74. But leaving him to stand or fall to his own Master I would fain know what text of Scripture ancient Writer or approved Councel can be brought to justifie Bounds Doctrines which he affirms for ancient truths and consonant to holy Scripture But more particularly where he can shew me any ground for the third Position viz. That there is as great reason why we Christians should take our selves as straightly bound to rest upon the Lords day as the Jewes were upon their Sabbath it being one of the moral Commandements whereof all are of equall authority This if it be a truth is no ancient truth and whensoever it be received and allowed for truth will in conclusion lay as heavy and insupportable Burthens upon the consciences of Gods people as ever were imposed upon the Jewes by the Scribes and Pharisees And secondly I would fain know the meaning of the following words in which it is said that others conceived them grounded on a wrong bottom but because they tended to the manifest advance of Religion it was pity to oppose them I would fain know I say considering that the foundation of the Christian faith is laid on the Doctrine of the Prophets and Apostles Christ himself being the chief corner stone how any thing which is not built upon this foundation but grounded on a wrong bottom as this seemed to be could tend to the manifest advance of the true Religion That it tended to the manifest advance of some Religion I shall easily grant and if our Author mean no otherwise we shall soon agree But sure I am no part of the true Religion was ever grounded upon â—alshood and therefore is 〈◊〉 Doctrine were grounded on so ill â— bottom aâ— they say it was it might â—onâ—â—â— to the advancement of a Faction and mens private 〈◊〉 but to the true Religion it was likely to contribute nothing but disgrace and scandal Lâ—stly I am to minde our Author that he makes Mr. Greenhams Treatise of the Sabbath to be published in pursuance of Bounds opinions which could not be till in or after the year 1595. Whereas he had laid him in his grave above two years before telling us that he died of the Plugue in London Anno 1592. fol. 219. By which it seems that Greenham either writ this Treatise after his decease oâ— else our Author hath done ill in giving the fâ—â—st honour of these new Doctrins unto Dr. Bound In the next place we shall see our Author engage himself in defence of the Calviâ—an Doctrins about Predestâ—ation Grace c. of which he telleth us that Fol. 229. Having much troubled both the Schools and Puâ—pit Archbishop Whitgift out of his Christian care to propogate the truth and suppress the opposite errors 〈◊〉 used a solemn meeting of many grave and learned 〈◊〉 at Lanibâ—th The occasion this The controversâ—â— about Predestination Grace c. had been long 〈◊〉 in the Schools between the Dominicant on the one side and the Francisâ—ans on the other 〈◊〉 the Dominicans grounding their opinion on the Authority of St. Augustin Prosper and some others of the following 〈◊〉 the Franciscans on the general current of the 〈◊〉 Fathers who lived ante motâ— certamina Pelagiana before the rising of the Pelagian Hereâ—ies 〈◊〉 disputes being after taken up in the 〈◊〉 Churches 〈◊〉 moderate Lutherans as they 〈◊〉 them followed the Doctrine of Melanchâ—hon conformable to the 〈…〉 those particulars The others whom they 〈…〉 or rigid Lutherans of whom 〈◊〉 Illyricus was the chief go in the same way with the Dominicans The authority of which last opinion after it had been entertained and publishe in the works of Calvin for his sake found admiâ—â—ance in the Schools and Pulpits of most of the Reformed Churches And having got footing here in England by the preaching of such Divines as had fled to Geneva in Queen Maries time it was defended in the Schools of Cambridge without opposition till Peter Barâ— a French man came and setled there Who being the Lady Margarets Pâ—ofessor in that University and liking better of the Melanchthonian way then that of Calvin defended it openly in the Schools many of parts and qâ—ality being gained unto his opinion Which gave so much displeasure to Dr. Whitaker Dr. Tyndall Mr. Perkins and some other leading men of the contrary judgement that they thought best to use the Argument ab Authoritatâ— to convince their Adversaries and complained thereof to the Archbishop and in the end prevailed with him to call that meeting at Lambeth which our Author speaks of in which some Articles commonly called the Nine Articles of Lambeth were agreed upon and sent down to Cambridge in favour of Dr. Whitaker and his Associates But our Author not content to relate the story of the Quarrel must take upon him also to be a judge in the Controversie He had before commended the Dominicans for their Orthodoxie in these points of Doctrine as they were then in agitation betwixt them and the Iesuits He now proceeds to do the like between the two parties men of great piety and learning appearing in it on both sides disputing the same points in the Church of England honouring the opinion of Dr. Whitaker and his Associates with the name of the truth and branding the other with the Title of the opposite error And yet not thinking that he had declared himself sufficiently in the favour of the Calvinian party he telleth us not long after of these Lambeth Articles fol. 232. that though they wanted the Authority of Provincial Acts yet will they readily be received of all Orthodox Christians for as far as their own purity bears conformity to Gods word Which last words though somewhat perplextly laid down must either intimate their conformity to the word of God or else signifie nothing But whatsoever opinion our Author hath of these Nine Articles certain it is that Queen Elizabeth was much displeased at the making of them and commanded them to be supprest which was done accordingly and with such diligence withall that for long time a Copy of them was not to be met with in that University Nor was King Iames better pleased with them then Queen Elizabeth was Insomuch that when Dr. Renalds mov'd in the Conference of Hampton-Court that the Nine Articles of Lambeth might be superadded to the 39. Articles of the Church of England King Iames upon an information of the true staâ—e of the businesse did absolutely refuse to give way to it But of this more at large elsewhere I only add a Memorandâ—m of our Authors mistake in making Dr. Richard Bancroft Bishop of London to be one of the Bishops which were present at the meeting at Lambeth whereas indeed 〈◊〉 was Richard Fletcher Bishop elect of London and by that name entituled in such Authors as relate this story Dr. Bancroft not being made Bishop of London or of any place else till the year 1597. which was two years after this Assembly Alike mistake relating to this business
to say the Title of Earl of Hereford which the Duke requested but so much of the Lands of those Earls as had been formeâ—ly enjoy'd by the House of Lancaster Concerning which we are to know that Humphry de Bohun the last Earl of Hereford left behinde him two Daughters only of which the eldest called Eleanor was married to Thomas of Woodstock Duke of Gloster Mary the other married unto Henry of Bullenbrook Earl of Darby Betwixt these two the Estate was parted the one Moiety which drew after it the Title of Hereford falling to Henry Earl of Darby the other which drew after it the Office of Constable to the Duke of Glocester But the Duke of Glocester being dead and his estate coming in fire unto his Daughter who was not able to contend Henry the fifth forced her unto a sub-division laying one half of her just partage to the other Moiety But the issue of Henry of Bullenbrook being quite extiâ—ct in the Person of Edward Prince of Wales Son of Henry the sixth these three parts of the Lands of the Earls of Hereford having been formerly incorporated into the Duchy of Lancaster remained in possession of the Crown but were conceiv'd by this Duke to belong to him as being the direct Heir of Anne Daughter of Thomas Duke of Glocester and consequently the direct Heir also of the House of Hereford This was the sum of his demand Nor do I finde that he made any suit for the Office of Constable or that he needed so to do he being then Constable of England as his Son Edward the last Duke of Buckingham of that Family was after him Fol. 199. At last the coming in of the Lord Stanley with three thousand fresh men decided the controversie on the Earls side Our Author is out in this also It was not the Lord Stanley but his Brother Sir William Stanley who came in so seasonably and thereby turn'd the Scale and chang'd the fortune of the day For which service he was afterward made Lord Chamberlain of the new Kings Houshold and advanc'd to great Riches and Estates but finally beheaded by that very King for whom and to whom he had done the same But the King look'd upon this action with another eye And therefore when the merit of this service was interposed to mitigate the Kings displeasure and preserve the man the King remembred very shrewdly that as he came soon enough to win the Victory so he staid long enough to have lost it ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Fifth and Sixth Books OF The Church History OF BRITAIN Relating to the time of King Henry the Eighth WE are now come to the busie times of King Henry the Eighth in which the power of the Church was much diminisht though not reduced to such ill terms as our Author makes it We have him here laying his foundations to overthrow that little which is left of the Churches Rights His superstructures we shall see in the times ensuing more seasonable for the practice of that Authority which in this fifth Book he hammereth only in the speculation But first we will begin with such Animadversions as relate unto this time and story as they come in our way leaving such principles and positions as concern the Church to the close of all where we shall draw them all together that our discourse and observations thereupon may come before the Reader without interruption And the first thing I meet with is a fault of Omission Dr. Newlen who succeeded Dr. Iackson in the Presâ—dentship of Corpus Christi Colledge in Oxford Anno 1640. by a free election and in a statuteable way being left out of our Authors Catalogue of the Presidents of C. C. C. in Oxford fol. 166. and Dr. Stanton who câ—me in by the power of the Visitors above eight years after being placed therein Which I thought fit though otherwise of no great moment to take notice of that I might do the honest man that right which our Author doth not Fol. 168. King Henry endevoured an uniformity of Grammar all over his Dominions that so youths though changing their School-masters might keep their learning That this was endevoured by King Henry and at last enâ—oyned I shall easily grant But then our Authour should have told us if at least he knew it that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thereof pâ—oceeded fâ—om the Convocation in the yeaâ— 1530. in which complaint being made Quod multiplex varius in Scholis Grammaticalibus modus esset 〈◊〉 c. That the multiplicity of Grammars did much him to learning it was thought meet by the Prelates and Clergy then assembled Vt una eadem edatur formula Auctoritate 〈…〉 singula Schola Grammaâ—icals per 〈…〉 that is to say that one only 〈…〉 that within few years after it was enjoyned by the Kings Proclamation to be used in all the Schools thoughout the Kingdom But here we are to note withall that our Author anticipates this business placing it in the eleventh year of this Kingâ— Anno 1519. whereas the Convocation took not this into conâ—ideration till the eighth of March Anno 1530. and ceâ—tainly would not have medled in it then if the King had setled and enjoyned it so long before Fol. 168. otherâ—ardiner â—ardiner gathered the Flowers made the Collections though King Henry had the honour to wear the Posie I am not ignorant that the making of the Kings Book against Martin Luther is by some Popish writers ascribed to Dr. Iohn Fisher then Bishop of Rochester But this Cavâ—â— was not made till after this King had reâ—ected the Popes Supremacy and consequently the lesse credit to be given unto it It is well known that his Father King Henry the seventh designed him for the Arch-bishoprick of Canterbury and to that end caused him to be trained up in all parts of learning which might inable 〈◊〉 for that place But his elder Brother Prince Arthur dâ—ing and himself succeeding in the Crown though he had laid aside the thoughts of being a Priest he could not but retain that Learning which he had acquired and reckon it amongst the fairest Flowers which adorned his Diadem Too great a Clerk he was to be called Beauclerk junior as if he were as short in learning of King Henry the first whom commonly they called Beauclerk as he was in time though so our Author would fain have it Hist. Cam. p. 2 3. A little learning went a great way in those early dayes which in this King would have made no shewâ— in whose â—â—me both the Arts and Languages began to flourish And if our Author doth not suspect this Kings lack of learning he hath no reason to suspect his lack of 〈◊〉 the work being small the glory great and helps enough at hand if he wanted any But of this enough Fol. 196. Which when finished as White-hall Hampton-Court c. he either freely gave to the King or exchanged them on very reasonable considerations That Hampton Court was either freely given by
his very Book fol. 283. which is this that followeth Once saith he it was in my minde to set down a Catalogue easie to do and useful when done of such Houses of Cistercians Templers and Hospitallers which were founded since the Lateran Council yet going under the general notion of Tithe-free to the great injury of the Church But since on second thoughts I conceived it better to let it alone as not sure on such discovery of any blessing from such Ministers which should gain but certain of many curses from such Lay-men who should lose thereby So he But I have heard it for a usual saying of King Henry the fourth of France That he that feared the Popes curse the reproaches of discontented people and the frowns of his Mistress should never sleep a quiet hour in his bed And so much for that Fol. 357. But this was done without any great cost to the Crown only by altering the Property of the place from a late made Cathedral to an Abbey Our Author speaks this of the Church of Westminster which though it suffered many changes yet had it no such change as our Author speaks of that is to say from a Cathedral to an Abbey without any other alteration which came in between For when the Monastery was dissolved by King Henry the eighth An. 1539. it was made a Deanry Will. Benson being the first Dean In the year 1541. he made it an Episcopal See or Cathedral Church and placed Thomas Thurlby the first Bishop there But Thurlby being remov'd to Norwich Anno 1550. the Bishoprick was suppressed by King Edward the sixth and the Church ceased from being Cathedral continuing as a Deanry only till the 21. of November 1557. at what time Dr. Hugh Weston the then Dean thereof unwillingly remov'd to Winsor made room for Fecknaâ— and his Monks and so restor'd it once again to the State of an Abbey as our Author telleth us Fol. 359. Nor can I finde in the first year of Queen Elizabeth any particular Statute wherein as in the râ—ign of King Henry the eighth these Orders are nominatim suppressed c. But first the several Orders of Religious Persons were not suppressed nominatim except that of St. Iohns by a Statute in the time of King Henry the eight Secondly if there were no such Statute yet was it not because those Houses had no legal settlement as it after followeth Queen Mary being vested with a power of granting Mortmains and consequently of founding these Religious Houses in a Legal way Thirdly there might be such a Statute though our Author never had the good luck to see it and yet for want of such good luck I finde him apt enough to think there was no such Statute Et quod non invenit usquam esse putat nusquam in the Poets language And such a Statute as he speaks of there was indeed mentioned and related to in the Charter of Queen Elizabeth for founding the Collegiate Church of St. Peter in Westminster But being an unprinted Statute and of private use it easily might escape our Authors diligence though it did not Camdens who being either better â—ighted or more concern'd had a view thereof For telling â—s how the Monks with their Abbot had been set in possession again by Queen Mary he after addeth that they within a while after being cast out by Authority of Parliment the most vertuous Queen Elizabeth converted it into a Collegiate Church or rather into a Seminary or Nurse Garden of the Church c. Fol. 369. Jesuits the last and newest of all Orders The newest if the last there 's no doubt of that but the last they were not the Oratorians as they call them being of a later brood The Iesuites founded by Ignatius Loyola a Spaniard and confirmed by Pope Paul the thiâ—d Anno 1540. The Oratorians founded by Philip Meriâ— a Florentine and confirmed by Pope Pius the fourth Anno 1564. By which accompt these Oratorians are younger Brethren to the Iesuites by the space of four and twenty years and consequently the â—esuites not the last and newest of Religious Orders ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Seventh and Eighth Books OF The Church History OF BRITAIN Containing the Reigns of King Edward the sixth and Queen Mary WE are now come unto the Reign of King Edward the sixth which our Author pâ—sseth lightly over though very full of action and great alterations And heâ—e the first thing which I meet with is an unnecessary Quaere which he makes about the Injunctions of this King Amongst which we finde one concerning the religious keeping of the Holy-dayes in the close whereof it is declared That it shall be lawful for all people in time of Harvest to labour upon Holy and Festivall dayes and save that thing which God hath sent and that scrupulosity to abstain from woâ—king on those dayes doth grievously offend God Our Author heâ—upon makes this Quaere that is to say Fol. 375. Whether in the 24 Injunction labouring in time of Harvest upon Holy-dayes and Festivals relateth not only to those of Ecclesiastical Constitution as dedicated to Saints or be inclusive of the Lords-day also Were not our Author a great Zelot for the Lords-day-Sabbath and â—â—â—dious to intitle it to some Antiquity we had not met with such a Quaere The Law and Practice of those times make this plain enough For in the Statute of 5 and 6 of Edward the sixth c. 3. the names and number of the Holy-dayes being first laid down that is to say All Sundayes in the year the Feasts of the circumcision of our Lord Iesus Christ of the Epiphany c. with all the rest still kept and there named particularly it is thus enacted viz. That it shall and may be lawful to every Husbandman Labourer Fisherman and to all and every other person and persons of what Estate Degree or Condition he or they be upon the Holy-dayes aforesaid in Harvest or at any other times in the year when necessity shall so require to labour ride fish or work any kinde of 〈◊〉 at their free-wils and pleasure any thing in this Act to the contrary notwithstanding The Law being such there is no question to be made in point of practice nor consequently of the meaning of the Kings injunction For further opening of which truth we finde in Sir Iohn Haywoods History of this King that not the Countrey only but the Court were indulged the liberty of attending but ness on that day it being ordered by the King amongst other things That the Lords of the Councell should upon Sundayes attend the publick Affairs of the Realm dispatch Answers to Letters for good order of the State and make full dispatches of all things concluded the week before Provided that they be pâ—esent at Common Prayer And that on every Sunday night the Kings Secretary should deliver him a memorial of such things as are to be debated by the Privy Councell in the week ensâ—ing Which Orders had our Author
in this caâ—e came before by whose continual importunity and 〈◊〉 the breach of the Treaties followed after The King lov'd peace â—oo well to lay aside the Treaties and engage in War before he was desperate of success any other way then by that of the Sword and was assur'd both of the hands and hearts of his subjects to assist him in it And therefore ouâ— Author should have said that the King not only called together his great Councel but broke off the Treaty and not have given us here such an Hysteron Proteron as neither doth consist with reason not the truth of story ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Eleventh Book OF The Church History OF BRITAIN Containing the Reign of King Charles THis Book concludes our Authors History and my Animadverâ—â—ons And 〈◊〉 the end be 〈◊〉 unto the beginning it is like to 〈…〉 enough our Author stumbling at the Threshold 〈◊〉 â—moâ—gst superstitious people hath been 〈…〉 presage Having placed King Charles upon 〈…〉 he goes on to tell us that Fol. 117. On the fourtâ—enth 〈…〉 James his Funerals were 〈…〉 Collegiat Church at 〈…〉 but the fourth saith the 〈…〉 Reign of King Charls and 〈…〉 was on the 〈…〉 â—â—venth of May on which those solemn Obsequies were 〈…〉 Westminster Of which if he will not take my word seâ— him consult the Pamphleâ— called the 〈…〉 â—ol 6. and he shall be satisfied Our 〈…〉 muâ—â— keep time better or else we shall neveâ— know how the day goes with him Fol. 119. As for Dr. Preâ—â—on c. His party would 〈◊〉 us that he might have chose his own Mitre And 〈…〉 his party would perswade us That he had not only large parts of suâ—â—icient receipt to manage the broad 〈…〉 but that the Seal was proffered to him fol. 131. But we are not bound to believe all which is said by that party who look'd vpon the man with such a reverence as came near Idolaâ—â—y His Principles and engagements were too well known by those which governed Affairs to ventâ—â—e him â—nto any such great trust in Church or State and his activity so suspected that he would not have been long suffered to continue Preacher at Lincolns Inn. As for his intimacy with the Duke too violent to be long lasting it proceeded not from any good â—pinion which the Duke had of him but that he found how instrumental he might be to manage that prevailâ—â—g party to the Kings advantage But when it was 〈◊〉 that he had more of the Serpent in him then of the 〈◊〉 and that he was not tractable in steering the 〈◊〉 of his own Party by the Court Compass he was discountenanc'd and â—aid by as not worth the keeping He seemed the Court Mâ—reor for a while 〈◊〉 to a sâ—dden height of expectation and having 〈◊〉 and blaz'd a 〈◊〉 went out again and was as suddâ—â—nly â—oâ—gotten â—ol 119. Next day the King coming from Canterbury 〈…〉 with all solemnity she was 〈…〉 in London where a Chappel 〈…〉 her Devâ—tionâ— with a Covent 〈…〉 to the Articles of her 〈…〉 how â—ame he to be suffered to be present at 〈◊〉 in the capacity of Lord Keeper For that he did so is affirmed by our Author saying That the King took a Sâ—role of Parchment out of his bosom and gave it to the Lâ—rd 〈…〉 who read it to the Commons four sevâ—raâ— times East-West North and South fol. 123. Thirdly the Lord Keeper who read that Scrole was not the 〈◊〉 Keeper Williams but the Lord Keeper Coventry 〈◊〉 Seal being taken from the Bishop of Lincoln and 〈◊〉 to the custoâ—y of Sir Thomas Coventry in October before And therefore fourthly our Author is much ouâ— in placing both the Coronation and the following Parliament befoâ—e the change of the Lord Keeper and sending Sir Iohn Suckling to feâ—ch that Seal at the end of a Parliâ—ment in the Spring which he had brought away with him before Michaelmas Term. But as our Author was willing to keep the Bishop of Lincoln in the Deaâ—â—y of Westminster for no less then five or six years after it was confer'd on another so is he as desirous to continue him Lord Keeper for as many months after the Seal had been entrusted to another hand Fol. 122. The Earl of Arundel as Earl Marshal of 〈◊〉 and the Duke of Buckingham as Lord High Constâ—ble of England for that day went before his Majesty in that great Solemnity In this passage and the next that follows ouâ— Author shews himself as bad an Herald in marshalling a Royal shew as in stating the true time of the câ—eation of a Noble Peer Here in this place he plaâ—eth the Earl Marshal before the Constable whereas by the 〈◊〉 31 H. 8. c. 10. the Constable is to have 〈◊〉 before the Marshal Not want there Precedents to shew that the Lord High-Constable did many times direct his Mâ—ndats to the Earl Marshal as one of the Miniâ—â—ers of his Court willing and requiring him to perform such and such services as in the said Precepts were expâ—essed In the next place we are informed that Ibid. That the Kings Train being six yards long of Purple Velvet was held up by the Lord Compton and the Lord Viscount Dorcester That the Lord Compton was one of them which held up the Kings Train I shall easily grant he being then Master of the Robes and thereby châ—llenging a right to peâ—foâ—m this service But that the Lord Viscount Dorcester was the other of them I shall never grant there being no such Viscount at the time of the Coronation I cannot 〈◊〉 but that Sir Dâ—dley Carleton might be one of those which held up the Train though I am not sure of it But sure I am that Sir Dudley Carleton was not made Baron of Imber-Court till towards the latter end of the following Parliament of An. 1626 nor created Viscount Dorcester until some years after Fol. 122. The Lord Archbishop did present his Majesty to the Lords and Commons East West North South asking their mindes four several times if they did consent to the Coronation of King Charles their lawful â—overaign This is a piece of new State-doctrine never known before that the Coronation of the King and consequently his Succession to the Crown of England should depend on the consent of the Lords and Commons who were then assembled the Coronation not proceeding as he after â—elleth us till their consent was given four times by â—cclamations And this I call a piece of new State-doctrine never known before because I finde the contrary in the Coronation of our former Kings For in the form and manner of the Coronation of King Edward 6. described in the Catalogue of Honor â—et â—orth by Tho. Mills of Canterbury Anno 1610. we finde it thus The King being carried by certain Noble Courtiers in another Chair â—nto the four sides of the Stage was by the Archbishop of Canterbury declared unto the people standing round about both by Gods and mans Laws to be the right and lawâ—ul King of
himself possibly â—an be And therefore I must not by â—â—â—obeying my Pâ—ince commit a certain â—in in preventing a pâ—obable but contingent inconveniency This if it were good Doctâ—ine then when both the Author and the Book weâ—e crâ—ed up even to admiration is not to be reâ—â—â—ted as falâ—e Doctâ—ine now truth being constant to 〈◊〉 not varying nor altering with the change of times Bâ—t oâ—r Author will not sâ—op here he goes on and saith Ibid. Mâ—â—y moderate men are of opinion that this abuse of the Lord-day was a principal procurer of Gods anger 〈◊〉 poured out on this Land in a long and bloudy Civil 〈◊〉 And moderate peâ—haps they may be in apparel 〈…〉 the like civil acts of life and conversation but 〈…〉 moderate enough in this Observation For who hath kâ—â—wn the minde of the Lord or who hath been his Counsâ—ll◠〈…〉 the great Apostle But it is as common with some men of the newest Religions to adscribe 〈…〉 judgements to some special Reasons as 〈…〉 the Key which opens into his Cabinet 〈…〉 as iâ— they were admitted to all 〈…〉 in the 〈…〉 Heaven before that dreadful 〈◊〉 oâ— the year 1562. and 1565. the constant 〈◊〉 of the Chappels in his Majesties Houses most 〈◊〉 the Cathedral and some of the Paâ—ochial Churches and â—inally a Declaration of the King Anno 1633. â—ommending a Conâ—ormity in the Parish Churches to their own Cathedrals They on the other side stood chiefly upon disâ—ontinuâ—nce but urged withall that some Rubâ—â—â—ks in the Common-Prayer-Book seemed to make for them So that the Question being reduced to a matter of â—act that is to say the Table must 〈◊〉 this way or it must stand that way I would fain know how any condescension might be made on either 〈…〉 to an accommodation or what our Moderatâ—â— would have done to at one the differences Suppoâ—e him â—â—tting in the Chair the Arguments on both 〈…〉 â—nd all the Audience full of expectation 〈…〉 would carry it The Moderator Fuller of old Meâ—â—y-Tales then ordinary thus resolves the businesse that he had heard it commended for a great piece of wisdom in Bishop Andrews That wheresoever he was a Parson a Dean or a Bishop he never troubled Parish Colledge or Diocess with pressing other Ceremonies upon them then such which he found used there before his coming thither that King Iames finding the Archbishop of Spalato in a resolution of â—â—eâ—â—ioning all such Leases as had been made by his 〈◊〉 in the Savoy gave him this wise Counsell Relinque res sicut eas invenisti That he should leave things as he found them that the sâ—id King being told by a great person of the invertâ—d situation of a Chappel in Cambridge 〈◊〉 â—nswer that it did not matter how the 〈◊〉 stood so their hearts who go thither were 〈…〉 in Gods service But for his part he liked 〈◊〉 of the Resolution of Dr. Prideaux when wearied with the Businesses of the Councel-Table and the High Commission But as he was soon hot so he was soon cool'd And so much is observed by Sir Edward Deering though his greatest adversary and the first that threw dirt in his face in the late long Parliament who telleth us of him that the roughness of his uncourtly Nature sent most men discontented from him 〈◊〉 so that he would often of himself â—inde wayes and means to sweeten many of them again when they least looked for it In this more modest then our Author who gives us nothing of this Pâ—elate but his wants and weaknesses But of this Reverend Prelate he will give cause to speak more hereafter Let us now on unto another of a different judgement his proâ—est enemy Mr. Prin of whom thus our Author Fol. â—57 Mr. William Prinne was borne about Bath in Glocestershire c. and began with the writing of some Orthodox books In this story of Mr. Prinne and his suffeâ—ings our Author runs into many errors which either his love unto the Man or zeal to the good cause or carelesness of what he writes have brought upon him For first Bath is not in Glostershire but a chief City in the County of Somerset Secondly though I look on Mr. Prinne so far forth as I am able to judge by some Books of his not long since published as a man of a far more moderate spirit then I have done formerly yet can I not think his first Books to have been so Orthodox as our Author makes them For not to say any thing of his Perpetuity his Books entituled Lame Giles his Haltings Cozens Cozening Devotions and his Appendix to another have many things repugnant to the Rules and Canons of the Church of England No 〈◊〉 Champion against bowing at the name of Iesus nor greater enemy to some Ceremonies here by Law 〈◊〉 In whicâ— paâ—â—iculars iâ— our Author tâ—iâ—k him to be Orthodox he declares himself to be no true Son of the Church of England Thirdly the Book called Histrio-Mastix was not writ by Mr. Prinne about three years before his 〈…〉 as our Author telleth us for then it must be wâ—it or publisht Anno 1634. whereas indeed that Book was published in Print about the latter end of 1632. and the Author censur'd in Sâ—ar-Chamber for some pâ—ssâ—ges in iâ— abouâ— the latter end of the year 1633. Otheâ—wise had it been as our Author telleth us the punishment 〈…〉 the offence and he must suffer for â— Book which was not publisht at that â—ime and peâ—haps not wâ—itten But our Author hâ—th a special facâ—lty in this kinde which few writers 〈◊〉 For â—s he post-dateth this Histrio-Mastix by making it come into the 〈…〉 after it did so he ante 〈◊〉 a Book of Dâ— White then Lord Bishop of Ely which he makes to be publisht two yeaâ—s sooner then indeed it wâ—s Thâ—t book of his entituled A Treatise of the Sabbath came noâ—â—ut â—ill Michaelmas Anno 1635. though placed by ouâ— Authoâ— as then written Anno 1633. for which see fol. 144. Next unto Mr. Prinne in the coâ—â—se of his Censure comes the Bishop of Lincoln the 〈◊〉 whereof we have in our Author who having left a 〈…〉 somewhat which he thinks not â—it to make known to all gives some occasion to suspect that the matter was far woâ—se on the Bishops side then perhaps it was And therefore to prevent all further misconstructions in thi◠〈◊〉 I will lay down the story as I finde it thus viz. The Bishops purgation depending chiefly upon the testimony of one Prideon it hapned â—hat the 〈◊〉 after one Elizabeth Heaâ—on was delivered of a base childe and laid to this Prideon The Bishop finding his great witness charged with such a load of filth 〈…〉 would invalidate all his 〈…〉 valid the Bishop could easily prognosticate his own ruine therefore he bestirs himself amain and though by order of the Justices at the publick Session at Lincoln Prideon was charged as the reputed father the Bishop by his two Agents Powel and Owen
and that Nation satisfied by the Kings condescensions to them there might be such an explication made of those general words as to restrain them unto temporal pains and civil penalties by which the censures of the Church might remain as formeâ—ly And fourthly in order thereunto they had procured a Proviso to be entred in the House of Paâ—s That the general words in this Bill should extend only to the High Commission Court and not reach other Ecclesiastical jurisdictions for which consult our Author fol. 181. â—aving thus passed over such matters as concern the Châ—â—ch we will now look upon some few things which relate to the Parliament And the first is that Fol. 174. Dâ— Pocklington and Dr. Bray were the twâ— first that felt the displeasures of it the former for preaching and printing the later for licencing two Books one calâ—â— Sunday no Sabbâ—h the other the Christian Altar No other way to 〈◊〉 the higâ— displeaâ—ures of the Bishop of Lincoln but by â—uch a Sacrifice who therefore is intrusted to gather such Propositions out of those twâ— Books as were to be recanâ—ed by the one and for which the other was to be depriv'd of all his preferments And in this the Bishop serv'd his own turn and the peoples too his own turn first in the great controversie of the Altar in which he was so great a â—â—ickleâ— and in which Pocklington was thought to have provoked him to take that revenge The Peoples turn he serv'd next in the condemning and recanting of some points about the Sabbath though therein he ran cross to his former practice Who had been not long since so far from thoâ—e Sabbatarian rigors which now he would fain be thought to countenance that he caus'd a Comedy to be acted before him at his house at Bugden not only on a Sunday in the afternoon but upon such a Sunday also on which he had publickly given sacred Orders both to Pâ—iests and Deacons And to this Comedy he invited the Earl of Manchester and divers of the neighbouring â—entry though on this turning of the tide he did not only cause these Doctors to be condemned for some Opinions which formerly himself allowed of but mov'd at the Assembly in Ierusalem Chamber that all Books should be publickly burnt which had disputed the Morality of the Lords-day-Sabbath Quo teneam nodo c. as the Poet hath it But whereas our Author tells us in the following words that soon after both the Doctors deceaâ—ed for grief I dare with some confidence tell him there was no such matter Dr. Pocklington living about two years and Dr. Bray above four years after with as great chearfulness and courage as ever formerly How he hath dealt with Dr. Cousen we shall see more at large hereafter in a place by it self the discourse thereof being too long and too full of particulars to come within the compass of an Animadveâ—â—on In the mean time proceed we unto Bishop 〈◊〉 of whom thus as followeth Fol. 182. A Bill was sent up by the Commons against Matthew Wren ofâ—ly â—ly containing 25 Articles c. That such a Bill was â—â—nt up from the House of Commons is undoubtedly true And no less true it is that many impeachments of like nature were hammered at and about the same time against many other Clergy men of good note though inâ—erior Order the Articles whereof were printed and exposed to open sale to their great disparagement And therefore I would fain know the reason why this man should be singled ouâ— amongst all the rest to stand impeached upon Record in our Authors History especially considering that there was nothing done by the Lords in pursuance of it the impeachment dying in a manner assoon as born Was it beâ—â—use he was more criminal then the others were 〈…〉 the 〈◊〉 was better prov'd or for what 〈…〉 Well since our Author will not I will tell you 〈◊〉 And I will tell it in the words of King 〈◊〉 in the Conference at Hampton-Court upon occasion of a 〈…〉 exception taken by Dr. Reynolds at a passage in Ecclesiâ—sticus What trow ye said the King makes these men so aâ—gâ—y with Ecclesâ—â—â—cus By my Sal I think he was a Bishopâ— or else they would never use him so And so much for thaâ— Fol. 174. About this time was the first motion of a new Protestatiâ—n to be taken all over England which some months â—â—ter was generally performed What time this was ouâ— Aâ—thoâ— tells us in the margin pointing to Feb. 4. about which time there was no mention of the Protestation nor occasion for it The first mention which was made of the Pâ—â—testation was upon Munday May the third on which day it was mentioned fram'd and taken by all the Membeâ—s of the House of Commons excepting the Lord George Digby now Earl of Bristol and an Uncle of 〈◊〉 The occasion of it was a Speech made by the King in the House of Peers in favour of the Earl of 〈◊〉 upon the Saturday before which mov'd them to unite themselves by this 〈…〉 bringing to condign punishment all such as â—â—all either by â—orce practice plots councels conspiracies or otherwise do any thiâ—g to the contrary of any thing in the same Prâ—testation contain'd Which Proâ—estation being carried into the 〈◊〉 of Peers was after some few dâ—yes generally taken by that House also But tâ—e prevalent party in the 〈◊〉 of Commons having fâ—â—ther aims then such as our Author pleaseth to take notice of first caâ—s'd 〈◊〉 to be 〈◊〉 by an Order of the fifth of May that they 〈…〉 down to the Sheriffes and Iâ—sâ—ices of Peace in the several Shires to whom the intimaâ—ed that as they 〈◊〉 the taking of it in themselves so they câ—uld not but approve it in all such as should take iâ— But fâ—nding that this did not much edifie with the Countâ—â—◠〈◊〉 they desired the Lords to concur with them 〈…〉 the same Failing thereof by an Order of their own House only Iuly 30. it was declared that the Protâ—station made by them was fit to be taken by every Person that was well affected in Religion and to the good â—f the Common-wealth and therefore what Person â—â—ever 〈◊〉 not takâ— the same was unfit to bear Office in the Church or Common-wealth Which notwithstanâ—ing many refus'd to take it as our Aâ—thor telleth us not knowing bâ—t 〈…〉 use might be made thereof as afteâ—ward 〈◊〉 by those Pikes and Protestations whiâ—h condâ—â—â—ed some of the five Members to the House of Commons Fol. 183 About this time came forth the Lâ—rd Bâ—ook his Book against Bishops accusing them in respect of their Parentage to be de faece populi of the 〈◊〉 of the peâ—ple and in respect of their Studies no way fiâ— for Government or to be Barons in Parliameâ—t A passage mis-beâ—oming no mans pen so much as his 〈…〉 whose Father neither was of a better Extraction then some noâ— better leâ—t as in the way of his subsisâ—ence then any of the Bishops
c. Upon a sâ—ditious Sermon which he preached in that Church where contrary to his duty he had neglected to preach for seven years together before he was first questioned at Durham from whence he was called to the High Commission Court at Lond. and afterwardâ— at his own desire remitted to the same Court at York where being sentenced to recant and refusing so to do with great scorn he was at last upon his obstinacy degraded from his Ecclesiasticall Function and that Sentence was not long after judicially confirmed by Judge Damport at the publick Assises in Durham where he was by publick sentence also at the Common Law put out of his Prebend and his Benefices that he formerly held in that County Many years following he procured a large Maintenance for himself and his Family to the summ of 400 l. per ann more worth to him then his Chuâ—ch-profiâ—s ever were out of the peculiar Contributions at London and elsewhere gathered up for silenced Ministers But when the Parliament began in the year 1640 upon project and hope of getting more he preferred a Bill oâ— Complaint there against thirty severall persons at the least that is against the High Commissioners at London the same Commissioners and Prebends Residentiary at York the Dean and Chapter of Durham with diveâ—s others whereof I was but One though he was pleased to set my Name in the Front of them all From all these together he expected to recover and receive a greater summ of money for Money was his project pretending that he had lost by them no less then thirty thousand pounds though he was never known to be worth one After his Bill of Complaint was carried up by a Gentleman of the House of Commons to the House of Lords among the rest of those persons that were accused by him some for Superstition and some for Persecution I put in my full Answer upon Oath and declared the truth of the whole matter whereof Mr. Fuller taketh not any notice at all and therein dealeth most unfaithfully both with me and the Reader of his History for that Answer of mine is upon Record among the Rolls of Parliament and was justified before the Lords both by my self and by the very Witness that Mr. Smart and his Son-in-law produced there against me whereupon his own Lawyer Mr. Glover openly at the Bar of that honourable House forsook him and told him plainly that he was ashamed of his Complaint and could not in Conscience plead for him any longer Mr. Smart in the mean while crying out aloud and beseeching their Lordships to appoint him another Lawyer and to take care of his fourteen thousand pound damages besides other demands that he had to make which arose to a grâ—ater summ But after this which was the fifth day of pleading between uâ— the Case was heard no more concerning my particular and many of the Lords said openly that â—r Smarâ— had abused the House of Commons with a causâ—â—ess Complaint against me whereupon my Lord the Earl of Warwick was pleased to bring me an Order of â—he Lords House whereby I had liberty granted me to â—eturn unto my places of Charge in the University or â—lsewhere till they sent for me again which they never â—id The Answers that I gave in upon Oath and justified â—efore their Lordships were to this effect all contrary 〈◊〉 Mr. Fullers groundless reports 1. Tâ—at the Communion-Table in the Church of Durâ—am which in the Bill of Complaint and M. Fullers Hist. 〈◊〉 said to be the Marble Altar with Châ—rubins was not 〈◊〉 up by me but by the Dean and Chapter there 〈◊〉 of Mr. Smart himself was one many years beâ—â—re I bâ—came Prâ—â—endary of that Church or ever saw 〈◊〉 Country 2. That by the publick Accountâ— which are there â—â—gistred it did not appear to have cost above the tenth â—â—rt of what is pretended Appurtenanceâ— and all 3. That likewise the Copes used in that Church â—ere brought in thither long before my time and when â—r Smart thâ— Complainant was Prebâ—ndary there who â—â—so allowed his part as I was ready to prove by the 〈◊〉 Book of the money that they cost for they cost â—t little 4. That as I never approved the Picture of the Triâ—y or the Image of God the Father in the Figure of 〈◊〉 old Man or otherwise to be made or placed any â—â—ere at all So I was well assured that there were none â—â—ch nor to my knowledge or hear-say ever had been put upon any Cope that was used there among us One there was that had the Story of the Passion embroidered upon it but the Cope that I used to weare when at any time I attended the Communion-Service was of plain white Sattin only without any Embroidery upon it at all 5. That â—hat the Bill of Complaint called the Image of Christ with a blew Cap and a golden Beard Mr. Fullers History sayes it was red and that it was set upon one of the Copes was nothing else but the top of Bishop Haâ—fields Tomb set up in the Church under a siâ—e-Arch there two hundred years before I was born being a little Portraiture not appearing to be above ten Inches long and hardly discernable to the eye what Figure it is for it stands thirty Foot from the ground 6. That by the locall Statutes of that Church wherunâ—o Mr. Smart was sworn as well as my selfe the Treasurer was to give Order that the provision should every year be made of a sufficient number of Wax-lightâ— for the Service of the Quire during all the Winter time which Statute I observed when I was chosen into that Office and had order from the Dean and Chapter by Capâ—tular Act to do it yet upon the Communion Table they that used to light the Candles the Sacriâ—ts and the Virgers never set more then two fair Candleâ— with a few small Sizes neer to them which they put there of purpose that the people all about might have the better use of them for singing the Psalmes and reading the Lessons out of the Bibles But two hundred was a greater number then they used all the Church over either upon Candlemâ—s Night or any other and that there were no more sometimes many less lighted at that time then at the like Festivalls in Christmas-Holydaies when the people of the City came in greater company to the Church and therefore required a greater store of lights 7. That I never forbad nor any body else that I know the singing of the Meeter Psalms in the Church which I used to sing daily there my self with other company at Morning Prayer But upon Sundaies and Holy-daies in the Quire before the Sermon the Creed was sung and sung plainly for every one to understand as it is appointed in the Communion Book after the Sermon we sung a part of a Psalm or some other Antheme taken out of the Scripture and first signified to the people where they might find it 8. That so far
one of the Daughters of Charls Brandon Duke of Suffolk and of Mary the French Queen King 〈◊〉 Sister Fol. 427. The late French King Henry the fourth had three Daughters the one married to the Duke of Savoy c This Marriage both for the time and person is mistaken also First for the time in making it to precede the match with Spain whereas the cross Marriages with Spain were made in the year 1612. and this with Savoy not trans-acted till the year 1618. Secondly for the Person which he makes to be the eldest Daughter of Henry the fourth and Elizabeth married into Spain to be the second whereas Elizabeth was the eldest Daughter and Christienne married into Savoy the second onely For which consult Iames Howels History of Lewis the 13. fol. 13. 42. Fol. 428. The story was that his Ancestors at Plough â—lew Malton an High-land Rebel and dis-comfited his Train using no other Weapon but his Geer and Tackle But Camden whom I rather credit tells us That this was done in a great fight against the Danes For speaking of the Earls of Arrol he derives the Pedigree from one Hay a man of exceeding strength and excellent courage who together with his Sons in a dangerous Battle of Scots against the Danes at Longcarty caught up an Ox Yoak and so valiantly and fortunately withal what with fighting and what with exhorting re-inforced the Scots at the point to shâ—ink and recoyl that they had the day of the Danes and the King with the States of the Kingdom adscribed the Victory and their own safety to his valor and prowess Ibid. But to boot he sought out a good Heir Gup my Lady Dorothy sole Daughter to the Lord Denny This spoken of Sir Iames Hay afterwards Viscount Doncaster and Earl of Carâ—â—sle who indeed married the Daughter and sole Heir of the L. Denny of Waltham But he is out for all that in his Gup my Lady her name being Honora and not Dorothy as the Author makes it And for his second Wife one of the Daughters of Henry Piercy E. of North-Humberland she was neither a Dorothy nor an Heiâ— And therefore we must look for this Gup my Lady in the House of Huntington that bald Song being made on the Marriage of the Lady Dorothy Hastings Daughter of George Earl of Huntington with a Scotish Gentleman one Sir Iames Steward slain afterward at â—â—â—ington by Sir George Wharton who also perisht by his Sword in a single Combate Fol. 429. Amongst many others that accompanied Hays expedition was Sir Henry Rich Knight of the Bath and Baron of Kensington Knight of the Bath at that time but not Baron of Kensington this Expedition being plac'd by our Author in the year 1616. and Sir Henry Rich not being made Baron of Kensington till the 20 year of King Iames Annâ— 1622. Fol. 434. The chief Iudge thereof is called Lordchief Iustice of the Common Pleas accompanied with three or four Assistants or Associates who are created by Letters Patents from â—he King But Doctor Cowel in his learned and laborious work called The Interpreter hath informed us otherwise This Iustice saith he speaking of the chief Justice of the Kings Bench hath no Patent under the Broad-Seal He is made onely by Writ which is a short one to this effect Regina Iohanni Popham Militi salutem Sciatis quod constituimus 〈◊〉 Iâ—stâ—ciarium nostrum Capitalem ad Placita coram nobis terâ—â—nandum durante bene placito nostro Teste c. For this he citeth Crompton a right learned Lawyer in his Book of the Iurisdiction of Courts And what he saith of that chief Justice the practice of these times and the times preceding hath verified in all the rest Fol. 450. She being afterwards led up and down the Kingâ— Army under oversight as a Prisoner but shewed to the people 〈◊〉 if reconâ—iled to her Son c. Not so for after the deatâ— of the Marquess D'Aucre she retired to Blois where 〈◊〉 liv'd for some years under a restraint till released by the Duâ—â— of Eâ—pâ—rnon and prtly by force pâ—rtly by treaty restorâ— again into power and favor with her Son which she improvâ—â— afterwards to an omne-regenâ—y till Richeleu her great Assistant finding himself able to stand without her and not enduring a Competitor in the Affairs of State mde her leave the Kingdom Fol. 45â— By his first Wife he had bâ—t one Sâ—n risâ—â—g no higher in Honor then Kâ—ight and Baronet Yet afâ—erwâ—â—ds he had preferment to the Govâ—rnment of Ulster Pâ—ovince in Ireland This spoken but mistakingly spoken of Sir George Vâ—lliers Father of the Duke of Buckingham and his eldest son For first Sir George Villiers had two sons by a former Wife that is to say Sir William Villiers Knight and Baronet who preferred the quiet and repose of a Countrey life before that of the Court and Sir Edward Villiers who by a Daughter of Sir Iohn St. Iohn of Lidiard in the County of Wilts was Father of the Lord Viscount Graâ—dâ—son now living And secondly It was not Sir William but Sir Edward Villiers who had a Government in Ireland as being by the Power and Favor of the Duke his halfâ— Brother made Lord President of Mâ—nster not of Vlster which he held till his death And whereas it is said fol. 466. that the Dâ—ke twiâ—teâ— himself and his Issue by inter-marriâ—ges with the best and most â—noble If the Author instead of his Issue had said his â—â—ndred it had been more properly and more truly spoken For the Duke liv'd not to see the Marriage of any one of his châ—ldren though a Contract had passed between his Daughter Mary and the Heir of Pembroke but he had so disposed of hâ—s Female Kindred that there were more Countesses and â—onorable Ladies of his Relations then of any one Family 〈◊〉 the Land Fol. 458. Henry the eighth created Anne Bullen 〈◊〉 of Pembroke before he marryed her The Author here â—â—eaks of the Creation of Noble Women and maketh that of â—nne Bullen to be the first in that kinde whereas indeed it as the second if not the third For Margaret Daughter 〈…〉 Fol. 4â—4 And that Comâ—t at Châ—ists birth was 〈…〉 But first the Star which appeared at the birth of our 〈◊〉 and conducted the wise men to Ierusalem was of condition too â—ubâ—ime and supernatural to be called a Comet and so resolved to be by allâ—learned men who have written of it And secondly had it been a Comet it could not possibly have portended the death of Nero there passing between the bâ—â—th of Chrâ—st and the death of that Tyrant about 〈◊〉 yearâ— too long a time to give unto the influences of thâ— strongest Comet So that although a Comet did presage thâ— death of Nero as is said by Tacitus yet could not that Comet be the 〈◊〉 which the Scriptures speak of Fol. 48â— Ferdinand meets at Franckford with the three 〈◊〉 Menâ—â— Colen and Trevours the other three Silesia Moravia and Luâ—atia
which the Kings mercer might be one for any thing which our Author can assure us to the contrary Thirdly it appears by another passage in our Author himself that there was Purple velvet enough to be had for this occasion he telling us out of Mr. Fullers Church History out of whom he borrows his description of the Coronation that the train of the Kings vest or Royal Robe consisted of six yards of purple velvet Some purple velvet then was to be had at the Coronation though the Kings Mercer were infected and had left the City And finally there was no such need that any such provision should be made on a suddain neither there being ten moneths from the Kings coming to the Crown and his Coronation and as much time for providing a few yards of purple as for preparing all the other royal necessaries which concerned that day Fol. 11. And so accounting to them the disbursmenâ— of his Land and Naval Forces with a clear and even auâ—â—c of the charge and expence to come they were so candid that the Laâ—y gave him without Conditions two Subsidies from Protestants and four from Papists And candid they had been indeed if on so fair an auditing of the Kings Account for all expences as well past as to come they had given unto him such a present supply as would have equalled that account toward the carrying on of the War which themselves projected and given those two Subsidies over and above as a Testimony of their good Affections to his sacred Person But these two Subsidies from Protestants and four from Papists were so short from carrying on that work that there was nothing of â—ngenuity or Candor in it The particular of the Kings Account stood thus viz. 32000 l. for securing of Lâ—eland 47000 l. for strengthning the Forts 37000 l. for the repair of the Navy 99000 l. upon the four English Regiments in the States Countrey 62000 l. laid out for Count Mansfield total 287000 l. Besides which he sent in a Demand of 200000 l. and upwards upon the Navy 48000 l. upon the Ordnance 45000 l. in charges of the Land-men 20000 l. a moneth to Count Mansfield and 46000 l. to bring down the King of Denmark the total of which latter sum amounts to 339000 l. both sums make no less then 626000 l. to which the grant of two Subsidies from Protestants and four from Papists hold but small proportion especially considering to how low a pitch the Book of Subsidies was fallen Our Author tells us somewhere in this present History that in Queen Elizabeths time a single Subsidy amounted to Ninety thousand pound and that in these times whereof he writes a single subsidy of four shillings in the pound amounts but to fifty six thousand only and I am able to tel our Author that in the time of King Henry the eighth a single Subsidy of four shillings in the pound amounted to eight hundred thousand pound sterling as appears by this passage in I. Stowâ— In which we find that the Cardinal he means Cardinal Wolseâ— accompanied with divers Lords both Spiritual and Temporal acquainted the House of Commons with the Kings necessity of waging war against the Emperor Charls the fifth thereupon required a Subsidy of 800000 l. to be raised by 4â— in the pound out of every mans Estate throughout the Kingdome and that it was accorded by the Commons after a long and serious debate upon the matter to give two shillings in the pound which by his calculation did amount to 400000 l. But then he is to know with all that in the raising of Subsidies in that Kings time there was not onely an oath prescribed to the Assessors to give a perfect valuation of all mens estates as far as they could understand them but an oath imposed also on the subjects who were to pay it to bring in a true and just account of their Estates and several penalties injoyn'd if they did the contrary as of late times upon Delinquents as they call them when they were admitted to compound at Goldsmiths and Haberdashers Halls which course held also all the time of King Edwards Reign but being intermitted in Queen Mary and Queen Elizabeths time on good reasons of State the Subsidies were brought so low by little and little that before the death of the last Queen they came not up to an hundred thousand and sunk so sensibly in the time of King Iames that they came not to above sixty thousand or thereabouts so that although the Parliament in the one and twentieth of that King bestowed upon him three Subsidies and three Fifteens when they first ingaged him in this War yet King Charls told them in his first Speech to this very Parliament that those supplies held no Symmetry or proportion with the charge of so great an enterprize And though the charges of the Enterprize which he was in hand with much exceeded his Fathers as much as the addition of a Navy of an hundred and twenty sail could amount unto and that he prest them earnestly at Oxford to a further grant yet nothing more could be obtained but that sorry pittance sufficient onely for advance money for ingaging those Sea and Land Forces which he had provided by means whereof the Expedition proved dishonorable to the King and Kingdom Nor came these two Subsidies so clearly and so candidly from them but that the King was fain to gratifie them in two points which they mainly drove at that 〈◊〉 to say the granting them a publick Fast to begin their Parliament and laying some restraints on the Lords Day which never could be obtain'd from any of his Predecessoâ—s For when such Fasts had first been moved in Queen Elizabeths time and afterwards in all the Parliaments of King Iames till the 21 of his Reign it was answered that there were soâ—many ordinary fasting-Fasting-days appointed by the Laws of the Land on which they might humble themselves before the Lord that there was no necessity or use of any such extraordinary Fasts as they desired Such Fasts in those times were conceiv'd to have too much in them of Aerius an old branded Hereâ—ick by whom it was held forth for good Catholick Doctrine Non celebrand esse jejunia Statuta sed cum quisque voluerit jejunandâ—m And when the Commons in the 23 of Elizabeth finding no hopes of gaining any such Fast by the Queens Authothority had voted one to be solemniz'd at the Temple Church for such of their own Members as could conveniently be present at it upon notice thereof the Queen sent a Message to them by Sir Thomas Henneage then Vice-Chamberlain declaring with what admiration she beheld that incroachment on her Royal Authority in committing such an apparent innovation without her privity or pleasure first known On the receit of which sharp Message the House desired Mr. Vice-Chamberlain to present their submission to the Queen and to crave her pardon for which Consult the Book entituled The
Free-holders grand Inquest pag. 57. No news of any such attempt in all the rest of her Reign nor of any Parliament Fasts as far as I can remember till the 21 of King Iames when they first engaged him in this War whose example followed by King Charls who indeed was not in a condition to dispute the point gave such incouragement to the Commons that no Parliament could begin without them and gave them such an head at last as to appoint and continue Fasts by their own Authority not onely without the Kings consent but against the very express words of his Proclamations How well this Fast was kept by some leading Members when they had procured it that is to say with a good neck of Mutton and broath in the Morning a Collation of sweet Meats between the Sermons and a Sabbatarian Supper in the Evening I could make known by a very memorable story had I list and leisure And what ill use was made of another in the Pulpits Prayers and Sermons of many seditious Lectures to stir up and continue the War rais'd against this King appears by his Proclamation of the fifth of October Anno 1643. by which he endeavored to translate the then Monethly Fast from the second Wednesday to the second Friday in every Moneth but without success Of this indulgence of the Kings our Author takes no notice as he doth of the other viz. the laying of such a restraint from Recreations on the Lords day as never had been known in this Kingdom since the Reformation Concerning which he telleth us that Fol. 13. These Lawes are enacted this Sessions viz against Abuses committed on Sundayes c. Now it appeareth by the Act that the Abuses as he calls them which were prohibited at that time were first the Concourse of people out of their own Parishes on the Lords-day for any sports or Pastims whatsoever and secondly the use of Bull-baiting Bear-baiting Enter ludes common plaies and other unlawful exercises and pastimes used by any person or persons within their own parishes In the composure of which Act the first clause made against the concourse of people out of their own Paâ—ishes on that day was purposely intended for a counterballance to the Declaration of King Iames about lawful sports and was afterwards made use of by some publick ministers of Justice to suppresse the Annual feasts of the dedication of Churches commonly called and known by the name of Wakes Such feasts of love and entertainments of good Neighbour-hood though they drew some People out of their own Parishes were no abuses in themselves though so called by our Author And as for Bull-baiting Bear-baiting and the rest there mentioned they had been all prohibited by a Proclamation of King Iames bearing date the 7. of May in the first year of his Reign Anno 1603. Nor were they used upon that day for ought that I am able to call to mind in all the time of my Boyage So that this Parliament by interdicting those rude Sports did but actum agere save that they gained unto themselves the reputation of more then ordinary Zeal to the day of worship and laid the first foundation of those many Rigorâ— which afterward they imposed upon it For in the next Parliament of this King they passed an Act that no Carrier with any horse or horses no Waggon men with any waggon or waggons nor Carmen with any Cart or Carts nor Wain-men with any wain or waines nor any Drovers with Cattle should fourty dayes next after the end of that Session by themselves or any others travel upon the said day upon pain that every person or persons so offending should forfeit 20 s for every such offence committed and that no Butcher after the said time should kill or sell any Flesh upon that day on the forfeiture of 6s 8 d. toties quoties Matters whith had been moved in Parliament in the 18 year of K. Iames but without success the Lords unanimously opposing the Bill when sent up by the Commons as tending to the disturbance of the Trade of the Kingdom and some inconveniencies to the Poor But having brought the King to a condition of denying nothing they obtain'd this also of him as they had done the other and at last became their own Carvers imposing since the first beginning of the long Parliament by their Orders and Ordinances so many several restraints on that day from all kindes of lawful pleasure and civil businesses that greater never were imposed on the Jews by the Scribes and Pharisees nor by some Casuits on the Papists nor by Dr. Bound the first Broacher of these Sabbath-speculations in the Church of England on his Puritan Proselytes But notwithstanding these condescensions of the King to the desires of the Commons the Commons were resolv'd to condescend in nothing to the desires of the King unless as they had moved the war so they might also be made acquainted with the Kings Design in the conduct of it which point they prest with such importunity that the King commanded M. Glanvil to serve as Secretary to the Navy for that Expedition that knowing all the secrets and intentions of it when he was at Sea he might acquaint the members with it at his coming back Fol. 20. For Mansel was vice-Admiral of the Narrow Seas that 's his Office and there indeed he succeeds to the Admiral Our Author is as much out in this particular as the Mariners had been in another The Mariners thought if Mr. H. L. report them rightly that Sr. Robert Mansel the then vice-Admiral had an unquestionable right to the chief conduct of that Enterprise upon the Dukes default The Mariners in this point sailed without their compasse as is proved by the Observator And this our Author building upon the Observator calls a Monstrous Error although not half so Monstrous as that Error which himself committeth in making this Sr. Robert Mansel to be no other then the vice-Admiral of the Narrow seas and restraining his Office and Authority to those Seas alone But had he consulted with the Sailers as Mr. H. L. may be thought to have done they would have told him that Sr. Robert Mansel was vice Admiral of England and that it belonged unto his Office next under the Admiral to see the Royal Navie kept in good reparation the wages of the Mariners and shiprights to be duly paid and that the ships should be provided of all things necessary for any occasionall expedition They could have told him also that there is no such Officer as a Vice-Admiral of the narrow Seas but that those narrow Seas are commanded by two several Admirals which hold their places from the King and not by grant or patent from the Lord Admiral of England and that one of these Admirals commandeth in the East and the other in the Western partâ— of those Seas And finally that at the time of his Expedition Sr. Henry Palmer was Vice-Admiral of the Eastern parts of those
King as our Authour words is it gave the King occasion to consider of the generall tendency of the Puritan doctrine in this point unto downright Iudâ—â—sme and thereupon to quicken the reviving of his Fathers Declaration about Lawfull sports in which the signification of his pleasure beareth date the 18. of October in the 9. year of his Reign Anno 1633. A remedy which had been prescribed unseasonably to prevent and perhaps too late to cure the disease if Bradburns Book had been publisht six years before as our Authour makes 〈◊〉 Our Authour secondly relating this very businesse of Bradburnes Book or rather of Barbarous Books as he cals them there fol. 196. must either be confest to speak Vngrammatically or else the coming out of these Barbarous Books must be one chief motive for setting out that Declaration by King Iames Anno. 1618. Thirdly This Bradbuâ—u was not made a Convert by the High Commission Couâ—t bâ—t by a private conference with some Learned Divines to which he had submitted himself and which by Gods blessing so far prevailed with him that he became a Converts and freely conformed himself to the Orthodoxall Doctrine of the Church of England both concerning the Sabbath day and likewise concerning the Lords day So Bishop White relates the Story in his Epistle Dedicatory before his Book to the Aâ—ch-Bishop of Canterbury Anno 1635. Fourthly Whereas our Authour tels us fol. 175. That the Declaration was not 〈◊〉 on the Ministers to publish more proper for a Lay-Officer or a Constable I must needs grant that the publishing of this Declaration was not prest on the Minister by any expresse command of the King But then I would fain know withall how the Bishops could take Order that publication thereof be made in all the Parish Churches of their severall Diocesses according to his 〈◊〉 will and pleasure but by the mouth of the Ministers The Constable and other Lay-Officers whom our Authour thinks more proper for that Employment were not under the Bishopâ— command as to that particular and therefore as he â—ad nâ— Authority so he had no reason to require any such duty from them And as for the Church-Wardens which are more liable to the power and command of the Oâ—dinary it happeneth many times especially in Countrey-Villages that they cannot reade and theâ—efore no such publication of the Kings pleasure to be laid on them The Ministers who had takeâ— an Oath oâ— Canonicall Oâ—edience to their severall and respective Bishops must consequently bâ— the fittest men for that Employment implicitly intended though not explicitly named in the Declaration As many mistakes there are concerning the decay and repair of S. Pauls Church in London For first the high Spire was not burnt down by accident of Lightning in the time of Queen Elizâ—beth as our Authour tels us fol. 176. That vulgar Errour hath been confuted long agoe and no such thing as the burning of Pauls Steeple by Lightning hath for these twenty years and more occurred in the Chronologies of our common Almanacks that dreadfull accident not happening by the hand of Hâ—aven but by the negligence of a Plumber who leaving his pan of Coals there when he went to Dinner was the sole occasion of that mischief Secondly The Commission for the Repair of this Church issued in the time of King Charles came not out in the year 1632. where our Authour placeth it but had past the Seal and was published in Print the year before Anno 1631. Thirdly The Reparation of the Church began not at the West end as our Authour tels us fol. 177. the Quire or Eastern part of the Church being fully finisht before the Western part or the main body of the Chuâ—ch had been undertaken Fourthly The little Church called S. Gregories was not willingly taken down to the ground the Parishioners opposing it very strongly and declaring as much unwillingnesse as they could or durst in that particular and fiftly the Lord Mayor for the time then being was not named Sir Robert 〈◊〉 as our Authour makes it but Sir Robert Ducy advanc'd by â—is â—ajesty to the dâ—gree of a Baronet as by the Commission doth appear so many mistakes in so few linâ—â— are not easily met with in any Author but our present Histâ—â—rian But we proceed Fol. 179. â—he Turkâ— hâ—ve Auxiliâ—ry friendâ—hip of the 〈◊〉 Tartar Chrim from whose Ancestors Tamberlain proceeded â— A Proposition strangely mixt of truth and falshood it being most true that the Turks have Auxiliary Forces from the Tartar Chrim and no less false that Tamberlain dâ—â—cended from him All who have written of that great Prince make him the son of Og or Zain-Cham the Cham of Zagathey a Province some thousands of miles distant from the dwellings of the Tartar-Chrim which Og or Zâ—in-Châ—m was the Grand-childe of another Zâ—in-Cham the third great Cham of the Tartars and he the Grand-childe of Cingis the first great Cham who laid the foundation of that mighty and for a time most terrible Empire Whereas the Chrim-Tartar or the Tartar-Chrim as our Authâ—r calls him derives 〈◊〉 from Lochtan-Cham descended from one Bathu or Roydo a great Commander of the Tartars who during the Reign of Hoccata the second great Cham subdued these Countries But this mistake I shall more easily pardon in our Author then another of like nature touching Vladislaus King of Poland of whom he tells us that being the fâ—urth of that name he succeeded his Brother Sigismund in that Kingdom Vladislaus the fâ—â—rth saith he was after the death of his Brother Sigismund by the consent of the States preferred to the â—hroâ—e fol. 182. In which few words there are two things to be corrected For first Vlâ—dislâ—us who succeeded Sigâ—smund was not his Brother but his Son And secondly he succeeded not by the name of Vladislaus the fourth but of Vladâ—slâ—us the sevenâ—h Adde herein his making of Smolensko a Town of Pâ—land ibâ—d which most of our Geograpâ—ers have placed in Râ—ssia A Town whâ—ch sometime by the chance of War or otherwise hâ—th been in possession of the Pole though properly belonging to the great Duke of Muscovy which can no more entitle it to the name of a Polish Town then Calice may be now said to be an English Colony because once a Colony of the English Nor does our Author speâ—k more properly I will not say more understandingly of the Affairs of Ireland then of those of Poland For first He tells us fol. 185. That the Conquest of it was never perfected till its subjection to King Charls whereas there was no other subjection tendred by that People to King Charls then by those of his other two Kingdoms of England and Scotland Secondly Forgetting what he had said before he tells us fol. 186. That Mountâ—oy made an end of that War in the Reign of King James and yet he says not true in that neither â—or the War was ended by Mountjoy at the Battle of Kingsale by which that great Rebel the Earl
consent to the acting of any thing to take away his life By which it needs must follow if the Bill of Attainder was first passed or at the least in probability to be passed in the House of Peers before the King had given any such promise under his hand for the words are that the King had given him a promise under his hand never to passe that Bill Now that Bill was not taken into consideration in the House of Lords till Saturday the 24. of April in which considering their own danger and the little satisfaction they are able to give themselves M. St Iohn the Kings Sollicitor Generall was appointed by the House of Commons to open the Bill before their Lordships and to give them information in it which was done upon Thursday the nine and twentieth of the same Moneth On the next day some of the Lords began to stagger in their resolutions and to incline unto the Commons which moved the King to declare himself before both Houses on the first of May That he could not with a good Consciâ—nce condemn the Earl of High Treason which he must needs do if he passe that Bill and therefore hoped that they would not expect that from him which neither fear nor any other respect whatsoever should enforce him to Other assurance then this of not passing the Bill as the King never made the Earl so indeed he could not the Earl being a close Prisoner and so narrowly watcht especially after his Majesties said Declaration of the first of May that no such Paperâ—promise under the Kings hand could be sent unto him if either the King had thought it necessary to make any such promise or the Earl to seek it Adeo mendaciorum natura est ut coherere non possint as Lactantius hath it This point thus cleared and the King discharged from making any such promise under his hand there must some other way be found out to preserve the Earl by devising some means for his escape and to this plot the King must be made a party also our Authour telling us positively That Some Designe there was no doubt of delivering the Earl of Strafford by escape in order whereunto Sir William Balfour Lieutenant of the Tower must be commanded by the King to receive one Captain Billingsley with an hundred men to secure the place If so how durst Balfour refuse to yeeld obedience to the Kings command Marry forfooth because three good Women of Tower-street peeping into the Earls Gallery through the Key-hole could by the Spectacles of their eyes discern him talking with this Captain and by the Otocoâ—sticon of their ears could hear them talk of some Desigâ—e for this escape The Summe of their Discourse being this that a Ship of Captain Billingsleys Brothers should be in readinesse which was fallen down on purpose below in the River that they three might be there in twelve hours that if the Fort were but secur'd for three or four Moneths there would come aid enough and that there was nothing to be thought upon but an escape and much more broken speech to that purpose It seems the womens ears must be very long and the tongues both of the Earl and Billingsly must be very loud or else how could a practise of such a close and dangerous nature be so plainly heard Assuredly by the same means by which the Zealous Brother in More fields discovered a dangerous plot against the Parliament discoursed of by some who were passing by but he knows not who they were as he was sunning himself under an hedge Of whom as creditable an Authour as Sir William Balfour hath told me this That while he was contriving some Querpo-cut of Church-Government by the help of his out-lying ears and the Otocousticon of the Spirit â—e discovered such a Plot against the Parliament that Selden intends to combat Antiquity and maintain it was a Taylors Goose that preserved the Capitol But in good earnest I would fain know of our Author or of Sir William Balfour or of both together whether the three Good-Wives of Tower-street did hear these Passages in discourse by their eyes or their ears Not by their Eyes for the Eye is not the sense of hearing nor by their Ears for it is not said that they laid their Ears to the Key-hole but that they peeped thorow it And next I would fain know whâ—ther they peep'd or hearkned all at once or one after another If all at once the Key-hole must be wondrous wide as Heavenly-wide as Mopsus mouth in Sir Philip Sidney which could admit of three pair of hearing Eyes or of three single seeing Ears at one time together And if they peep'd or hearkned one after another they must needs have both very quick Wits and strong Comprehensions that could make up so much of a set Discourse from such broken Speeches though they within spake never so loudly Letting this pass therefore with a Risum teneatis Amici we have next a more serious discovery of this Design by the Conference which the Earl of Strafford had with Sir William Balfour offering him but four days before his death no less then Twenty thousand pounds and a Marriage of his Daughter to Balfours Son if he would assent to his Escape And for this also as well as for the tale of the three Good-Wives of Tower-Street and the command of admitting Billingsley with an hundred men to secure the Tower we must take Sir Williams bare word for he gave it not in upon his Oath in the House of Commons And what the bare word of a Scot a perfidious Scot and one that shortly after took up Arms against his Master will amount unto we all know too well Nor was the Earl so ignorant of the hatred which generally the Scotish Covenanters bare unto him or of the condition of this man particularly as to communicate any such design unto him had he been so unprepar'd for death as our Author makes him And so this second Romance of Sir William Balfour and the three Women Good-Wives of Tower Street being sent after that of the Bishop of Lincoln we leave the Earl of Straffords business and go on with our Author to some other Fol. 418. Then follows King Henry the fourth c. ofâ—larence â—larence Title to precede that of Mortimer That some of the Lords combined to depose this King I shall easily grant though not upon those grounds which our Author mingles with the Speech of one Mr. Thomas a Member of the House of Commons against the Bishops For though the Title of Clarence did precede that of the King yet was not the Kings Title derived from Mortimer the Title of Mortimer and Clarence being one and the same The Title of King Henry the fourth came by his Father Iohn Duke of Lancaster the fourth Son of King Edward the third the title of Mortimer came by Philip the sole Daughter and Heir of Lionel Duke of Clarence the third son of the said King Edward
Gâ—ng as they from Calvin and Chemnitius and the 〈…〉 â—heir â—ollowers or as all of them differed in that pâ—int 〈◊〉 â—haâ—â—hich D. Hackwell hath â—onâ—est to have 〈…〉 received in Ecclesiasticall History touching S. Georâ—â— being a man and an holy Marâ—yr And secondly â—he Respondentâ—aith â—aith that as he Hâ—ckwellâ—hould â—hould ratâ—er have said our Masters so he magn fies 〈◊〉 Romane Writers especially â—he legendaries that is to say by concurring with them in some â—oints of S. George History in which he findes them secâ—nded by the testimonies of more approved Writers then themselves And if at any time he speaketh favourably of any of the Legendaries as sometimes he doth and for the credit of the cause he was bound to do he did it not in his own words and speaking his own sence of them only but in the words and sence of such ancient and modern Authours as are of most unquestioned credit amongst the Learned Thus speaking of Simeon Metaphrastes he tels us what a high esteem was had of him in the Greek Minâ—logies and what high commendation had been given him by Michael Psellus a man of great Learning in those times and speaking of Iacobus de Voragine he lets the Reader know what had been said of him by Iohanno Gerrard Voscius a man of too great parts for D. Hackwell to contend with sic de câ—teris But whereas D. Hackwell tels his friend in that Letter that the condition of the man that is to say the Respondent was such as his word hardly passeth either for commendation or a slander The Respondent thereunto replyes that he looks no otherwise on those words then as the extravagances of a proud and passionate weaknesse The Respondent stood at that time in as good a condition for reputation and esteem with the generality of the Nation as D. Hackwell could pretend too and would not have refused an encounter with him upon any argument either at the sharp or at the â—mooth as the Pamphleter words it I am soâ—ry to have said thus much but the indignity of the provocation hath enforced me to it for which D. Hackwells Friend is to thank M. Sandâ—rson oâ— condemn himself in publishing those passages in cold blouâ— five and twenty years after they were written which escaped the Doctor in his heats And so I leave my three great Names those Magni nominis Vmbras in the Poets Language with a Tria sunt omnia not looking for a Tria sequunâ—ur tria though the Squire should once again play the School boy and rather fall upon small games then none at all But the Pampâ—leter will not leave the Respondent so The Lord Primate in a Letter to an Honourable friend had accused him of Sophâ—stry and the Pamphleter is resolved to make good the charge assuring us That in the judgement of divers he made it good throughout his book and divers they may be though they be but two Squire Sanderson and D. Bernard which are so many so it follows that they would finde as much work for an Observator as he saith my History will afford him Never was Lillies head so broken as it is by this Squire who is so far from keeping the Rules of Grammar that he hath forgotten his very Accidence he would not else give us two Adjectives viz. which and many which he knows cannot stand by themselves without another word to be added to them for shewing of their sence or signification Substantive I am sure there is none to owne them and therefore we must take his meaning by his gaping only Which though it be not wide enough to speak out doth import thus much That the Errours in the Book called Respondent Petrus are so great and many that they would finde as much work for an Observator as the Pamphleters History It seems that the Respondent Helpers being many in number for he cals them by the Name of his Numerous helpers and all of them as subject unto errour as the Squire himself each of them hath committed one mistake at the least which will affoâ—d as much matter for an Observator as the History doth what work the History hath found for an Observator hath been seen by this time And if ther◠〈◊〉 so many in the Book called Respondet Petrus as he 〈◊〉 there are why hath not he or D Bernard presentâ—d them to the view of the world in so long a time But yet wâ—ll fare the Authour for his wonderfull chaâ—ity who thâ—ugh he meet with many errours and mistakes throughout the book for such Helper on yet is pleased to satisfie himself with instancing in one but such a one in such greâ—t Châ—â—â—cters that he who rides Post the Squire is alwaies in 〈…〉 may reade it without stopping Parturiunt montes You have shewed us the mountain gentle Sir but pray you Where is the mouse Marry sayes he we finde it pag. 63. where he repâ—â—ing a quotation of thâ— Lord Primate in the end of his Letter to D. Twisse â—orrâ—wed from Gregory the Great he had blindely mistaken the copulative And for the Disjunctive Or Had it been so a man of any ordinary candor would have looked upon it as an errour rather of the Presse then the Pen. Bâ—t the Squire who hath a quicker sight quam aut â—qâ—ila 〈◊〉 serpens Epidaurius in the Poets Language hath in this shown himself more blinde then he makes the Respondent for in pag. 63. which the Pamphlâ—ter cites we finde the whole passage to be thus viz. The next Authority is taken from Gregâ—ry the Greâ—t who telleth us that it is the Doctrine of the Preachers of Antichrist qui veniens diem Dominicum Sabbatum ab omni opere faciet custodiri who at his coming shall cause both the Lords day and the Sabbath to be kept or celebrated without doing any manner of work Now let the Sâ—uireâ—who â—who can see further iâ—to a mill-stone then the Râ—spondent and his Helpers are affirmed to do resolve me when he next sets out whether the word in S. Gâ—egory be turned into or by the Râ—spondent and if it be not as it is not what is become of that mistake so grosse and written in such greâ—t characters that any one who rides Post may reade it Our Squiâ—e for this deserves the Spurs and to be made a Knight of the advice then the nature of the offence required What followed upon this Appeal we are informed by both our Authours In the relating of which story from the first to the last M. Sâ—nâ—â—rson hath dealt more ingenuously then the 〈…〉 For fiâ—â—t M. Saâ—dersâ—n telleth us that the occasion of the Diâ—contâ—nts which encreased at Oxon An. 1631. arose from tâ—is â—iz Many 〈◊〉 that the Renovations reducing 〈…〉 times was now no lesse then Innovation 〈…〉 in their Pulpits and 〈◊〉 But M. Fulâ—er according to his wonted manner of reporting all things favourably for the Puritan party will have the occasion to