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A01080 A learned commendation of the politique lawes of Englande vvherin by moste pitthy reasons & euident demonstrations they are plainelye proued farre to excell aswell the ciuile lawes of the Empiere, as also all other lawes of the world, with a large discourse of the difference betwene the. ii. gouernements of kingdomes: whereof the one is onely regall, and the other consisteth of regall and polityque administration conioyned. written in latine aboue an hundred yeares past, by the learned and right honorable maister Fortescue knight ... And newly translated into Englishe by Robert Mulcaster.; De laudibus legum Angliae. English and Latin Fortescue, John, Sir, 1394?-1476?; Mulcaster, Robert. 16th Century 1567 (1567) STC 11194; ESTC S102454 98,618 567

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predicti Regis Iherusalem dn̄io morabātur Princeps ille mox vt factus est adultus militari totum se contulit disciplinae et sepe ferocibus et quasi indomitis insedens caballis eos calcaribus ▪ vrgens quandoque lancea quandoque mucrone aliis quoque instrumentis bellicis sodales suos iuuenes sibi seruientes bellantiū more inuadere ferireque iuxta martis gimnasij rudimenta delectabatur Quod cernens miles quidam grandaeuus predicti regis Angliae Cancellarius qui etiam ibidem sub hac clade exulabat Principē sic affatur ¶ First he moueth the Prince to the knowledge of the lawe Chap. 1 YOur singuler towardenes most gracious prīce maketh me right gladde when I beholde how ernestlye you dooe embrace martiall feates For it is conueniēt for youre grace to be thus delyted not onlye for that you are a souldyour but muche rather for that you shal be a kīg For yt is the offyce and duytie of a Kyng to fight the batailes of his people and also rightlye to iudge them as in the viii chapiter of the firste booke of Kinges you are plainelye taught Wherfore I would wish your grace to be w t as ernest zeal geuē to y e studie of y e lawz as you ar to y e knowledge of arms because that like as warres by force of chiualrye are ended euen so iudgementes by the lawes are determined which thing Iustinian the Emperour well and wisely and aduisedly pondering in the beginninge of the preface of his book saith thus It behoueth the emperiall maiesty not onli to be garded with armez but also to be armed with lawes to the end y t he mai be able rightly to execute y e gouernem̄t of bothe times aswell of warre as of peace Howbe it for youre more earnest endeuoir to the study of the law the exhortatiō of the chiefest lawmaker Moyses sometyme capytaine of the Synagoge ought to be of much more force with you then the woordes of Iustinian wheras in the xvii chapiter of the book of Deuteronomie hee doothe by the auctority of god straitlye charge the kinges of Israell to be readers of y e lawe al the daies of theire lyfe sayeng thus When the kyng shall sitte vppon the princelye seate of hys kingdome hee shall write him out thys lawe in a booke takynge the copye thereof of the priestes the Leuites and he shal haue it with him and hee shall read it al the dayes of hys life that he may learne to feare the lorde his god to keepe his commaundementes and ordinaunces written in this lawe And Helynandus expoūdyng the same saith thus A Prince therefore must not be ignorant of y e law neither is it tollerable y t hee vnder the pretence of warrefare shoulde be vnskilfull in the lawe And a littel after he is cōmaūded sayeth hee to receyue the coppye of the lawe of the priestes the Leuites that is to saye of catholik and learned men Thus muche he For the booke of Deuteronomie is the booke of the lawes wherwith the Kynges of Israell were bounde to rule and gouerne they re Subiectes Thys booke doth Moyses commaunde kinges too reade that they may learne to feare God and keepe his commaundementes which are writen in the lawe Beholde the effecte of the lawe is to feare God Whereunto man cannot attayne onelesse he firste knowe the will of God whiche is written in the lawe For the principall poynte of all seruyce is to knowe the wyll and pleasure of the lord or maister to whome seruyce ys due Howbeit the lawmaker Moyses first ī this charge mencioneth the effecte of the lawe that is the feare of God and nexte he allureth vs to the keepinge of the cause thereof that is to saye of Goddes commaundementes For in the mynde and intent of the exhorter the effect goethe before the cause But what feare is thys whyche the lawes do propoū to y e obseruerz therof Surely it is not that fear wherof it is written that perfect charitie or loue expellethe feare Yet thys same feare thoughe it bee bond seruile oftentimes prouoketh kinges to the reading of the lawes but it procedeth not out of the law But that feare wherof Moyses here speaketh whiche also procedeth out of the lawes is the selfe same feare that the prophet speaketh of saynge The feare of the lorde is holy endureth for euer euer This is such a louīg feare as natural children beare to their deare parētz commenly termed the reuerence of y e child toward his parents Whereunto there is no punishement due as a thinge wrought by loue For this feare proceedeth out of the lawes which teach to do the wil of god so that it deserueth no punishement But the glorye of the Lorde is vppon them that feare hym and he doth glorify them Yea thys feare is eeuen that same feare whereof Iob after that he had dyuerslye searched for wisedome sayeth thus Beeholde the feare of the lord is perfecte wisedome and to forsake euill is vnderstandinge That the forsakinge of euill is the vnderstandinge of the feare of god this do the lawes teache whereby it foloweth that the same fear procedeth out of them Gaudeo vero se renissime Princeps super nobilissima indole tua videns quanta auiditate militares tu amplecteris actus conuenit nāque tibi taliter delectari nedum quia miles es sed amplius quia rex futurus es Regis nēpe officiū pugnare est bella populi sui et eos rectissime iudicare vt primo regum cap. viii clarissime tu doceris Quare vt armorum vtinam et legum studiis simili zelo te deditū cōtēplarer Cum vt armis bella ita legibus iudicia peragantur que Iustinianus Augustus equissima librans mente in initio prohemii libri sui institutionum ait Imperatoriā magestatem non solum armis decoratam sed et legibus oportet esse armatam vt vtrumque tempus bellorum et pacis recte possit gubernari Tū vt ad legum studia seruide tu āheles Maximus legis lator ille Moyses olim Synagoge dux multo forcius Cesare te īuitat dum regibus Israel diuina autoritate ipse precipiat eorum leges legere omnibus diebus vite sue sic dicens Postquam sederit rex in solio regni sui describet sibi Deuteronomij Leges in volumine accipiens exēplar a sacerdotibus Leuitice tribus habebit secū legetque illud omnibus diebus vite sue vt discat timere dn̄m deū suū custodire verba ceremonias eius que in lege scripta sūt Deutero ca. xvij quod exponens Helynādus dicit Princeps ergo nō debet iuris ignarus esse nec pretextu militiae legē permittitur ignorare Et post pauca a sacerdotibus Leuitice tribus assumere iubetur exemplar legis id est a viris catholicis et litteratis Hec ille Liber quippe Deute est
liber legum quibus Reges Israell subditum sibi populum regere tenebantur Hunc librum legere iubet Moyses Reges vt discant timere deū custodire mandata eius quae in lege scripta sunt Ecce timere deū effectus est legis quem non consequi valet homo nisi prius sciat voluntatem dei quae in lege scripta est Nam principium omnis famulatus est scire voluntatem dn̄i cui seruitur Legis tn̄ lator Moyses primô in hoc edicto effectum legis videlicet timorem Dei cōmemorat Deinde ad custodiā causae eius videlicet mandatorum dei ipse inuitat Nā effectus prior est quā causa in animo exhortātis Sed quis est timor iste quem promittunt leges obseruatoribus suis vere non ē timor ille de quo scribitur Quod perfecta caritas foras mittit timorem Timor tamen ille licet seruilis sepe ad legendum leges reges concitat sed non est ipse proles legis Timor vero de quo hic loquitur Moises quem et pariunt leges est ille de quo dicit propheta Timor domini sanctus permanet in seculum seculi Hic filialis est et non nouit penam vt ille qui per charitatem expellitur Nam iste a legibus proficiscitur que docēt facere volūtatē dei quo ipse penā nō meretur Sed gloria dn̄i est super metuentes eū quos et ipse glorificat Timor autē iste timor ille est de quo Iob postquā multifarie sapiētiā inuestigat sic ait Ecce timor domini ipsa est sapientia recedere a malo intelligentia Iob ca. xxviij Recedere a malo quôd intelligētia timoris dei est leges docent quo timorē hunc ipse parturiunt ¶ The Princes replie to the Chauncellours motion Chap. 2. THe Prince hearynge this and stedfastly be holding y e old man spake thus to him I know good Chauncelloure that the booke of Deutronomie whereof you speake is a booke of holye scripture The lawes also and ordinances therein contained are holy of the lords makinge and published by Moyses Wherefore the readinge of them is a plesant act of holye contemplacion But that law to the knowledge whereof you counsell me is humayne made by menne and intreating of worldlye matters Wherefore though Moyses bynde the Kinges of Israell to the readynge of goddes law yet that thereby hee forcethe all other Kynges to do the like in their own lawes that standethe by no good reason seeynge that of both the readinges the cause is not like HEc vt audiuit prīceps erecto in senem vultu sic locutus est Scio Cancellarie quod liber Deut. quem tu commemoras sacrae scripturae volumē est leges quoque cerimoniae in eo cōscriptae etiam sacrae sūt a dn̄o editae per Moisen promulgatae quare eas legere sāctae cōtēplacionis dulcedo est Sed lex ad cuius scienciā me inuitas humana est ab hoībus aedita tractans terrena quo licet Moyses ad Deut. lecturam reges Israel astrinxerit eū per hoc reges alios ad cōssīl’er faciēdū in suis legibus cōcitasse ōnē effugit rationē cū vtriusque lectur ’ nō sit eadem causa ¶ Here the Chauncelour Fortifieth his assertion Cap. 3. I perceaue ꝙ the Chaūcellour by youre aunswere most worthy prince howe earnestly you haue considered weighed the qualitie of my exhortaciō So that heareby you doe much encourage me both more plainly more largely also more deepelye to discourse y e same Wherefore you shal vnderstande that not only gods lawes but also mans are holye forsomuche as the lawe is diffined by these woordes The lawe is a holy sanction or decree cōmaūding things that be honest and forbiddinge y e contraries Now y e thing must needs be holy which by diffiniciō is determined to be holye Right also by description is called the arte of y t whiche is good streight so y t in this cespect a man may wel cal vs Sacerdotes that is to saye geeuers or teachers of holy things for so by interpretacion doothe Sacerdos signifie Forsomuche then as the lawes are holye it foloweth that the ministers and setters furth of thē may right wel be called Sacerdotes that iz geuers teachers of holy things Further more all lawes published by men haue also theire auctoritie frome godde For as the Apostell sayethe Al power is from the lord god Wherefore the lawes that are made by mā which thereunto hath receaued power from the lorde are also ordeined of god as also appeareth by this saiyng of the auctour of al causes Whatsoeuer the seconde cause doth the sāe dothe y e first cause by a higher and more excellent meane Wherefore Iosaphat the king of Iuda saiethe to his iudges The iudgements whiche ye execute are the iudgements of god in y e ninetinth chapter of the seconde booke of Chronicles Wherby you are taughte that to learne laws though they be mās lawes is toe learne holy lawes and the ordynāces of goode so that the studie of them is not with out a pleasant sweetenes of holy cōsolaciō And yet such sweete pleasure was not the cause as you suppose werefore Moyses cōmaunded the kings of Israel to reade the lawes of Deuteronomie For thys cause moueth not kynges no more to the reading of y e boke of Deuteronomie thenne of anye of the other bookes of Moyses in which aswel as ī y e booke of Deuteronomie is plentiful store of godly lessons holy instrucciōs Wherin to be deuoutly occupied is a holy thing Wherfore that there was non other cause of this commaundement thē for that y e lawes whereby the king of Israel is bound to rule his people are more precisely cōteined in y e booke of Deutronomie thē in y e other bokes of y e old testamēt y e circūstances of the same cōmaūdement do manifestly infourme vs. For whiche cause you ought moste worthy prince no lesse thē the kings of Israell to bee mooued and prouoked to be a diligent trauailer in the studie of those lawes wherebye hereafter yowe shal rule your people For that which was spoken to the kinge of Israell muste be vnderstande to be figuratiuely spoken to euerye kinge hauinge dominion ouer godly people And haue I not then wel and holsomelye propounded vnto you the commaundemēt geeuen to the kynges of Israell concernynge the learnynge of theire lawe Forasmuche as not onely his example but also hys like autoritie hath taught yowe and bounde you to the like dooinge in the lawes of the kyngedome whiche god willinge you shall inherit AT Cācellariꝰ Scio inquit ꝑ hec q̄ iā dicis princeps clarissim̄ quāta adūtētia exhortatiōis mee tu pōderas qualitat ’ quo me nō infime cōcītas suꝑ inceptis nedū clariꝰ sed et ꝓfūdiꝰ quodamodo tecūdisceptare
Scire igitur te volo quod nō solū Deutro leges sed et ōnes leges humāe sacre sūt quô lex sub his verbis diffinitur Lex est sāctio sancta iubēs honesta et prohibēs contraria sanctum etenim esse oportet qd ’ esse sanctū diffinitum est Ius etiam discribi perhibetur quod illud est ars boni et equi cuius merito quis nos sacerdotes appellat Sacerd ’ enī quasi sacra dās vel sacra docēs per ethimologiā dicitur quia vt dicunt iura leges sacrae sūt quô eas ministrantes et docentes sacerdotes appellantur A deo etiam sunt omnes leges editae quae ab homine ꝓmulgātur Nā cū dicat Apostolꝰ quod omnis potestas a domino deo est leges ab homine conditae qui ad hoc a domino recipit potestatem etiam a deo constituuntur dicente auctore causarū quic quid facit causa secunda facit et causa prima altiori et nobiliori modo Quare Iosaphat rex Iuda ait Iudicibus suis iudicia q̄ vos profertis iudicia dei sunt secundo Paralipo xix cap. Ex quibus erudiris quod leges licet humanas ad discere ē addiscere leges sacras et editiōes dei quo earū studiū nō vacat a dulcedine cōsolationis sc̄ae Nec tamē vt tu coniicis dulcedo hm̄odi causa fuit cur Moyses reges Israel Deutero legere p̄ceꝑat Nam causa hec nō plus reges quā plebeos ad eius lecturā ꝓuocat nec plꝰ Deuter. librū quā alios Pētateucō libros legere pulsat causa ista cū non minus libri illi quā Deutero sacris abūdent carismatibus in quibus meditari ꝑsanctū est quare nō aliā fuisse causā mādati huius quā quia ī Deutronom̄ plus quā ī aliis libris veteris testamēti legꝭ īseruntur quibus rex Israel ppl’m populum regere obnoxius est eiusdē mandati circūstantiae manifeste nos informant Quo et te prīceps eadē causa nō minus quā reges Israel exhortatur vt legum quibus populum in futurum reges tu sis solers indagator Nā quod Regi Israel dictū est omni Regi populi videntis deum ticipè dictum fuisse intelligendum est an tunc non conuenienter vtiliterque proposui tibi mandatum Regibus Israel latū de eorū lege addiscenda Dum nedum eius exemplū sed et eius auctoritas figuralis te erudiuit et obligauit ad consimiliter faciendum de legibus regni quod annuēte domino hereditaturus es ¶ Here the Chauncelour proueth that a prince by the lawes may be made happy and blessed Cap. 4. NOt onely to the ītent you should feare god so beecome wise do y e lawes w t y e prophet call you saiyng Come childrē heare me I will teache you y e feare of the lorde but also that you may aspire vnto felicitie and blessednes as farre fourthe as in this life theye maye bee atteyned do the lawes wyll you moste gracious prince to bee studious of them For all the philosophers which haue so diuersly resoned of felicitie haue all agreed together in this ōe point that felicitie or blessednes is y e ende of al mās desire and therefore theye cal it chief goodnes Howbeit y e peripatetiks placed it in vertue the Stoikes ī honestie the Epicures in pleasure But seeing y e Stoikes defined honestie to be that whiche is wel laudably done withe vertue and the Epicures helde nothing to be pleasant witheoute vertue therefore all those sectes as saiethe Leonarde Arretine in his Introduction to morall Philosophie agreed in this that it is onely vertue that causethe felicitie Wherefore Aristotle also in y e seuēth booke of his politiques defining felicitie saieth that it is the perfect vse of vertues Thꝰ much being now presupposed I wold haue you to cōsider these things also y e folow Mās lawes are nothing els but certein rules whereby Iustice is perfectlye taught But that Iustyce which the lawes do shew is not the same that is called Commutatiue or Distributiue or any other particular vertue but it is a perfecte vertue expressed by the name of Iustice legall Whyche the foresaid Leonerd dothe therefore affyrme to bee perfecte beecause it excludeth all vice and teachethe all vertue For whiche cause also it is woorthelye called by the name of al vertue Whereof Homere saiethe and likewise Aristotle in the fifthe booke of Morall philosophie that it is y e chiefest of al vertues and that neither Lucyfer nor Hesperꝰ are so bright beaming as it is Moreouer this Iustice is y e thīg whereuppon al princelye care depēdeth and resteth witheoute the whiche the kinge can neither rightly iudge nor yet duely fight But thys beeing once obteyned and perfectly kept then all the hole deuty required in a kyng is iustly perfourmed Nowe then seeynge that the perfecte vse of vertues is felicytie and that Iustice vsed amongest menne whyche can not bee obteyned vnto nor learned but by the lawe is not onelye the effecte of vertues but is all vertue it selfe hereof it folowethe that the practiser of Iustice is by the lawe happie and so thereby hee is made blessed forsomuche as blessednes or happynes and felicitie are bothe one in this short and transitorie lyfe of the whiche lyfe throughe Iustice hee enioyeth the chiefe principall goodnes And yet the lawe is not hable to perfourme these thinges withoute the assistence of grace witheoute the whiche also you can not learn nor couet eyther lawe or vertue For as saieth Pariss in his booke intituled Cur deus homo the inward vertue of man wherin his desieringe is placed is so throughe originall sinne defaced and corrupte that it esteemeth vicious workes for pleasaunt vertuous woorkes for vnpleasaunt Wherefore in that some men applye and endeuour themselues to the loue and folowing of vertues it proceedethe of the bountiful goodnes of god and not of the power of man Is ther not then special cause why the lawes whiche beinge preuented and accompanied wythe grace do performe all the premisses should with all diligent trauaile be learned Seinge that whoso hathe perfectlye atteyned thereunto the same shall enioye felicitie the ende performāce as y e Philosophers say of mās desire by meās wherof hee shall in this life be blessed in y e he nowe possesseth y e chief goodnes therof Doubtles if these thinges moue you not whiche shal haue the rule and gouernement of a kingdom yet the woordes of the prophet shal moue you yea force you to the studie of the law whiche words be these Be ye learned you y t are iudges of the earth Here y e ꝓphet exhorteth not to y e learnīg of a base arte or a handy-craft for he saieth not Be ye learned you y t are the īhabiters of the earth neyther doth he counsel to the learninge of
knoweledge speculatiue thoughe it bee not vnnecessarie for the inhabiters vpon the earthe For he sayethe not generally Bee ye learned you that dwell vppon the earthe but by these wordes doth the prophet call kinges onely to the learninge of the law wherby iudgements are executed forsomuch as he specially saith Bee ye learned you y t are iudges of y e earthe And it folowethe least the lord waxe angrye and so you perishe from the waye of righteousenes Neyther doth holy scripture o kinges sonne commaūd you onelye to be skilfullye instruct in the lawes wherby you shal purchase and obtein y e possessiō of iustice but also ī an other place it biddeth you vnfainedly to loue Iustice wher it sayethe O set your loue affection vppon Iustice you that are iudges of the earthe in the firste chapter of the booke of wysedome NOn solū vt de ū timeas quo et sapiēs eris princeps colendissime vocāt te leges cū ꝓpheta dicēte Venite filii audite me timorē dn̄idocebo vos Sed etiā vt felicitatē beatitudinēque ꝓ vt in hac vita nācisci poter ’ adipiscaris ipsae leges ad earum disciplinatū te inuitāt Philosophi nāque ōnes qui de felicita te tā variè disputabāt in hoc vno cōuenerūt vz qd felicitas siue beatitudo finis ē ōnis hūmani appetitꝰ quare et ip̄ā sūmū bon̄ appellāt Peripatetici tn̄ cōstituebāt eā in virtute Stoici in honesto Et Epicurei in voluptate Sed quia Stoici honestū diffiniebant esse qd ’ bene sit et laudabiliter ex virtute et Epicur ’ asserebāt nihil esse voluptuosū sine virtut ’ Omnes sectae illae vt dicit Leonardꝰ Arretinꝰ Ysagogico moralis disciplinae in hoc concordarunt qd ’ sola virtus est que felicitatē operatur Quo et Philosophꝰ in vii polit ’ felicitatē difiniēs dicit quod ipsa est ꝑfectꝰ vsꝰ virtutū His iā p̄suppositis cōsiderare te volo etiā ea q̄ sequētur Leges humāe nō aliud sūt quā regul ’ quibꝰ ꝑfectè iustic̄ edocetur Iusticia vero quā leges reuelāt nō est illa q̄ cōmutatiua vel distributatiua vocat feu alia q̄uis ꝑticularis virtus sed est virtꝰ ꝑfecta q̄ iustic̄ legal ’ nōine de signatur Quā Leonardꝰ p̄dc̄ꝰ ideo dicit esse ꝑfectā q̄aōne viciū ipsa eliminat et oēm virtutē p̄a docet quo et oīs virtꝰ ip̄a merito nuncupatur De qua Homerus dicit sīl’er similiter et Philosophꝰ v. ethicorū Quod ipsa est pre clarissima virtutū et nec Lucifer nec Hesperꝰ vt illa est admirabilis Iusticia vero hec subiectū est omnis regalis curae quô sine illa Rex iuste non iudicat nec recte pugnare potest Illa vero adepta ꝑfectêque seruata equissime peragitur ōne officium Regis Vnde cum ꝑfectus vsus virtutum sit felicitas et Iusticia humana que non nisi per legē ꝑfecte nāciscitur aut docetur nedum sit virtutum effectꝰ sed et omnis virtus Sequitur quod iustitia fruens felix per legem est quó et per eam ip̄e fit beatus cum idem sit beatitudo felicitas in hac fugaci vita cuius et ꝑ iusticiam ipse summum habet bonū tamen nō nisi per gratiā lex poterit ista operari neque legem aut virtutem sine gratia tu addiscere poteris vel appetere Cum vt dicit Parisi in libro suo de Cur deus hōo virtus homin̄ appetitiua īterior per peccatum originale ita viciata ē vt sibi viciorū sua uia et virtutū aspera opera sapiant Quare qd ’ aliqui ad amorem sectacionemque virtut ’ se conferunt diuinī bonitatis benefici um est et nō humanae virtutis Num tunc leges q̄ p̄ueniente comitante gratia omnia p̄ missa operātur toto conamine addiscendae sunt dum felicitatem quae secundum Philosophos est hic finis et complementum humani desiderij earum apprehensor obtinebit quó et beatus ille erit in hac vita eius possidēs summum bonum Vere etsi non hec te moueant qui regnum recturus es mouebūt te etarctabunt ad disciplinatum legis prophetaeverba dicētꝭ Erudimini qui iudicatis terram nō enim ad eruditionem artis factiuae aut mechanicae hic mouet propheta Cum non dicat Erudimini qui colitis terram nec ad eruditionem scientiae tantū theoricae quamuis oportuna fuerit incolis terrae quia generaliter non dicit erudimini qui inhabitatis terram sed solum ad disciplinam legis qua Iudicia redduntur reges inuitat propheta in his verbis Cum specialiter ipse dicat Erudimini qui iudicatis terram Et sequitur Ne quando irascatur dominus pereatis de via iusta Nec solum legibus quibus iustitiam consequeris fili regis imbui te iubet sacra scriptura sed et ipsam iusticiam diligere tibi alibi precipit cum dicat Diligite iusticiam qui iudicatis terram Sapien̄ Capitulo primo ¶ Ignorance of the lawe causith the contempt there of Cap. 5. But howe can you loue Iustice onles you first haue a sufficient knoweledge in the lawes whereby the knoweledge of it is wonne and had For the Philosopher saiethe that nothinge can bee loued except it bee knowen And therefore Quintiliane the Oratoure sayethe that happie shoulde artes bee if artificers onelye weare iudges of them As for that whiche is vnknowen it is wonte not onely not to be loued but also to bee despised And therefore a certaine poet thus saieth The plowmā doth desspise and skof the thing he is not skilfull of And this is the saiynge not of plowemen alone but allso of learned and right skilfull men For yf vnto a naturall Philosopher y t neuer studied y e mathematicall sciences a supernaturall Philosopher shoulde saye that thys science considerethe thynges seuered from all mater and mouinge accordynge to theire substantiall beeynge and reason or the Mathematical man shoulde say that this scyence considerethe thinges ioyned to mater and mouing after theire substāce but seuered accordynge to reason both these though Philosophers wil y e natural philosopher which neuer vnderstood thīgs seuered frō mat̄ motiō either in beinge or in reason vtterlye despise and they re sciences thoughe in deede more excelent thenne his wil hee laughe to scorne moued so to do by none other cause but that hee is altogether ignoraunte in theire sciences Lykewyse you most worthye prynce would wonder at one skilfull in the lawes of Englande if he should say that the brother shal not succede his half brother in their fathers inheritaunce but rather his enheritaunce shall descende to the sister of the whole bloude or elz it shal bee intituled to the chiefe lord of the fee as his escheat Herat
’ sinagoga dū sub solo deo rege qui eam in regnū peculiare adoptabat illa militabat sed demum eius petitione Rege homine sibi cōstituto sub lege tātum regali ipsa de inceps humiliata est Sub qua tamen dum optimi reges sibi prefuerunt ipsa plausit et cum discoli ei preessebant ipsa ī consolabiliter lugebat vt regū liber hec destinctiꝰ manifestauit Tamē q̄a de materia ista in opusculo qd tui contemplacione de natura legis naturae exaraui sufficienter puto me diceptasse plꝰ inde loqui iam de sisto Here the prince demaūdeth a question Cap. 10. Immediatly the prīce thꝰ said Howe cōmeth this to passe good Chauncellour that ōe kynge maye gouerne his people by power royal onely and y e an other kynge cā haue no such power seīg bothe this kynges are ī dignitie equall I cannot chose but muche muse and marueil why ī power they should thus differ TVnc princeps illico sic ait Vnde hoc cācellarie qd Rex vnus plebem suā regaliter tātū regere valeat et regi alteri potestas huiusmodi denegatur equalis fastigii cū sint reges ambo Cur in potestate sint ipsi dispares nequeo nō admirari The aunswere to this question is here omitted for that in another worke it is handeled at large Cap. 11. I haue sufficiētly qd the chaūcellour declared in my foresaid worke y t the Kynge whose gouernemēt is politique is of no lesse power then he that royally ruelethe his people after his owne pleasure howbeit they differ ī autoritie ouer their subiets as in the sāe worke I haue shewed saye I styll Of whiche differēce I wyll opē vnto you the cause as I can CAncellarius Non minoris esse potestatis regem politicê imperātem quā qui vt vult regaliter regit populum suum in supradicto opusculo sufficiēter est ostensum Diuersae tamē autoritatis eos ī subditos suos ibidem vt iam nulla tenꝰ denegaui cuius diūsitatis causā vt potero tibi pādā Howe Kingedomes rueled by royall gouernement onely first beganne Cap. 12. Men ī tymes passed excellynge in power gredie of dignitie glorie did many tymes by plaīe force subdue vnto them their neighbours the nations adioynyng and cōpelled them to do thē seruice and to obeye their cōmaundements which cōmaundemētz afterward they decreed too be vnto those people verie lawes And by longe sufferaūce of the sāe y e people so subdued beyng by their subduers defended from the iniuries of other agreed consented to lyue vnder the dominion of the same their subduers thīkīge it better for thē to be vnder y e ēpiere of ōe mā whiche might be hable to defēde thē agaīst other thē to be ī daūger to be opp̄ssed of all such as would violētli offer them any wronge And thus certein kingedōes were begonne And those subduers thꝰ rulīg y e people vnto thē subdued tooke vpō thē of ruelīge to be called Rulers which our language termethe kynges And their ruele or dominiō was named onely royall or kingly So Nemroth was the first y t gott vnto hīself a kingedōe And yett ī the holie scripturs he is not called a kīge but a stout or mightie hūter before y e lorde For lyke as a hūter subdueth wyld beasts lyuīge at their libertie so did he brīge mē vnder his obediēt So did Belꝰ subdue y e Assyrians Ninꝰ the most ꝑte of Asia So also did the Romaines vsurpe the empier of the whole worlde And thus almost were the kīgdōes of all nations begonne Wherefore the lorde beinge displeased withe the children of Israell requierīge to haue a Kynge as then all other natiōs had commaūded the lawe regall to be declared vnto thē by y e prophett Which lawe regal was no other thinge but the pleasure of the kynge their gouernour as in the first book of the kynges more fully it is cōteyned Nowe you vnderstande as I suppose most noble prīce the fourme and fassion of the begynnyng of those Kyngedomes that be regally possessed and rueled Wherefore nowe I wyll assaye to make plaīe vnto you how by what meāes y e gouernemēt of the Kyngdō politique toke his first entraunce begynynge to the ende and intent y e when you knowe the begynnynges of them both it may be right easye for you thereby too discerne the cause of the diuersitie which in your questiō is conteyned HOmines quō dam potentia praepollētes auidi dignitatis et gloriae vicinas sepe gentes sibi viribꝰ subiugarūt ac ipsis seruire obtem perare quoque iussionibꝰ suis cōpulerunt quas iussiones extunc leges hominibus illis esse ipsi sanctierunt Quarū ꝑpetione diutina subiectus sic populꝰ dum ꝑ subitiētes a ceterorū iniuriis defēdebatur in subicientiū dominiū cōsentierūt Oportuniꝰ esse arbitrātes se vnius subdi Iꝑio quo erga alios defēder ’ quā ōniū eos īfestar ’ volētiū opp̄ssionibꝰ expōi Sicque regna quaedá inchoata sūt et subicientes illi dū subiectum populū sic rexerūt a regendo sibi nomē regis vsurpa rūt eorū quoque dominatꝰ tātū regalis dictꝰ est Sic Nēbrogh primus sibi regnū cōparauit tamē non rex ipse sed Robustꝰ venator corā domino sacris litteris appellatus est Quia vt venator feras libertat ’ fruētes ipse homines sibi cōpescuit obedire Sic Belus assirios et Ninus quā magnā Asiae ꝑtē ditioni suae subegerunt Sic et Rōani orbis iperiū vsurpar ’ qualit ’ ferè in omnibus gentibus regna īchoata sunt Quare dum filii Israel regem postu●abāt sicut tunc habuerunt omnes gētes dominus inde offensus legem regalem eis per prophetam explanari mandauit Quae nō aliud fuit quā placitum regis eis preessentis vt in primo Regum libro plenius edocetur Habes nunc ni fallor princeps clarissim̄ formam exordii regnorum regaliter possessorū Quare quomodo regnū politicè regulatū p̄mitꝰ erupit etiam iā propalare conabor vt cognitis amborum regnorum initiis causam diuersitatis quam tu queris inde elicer● tibi facillimum sit Howe Kyngedomes of politique gouernaūce were first begonne Cap. 13. SAint Austē ī y e xxiii chapter of his xix booke De ciuitate dei saith y e a People is a multitude of men associated by the consent of lawe and communion of wealthe And yett such a people beynge headless that is to saye without a heade is not worthye to be called a bodie For as in thynges naturall when the heade is cutt of the residue is not called a bodie but a truncheon so likewyse in thinges politique a cominalte w tout a head is in no wise corporate Wherefore Aristotle ī the first booke of his ciuile philosophie saieth y e whēsoeuer ōe is made of many
in casibus vbi ipsae dissentiunt prestantioris legis preconia digna pensatione refulgent Quare casus huiusmodi aliquos iam in medium proferemus vt quae legum illarum eos iustius meliusque diffiniat equa lance valeas ponderare et primo ex casibꝰ maximi pōderis exēpla preponamus ¶ The first case wherin the Ciuile lawes and the lawes of England do differ Ca. 20 IF they that haue a matter of cōtrouersie depending before a Iuge cōe to y e cōtestation of the suite vpon the matter of y e deed which y e lawyers of England call y e issu of y e plea the truth of such an issue by the ciuile lawes must be tryed by the deposition of witnesses wherein .ii. allowable witnesses are sufficiēt But by y e lawes of England the truthe of the matter cannot appier euident to the Iuge w tout y e othes of xii men neighbours to the place where such a dede is supposed to be done Nowe therefore the questiō is whether of these two so dyuers procedinges ought to be esteemed more reasonable effectual for the opening of the trueth which thus is sought for For the law y t can more certeinly better shewe the truthe is in this behalfe of more excellency than y e other y t is of lesse efficacy force wherfore in the searche of this matter thus we proceede SIcoram Iudice cōtendētes ad litis ꝑueniant contestationē suꝑ materia facti quā legis Angliae periti exitū pl’iti appell ’ Exitus hm̄oi veritas ꝑ leges Ciuiles testiū depositionē ꝓbari debet ī qua duo testes idonei sufficiunt Sed per leges Angliae veritas illa nō nisi .xij. hominū de vicineto vbi factū huiusmodi suponitur sacramēto Iudici constari poterit Queritur igitur quis horū duorū ꝓcessuū tā diuersorū rationabilior censeri debeat efficatior ad veritatē quae sic queriturreuelādā Quia lex q̄ eā certiꝰ meliusque ostēdere potest prestantior in hoc est lege altera quae nō tātae efficatiae est et virtutis quare in huius rei indagine sic ꝓcedimus ¶ Here are set ●urth the inconueniences proceding of the law which no otherwise then by witnesses admitteth trials Cap. 21. BY the Ciuile lawes y e party which in y e issue holdethe the affirmatiue must brīg furth witnessez which he himselfe at hys own pleasure shall name But the negatiue cannot be proued directli though indirectly it may For the hability of him is thought to be very smal weake and his witte much lesse which among al the men that he knoweth is not able to fynde ii so voide of conscience trueth which for dreade loue or profit will not bee readye to gainesaye all truthe Suche then maye he produce for witnesses on hys syde And if the other partye would obiect any thinge against them or their saienges it chanceth not euer y t they their condicions doinges are knowē to y e contrarie partye so y t by reason of theire foule lifes vicious behauiour such witnesses might bee reprooued And while their saienges cōteine the affirmatiue it shal be very harde to reproue them by circūstances or any other indirect meanz who then shal be hable to liue in suertie of his goodes or of himselfe vnder suche a law y e ministreth such aid to euery busy body y t lusteth to trouble another And what ii wicked men are so vnwarie vncircūspect which touching the deede wherof they shal be examined in iudgement will not beefore they are called furth for witnesses secreatly imagine and deuise a fourme fassiō therof frame thereunto all circumstances euen suche as must needes haue ben so if y e thing had ben true in dede For y e children of this world saith y e lorde are wiser then y e children of light So y e most wicked Iesabel brought furth ii witnesses of y e children of Beliall in iudgement agaīst Nabot wherby he lost his life king Achab her husbande obtayned the possession of y e vyneyarde So the most chaste matrone Susāna should haue dyed for aduoutrye by the wytnes of twoe olde dotardes being iudges if the lorde hadde not meruelouslye deliuered her by a wonderfull feate of prudence which of nature the yong child hadde not being yet vnder age And though y e same child by theire altering doubling in their depositions did cōuict them to be false wretches yet whoe saue only the lord could haue knowen that in their saienges they woulde thus haue disagreed Seeinge there was no lawe y e did moue thē to haue in remēbrance what kind of tree it was wherunder y e fact was supposed to be done For the witnesses of euerye wicked deede are not thought to consider al circūstaunces apperteining to y e same beīg such as do nothīg help to y e aggrauatiō detectiō of y e faulte But while those wycked iudges willinglye swearing did alter touching y e kindes of the trees theire owne wordes proued thē to be false verlets Wherfore thei worthely suffred the same punishemēt thēselues You also most gratious prīce do know how y t lately maister I. Fring after y t he had continued three yeares in the order of pristehoode was compelled by the deposition of twoe wicked persones whiche witnessed that he had before he was made prieste betrouthed hymselfe to a certeine yonge woman to forsake the holye order of priestehoode and to marrye the same womanne Wythe whome when hee hadde lyued fourtene yeares and hadde beegotten .vii ▪ children of her at y e laste beeinge conuicted of treason conspired againste your highnes hee confessed before all the people euen at the very point of deathe that those witnesses were hiered and that theire depositions were false And thus manye tymes are iudgemētz peruerted by the meane of false witnesses yea that vnder the verye best Iudges as vnto you it is not vnhearde nor to the worlde vnknowen while this wickednes the more is the pitie is often committed PEr leges ciuiles pars quae in litis contestatione affirmatiuā dicit testes ꝓducere debet quos ipsemet ad libitū suū nominabit Negatiua autē ꝓbari nō potest vz directè licet possit ꝑ obliquū Exilis quippe credit ’ esse potētiae minoris quoque industriae qui de omnibus quos noscit hoībꝰ duos repire nequit ita cōsciētia veritate vacuos vt timore amore vel comod ’ oī velint cōtraire verit ’ Hos potest tūc ipse ī testim̄ ꝓ ducere ī causa sua et 〈◊〉 contra eos pars altera dicere velit vel cōtra eorum dicta nō sēꝑ cōtinget eos eorū quoque mores aut facta apud cōtradicere volentē agnosci vt ex eorū feditate et viciis testes illi possīt reꝓbari Et dū eorū dicta affirmatiuā cōtineāt nō facile poterūt
of Iustice Cap. 23. MOreouer if by reasō of bargaynīge or by sufferinge of iniuries or by title of īheritāce right do accrewe to aman to pleade in iudgement if there be no witnesseis or if such as were witnesseis be deade the plaītif must needs lett his actiō fall except he be hable to proue his ryght by ineuitable coniectures whiche is seldome seene Wherfore concernynge lordeshippes and other possessions rueled by the ciuile lawe and in all accions fallynge vnder the same lawe the actions of the plaintifes for wante of witnesses many tymes are choked so that skant the halfe parte of them atteyneth to the desiered ende What maner of lawe then is this whiche to them y e susteyne wrōg thus faileth in yeeldinge Iustice I doubt whether it deserue too bee called a iuste lawe because in the same lawe it is wryten that Iustice rendreth too euerye mā that which is his owne But this cannot such a lawe doo PReterea si ex contractibus illatisue iniuriis vel hereditatis titulo iꝰ accreuerit homini agēdi in iudicio si testes non fuerint vel si qui fuerint moriātur succumbet ipse agens in causa sua nisi ius suū ꝓbare valeat ineuitabilibꝰ coniecturis quod facere crebro non contīgit Quare de dominiis et aliis possessionibus iure ciuili regulatis similiter et in omnibꝰ actionibꝰ cadētibꝰ sub eodē iure actiones agētiū ꝓ defectu testium quā pluries suffocātur ita qd earū vix ꝑs media optatū finē sortiatur ’ qualis tūc est lex huiusmodi q̄ iniuriatis taliter deficit in iusticia reddēda dubito an iusta vocari mereatur quia in eadem lege scribitur quod Iusticia vnicuique tribuit quod suum ē qd nō faciat lex talis Here hee declareth how counties are deuided and shieri●ffs chosen Now that we haue opened after what maner the Ciuile lawes do enfourme a iudge of the truthe of a matter brought into iudgement it is consequent to declare by what meanes the lawes of Englande doo boult out the trueth of suche a matter For the orders of bothe the lawez beynge layde together the qualities of thē bothe wyll more playnely appere forsomuche as the philosopher sayeth that contraries placed one by an other wyll shewe thē selfes more euidently But herein after the maner of oratours in steade of a proheme it shall not bee amysse that we open certen thinges before the knowlege whereof shall geue light too thinges whiche heareafter shall come in talke wherefore thus we doo proceede The royalme of Englande is deuided into counties as the royalme of Fraunce is into Baylywyks so that in Englande ther is no place that is not with in the bodie of some countie Coūties also are deuided into hūdreds which sōe wher are called wapentages And hundredes are deuided into villages vnder which appellation are cōteyned borowes and Cities For the boundes of villages are not conteyned within the circuit of walles buyldynges or streetes but within the compasse of fildes greate territories certein hamlettes and many other as of waters woodes waste groūdes whiche it is not needefull nowe to set furthe by their names because that in England there is skante any place which is not conteined within the cōpasse of villageis though certeyn priuileged places within villageis are supposed to be no parcell of y e same villages More ouer in euerie coūtie ther is one certeyn officer called the kynges shierief which amonge other duties belongynge to his office putteth in execucion all the commaundementes and iudgements of the kynges courte that are to be executed within his countie His office endureth but for one yeare so that after the expiratiō of that yeare he may not minister in that office Neither shall he within ii yeares next ensueynge be admited to y e office agayne This officer is thus chosen Euery yeare the morrowe after All soullen daye all the kynges counsellers meet together in the kynges exchequer aswel y e lordes spirituall and temporall as all other Iustices all the barones of the exchequer the maister of the rolles and certeyn other officers where all these with one commen assent doo name of euerie countie iii. knightes or esquyers whome amonge other of the same countie they take to bee of good dispositiō and fame and best disposed to the office of the shiereif of that coūtie Of the whiche iii. the kynge chooseth one whome by his letters patents he appointeth sherief of the countie that he is chosen of for the yeare then folowinge But he before hee receaue his patent shall swere vpō y e holye ghospell amonge other articles that he shall well and faithfully and indifferently exercise and doo his office all that yeare and that he shall receaue or take nothyng of any other man then the Kynge by colour or meane of his office These thynges beynge thus nowe presupposed lett vs proceede too the searche of those thinges that we seke for Exposita iā forma qua leges Ciuiles de veritate facti in iudicio deducti iudicem erudiunt superest vt modū quô leges Angliae huiusmodi facti eliciunt veritatem etiam do ceamus Nam ambarum legum formulis contigué positis qualitates earundem lucidius eminebunt cum dicat Philosophus quod opposita iuxta se posita magis apparent Sed in hoc oratorum more prohemii loco quedam p̄narrare congruet quorum agnitione deinde tractando clarius patere queant quare sic procedimꝰ Regnum Angliae per comitatus vt regnum Fraunciae per balliuatus distinguitur ita vt non sit locus in Anglia quae nō sit īfr ’ corpꝰ alicuiꝰ cōitatꝰ Cōitatꝰ quoque diuiduntur in Hūdreda que alicubi Wapen tagia nuncupantur Hundreda vero diuidūtur per villas subquarum appellatione continentur et Burgi atque Ciuitates Villarum etenim metae non muris edificiis aut stratis terminan tur sed agrorū ambitubus territoriis magnis hamiletis quibusdā et multis aliis sicut aquarū boscorū et vastorū terminis quae iam non expedit nominibus designare q̄a vix in anglia est locus aliquis qui non infra villarum ambitus cōtineatur licet priuilegiati loci quidam infravillas de eisdem villis pars esse nō censentur Preterea in quolibet comitatu est officiarius quidam vnus regis vicecomes appellatus qui inter cetera sui officii ministeria omnia mandata et iudicia curiarum regis ī comitatu suo exequenda exequitur Cuius officiū annale est quo ei post annū in eodem ministrare nō licet nec duobꝰ tūc sequētibꝰ ānis ad idē of ficiū reassumetur Officiarius iste sic eligitur Quolibet anno in crastino animarum cōueniunt in scaccario regis omnes consiliarii eius tā dn̄ispūales ettēporales quā alii ōnes iusticiarii omnes barones de scaccario clericus rotulorum quidam alii officiarii vbi
reperiuntur possessores agrorū aliorūue immobiliū extra ciuitates muratas villas Nobiles quoque ibidem pasturarū copiam nō habēt vineas colere aut aratro manꝰ apponere statui eorū non cōuenit tn̄ in vineis et terris arabilibꝰ cōsistit substantia possessionū eorū exceptis solum pratis quibusdam adiacentibus magnis ripariis et exceptis boscis quorū pasturae cōmunes sunt tenentibus et vicinis suis Quomodo tūc in regionibus talibus iurata fieri poterit ex duodecim probis hominibus de vicineto vbi factum aliquod in iudicio deducitur cū vicini dici non poterunt qui tanta distantia disiun guntur Vere remotos multum a facto duodecim iuratos ibidē esse oportebit postquā reus in regionibus illis triginta quinque sine assignata causa de propinquioribꝰ calūpniaūit quare aut de multum remotis a facto de quo contenditur qui veritatem facti non agnoscunt in regnis illis oportebit facere iuratam aut de pauperibus quibus non est verecundia infamiae nec timor iacturae bonorum suorum cum ipsa non sint ipsi etiam rusticitatis ruditate obcecati veritatis claritatem nequeunt intueri Non igitur mireris princeps silex qua in Anglia veritas inquiritur alias non ꝑuaget ’ nationes ipsae nanque vt Anglia facere nequeunt sufficiētes cōsimilesque iuratas ¶ Heere the prince commendeth the lawes of Englande of theire proceeding by Iuries Cap. 30 THough we haue said ꝙ the prince that cōparisons are odious yet the Ciuile lawe in the comparison by you made hath cleared it selfe from all blame For thoughe you haue prooued y e lawe of Englande to bee of more excellencye then it yet it deserueth not therby to bee odious forso much as you haue blamed neither it nor the makers thereof But haue shewed y e coūtrey wher it ruleth to be the only cause why it doth not in matters of doubte trye out the truth wyth so commendable a kynde of proceedinge as the lawe of Englande dothe But as touchinge that y e law of Englande in the case by you nowe discussed is more fitte and meete for that roialme then the Ciuile lawe hereof we may not doubte Wherefore wee are not desirous to chaunge it for the Ciuile lawe Howbeit this preeminence of the lawe of England proceedeth not of the fault of the other For it is onelye the fertilitie of Englande that hath caused it to bee suche as it is TVnc princeps Comparationes odiosas esse licet dixerimus lex tamen Ciuilis in comparatione per te facta omni se purgauit a crimine quia licet ei Legem Angliae tu p●etuleris odium inde ipsa non meretur dum neque eam neque cōditores eius increpasti sed solū patriam vbi illa regit causā esse demōstrasti quod non tam optabili processu vt lex Angliae ipsa in dubiis elicit veritatem Legem vero Angliae in casu iam per te disputato accomodatiorem esse regno illi quam est lex ciuilis ambigere non sinimur quo eam pro ciuili cōmutare non appetimus sed tamen hec legis Angliae preeminentia ab alterius crimine non euenit solum enim eam Angliae fertilitas sic causauit ¶ The Prince doubteth whether this proceeding by a Iurye be repugnaunt to godds lawe or not Chap. 31. BVt thoughe wee bee greatly delited in the fourme which the lawes of England vse in sifting out the truthe in matters of contention yet whether the same lawe bee contrarie to holye scripture or not that is to vs somewhat doubtfull For our Lorde saiethe to the Pharasies in the vii Chapiter of Saint Iohnz Ghospell In your lawe it is written that the testimonye of two menne is true And the lorde confirming the same saithe I am one that beare witnesse of my selfe and the father that sent mee beareth wytnes of me Nowe sir the Pharasies were Iewes so that it was all one to saye It is written in your lawe and it is written in Moyses lawe whyche God gaue to the children of Israell by Moyses Wherefore to gaynesaie thys lawe is too denye gods lawe Whereby it folowethe that if the law of England swarue from thys lawe it swaruethe also from Godds lawe whyche in no wise maye bee contraryed It ys wrytten also in y e eyghteenthe Chapiter of Saint Mathues gospell Where the lord speaking of brotherlye admonitiō amonge other thinges sayethe thus But if thy brother here shee not then take yet wyth thee one or twooe that in the mouthe of twoe or three witnesses euerye matter maye bee stablished If the Lorde haue appointed euerye matter to be stablyshed in y e mouth of twoe or three witnesses then it is in vaine for to seeke for the verdict of manye menne in maters of doubt For no manne is able to laye any other or better foundation then the Lorde hath layde These are the doubtes good Chauncelloure whyche touchynge the procedynge of the law of Englande in the tryall of maters do sōewhat trouble me Wherefore what aūswer maye here vnto be made I would gladly learne of you SEd licet non in fimè Canceltarie nos delectet forma qua leges Angliae in contentionibus reuelant veritatem tamen an modus ille sacrae repugnet scripturae vel non paululum agitamur Ait namque dominus phariseis Ioh. viii In lege vestra scriptum est quia duorum hominum testimonium verum est et huic applaudēs dominus inquit ego sum qui testimonium perhibeo de me ipso et testimonium perhibet de me qui misit me pater Pharisei quippe iudei erant vnde idem erat dicere in Lege vestra scriptum est et in Lege Mosay●● quae a domino ꝑ Moysen filiis Israell prolata fuit scriptum est Quare huic legi cōtraire legi ē diuin̄ refragari quô sequit ’ qd ’ lex Angliae si ab hac lege discedat a lege diuina cui reluctari nō licet ipsa discedít Scribitur etiam Math .xviij. Quod dominus loquens de correctione fraterna inter alia sic ait Si autem non te audierit frater tuus adhibe tecum adhuc vnum aut duos vt in ore duorum vel trium stet omne verbum Si in ore duorum vel trium dominus omne verbum statuerit frustra plurimum hominum queritur in dubiis veredictum Nemo enim potest melius aut aliud fundamentum ponere quam posuit dominus Hec sunt Cancellarie quae me de legis angliae processu in probationibus aliquantulum conturbant Quare q̄d his respondendum est a te doceri deposco Here is shewed that the procedinge by a Iurie is not repugnaunt to the lawe of god Cap. 32. THe lawes of Englād quod the Caūcellour are nothīge at all repugnaunt to these thynges that trouble you
most worthie prince thoughe they in maters of doubte do somewhat otherwyse boult out y e trouthe The lawe of the generall coūcell wherī it is prouided that Cardinalles shall not be cōuicted of crimīal offenses otherwise then by the deposition of xii witnesses is it any hynderaunce to the testimonie of ii men Yf the testimonie of ii men be true of more force must the testimonie of xii men be iudged true acordynge to a rule of the law that sayethe The more euer conteyneth in it that whiche is lesse The īholder was promised to be rewarded with an ouerplus if he bestowed vpon the cure of the wounded mā more then the ii pense which he receaued A man that laboreth to proue that he was absent at the tyme of the offense wherewith he is charged shal it not be nedefull for him to brynge furthe mo then ii or iii witnesses when his aduersarie hathe proued or is readie to proue the same by ii or iii. wytnesses And so he that trauaylethe to conuince witnesses of periurie must of necessite bringe furthe many mo then they were so that the testimonie of ii or iii. men shall not euer be iudged true But that lawe must thus be vnderstanded that by a lesser number of witnesses then ii the truthe in matters doubtfull ought not to be searched for as appeareth by Bernard assignynge dyuers cases wherin by the lawes mo then iii. wytnesses must needes be produced As in some of them v and in and in some vii Nor yett the lawes of Englande be not against it but that the truethe may be proued by ii witnesses whē it can no otherwyse be tried For if thinges be done vppō the sea without the bodye of any countye of that royalme which afterward be brought in plea before the lord admirall the same thynges by the decrees of y e lawes of england must be proued by wytnesses In lyke maner it hathe bene accustomed to be done before the Cōstable Marshall of England touchynge a facte that was done in an other royalme so that the hearīge thereof appertaīeth to the Constables courte Moreouer in the courtes of certein liberties in Englād where matters proceede by lawe merchaunt contractes or bargaynes made amōge merchaūtz in an other royalme are proued by witnesses And this cōmeth to passe because that in these cases there be no neighbours founde by whose othes Iuries of xii men may be made as in contractes and other cases ariesynge within the royalme of Englande is accustomed to be dōe Likewyse if a deede wherin witnesses are named be brought into the kynges courte then processe shal be made agaynst those witnesses and they together withe xii Iurers shall by their othes recognise whether the same be his deede or no whose it is supposed to be Wherefore the lawe of Englād reproueth not that lawe whiche by wytnesses tryeth out the trueth specially whē necessitie so requirethe For so do y e lawes of Englande too not onely in the cases now mencioned but also in certein other cases wherof here to make rehersall it shall not be material Howbeit this lawe neuer determineth a cōtrouersie by witnesses onely that maie be determined by a Iurie of xii men forsomuche as this waye is muche more aualeable and effectuall for the triall of the trueth then is the fourme of any other lawes of the world and further from the daūger of corruption and subornation Nor this fourm̄ of proceedinge cānot in any cause faille for wante of witnesses nor the testimonies of witnesses if anye be can not choose but come to their due ende and effect Neither cā suche xii men be forsworne but that for their offēse they must suffer most sharpe punishement and neuerthelesse the partie by their depositions greeued shall obteie due remedie And these thīges shall not be dōe by y e will saīges of straunge or vnknowne men but by the othes of good of worshipfull and of credible mē neighbours to the parties in whome the same parties haue no cause of challenge or mistrust touchīg their verdit O howe horryble and detestable daūgers happen mani times throughe the fourme of proceedinge by wytnesses Yf a mā make a priuie contract of matrimonie afterward before wytnesses do betrouthe or assure himself to another woman shall he not in the contentious courte be cōpelled to marye her also after that in y e penitenciall courte be iudged to lye with the first if he be duely required and to do penaūce as ofte as by his owne mociō and procurement he liethe with the seconde thoughe in bothe courtes the iudge be one and the selfe same man In this case as it is wryten in Iob are not y e synewes of Leuyathan perplexed and intricat Fie for shame they are ītricate in deede For this man can carnally companie with neither of these ii women nor with any other without punishement either by the contentious courte or by the penitenciall courte Such a mischiefe inconuenience or daunger can neuer happen in any case by the waye of proceedīg by the lawe of England no not though Leuiathā himselfe would labour to procure the same Do ye not now see most noble prince that the more you obiect agaynst the lawes of England the more worthie they appere CAncellarius non his quibꝰ turbaris princeps contrariantur leges Angliae licet a liter quodamodo ipsae in dubiis eliciant veritatem Quid duorū hominū testimonio obest lex illa generalis cōsilii qua cauetur vt non nisi duodecē testium depositione cardinales de criminibus conuincantur Si verum est duorum testimonium a fortiori testimoniū duodecim verum iudicari debet dicēte iuris regula Plus semper in se continet quod est minus Super erogationis meritum promittebatur stabulario si plꝰ quā duos quos recepit denarios ipse in vuln̄rati cura ero gasset Nōne plusquā duos aut tres testes producere oportebit quēpiā qui absen●ē se fuisse probare nititur tēpore criminis sibi impositi quod ꝑ duos aut tres testes adūsariꝰ eiꝰ ꝓbauit vel probare paratꝰ ē Sic et qui testes de ꝑiurio cōuīcere satagit multo illis plures ꝓducere necesse habet quo nō sēꝑ duorū vel triū ho●m testimoniū verū esse iudicabitur sed intelligēda est lex illa qd minore testiū numero quam duorū veritas in dubiis non debet exquiri vt patet per Bernardū ex tra de testi ca. licet ī glosa or dinaria vbi ip̄e assignat diūsos casꝰ ī q̄bꝰ ꝑ leges plures quātres oportet ꝓducere testes Videlicet ī aliq̄bꝰ eorū quinque et in aliquibꝰ septē per duos etiam testes veritatē ꝓbari posse cū non aliter ip̄a pateret vtique leges Angliae affirmāt Nā si quae supra altum mare extra corpus cuiuslibet comitatus regni illius fiant quae postmodū in placito
tantum prīcipantes q̄ lege ciuili et po●issimè predicta legis illius maxima regulant plebem suam quó ipsi ad eorum libitum iura mutant noua condunt penas in fligunt et onera imponunt subditis suis ꝓpriis quoque arbitriis contēdēt ium cum velint dirimunt lites Quare moliti sūt ipsi prog●nitores tui hoc iugum politicum abiicer ’ vt consimiliter et ipsi in subiectum populum regaliter tantum dominari sed potius debachari queant nō attēdentes quod equalis est vtriusque regis potencia vt in predicto tractatu de natura legis naturoe docetur et qd nō iugum sed libertas est politicê regere populum securitas quoque maxima nedū plebi sed et ipsi regi alleuiacio etiā non minima solicitudinis suae quae vt tibi apertius pateāt vtriusque regiminis experientiam per cunctare a regimine tantū regali qualiter rex Franciae principatur in subditos suos exordium sumerrito deīde a regalis ●t politicae regiminis effectu qualiter rex Angliae dominatur in sibi subiectos populos experientiam quere The inconueniences that happen in the royalme ●f Fraūce throughe regall gouernement alone Cap. 35. CAll to remēbraūce most worthye prince after what sorte you saw y e wealthie villages and townes as touchynge ●●ore of corne in the royalme of Fraunce while you were there a so iourner pestered with the kynges men at armes their horses so that skant in any of y e great townes there you could gett any lodgynge Wheare of y e inhabiters you learned y t those men thoughe they continue in one village a monethe or ii do not nor will paye any thynge at all either for their owne charges or for the charges of their horses But which is worse y ●y cōpelled y e īhabitz of y e vilages and town dwellers whether they cāe to prouide of their owne proper costes out of the villages adioyninge wyne flesh for them and other thīgs y t thei needed at dearer prices then they might haue bought the same at home And if any refused thus to do they were anō by plaine stafford lawe forced to do it And when they had spent all the victualies fewell and horse meat in one towne then those men went to an other towne wastynge the same in lyke maner not payeyng one pennye for any necessaries either for themselfs or ells for their cōcubines and harlottes whereof they euer carryed caried aboute withe them great abundaunce nor for hosē or shewes and other lyke euen to the least poīt or lace but they compelled the townesmen wheare theye carried to beare all theire expenses And thus were al the villages and vnwalled townes of that lande vsed so that there is not the least village there free from this miserable calamitie but that it is once or twyse euery yeare beggered by this kynde of pilling Furthermore the kyng suffereth no man to eate salte within his kingdome excepte he buy it of the kinge at suche price as pleaseth him to assesse And if any pore man had rather eate his meate freshe then to buy salt so excessiuely deare hee is imīmediatly cōpelled to buy so much of y e kinges salte at the kings price as shall suffice so many persones as he keepeth in his house Moreouer all the inhabyters of that royalme geeue yearelye to the kynge the fowerthe parte of all the wynes y t theire groūdes bearethe and euerye vintener the fowerth penney of the price of the wine that hee sellethe And beesides all this euery village and borroughe payethe yearelye to the kyng great summes of moneye assessed vppon them for the wages of men at armes so that the charges of the kings army which is euer verye great is mainteyned by the poore people of y e villages boroughes towns of y e roialme And yet moreouer euerye village findethe continuallye twoo Crossebowes at the leaste and some mo wythe all furnyture and habyliments requisite for the kynges seruyce in hys warres as ofte as it pleasethe hym to muster them whyche hee dothe verye ofte And these thynges not considered other exceedynge greate talleges are yearelye assessed vppon euerye vyllage of the same royalme to the kynges vse whereof theye are no yeare released The people beeinge wyth these and diuers other calamities plagued and oppressed do liue in greate mysery drīkīg water daily Neyther do y e inferiour sort tast any other licor sauīg only at solēpne feasts Theire shamewes are made of hempe muche lyke to sacke clothe Woollen clothe theye weare none excepte it bee verye course and that onelye in theire coates vnder theire sayde vpper garmentes Neyther vse they anye hosen butte from the knee vpwarde the residue of theire legges go naked Theire women go barefoote sauing on holye dayes Neyther menne nor women eate anye fleshe there but onelye larde of bacon wythe a small quantity whereof they fatten theire potage and brothes As for rosted or sodden meate of fleshe they tast none except it be of y e inwards sometimes heads of beastes y e be killed for gētlemē merchātz But the menne at armes they deuour and consume al their pullein so y e theye haue skant the egges left to eate for speciall deintiez And if theye fortune at anye time to growe somewhat wealthie in substāce so that any of them be compted ryche hee is by by charged to the kinges subsidie more deepely thē any of his neighboures so that within short time he is made equall in pouertie with the rest of his beggerlye neighboures And this as I suppose is the state of the common and rascall people of that nation But gentlemen and nobles are not so oppressed and ouercharched wyth exaccions Butte yf anye of them chaūce to bee accused of anye cryme thoughe it be by hys enemies hee is not euer wonte to bee cyted or called beefore an ordynarye iudge But manye tymes it hathe beene seene that hee hathe in that beehalfe been talked wythe in the kynges chamber or elswhere in some priuate place and sometymes onelye bye a pourseuaunte or messenger And immedyatlye as soone as the princes conscience hathe throughe the reporte of others iudged him guiltie he is witheout anye fassion of iudgement put in a sacke and in the night season by the Marshals seruāts hurled īto a riuer so drowned After which sort you haue harde of manye mo put to deathe then that haue bene by ordinary processe of the lawe condempned Howe be it the princes plesure as saye the Ciuile lawes hathe the force of a lawe Also whyle yowe weare abydynge in Fraūce and nighe to the same kyngedome you heard of other greate enormityes lyke vnto these and some much worse then these detestable damnable done no otherwise but vnder y e colour of that lawe whiche here to rehearse woulde continue oure talke too longe a time Now therefore let vs se what
the fathers condicion then to the mothers Seynge that Adam speakīge of marryed couples sayde ▪ They shal be ii in one fleshe which our lord expoundynge in the ghospell sayethe Nowe are they not ii but one fleshe And forsomuch as y e mal ’ as more worthi cōteineth the female then the whole flesh so vnited must haue relation to the male as to the worthyer wherefore the lorde called Adam Eue not by the name of Eue but because they were bothe one fleshe he called them bothe in the name of Adam the man as it apeareth in y e fifthe chapter of genesis The Ciuile lawes also holde that women do euer glister with the shyenynge beames of their husbāds Wherefore in the title begynnynge withe these wordes Qui se prosessione excusant in y e nynth boke L. fi the text sayeth thus we auaunce women w t the honoure of their husbandes and with the kīred of their husbādes we worshippe thē in y e court we decree matters to passe in the name of their husbandes into y e house and surname of their husbandes do we translate them But if afterward a woman marrye with a man of baser degree thē leseth she her former dignitie and foloweth the cōdiciō of her latter husbād And forsomuche as all children specially male children bear the fathers name not the mothers whereof then shoulde it cōe that y e sonne by reasō of the mother should lese the honour or chaunge the condiciō of the father whose nāe neuerthelesse he shall styll keepe Specially seeynge the mother herself receaueth of the same father honour worshippe dignitie which honour worshippe and dignitie of the husbande cā neuer be disteined or īpeached through y e fault of the wyfe Truely that lawe may well bee demed cruell which with out any cause cōmittethe to bondage the free mās sonne and which disheritinge the innocent sonne of the īnocent free father adiudgeth his lāde to an vnworthie straunger whiche also withe y e base state of bōdage in y e sōne defaceth the name of the free father Cruell also of necessite must that lawe be compted which augmenteth thraldom and diminisheth libertie or freedom For libertie is y e thinge that mās nature euer coueteth For by mā for synne did bondage first enter But freedome is graffed in mans nature of god whereof if men be depriued he is euer disierous to recouer y e same agayne lyke as all other thinges do that are spoiled of their naturall libertie wherefore wycked and cruell is he to be deemed that fauoureth not libertie which thīges the lawes of England duely consydering do in all respectes shew fauour to libertie And thoughe the same lawes iudge hī thrall whom a boundeman ī wedlock begetteth of a free womā yet here by cā not these lawes be reputed seuere and cruel For a woman which by mariage hath submitted herself to a boundeman is made one fleshe withe him wherefore as y e forsaid lawes determine she foloweth the state of his conditiō and of her owne free wyll hathe made her selfe a bonde womā not forced thereto by the law muche lyke to such as in kynges courtes become bondemen or sell thēselfs into bondage without any compulsiō at all And howe then can the lawe determine that childe to be free whom suche a mother hathe thus borne For the husband can neuer be in so much subiection to his wyfe thoughe she be a right greate ladye as this womā is subiect to the bondeman whom she hathe made her lorde insomuche as y e lorde sayeth to al wifes Thou shalt be vnder the power of thy husbonde he shall haue dominion ouer thee And what is it that these Ciuilians saye of the fruite of a good or euyll tree Is not euerye wyfe of a fre or thral condition accordynge to y ● state of her husbād And in whose ground hathe y t husbande planted while his wyfe is one fleshe w t him Not in his owne And what thē if he haue graffed a slyppe of a swete nature ī a stock of a sower tree So y t y e tre be his owne shall not the fruites thoughe they eū sauer of the stocke be his owne fruites So the childe which the wyfe bareth is the husbandes issue whether the wyfe be free or thrall Howbeit y e lawes of England decree that if a bonde woman without the cōsēt of her lorde bee maryed to a free man though they can not be deuorced beecause the ghospell saieth whom god hathe conioyned let not man seperate yet shal her lorde recouer agaynst the same free man all the dammages that hee hathe susteyned by reason of the losse of his vassall or bond woman This nowe as I suppose is the somme and fourm of the law of Englande in the case nowe declared What therefore is your opinion most excellēt prince in the same case And whether of these two lawes doe you esteeme to be of more worthinesse excellencye Leges ciuiles s̄actiūt qd ꝑtꝰ sēper sequitur vētrem vt si mulier seruilis cōdicionis nubat viro cōdicionis liberae Proles eorū seruꝰ erit et ecōūso seruꝰ maritatꝰ liberae nō nisi liberos gignit Sed lex Anglioe nunquā matris sed sēper patris condicionē imitari partū iudicat Vt ex libera etiā ex natiua non nisi liberū liber generet et non nisi seruū in matrimonio ꝓ creare potest seruꝰ Que putas legū harū melior ē in sētētiis suis crudelis ē lex q̄ liberi prolē sine culpa subdit seruituti Nec minꝰ crudelis cēsetur quae liberae sobolē sine merito redigit in seruitutē Legistae vero dīcūt leges Ciuiles p̄ualere in his iudiciis suis Nā dicūt qd non potest arbor malafructꝰ bonos facere Neque arbor bona fructus malos facere Ac ōni● legis sētētia est qd plātatio q̄libet cedit solo quo īseritur Certior quoque multo ē ꝑtꝰ q̄ eū fuderūt viscer ’ quam quis eum pater procreauit Ad hec legis Angliae cōsulti dicūt qd ꝑtꝰ ex legittimo thoro nō certiꝰ noscit matrem quā genitorē suū Nā am bae leges q̄ iam contendunt vniformiter dicūt qd ipse est pater quem nuptiae demōstrāt Nunquid tunc magis est cōueniens vt filii cōditio ad patris potiꝰ quā ad matris conditionem referatur cum de cōiugatis dixerat Adā erunt ipsi duo in carne vna qd dominꝰ exponēs in euangelio ait Iam non sūt duo sed vna caro et cum masculinum concipiat femininum ad masculinū qd dignius est referri debet tota caro sic facta vna Quare Adam et Euam vocauit dominus non Euā sed quia caro vna ipsi erant ambos eos vocauit ipse nomine viri vide licet Adam vt patet Genesis quinto capit ’ Ipsae quoque
reason of his tenure he is boūd to yeelde to y e lord of his fee then y e lord hīselfe to whom suche seruice is by him due Whyche is also to bee iudged of more power and honoure thenne the friendes and kynesfolkes of his tenant For hee to the intente hee maye in tyme to come bee the better serued of hys tenaunte wyll vse the more diligence towarde hym And it is to bee presumed that he is more experte and skylfull to trade him in this thynges then his other friends rude peraduenture and vnpractised in martiall feats speciallye yf his patrimonie bee but small And what can be more profitable for the chylde whiche by reason of hys tenure shall in the seruice of hys lorde endaunger his life and all that hee hathe in the actes of chiualrye thē in his nonage to be broughte vppe in the discipline and practise of the same seeynge that in his rype age hee shall not bee hable to auoyde the aduenture thereof And to saye the truethe it shall bee no small commoditie for the royalme y t the inhabiters of the same be well expert in the knowledge of armes For as saieth the philosopher euerye man dothe the thynge boldelye wherin he assureth hīselfe to be skylfull And do you not thē most noble prince allowe this lawe and cōmende it aboue the other now described LEges Ciuiles impuberum tū telas proximis de eorū sanguine cōmittunt agnati fuerint seu cognati vnicuique videlicet secundum gradum et ordinem quo in hereditate pupilli successurus est Et racio legis huius est quia nullus teneriûs fauorabilibûsue infantem alere sataget quam proximus de sanguine eius Tamen longe aliter de impuberū custodia statuunt leges Angliae Nā ibidem si hereditas quae tenetur in Socagio descendat impuberi ab aliquo agnatorū suorum non-erit impubes ille sub custodia alicuius agnatorum eius Sed per ipsius cognatos videlicet consanguineos ex parte matris ip̄e regetur Et si ex parte cognatorū hereditas sibi descenderit pupillus ille cū hereditate sua ꝑ proximum agnatū et nō cognatum eius custodiet ’ Quousque ip̄e fuerit adultus Nā leges illae dicūt qd ’ cōmittere tutelā īfātis illi q̄ est eī proximè successurꝰ est quasi agnū cōmittere lupo ad deuorādū Sed si hereditas illa non in socagio sed teneatur ꝑ seruiciū milita ’ tūc ꝑ leges terrae illiꝰ īfās ipse et hereditas eiꝰ nō ꝑ agnatos neque cognatos sed per dn̄m feodi illiꝰ custodiētur quousque ip̄e fuerit etatis vigīti et vnius ānorū Quis putas infantē talē in actibus bellicis quos facere ratiōe tenurae suae ipse astringitur dn̄o feodi sui meliꝰ instruere poterit aut velit quam dn̄s ille eui ab eo seruicium tale debetur et qui maioris potentiae et honoris estimatur q̄ sunt alij amici et ꝓpinq̄ tenentis sui Ipse nāque vt sibi ab eodē tenente melius seruiatur diligentem curam adhibebit et melius in his eū erudire expertus esse censetur quam reliqui amici iuuenis rudes forsā et armorū inexperti maxime si nō magnū fuerit patrimoniū eius Et quid vtilius est infanti qui vitam et omnia sua periculis bellicis exponet in seruicio domini sui ratiōe tenurae suae quam in militia actubusque bellicis imbui dumminor est cum actus huiusmodi ipse in etate matura declinare non poterit Et reuera non minime erit regno accomodum vt incolae eius in armis sint experti Nam vt dicit Philo. audacter quilibet facit qd ’ se scire ipse non defidit Nunquid tunc legem hanc tu approbas fili regis et collaudas super legem alteram iam descriptam ¶ Here the prince commēdeth the education of noble mens children beinge orphanes Cap. 45. YEs good Chauncelour quod y e prīce this lawe I do allowe much more thē the other For in the firste parte of it whiche you noted it prouideth much more waryly for the securitie and saufegarde of the pupill then the Ciuile lawe dothe Howbeit in the seconde parte of the same I do take more delyte For thereof it comethe to passe that in Englande noble mens chyldren canne not easelye degenerate butte rather passe and surmoūt theire auncestours in vertue in courage and in honest condicions forsomuche as theye are broughte vp instructed in an higher an honorabler court thenne in the houses of theire parentes thoughe theire parents weare paraduenture broughte vppe in the lyke places For theire parents house was neuer yet lyke the lordes house whome aswell the parentes as allso the children serued The princes allso of the royalme beeynge ruled bye thys lawe and lykewyse other lordes holdynge they re lande immedyatlye of the kynge canne not lightlye fall to wantonnes and vnseemelynes seeynge that in theire childehoode whyle theye bee orphanes they are broughte vppe in the kynges house Wherefore I muste needes highelye prayse cōmē●● y e ryches and high porte of the kinges court in that it is the chiefest schole within the royalme for the nobilitye of the lande It is also the scholehouse of manhoode of vertue and of good maners wherby the royalm is honored and flourisheth and is preserued againste inuasions so y t it is dreaded bothe of friendes and foes And to bee plain this greate commoditie coulde not haue happened to the royalme yf noble mens children beeinge orphans and pupilles hadde beene nourished and brought vp by the poore friendes of their parentes Neyther canne this bee preiudicial or hurtefull to the wealthe of the royalme that the children of burgeses and of other freeholders whiche holde theire tenementes in socage and are not thereby bound to warfare are brought vp in the houses of their like friendes as to him y t shall thoroughly weigh the mater it may euidently appeare PRinceps Immo Cancellarie legem hanc plusquā alteram ego laudo Nam in eius parte prima quam tu notasti cautè magis quam ciuilis ipsa prouidet securitati pupilli Sed tamen in eius parte secunda multo magis ego delector Nam ab ea est quod in Anglia nobilium progenies de facili degenerari nonpotest sed probitate potius strenuitate et morum honestate antecessores suos ipsa transcendet dum in altiori nobiliorique curia quā in domo parentum illa sit imbuta licet indomo consimili forsan parentes eius educati erant Quia consimilis adhuc non erat domus parentum illorum domui dominorum quibus ip̄i parentes et ipsi infāte● seruierunt Principes quoque regni sub hac lege regulati similiter et domini alii a rege īmediate tenētes non possūt deleui in lasciuiam ruditat en●ie l●bi
shall vnderstande that though these degrees are not geeuen in the lawes of England yet there is geeuen in them not a degree only but also a state no lesse worshipfull and solempne then the degree of doctours which is called the degree of a Seriant at lawe And it is geuen vnder the manner fourme fo●owyng The lorde chiefe Iustice of the commen benche by y e coūsell and assent of all the Iustices vsethe as ofte as he thinketh good to chose vii or .viii. of the discreetest persones that in the foresaide generall studye haue most profited in the lawes and whiche to the same Iusticez are thought to bee of best disposition and their names hee presenteth to the lord Chancellour of Englande in writtynge Who incontinent by vertue of the kinges write shal charge euery of the ꝑsons elect to be beefore the kinge at a daye by hym assigned too take vppon him the state and degree of a serieaunt at lawe vnder a greate penaltie in euerye of the said writtes limitted On the whiche daye euery one of them appearing shal be sworne vpō the holye gospell of God to be ready at the daye place then to bee appointed to receaue the state and degree aforesaide and that he the same daye shall geeue golde accordynge to the custome in that behalfe vsed Howe bee it howe and after what sorte euerye of the saide chosen persones shall that daye demeane himselfe and also the fourme and maner howe that state degree shal bee geuen receued forsomuche as the same can not so briefelye bee written as to the shortnes of this woorke is requisite therefore at thys tyme I will leaue these pointes vntouched And yet I haue declared the same to you ere nowe by waye of talke But thys you must vnderstande that when the day appoīted is come those electe persons among other solemnities must keepe a greate dinner like to the feast of a kinges coronation which shal continue last by y e space of seuen daies And none of those elect ꝑsones shall defraye y e charges growinge to him about y e costes of this solempnitie with lesse expenses then the summe of foure hūdreth markes So that y e expēses whiche viii menne so electe shall then beestowe will surmount the summe of thre thousande and two hundreth ma●ks Of y e which expenses one parcel shall bee this Euery of them shal geue ringes of golde to y e value of xl poundes sterling at the least And your Chauncellour well remēbrethe that at what tyme hee receaued this state and degree y e ringez which he then gaue stode him in fifty poundes For euery suche serieant at the tyme of hys creacion vseth to geeue vntoo euery Prince Duke and archebishop being presēt at that solempnitie and to the lord Chauncellour and Lorde Treaseroure of Englande a ringe of the valu of .xxvi. shillings viii d And to euery earle and bishop beeinge likewise present and also to the Lorde priuie seale to both y e lordes chief Iustices to the Lorde chiefe baron of the kinges exchequer a ringe of the value of xx s And to euery lord baron of the parliament to euery abbott notable prelate worshipfull knight being then presēt also to y e maister of the roles to euery Iustice a ring of y e value of a mark And likewise to euery baron of y e exchequer to the chaumberlaines and to all the officers and notable menne seruynge in the kinges courtes ringes of a smaller pryce but agreable to theire estates to whome they are geuen Insomuch y t there shall not bee a clerke speciallye in the court of the commen benche but hee shal receaue a ring cōuenient for his degree And besydes these they geeue dyuers rynges too other of theire fryndes They geue also liueries of cloth of one sute or colour in greate abundaunce not onelye to theire houshold meanye but also to their other fryndes and acquaintaunce whiche durynge the tyme of the foresayde solempnytye shall attende and wayte vppon them Wherefore though in the Vniuersities they that are promoted too the degree of Doctors do sustaī no small charges at the tyme of their cōmēcemēt as in geuīge of bonnetes and other ryche gyftes yet y ey geue no gold nor do bestowe any other giftes or costes lyke vnto these expenses Neither ī any coūtrey of the world is there any special degre geuen in the lawes of the sāe lāde but onely in y e royalme of Englande Neither is there any man o● lawe throughe out the vniuersall world whiche by reasō of his office or ꝓfession gaynethe somuch as one of these seriaunts No man also be he neuer so connynge skylfull in the lawes of the royalme shal be exalted to y e office and dignitie of a Iustice in the courte of pleas before the kīge or ī y e courte of the cōmē bench which are the chiefe ordinarie courtes of the same royalme oneles he be first ꝓmoted to the state and degree of a seriaunt at law Neither shall any man but onely such a seriaunt pleade in the courte of y t commen benche wheare all reall actions are pleaded Wherefore to this state and degree hath no man bene hetherto admitted except he haue first cōtinued by the space of xvi yeares in the said general studie of y e lawe And in token or signe that all Iustices ar thus graduat euerye of them alwayes whyle he sytteth ī y e kīges courtes weareth a white quoyfe of silke whiche is the principal and chief in signemet of habite where with seriauntes at lawe in their creation are decked And neither the Iustice nor yet the seriaunt shal euer put of y e quoyfe no not in the kynges presence thoughe he be in talke withe his maiesties highnes wherefore most noble prince you can not hereafter doubt but that these lawes which so singularli aboue the Ciuile lawes yea and aboue the lawes of all other royalmes are honoured and with so solempne a state of such as are learned therein and do professe y e sāe are worshipped must needes be precioꝰ noble and hieghe and of greate excellencie and of speciall knowlege and vertue SEd cū tu princeps scire desideres cur ī legibꝰ Angliae nō dantur baculariatꝰ et doctoratus gradus sicut in vtroque iure in vniuersitatibus est dare consuetū Scire te volo qd ’ licet gradus hm̄oi in legibus Angliae minime cōferātur datur tamen in illis nedum gradus sed et status quidam gradu doctoratꝰ nō minꝰ celebris aut solēnis qui gradus seruientis ad legē appellatur Et cōfertur sub hac q̄ subsequitur forma Capitalis Iusticiarius de cōi banco de cōsilio et assēsu oīm iusticiariorū eligere solet quotiēs sibi videtur oport●mū septē vel octo de maturioribus ꝑsonis qui in p̄dicto gen̄ali studio maius in legibus proficerūt qui eisdē iusticiar ’ optimae
you would muche marueill beecause you knowe not the cause of this lawe Howebeeit the difficultie of this case nothing troubleth him y t is learned in the lawes of England Wherfore it is a commen sayinge that an art hath no foe but the ignoraunt person But god forbid O noble prince that you should be an enemye to the lawes of that royalme whyche you shall by succession inherite or that you should despise them seeing y t y e a fore cited text of scripture instructeth you to the loue of Iustyce Wherefore moste soueraigne Prince I doe with moste earnest affection require you to learne the lawes of youre fathers kingdome whom you shall succeede not onelye to the intent you maye the rather auoyde these inconuenyences but also because mannes mynde which naturally desireth the thing that is good and can desire nothing but in respects that it is good as soone as by learninge it hathe taken holde of that whiche is good it becommeth ioyefull and loueth the same the more that it is afterwarde occupied in the remembrance of the same so much it is more delited therin Whereby you are taughte y t if you once by learning attaine to y e vnderstanding of y e foresaid lawes wherein you are nowe ignoraunt seeinge they bee perfectlye good you must needes loue thē And y e more y t you record thē in your mīde so much y e more delyte pleasure shal you haue in them For what soeuer it is y e is loued the same draweth the louer of it into y e nature therof So that as the Phisopher sayeth vse or exercise becommeth an other nature So a slippe of a Peare tree beeynge graffed into the stocke of an appletree after that it hath taken it so draweth the appletree into the nature of the Peartree y e they bothe for euer after are rightly called a peare-tree and doe bring furth the fruite of a pearetree In lyke sorte continuall vse and practyse of vertu causeth a full perfection therof in so muche that the practyser of the same is afterward named therby as a man indued with modestye of the vse therof is named modest Hee that vseth continencye is called continent and one garnished with wisedom is called wise Wherfore you also moste myghtye prince when you are plesantly delyted in Iustice and therewith indued in respect of the perfeccion of the law you shal wortheli be called Iust For which cause it shal be saide vnto you Thou hast loued Iustice hated iniquitie and therfore the lord thy God hath anointed the with y e oyle of gladnes aboue the kings of the earth thy cōpanions SEd quomō iusticiam diligere poteris sinon primo legum scientiā quibus ipsa cognoscatur vtcūque apprehēderis Dicit namque Philosophus quod nihil amatū nisi cognitum Quare Fabius Orator ait qd ’ felices essent artes si de illis soli artifices iudicarent Ignotum vero nō solum nō amari sed sperni solet quô poeta quidā sic ait omnia que nescit dicit spernē da colonus Et nō coloni solum vox hec est sed et doctorum peritissimorum quoque virorū Nā si ad Philosophum natural ’ qui in mathe nunquā studuit methaphisicus dicat qd ’ scientia sua considerat resseperatas ab ōni materia et motu scd’m secundum esse et secūdū rationē Vel mathemathecus dicat quod sua scientia considerat res coniunctas materīae et motui secundum esse sed seꝑatas secundum rationem Ambos hos licet phōs philosophus ille naturalis qui nūquā nouit res aliquas seꝑatas a materia motu essentia vel ratione spernet eorumquè sciencias licet sua scientia nobili ores ipse deridebit non alia ductꝰ causa nisi quia eorum scientias ipse penitus ignorat Sic et tu princeps legis Anglie ꝑitū miraberis si dicat quod frater fratri sibi nequaquā vterino non succedet in hereditate paterna sed potiꝰ hereditas illa soro ri integri sanguinis sui descendet Aut capitali domino feodi accidet vt escaeta sua Cū causam legis huíus tu ignores in lege tamen Angliae doctū huius casus difficultas nullatenus perturbat Quare et vulgariterdicitur quod ars non habet inimicum nisi ignorantem Sed absit a te fili Regis vt inimiceris legibus regni quo tu successurus es vel vt eas spernes cum iusticiam diligere predicta sapientiae lectio te erudiat Iterum igitur atque iterum princeps inclitissime te adiuro vt leges regni patris tui cui successurus es addiscas Ne dum vt inconueniētias has tu euites Sed quia mens humana quae naturaliter bonum appetit et nihil potest appetere nisi sub ratione boni mox vt per doctrinam bonum apprehēderit guadet et illud amat ac quanto deinceps illud plus recordatur tanto amplius delectatur ī eodem quo doceris quód si leges predictas quas iam ignoras intellexeris ꝑ doctrinam cum optimae illae sint amabis eas Et quāto plus easdem mente pertractaueris tanto eisdem delectabilius tu frueris Nam omne quod amatur vsu trahit amatorem suum in naturani eius Vnde vt dicit Philosophus vsus altera fit natura sic ramunculus piri stipiti pomi insertus postquam coaluerit ita pomum trahit in naturam piri vt ambae deinceps merito pirus appellentur fructusque producant piri Sic et vsitata virtus habitum generat vt vtens ea deinde a virtute illa denominetur quo modestiae preditus vsu modestus nominatur continētiae continens et sapientiae sapiens Quare et tu princeps postquam iustitia delectabiliter functus fueris habitumque legis indutus fueris merito denominaberis iustus cuius gratia tibi dicetur dilexisti iusticiam quo et odisti iniquitatem propterea vnxit te dominus deus tuus oleo letitiae pre consortibus tuis regibus terrae ¶ Here the Chauncellour briefly repeteth the effect of all his perswacion Cap. 6. NOw moste gracious prince is not all thys enoughe to moue youre highnes to the studye of y e lawe Seing that thereby you shal indue your selfe with Iustice whiche shall yelde vnto you the name of a iuste man And shall also eschue the infamy of ignoraunce in the lawe And further by the lawe you enioying felicity shal be blessed in this life And finallye beinge furnished w t a louyng feare whiche is the wisedome of God you shall obtain possesse Charitie whiche is a stedfast loue to godward and by the meane thereof cleanynge to God you shall by the apostles sayenge bee made one Spirite wyth hym But forsomuche as the lawe without grace cannot accōplish these thīgs it is necessarie and requisite that aboue all things you