicated to the Parties concern'd keeping the Minutes by them The Thirty ninth orders That the Person who has been turn'd out of any Place shall be first put in it again before his Right to it be try'd The Fortieth imports That the Possession of a Year shall be computed from the Day of its being settled by a Decree tho' the Person in whose favour Sentence is pass'd cannot by reason of the malice of his Adversary be put into possession of the thing which is adjudg'd to him or may have been turn'd out of it It prohibits Ecclesiasticks from committing the Tryaâ— of Ecclesiastical Causes to Laicks The Forty first imports That the Prescription which is not Bona fide made shall be of no force and that 't is necessary that he who makes use of Prescription shall not remember any time when what he holds did not belong to him The Forty second prohibits Ecclesiasticks from enlarging their Jurisdiction to the prejudice of Secular Justice The Forty third prohibits Laicks from exacting Oaths of Fidelity from Ecclesiasticks who hold no Temporality of them to oblige them to it The Forty fourth declares That the Constitutions of Princes which are prejudicial to the Rights of the Church shall not be observ'd whether they be for the Alienation of Fiefs or for the Incroaching on the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction or for any other Goods The Forty fifth prohibits Patrons and Vouchers of Churches from undertaking more than is allow'd them and deprives them of the Right of Patronage who shall wound or kill the Clerks of the Churches under their Patronage The Forty sixth revives the Excommunication issu'd out by the Lateran Council against those who exact Tallies and other Taxes from Ecclesiasticks Notwithstanding it allows Bishops in cases of Necessity to engage Ecclesiasticks to give something provided they have advis'd with the Pope about it first It declares those Sentences Null that are made by Excommunicated Persons and it observes that those who have been Excommunicated whilst they were in an Office are not discharg'd from their Excommunication for their having quitted that Office The Forty seventh regulates the Form of Excommunication as follows The Excommunication ought to be preceded by Admonition made in the Presence of several Witnesses It ought to be founded on a publick and reasonable Cause If the Excommunicated Person finds himself aggriev'd he may complain of it to the Superior Judge who shall send him back to be absolv'd by the Judge who Excommunicated him if there be no danger in such a delay but if it is to be fear'd that this Delay may have dangerous Consequences he may himself give him Absolution When the Injustice of the Excommunication shall be prov'd he who has Excommunicated shall be condemn'd to repair the Damages of him who has been Excommunicated and be punished according as his Superior judges requisite But if he who complains of the Excommunication does not bring any sufficient reason he shall be condemn'd to Damages and punish'd as the Superior pleases if he be not excusable by some probable Error and he shall remain Excommunicated till he has made Satisfaction or given Security for doing it If a Judge finding himself in a mistake revoke his Sentence and he in whose favour it was made will appeal no notice shall be taken of such Appeal unless the Error be such as admits of no Question in which Case he shall absolve the Excommunicated Person upon Condition that he will submit to the Judgment of him to whom the Appeal has been made The Forty eighth imports That when any Person has a Judge whom he suspects and will refuse to be Try'd by him he shall allege the Reasons of his Suspicion before Umpires who shall be pitch'd upon and
two Couriers to the King who arrived at Paris on the 14th of May and presented to his Majesty a Bull written at Porto-Venere the 18th of April by which he declared to him That if he put in Execution the Neutrality he had projected he would not only incurr the Penalties of the Law but also those mentioned in the Bull which he sent to him to acquit himself of his Duty towards God This latter Bull was dated the 19th of May in the preceding Year and it Prohibited all Christian People to Authorize or Approve the Substraction or to Appeal in any manner from the Decrees of the Pope under Pain of Excommunication of Interdiction of Deprivation of Dignities and Benefices and likewise as to the Laity of their Goods and Estates The Couriers who brought these Bulls deliver'd them to the King fast sealed and withdrew before they were opened The King The Proceedings against Benedict and his Bulls having called to him the Princes made them be broke open in their Presence and after they had been read it was deliberated by the space of three Days what was hereupon to be done On Monday 21st of the same Month the King sent for the Princes the Lords the Parliament the Prelates and the University heard the Harangue which was made in the presence of the People by John Courtecuisse Doctor of Divinity who having taken for his Text these words Convertetur dolor ejus in caput ejus c. declaimed against the Conduct of Benedict and shewed that his Bulls were Unjust and that they deserved to be condemned and torn to pieces seeing they tended to perpetuate the Schism to vilify the Authority of the King and to divest him of his Power He accused Peter de la Lune to have said That though all Christendom should be of Opinion for the Cession he would not change his Resolution and to have threatned France with great Misery in case of the Substraction He maintained next That Peter de la Lune was a Schismatick and a Heretick that he deserved not only to be deprived of the Papacy but likewise to be dispossessed of all Ecclesiastical Dignities That he ought not to be called Pope any more nor be obeyed That all the Gifts and Grants which he had passed since the Third of May of the preceding Year were actually Void and that they ought to be proceeded against who upheld or assisted him in France as against Persons guilty of Treason When John de Courtecuisse had ended his Discourse another Person of the University made five Demands of the King and his Council for the Good of the Church the Preservation of the Peace of the Kingdom and the Honour of the Crown The First That there be Examination had touching these Bulls and that all those be Arrested who shall be found to have supported or entertained the Followers of Peter de la Lune or taken his part as there are many in the Kingdom whom the University would Name to the King in time and place The Second That the King would receive no Letter from Peter de la Lune The Third That it would please the King to injoin the University to Preach the Truth of this Doctrine through his whole Kingdom The Fourth That the Bishop of St. Flour be recalled from his Embassy and that the Dean of St. German of Auxerre and of St. Lupus be Punished The Fifth That the Letter in form of a Bull be torn as giving a Wound to the Faith and being injurious seditious and offensive to his Royal Majesty The King approved of the Demands of the University order'd the Dean of St. German of Auxerre to be Arrested immediately took the Bull and sent it to his Chancellor The Chancellor caused it to be torn into Three Pieces whereof one was given to the King the other to the Princes and the Council and the third to the Clergymen who pulled it to pieces The next day the King sent Order to Mareschal Baucicaut who was at Genoa to seize by any means the Person of Peter de la Lune recalled the Bishop of St. Flour whom he had sent to the King of Spain to perswade him to the Neutrality because some had written to him that in stead of following his Instructions he had acted contrary He sent for the Archbishop of Rheims the Bishop of Cambray Peter d'Ailly and several others who were taxed with adhering to Peter de la Lune but they obeyed not fearing to be put in Prison Some were Arrested viz. the Bishop of Gap the Abbot of St. Denys some Canons of Paris and other Persons who were kept Prisoners in the Louvre as guilty of High Treason for having had Cognisance of these Bulls and not discovering it to the King They made search for the two Couriers that brought them one of them a Castilian was taken about Lyons and the other named Sancius Lupus an Arragonian was Arrested in the Church of St. Clairvaux and both of them being brought back to Paris they acquitted some that were accused affirming positively that they knew nothing of the Contents of those Bulls nevertheless the Commissioners who were Members of the University left not off the pursuit of the Process and kept them long in Prison After this the King caused the Neutrality to be Published that is to say the Substraction The Publication of the Neutrality in France of Obedience to the two Adverse Popes wrote to the Christian Princes and sent them Ambassadors to exhort them to take this Method which was accepted by the Germans Hungarians and Bohemians The King wrote likewise on the 22. of May to the Cardinals on Gregory's side to meet together with those of Benedict's in order to cure the Schism and the University of Paris wrote a very Eloquent Letter to one and t'other wherein they are exhorted to procure Peace to the Church by choosing one absolute Pope by common Consent This Letter bears Date the 29th of May. The two Colleges answer'd the King and the University that they had taken up this Resolution before the receipt of their Letters and that they were assembled to put it in Execution Their Letter is dated from Leghorn on the last of June Nevertheless the King on the 18th of the same Month by his Letters Patents published to all his Subjects his Commands that they should not regard any Bulls or Letters sent by Benedict since the Date of the injurious Bulls to present receive or perform them The two Contending Popes then found themselves very much intangled Gregory desirous Gregory and Benedict appoint Councils and the Cardinals likewise do it at Pisa. to lay the Fault on Benedict wrote a Circular Letter to all the Faithful on the 20th of June to insinuate that it was not his Fault but Benedict's that the Union was not settled Also to elude the Design of the Cardinals he call'd a Council at Aquileia by his Letters of the 2d of July and having passed the Winter
just spoken of were renewed repeated and confirmed in another Council of the three Provinces held at the same place in 1337. with some other New ones which were added for this last Council contained 70 Articles The New ones are The 4th which orders for the Execution of the Canon Omnis utriusque Sexus that the Curates shall not permit any Person to receive or administer the Sacrament of the Eucharist out of their Parishes The 5th enjoins Beneficed Clergymen and such as are in Holy Orders to abstain from Flesh on Saturday unless there be need to do otherwise which is left to their Conscience or in case the Feast of Nativity happen on that Day and that upon Pain of being excluded a Month from the entrance of the Church And they ordain the same thing for Laymen The 8th That Ecclesiastical Censures shall not be extended beyond their bounds by exercising them upon Excommunicate Persons for new Inventions as to cast Stones against their Houses to carry a Biere thither to cause a Priest to come in his Sacerdotal Habit c. The 15th That such as have any of the Churches Goods shall be obliged to declare it The 18th and 19th are against those that hinder the Exercise of the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction and invade the Goods of the Church The 27th and 28th concern Bills of Debts The 38th forbids Clerks to hold Inns or to Merchandize The 41st and 42d enlarge the Canons concerning the Habits of Clerks The 48th 49th and 50th relate to the Distributions made to Canons The 51st orders That they who have any Church-Dignities or Benefices shall take Holy Orders within the time that such Benefices require The 59th forbids to make use of the Jews as Physicians The Councils of Marsac in the Years 1326. and 1330. The Councils of Marsac in the Years 1326. and 1330. WILLIAM FLAVACOURT Archbishop of Ausche held a Council of the Bishops of his Province in a place within his Diocess called Marsac Decemb. 8. 1326. in which he published 56 Constitutions The 1st orders That Bishops should put none into Benefices but such as they are assured to be of Good Life and Manners The 2d and 3d. That Strangers Clergymen shall not be entertained unless they have their Bishops Letters and they that suffer them to administer Sacraments shall be Excommunicated The 4th forbids Archdeacons the Cognizance of Matrimonial Causes The 5th renews the Constitutions of Pope Benedict X. and Cardinal Simon about the Power of Legates The 6th forbids Monks and others of the Clergy to molest the Ordinaries in the Exercise of their Jurisdictions The 7th 8th 9th 10th and 11th are Rules common in this Age about the Jurisdiction and Immunities of the Church The 12th 13th 14th 15th 16th and 17th concern Affairs brought to the Ecclesiastical Judges concerning the breach of Oaths The 18th renews the Constitutions about the Life and Modesty of Clergymen and orders that Priests at the Celebration of Mass shall have at least one Clerk in a Surplise to assist him The 19th orders That all the Clergy which are in Holy Orders or have Benefices and chiefly Curates and Monks shall be careful to recite the then Canonical Hours and be at Church at the usual Hours but in the time of an Interdict shall read Divine Service in their Churches if they have not been polluted but with a low Voice and the Doors shut without found of Bells except upon the Feasts of the Passover Pentecost and the Assumption of the Virgin on which they shall celebrate solemnly notwithstanding the Interdict And lastly That the Distributions shall be given only to those that are at the Service The 20th That a Clergyman shall not go out in the Night without a Candle The 21st 22d 23d 24th and 25th concern Burials They forbid Monks to perswade dying Persons to be Buried among them and order that none shall be Buried in their Churches without the Bishops leave that nothing indecent shall be done at Funerals that the Corps shall be carried to the Parish Church and that the Parts of a Body shall not be separated to be Buried in divers places The 26th orders the Parishioners to be present every Sunday and Holy-day at the Mass of their Parish The 27th That the Decretal of Boniface VIII Super Custodiam concerning the Peace between Prelates and Curates shall be observed The following Eight are about Payment of Tythes to Curates The 36th says That Persons presented to Bishops by Religious Patrons and instituted into Benefices shall not be deprived but by the Bishop and for a reasonable Cause The 37th That Monks although Exempt shall not erect new Oratories without the Permission of the Ordinary The 38th regulates the Payments of Visitation and Procuration Dues to Arch-Deacons The 39th commands Arch-Deacons to do their Duty in their Visitation The 40th asserts That if a Church although it be not consecrated or a Churchyard are polluted with the Effusion of Blood or Seed or by the Burial of any Excommunicate Person Heretick Infidel or Jew they shall be reconsecrated by the Bishop with Holy Water The 41st ordains that the Feasts of the Apostles and four Evangelists shall be Solemnly kept and the ancient Relicks shall not be exposed to Sale nor new ones suffered to be reverenced unless allowed of and that the * Questors were such as went up and down by the Popes or Bishops Connivance or Permission to sell Reliques and Preach up the Virtues of them Questors shall be hindered to carry them about and Preach up the Virtues of them The 42d orders also That the Feast of S. Martha shall be kept July 29. The 43d That Care be had of the Revenues and Ornaments of the Churches The 44th That the Sacrament and Holy Chrism shall be kept under Lock and Key The 45th grants Indulgences to such as shall visit Cathedral Churches upon the Day and Feast of the Patron and on the Octave of it if they be truly contrite and Penitent The 46th forbids any Civil Assemblies to be held in Churches The 47th Excommunicates those Lords that forbid their Tenants to Sell or Buy any thing of Ecclesiastical Persons to grind their Corn c. The 48th orders that such as keep Concubines Usurers and Adulterers be Excommunicated as also such Monks as put off their Habit. The 49th Excommunicates those who make or compose Ordinances against the Liberties of the Church The 50th commands that Gregory X's Decretal Pro eo shall be published The 51st is against those who keep a Bond for a Debt Paid The 52d Interdicts the places where the Goods or Persons of the Clergy taken away by force are concealed and kept The 53d is against those who impose Taxes on Clergymen Monks or Lepers shut up The 54th forbids Pawning any Goods of the Church The 55th forbids to interdict a place for a Debt purely pecuniary The Last orders the Bishops to cause the former Constitutions to be published every Year in their Synods and take
Subject whereof is not as some imagine That the Church can take away the Pope for ever but that there are many Cases wherein the Church may be for a time without the Pope and that there are some Cases wherein he may be Depos'd He takes for the Text of his Discourse the Words of Jesus Christ in St. Mark Ch. 2. The time will come when the Bridegroom shall be taken away from you whereupon he enquires First Whether Jesus Christ who is the Bridegroom of the Church can be taken from the Church and its Members And first he lays it down for certain That he cannot be taken away from the whole Church according to the Ordinary Law Secondly That tho' he may cease to be the Spouse of particular Believers in the Church Militant yet he cannot cease to be the Spouse of the whole Church Collectively Thirdly That he cannot cease to dispense continually his Graces to the whole Church and every one of its Living Members Fourthly That it was not possible That Jesus Christ should be taken away from the far greatest part of his Spouse so that the Church should subsist in one Woman only or in the Sex of Women only or in Lay-men only This is what concerns Jesus Christ. Now follow the Propositions which concern the Pope his Vicar First The Monarchical State of the Church Establish'd by Jesus Christ cannot be chang'd Secondly A Pope may cease to be the Vicar of Jesus Christ by Cession or Resignation of the Pontificat Thirdly He may be remov'd by a General Council even against his Will in some Cases and tho' the Council cannot take from him the Power of Order yet it may Deprive him of the lawful Execution of the Power of Order and of his Jurisdiction Fourthly The Council has Power to do this legally and with Authority Fifthly The Pope may be Depos'd as a Heretick and Schismatick tho' he be only mentally so in such Cases as he may be presum'd and judg'd to be such Sixthly He may in some Cases be depriv'd of the Pontificate without any Fault of his though not without cause as if he become incapable of doing his Duty if he do not prove that his Election was Canonical if his Deprivation be a means to procure the Peace of the Church or the Re-union of a great many People or if he has promis'd to resign Seventhly The Church cannot take away the Vicar of Jesus Christ unto the end of the World supposing that it shall last yet for some time From whence he concludes That those who contribute to maintain a Schism oppose the Order of Jesus Christ because they hinder the Church from having a lawful Head The 4th Treatise of Gerson is about the manner of our Behaviour during a Schism where he shews That when it is doubtful which of the Competitors is the true Pope we ought to abstain from Condemning one another and endeavour to procure the Peace of the Church either by obliging the Competitors to resign their pretended Rights or by withdrawing our Obedience to them but above all things we ought not to divide the Communion of one from the other At the end of this Treatise he has added an Appendix wherein he gives a Catalogue of the Schisms of the Church of Rome The 5th Work is a Treatise of the Unity of the Church wherein he shews with what Zeal we ought to seek after Union with one sole Head the Vicar of Jesus Christ and of what importance it is to procure it After this follows a Treatise of the different States of the Ecclesiasticks of their Duties and Privileges First With respect to the Pope who hath the Supremacy in the Church tho' he be subject to the Laws of General Councils and ought also to pay a Deference to other positive Laws Secondly With respect to the Bishops who are of Divine Institution and exercise their Power in Subordination to the Pope yet so that he cannot destroy it nor deprive the Bishops of it without Reason or restrain their Rights or Jurisdictions beyond reasonable Bounds Thirdly With respect to Parish-Priests who succeed the 72 Disciples and who are also instituted by Jesus Christ who although they be inferiour to Bishops yet are superiour to the Regulars having a Right to Preach and Administer the Sacraments Fourthly With respect to the Regulars who are priviledg'd and have been chosen to Preach and hear Confessions a long time after the Establishment of the Church a Privilege which they ought to use Charitably and not from a Principle of Interest Emulation or Ambition and to the Prejudice of the Parish-Priests and not at all but when they are approv'd by the Bishop The next Treatise is a Work purely of Morality wherein Gerson collects many Christian Maxims for all Estates after which follows a Sermon preach'd at Constance wherein he relates divers Signs of the approaching Destruction of this World among which he places the Pomp Pride and Tyranny of the Prelats of his time and the Novelty of Opinions After this we find a Catalogue of the Faults of Ecclesiasticks which are many The plurality of Benefices is not forgotten there nor the Tricks and Sollicitations that are us'd to obtain them the Absence of Bishops from their Diocesses the Negligence of Ecclesiasticks in performing their Office and reading Divine Service their Ignorance the worldly Life which they lead the Pomp and Pride of Cardinals and other Prelats and an infinite number of Disorders both in the Manners and Behaviour of the Ecclesiasticks The three following Treatises were Compos'd before the Council of Constance at such time as Benedict XIII was yet acknowledg'd by France wherein he proves the Right that Benedict had to the Pontificat and would have him put an end to the Schism by way of Compromise or Cession rather than by a General Council Gerson being sent to Pope Benedict by the University of Paris preach'd before him two Sermons at Taraseon in the Year 1404. one on the day of our Lord's Circumcision and the other about the Peace of the Church wherein he undertakes to persuade the Pope that he ought to embrace all ways for procuring it even by resigning if need were his Right to his Adversary This Discourse was ill taken wherefore Gerson was forc'd to justify himself by two Letters which he wrote whereof one is address'd to the Duke of Orleans and the other to the Bishop of Cambray In these Letters he speaks of another preceding Sermon deliver'd before the same Pope at Marseilles wherein he declares the Occasion of his Embassy which is printed after the other two whereof we have now spoken although it should be before them and there is also among them a Discourse which was not preach'd by Gerson till a long time after in the presence of Alexander V. The other Pieces of Gerson about the Schism are a Discourse spoken in the Name of the University of Paris in 1408. in the presence of the Embassadors from England who were
as if he should say Lord have pity of all as thou knowest needful and as thou canst and as thou thinkest fit be willing O Lord I pray thee Besides That mass ought not to be celebrated but when we pray for all those that are in the Communion of the Church and if any would restrain the Efficacy of it to some particular Persons this ought to be done without prejudice to the whole Church and lastly That it were better to make a General Prayer to God than to restrain your self to particular Persons That it is not convenient during Mass to think particularly of this or that Man because it may be the cause of Distraction That we ought to think of them before Mass and 't is sufficient when we say it to recommend in General those for whom we ought to pray unless we be oblig'd to pray for one that is Dead After this he resolves divers other Cases about what may happen during the Celebration of the Mass and then proceeds to the Sacrament of Penance as to which he answers many Questions about the Power of an Abbot in Confession about the secrecy of Confession that he would not have it reveal'd in any Case or for any Reason about imposing of Penance the Circumstances of the Sins whereof he is accus'd admission into a Convent c. After this Treatise here follow two small Tracts one about Venial and Mortal Sin and the other about the Rebuke of our Neighbour The Treatise of the manner of conducting Children to Jesus Christ contains several Precepts very useful for their Education The Treatise about Contracts contains certain Rules for judging of the Justice and Injustice of Contracts founded upon the Principles of Nature and Reason where he treats also of difficult Questions about different kinds of Contracts The Treatise of Simony is about another Matter which is yet more nice where he handles divers Cases about Simony and the means which a Council ought to use for the Extirpation of it There he condemns the Annates of Simony because it is an Exaction which the Pope imposes for granting the Provisions of a Benefice and tho' he believes that the Mony may be excus'd from absolute Simony which is given or receiv'd for things which have a certain Price as the Dispatches of Letters Men's Care and Pains yet he does not approve that any thing should be given or exacted upon this Pretence Nevertheless he does not condemn the Custom of giving or receiving something from those to whom the Sacraments are Administred provided it be not the Principal Motive of Administring them and that it be done without Scandal and without appearance of Covetousness In the next Treatise Eâ—…d Of the Cure of Ecclesiasticks address'd to the Celestines he resolves Sixteen Questions about the foundations of Prayer and Divine Service the Application of Masses to those who give a Recompence to the Priest the Intention we ought to have in Prayer for Founders or Benefactors The next pieces are Tracts of Piety viz. Twelve Considerations to make a Christian Sacrament a Letter about disposing of his Books after his Death another Letter to the Celestines to desire their Prayers the Establishment of an Anniversary in the Church of St. Paul at Lyons granted to Gerson by the Archbishop the daily Testament of a Pilgrim in Prose and Verse a Letter of Consolation in Verse to his Brother John a Monk of St. Remigius of Rhemes upon the Death of Nicholas one of their Brothers who was a Celestin and a Treatise of Preparation for the Mass. The Works which follow are concerning Discipline A Treatise of Celibacy and the Chastity of Ecclesiasticks An Apology of the Order of Carthusians against those who attack'd it A Letter to justifie this Order as to what was objected That they are never permitted to eat Victuals Many Decisions of a Case propos'd about a Married Soldier in Debt who was made a Carthusian A Treatise of the Moderation that Ecclesiasticks ought to observe in their Table and Habit A Sermon about the Life and Behaviour of Clergy-men Many Sermons Preach'd on Holy Thursday viz. A Sermon of Humility A Sermon of Penance A Sermon of Evangelical Dominion A Sermon against the Covetousness of Clergy-men A Sermon about the Resurrection Preach'd on Easter-Day A Discourse of the Office of Pastors spoken in the Council of Rhemes in the Year 1408. A Treatise of the Visitation of Prelats and the Care they ought to take of their Curates A Sermon upon the Dedication of a Church Many Sermons upon the Feast of All-Saints A Sermon for the Day of Our Lord's Nativity Two Sermons Preach'd on the Day of Septuagesima Panegyricks of St. Bernard and St. Louis A Sermon upon Prayer Preach'd to the Council of Constance A Sermon of the Holy Spirit A Treatise upon the Words of Our Lord Come unto me all ye that are in Pain and Affliction A piece containing the Reasons why he would quit the Dignity of Chancellor A Discourse to the Licentiates of Law A Treatise of Nobility and an Instruction for Princes There are also in this part three Books which are not Gerson's viz. A Treatise of the Conception of the Virgin Mary A Dialogue between an English-man and a French-man and some Reflections upon the Victory at Pucelle in Orleans The third Part of the Works of Gerson begins with a Book which is Entitled The Imitation of Boethius Concerning the Consolation of Divinity which he compos'd during his Exile in Germany partly in Verse partly in Prose by way of Dialogue wherein he collects many Principles of Christian Philosophy to serve him for Meditation and Consolation The second is an Apology or rather Complaint by way of Dialogue That the Doctrin of John Petit who affirm'd it to be lawful to kill Tyrants was not condemn'd in the Council After these Treatises there follow some Poetical Pieces and among the rest a Poem of the Life of St. Joseph after which there is a Discourse of the Nativity of the Virgin The Centilegium of Idea's is a Work purely Philosophical The Treatise of the Spirimal Life of the Soul is not so much Mystical but rather a Work of Morality and Discipline wherein he handles many important Questions about the nature and distinction of Mortal and Venial Sin the different kinds of Laws and their Obligation There he maintains That Laws purely Human and which have no foundation in the Divine Law cannot oblige under pain of Sin unless in case of Scandal or Contempt In the next Work he treats of the different kinds of Impressions which Men receive either from God or Angels or Evil Spirits In the Treatise of Mystical Theology he handles this Science Methodically and by way of Principles and afterwards gives Rules as to what concerns the Practice To these are joyn'd some Explications upon the same Subject In this Treatise he avoids the Excesses of Mystical Divines and advances nothing but what is rational and there he lays down very useful
Maxims to hinder Men from falling into these Follies and Errors into which the Mystical Authors are many times led by an indiscreet Devotion In the next Treatise address'd to William Minand formerly Physician to the Cardinal of Saluzzes and then a Carthusian he resolves divers Questions which he had put to him as to the manner in which the Prior of the Carthusians ought to behave himself upon different occasions towards his Regulars In the Treatise Entitled A Theological Question viz. Whether the Light which shines in the Morning begot the Sun He treats of the Practice of Evangelical Counsels and the Perfection of their State who take upon them a Vow to Practise them and shews That the State of Prelats and Curates is more perfect than that of Monks and Regulars The same Question he handles in the Treatise of the perfection of the Heart which is written by way of Dialogue The following Treatises are Works of Piety whose Titles discover their Subject viz. A Treatise of Meditation A Treatise of Purification or Simplicity of Heart A Treatise of Uprightness of Heart A Treatise of the Illumination of the Heart A Treatise of the Eye A Treatise of the Remedies against Pusillanimity Scruples false Consolations and Temptations written in French and translated into Latin A Treatise of divers Temptations of the Devil translated also out of French An Instruction concerning the Spiritual Exercises of simple Devotionists A Treatise about the Communion A Piece against a Regular Profess'd who was Disobedient and another about the Zeal of a Novice Eight Spiritual Letters A Treatise of the Passions of the Soul Two Spiritual Poems A Treatise of Contemplation which was also translated out of French A Conference of a Contemplative Man with his own Soul whereof the second Part contains several Prayers and Meditations A Letter to his Sisters about the Thoughts we ought to entertain every Day An Act of Appeal from the Justice of God to his Mercy A Treatise of Prayer and its Effects An Explication of these Words in the Lord's Prayer Pardon our Sins c. A Prayer of a Sinner unto God Many Treatises upon Scripture-Songs particularly upon the Magnificat and the Canticles A Treatise of the Elevation of the Soul to God or the Alphabet of Divine Love A Treatise upon the seven Penitential Psalms Donatus Moraliz'd that 's to say Moral Questions in the form of Donatus's Grammar A Poem of a Solitary Life These are the Books contain'd in the second Part of Gerson's Works at the end of which are put two Epitaphs of the Author and a Letter from his Brother John the Celestine about Gerson's Works after which follows a Caralogue which contains a Great Part of the Works whereof we have spoken The fourth Part contains many Sermons some Letters and divers Treatises The first Sermon is a Discourse about the Angels rather Dogmatical than Moral after which follows a Conference about the Angels A Sermon about Circumcision and the Panegyricks of St. Louis and St. Nicholas Two Discourses for the Licentiates in Law A Sermon upon the Supper of Our Lord A little Tract wherein he advises to read the Ancients rather than the Moderns Three Letters about Spiritual and Contemplative Writers to Peter of Ailly Bishop of Cambray A Supplement to a Sermon which begins with these Words A Deo exivi A Memorial about the Duty of Prelats during the Subtraction Two pieces containing divers Proposals for the Extirpation of Schism A Tree of Right and Laws and the Ecclesiastical Power containing their Divisions A second Panegyrick of St. Louis and a Letter to John Morel Canon of St. Remigius of Rhemes about the Life of a Holy Woman which he thought not convenient to publish The Treatises which follow are more considerable the First contains a Definition of all the Terms of Speculative and Moral Divinity and also of the Vertues Vices and Passions the Second is an Addition to the Treatise of Schism the Third is a Letter address'd to the Abbot of St. Denis to persuade him to suppress a Placard injurious to the Parisians wherein he accuses them of an Error and a Fault about the Relicks of St. Denis the Fourth contains some Proposals about the Extirpation of Schism the Fifth two Lectures against Curiosity and Novelty in Matters of Doctrin the Sixth a Treatise against Horoscopes and Judicial Astrology the Seventh a Sermon for Holy Thursday the Eighth another Sermon upon the Feast of St. Louis the Ninth two Letters about the Celebration of the Feast of St. Joseph the Tenth a Treatise of the Marriage of St. Joseph and the Virgin with the Office of the Mass for that Day the Eleventh divers Conclusions about the Power of Bishops in Matters of Faith the Twelfth a Treatise of the Illumination of the Heart the Thirteenth a Resolution of a Case viz. whether it be lawful for the Regulars of St. Benedict to eat Victuals in the House where they use to do it to which he answers affirmatively the Fourteenth a Tract against the Superstition of those who affirm That such as will hear Mass on a certain Day shall not die a sudden Death The Fifteenth Instructions to John Major Preceptor to Louis XI Dauphin about his Duty the Sixteenth a Sermon preach'd at Lyons in 1422. about the Duty of Pastors the Seventeenth a Treatise to justifie what he had written of Lascivious Pictures against the Writing of one who would justifie this Custom the Eighteenth a Treatise of Good and Evil Signs to discern where a Man is Just or Unjust the Nineteenth an Imperfect Sermon about the Nativity of the Virgin the Twentieth of Principles against a certain Monk who preferr'd the Prayers of a devout Woman and Lay men before those of Ecclesiasticks who are Sinners the Twenty first a Sermon Preach'd the Day after Pentecost the Twenty second a Rule for a Hermit of Mount Valerian the Twenty third an Opposition made to the Subtraction of Obedience from Benedict XIII the Twenty fourth a Letter written from Bourges in the Year 1400. about the Calamities of the Church the Twenty fifth the Articles for the Reformation of the University the Twenty sixth the Centilegium of the final cause of the Works of God the Twenty seventh a Treatise of Metaphysicks and Logicks After these Treatises follow many Sermons preach'd in French by Gerson and translated into Latin by John Briscoique after which there are printed also some other Tracts viz. a Treatise of Consolation upon the death of his Kindred A Discourse spoken in the Louvre in the presence of King Charles VI. the Dauphin and the Court containing many Instructions for a Prince to which are join'd Ten Considerations against Flatterers Another Discourse spoken also before the same King in the Year 1408. about the Peace of the State and the Church A third Discourse about Justice A Sermon upon the Passion preach'd in the Church of Notre Dame in Paris A Treatise against the Romance of the Rose Some Conclusions against the
Sport of Fools that 's to say against the Custom which was introduc'd of going disguis'd into the Churches on certain days An Admonition to the Duke of Berry to cause the Feast of St. Joseph to be celebrated Some devout Meditations upon the Ascension of our Lord Certain means by which those who could not go to Rome in the Year of Jubilee might make this Pilgrimage in a spiritual manner An Instruction for the Government of the Tongue The means of Conceiving and Nourishing of Jesus Christ within us A piece in Prose entitled The Mâ—…rour of a good Life A Discourse in favour of the Hospital of Paris Several Considerations against Blasphemers A Complaint of the Dead who are in Purgatory address'd to the Living to desire their Prayers An Admonition to Regulars Instructions about Tribulation Advices about Scruples Twelve Considerations upon Prayer A Treatise about shameful Temptations and a Dialogue in Prose between Reason Conscience and the Senses From the time of St. Bernard the Church had never an Author of greater Reputation more profound Knowledge and more solid Piety than Gerson His Style is harsh and careless yet he is methodical Reasons well and exhausts the Subjects which he handles He founds his Resolutions upon certain Principles drawn from Scripture or natural Reason He handles Morality sometimes Dogmatically sometimes in a moving and mystical manner He defends the Truth upon all Occasions with an admirable and undaunted Courage He suffer'd a cruel Persecution for a righteous Cause and died in Exile for maintaining it with Vigour His Reputation was so great that in the Council of Constance he was own'd and commended by Cardinal Zabarella as the most excellent Doctor in all Christendom Yet it must be confess'd that all his Works are not of equal Strength that there are some of them which are inconsiderable and that he does not always take the right side of the Questions which he handles and decides Nevertheless many of his Books are excellent and Divines cannot profit more than by reading them diligently this Study would be very useful to them and from them they might draw a great many Principles and Maxims which would be very serviceable to them It were to be wish'd that his Books were more common and that this Author were not so much neglected so little known and so little read as he is at present The new Edition of his Works which Mounsieur Herâ—…al a Canon Regular of St. Victor had undertaken to publish from many Manuscripts might have render'd them more Correct and more Common if his Design had been put in Execution Nicholas Clemangis or of Clemange which is the Name of a Village in the Diocese of Chalons was sent to Paris at twelve Years of Age to follow his Studies there in the College of Nicholas Clemangis a Doctor of Paris Navar where he had for Masters John Gerson Peter of Nogent and Gerard Machet His Accomplishments were chiefly Eloquence and Poetry and he was created Rector of the University in the Year 1393. About this time he apply'd himself to Writing and the first of his Pieces was a Letter which he address'd to King Charles VI. about the Schism of the Church wherein he discovers three ways for putting an end to it After this he wrote upon the same Subject to Pope Clement VII and after this Pope's death to the Cardinals Benedict XIII who succeeded Clement VII sent for him to come and live with him He defended stoutely his Party and wrote to King Charles VI. to disswade him from subtracting his Obedience He was suspected of having compos'd the Letter which Benedict XIII wrote against the King and Kingdom of France dated in the Month of May 1407. though he had retir'd two Months before from this Pope's Court to Genoa and did afterwards return into France to take Possession of a Canonry and the Treasurers's Place in the Cathedral Church of * Lingones Langres to which he was promoted during his Sojourning at Avignon Though he asserted that he was not the Author of this Letter yet he was believ'd to be so and was oblig'd to hide himself in the Convent of the Carthusians at Valfonds or the Fountain in the Wood. In this Retirement he wrote the greatest part of his Treatises and Letters without returning to the Court of Pope Benedict though he was earnestly sollicited to do it Having obtain'd favour of the King he return'd to Langres where he sojourn'd a long while He was afterwards Chantor of the Church of Baieux and at last retir'd towards the end of his Life into the College of Navar where he died before the Year 1440. The greatest part of Clemangis's Works have been publish'd by Lydius a Protestant Minister and printed in Holland by Elzevir in the Year 1613. The first is a Treatise Entitled Of the corrupt State of the Church written about the Year 1414. the design of which Treatise is to reprove the Vices and Disorders of the Ecclesiasticks He says That while he was reading the first Epistle of St. Peter he light upon these Words Now is the time that Judgment shall begin at the House of God That they sham'd and astonish'd him and made him reflect upon the Afflictions and Calamities which the Church endur'd That at the same time some very just Causes of these Miseries were presented to his Mind while he thought of the Ministers of the Church whereof Jesus Christ alone is the Portion That they ought to be free from all Lust That 't was reasonable that those who handled consecrated and distributed the Celestial Sacraments and the most excellent Price of the Redemption of Mankind should be chaste and without spot That those who represent a Judge who is merciful just and humble should have his Vertues and that those who are Mediators of the Peace and Agreement between God and Man should live in Peace and Union Lastly that those who are appointed to instruct others ought to shew themselves an Example and Pattern of Vertue and yet these very Persons are defil'd with all kind of Vices Why then should we wonder that Miseries befall them since their Crimes bring upon them the Wrath of God After this he undertakes to discover and rebuke these Disorders and beginning with Lust which is the Fountain and Root of all Vices he says that the Contempt of the Riches and Goods of this World which the Ministers of Jesus Christ express'd in the Primitive Church brought upon them the Blessing of Heaven the liberal Gifts of Princes and the Riches of this Life that it was by this means only that the Church became Powerful that Monasteries Chapters Cathedral and Parochial Churches were founded and establish'd the Ecclesiasticks who had obtain'd these Goods by their Vertues did not employ them to profane Uses but for Alms and Exercises of Charity they had no other Treasure but that of their good Works no Vessels of Gold or Silver nor any Equipage and then they enjoy'd all kind of
was denied admission After this he parted from Prague accompanied with the Lord Wences of Dunbar and John of Chlum to go to Constance and thro' all the Cities as he went he made publick Declarations that he was going to the Council to justifie himself and to answer the Accusations that should be made against him and exhorted all those who had any thing to say against him to be there present He arriv'd at Constance November the 3d in the year 1414. His Adversary Stephen Paletz came thither a little time after and having joyn'd with Michael of Causis who had formerly been a Parish-Priest at Prague but went from thence to stay at the Court of Rome they declared themselves to be his Accusers and drew up a Memorial of his Errors which they presented to the Pope and Prelates of the Council John Huss was Order'd twenty six days after his Arrival to appear before the Pope and The Process of John Huss drawn up in the Council of Constance Cardinals thither he went accompanied with the Lord John of Chlum and declar'd to them that he was ready to submit to their Correction in case he should be Convicted of having taught any Error The Cardinals afterwards retir'd to Consult what they should do with John Huss and left him in the mean time under a strong Guard The Result of their Consultation was that he should be put in safe Custody whereupon they told John of Chlum that he might withdraw but as to John Huss he was Conducted to the Chantry-House of the Church of Constance where he was kept for Eight days and from thence remov'd to the Prison of the Convent of Friars-Preachers where he fell Sick His Accusers presented a Petition to the Pope containing the Heads of the Accusation which they had to propose against him and desir'd that Commissioners might be nam'd to draw up his Process The Patriarch of Constantinople and two Bishops were the Persons Commission'd who heard many Witnesses against John Huss and order'd his Books to be Examin'd While this Process was drawing up Pope John XXIII retir'd from Constance as we have already said and his Officers who had the Charge of keeping John Huss follow'd him and left the Keys of the Prison to the Emperor Sigismund and the Cardinals who deliver'd John Huss into the hands of the Bishop of Constance by whose Order he was shut up in a Castle beyond the Rhine near to Constance The Council at this time in Session 5. April the 6th in 1415. appointed the Cardinals of Cambray and St. Mark the Bishop of Dol and the Abbot of the Cistercians to finish the Process of John Huss and renew the Condemnations which were passed against the Doctrin of Wicklef especially that of the 45 Articles Censur'd by the University of Paris and Prague and in the next Session held the 17th of the same Month the Council joyn'd to these Commissioners a Bishop for each Nation and granted a Commission to Cite Jerom of Prague the Companion and Friend of John Huss who was next to him one of the principal Preachers of this new Doctrin He had Travelled very much and was admitted Master of Arts not only in the University of Prague but also in those of Paris Collen and Heidelberg where he was accused of making disturbances He had Travelled into England where he had Copied out the Books of Wicklef and return'd into Prague leven'd with his Doctrin he combin'd with John Huss to propagate it He arriv'd the 4th of April at Constance and understanding how John Huss had been treated and that he also would be seised he retired the next day to Iberlingen an Imperial City near Constance and wrote from thence to the Emperor and Council to desire a safe-Conduct one was presented to him which gave him leave to come but not to return He caused a Protestation to be fixed up wherein he declares that he would appear before the Council to justifie himself if a safe Conduct were granted him and demands of the Lords of Bohemia an Act of his Declaration After this he began his Journey to return into Bohemia but he was stop'd at Hirsau by the Officers of John the Son of Prince Clement Count Palatine who had the Government of Sultzbach and afterwards carried away to Constance by Louis the Son of the same Prince The Council before they proceeded against the Persons of John Huss and Jerom of Prague The Condemnation of the Articles of Wickliff by the Council of Constance in the 18th Session held May 4. Condemn'd the 45 Articles of the Doctrin of Wickliff which were Censur'd by the Universities of Paris and Prague The first 24 are the Propositions Censur'd by Simon Courtnay Archbishop of Canterbury The 25th That all those who are obliged to Pray for such who intangle themselves with Temporal Affairs are Simoniacks The 26th That the Prayer of a Reprobate is of no value The 27th That all things happen by an Absolute Necessity The 28th That Confirmation Ordination and the Consecration of Churches are reserv'd to the Pope and Bishops from no other Motive but Covetousness and Ambition The 29th That Universities Studies Colleges and Degrees were introduc'd only by a vain Superstition and do as much mischief to the Church as the Devil The 30th That we ought not to fear the Excommunication of the Pope because it is the Censure of Antichrist The 31st That those who found Cloysters commit a Sin and those who enter into them are Diabolical Men. The 32d That to Enrich the Church is to act contrary to the Law of Jesus Christ. The 33d That St. Sylvester and Constantine fail'd in Endowing the Church The 34th That all the Regulars of the Order of Mendicants are Hereticks and all those who give them Alms are Excommunicate The 35th That those who enter into Religious Houses put themselves out of a capacity of working out their own Salvation and that they shall never be Sav'd unless they Apostatize The 36th That the Pope and all the Clergy who have Revenues are Hereticks as also all those who approve them The 37th That the Church of Rome is the Synagogue of Satan and the Pope is not the immediate Vicar of Jesus Christ and the Apostles The 38th That the Decretal Epistles are Apocryphal that they pervert Men from the Faith of Jesus Christ and that the Clergy who study them are Fools The 39th That the Emperor and Secular Princes were seduc'd by the Devil when they Endow'd the Church with Temporal Revenues The 40th That the Election of a Pope by the Cardinals was introduc'd by the Devil The 41st That it is not necessary to Salvation to believe that the Church of Rome is Supream over all other Churches This Article may be explain'd after the following manner It is an Error if by the Roman Church be understood the Universal Church or a General Council and in as much as it denies the Primacy of the Pope over other particular Churches The
42d That t is a folly to give credit to the Indulgences of the Pope and the Bishops The 43d That the Oaths which are made for the confirming of Civil Contracts and Matters of Commerce are unlawful The 44th That Austin Benedict and Bernard are Damn'd if they did not repent of receiving Revenues and Instituting Religious Orders and that all from the Pope down to the meanest of the Regulars are Hereticks The 45th That it was the Devil who introduc'd all Religious Houses The Council Condemn'd together with these 45 Propositions the Books of Wicklef and forbad the Reading of 'em declar'd him a Notorious and Obstinate Heretick who died in Heresie Anathamatiz'd and Condemn'd his Memory Ordain'd that his Body and Bones should be dug up if they could be distinguish'd and thrown out of Holy-Ground On the Fourteenth of the same Month the Lords of Bohemia and Poland presented a Petition to the The Continuation of the Trocess against John Huss Emperor and Council wherein they desir'd John Huss to be set at liberty who had been Seiz'd and Imprison'd contrary to the safe Conduct of his Imperial Majesty and complain'd of a Report which was spread about that in Bohemia the Blood of Jesus Christ was carried in Vessels Unconsecrated and that Coblers heard the Confessions of the Faithful and Administred the Sacrament of the Eucharist The Bishop of Litomissel perceiving that this Accusation concern'd him desir'd that he might have leave to answer for himself The Council put off this Affair till the 17th of May on which day a Bishop answer'd in the Name of the Council that John Huss had no safe Conduct when he was first Summon'd that he had it not till after he had been Cited to Rome and Excommunicated by Alexander V. That he was a Ring-leader of Heresie and that he had Preach'd his wicked Doctrin even since his arrival at Constance and therefore it was just to seize him The Bishop of Litomissel said that it was certain the new Sectaries gave the Communion in Bohemia to the Laity in both kinds and affirm'd that 't was necessary to Communicate after this manner and that if the Clergy oppos'd it they ought to be look'd upon as Sacrilegious that he knew also that the Blood of Jesus Christ was carried to the Sick in Unconsecrated Vessels and that he had heard from Persons worthy of Credit that a certain Woman of that Sect had taken the Communion by her self and had said that the Absolution of a good Lay-man was of more value than that of a wicked Priest moreover that he had never said that the Coblers did take Confessions or Administer the Sacraments but that it was to be fear'd this might come to pass unless the Council provided a Remedy against it Two days after the Lords of Bohemia presented a Memorial to the Council in Reply to the Answer which had been made to them on behalf of the Council wherein they maintain'd that John Huss had a safe Conduct from the Emperor from the 25th of July of the preceding year that it was none of his fault that he had not appear'd at Rome which he could not do without danger of his Life and that it was not at all true that he had Preach'd at Constance for he never went for one moment out of the Hospital where he was Lodged They produc'd at the same time a Declaration which John Huss made the first of September 1411. wherein he protests that he was falsly accused of teaching that the substance of material Bread remain'd in the Eucharist that the Body of Jesus Christ is in the Host when it is elevated and is not in it afterwards that a Priest who lives in Mortal Sin does not Consecrate that the Lords may take away the Temporal Revenues of Churches and refuse to pay them Tythes that Indulgences are of no use that Clergy-men may lawfully be kill'd and some other Errors The Council not making any Answer to the Bohemians they presented to it a new Libel on the last day of May wherein they declare that John Huss had many times protested that he would not depart from the Truth nor teach any Error They maintain that the Propositions which his Enemies had drawn out of his Books were mutilated and falsified on purpose to put him to death they prayed the Council to set him at liberty that he might be heard for himself and offer'd to give Bond for him To this Libel they joyn'd the Certificate of the Bishop of Nazaret The Patriarch of Antioch answer'd in the Name of the Council that they could not set John Huss at Liberty but that on the 5th of June they would send for him to the Council and permit him to speak for himself and give him a favourable hearing The Lords of Bohemia meeting with a refusal from the Council address'd to Sigismund but they could obtain nothing more from him In the Congregation which was held June the 5th it was Resolv'd that before they sent for John Huss the Articles drawn out of his Books should be Examin'd and that they should be Condemn'd even without hearing him but the Emperor upon the Request of the Lords of Bohemia caus'd to tell the Prelates that they must hear him before they Condemn'd him Whereupon he was sent for and was order'd to own his Books and then the first of the Articles whereof he was accus'd was read unto him He had a mind to defend himself but he could not be heard that day On the 7th of June the Emperor came to the Congregation of the Prelates and John Huss being brought thither was accus'd of teaching that the Substance of material Bread remain'd in the Eucharist after Consecration which he constantly denied 'T was objected to 'em That he had followed the Errors of Wicklef to which he answered That he had taught no Error and that he knew not whether Wicklef had taught any in England but that he did not oppose the Condemnation of the Books of Wicklef by the Archbishop of Prague upon any other Account but because he had condemn'd some Articles which he thought maintainable viz. That Pope Sylvester and Constantine had done ill in granting Revenues to the Church and that as to the Article which affirms That a Priest being in mortal Sin doth not Consecrate nor Baptize he had limited it by saying That he does Consecrate and Baptize but unworthily because being in mortal Sin he is an unworthy Minister of the Sacraments of Jesus Christ. He maintain'd also That Tithes were Alms tho' Men were obliged to give them Lastly he declar'd That he had never obstinately maintained any of Wicklef's Propositions but that he did not approve of condemning them without bringing Reasons for the Condemnation taken out of the Holy Scripture Afterwards he related the difference which he had with his Archbishop and how having appealed from his Sentence to Rome and not being able to obtain Justice there he had afterwards appealed to Jesus Christ. He