living a long time as a banished man in Brittany with the Duke thereof could never be sent into his Country unto Edward the fourth or Richard the third although both of them knowing that that they could not Reign in security so long as he lived had requested him very earnestly of the Duke And the last of them ruled still in great fear but in Peace and Quietness untill that Isabella wife of Edward the fourth and Margaret the said Henries Mother by the help of a Physitian came to conferre together and in the end they concluded of this agreement that they would cause her Son the said Henry to return into England and to possess the Crown thereof with the help of his aid and their friends if he would take to wife the daughter of Edward the fourth Henry being certified hereof and also given to undeastand that Richard Thomas a man trained up in arms all the dayes of his life and Sir Iohn Savage would adventure their lives for him and that the Lord Bray had provided great sums of money to pay his Souldiers withal easily obtained of the king of France a small Army of 2000 men with which arriving in Wales and joyning with the Forces of the said Thomas he went towards London and upon his way daily received greater strength even of the Souldiers of king Richard his Enemy who by reason of the great cruelty and â—yranny which he used was forsaken of his own Friends and his Souldiers detesting his proud and cruel Government fought so in his behalf that they seemed more desirous he should lose then win the Field which fell out according to their desire By these Examples and others like unto these you may perceive that never any man had any good success against England who had not both a just cause to invade the same and a strong faction within the Realm And by that which hath been spoken you may understand that the Spaniard wanteth both the one and the other Here might I conveniently if I had not sufficiently declared the strength of England to make the difficulty and impossibility of the Spaniards purpose more apparent enter into a large discourse of the Forces thereof but let that suffice that hath been spoken And yet I may not forget to let you and as many as doubt of our strength understand that we have been and I know not why we should not still be so strong and fortunate that when the French were so many in the Field against us that they thought the very Boyes and Lacques in their Camp were able to subdue our Army and when the Scots thinking that because our king was in France with fourscore thousand English we had none but Priests and women left at home to encounter with them entred with main force into our Country and with assured hope and confidence to conquer the same we neither fearing the multitudes of the French nor being danted or terrified with the Scots suddain and advantagious Invasion subdued both Nations and took both their kings prisoners in the Field But our Englishmen cannot live with a little Bread and a Cup of Wine as the Spaniards can do they are not accustomed to endure cold to lie abroad in the Field to stand up to the knees in dirt and water to watch nights and dayes and briefly to take other such pains and travels as are incident unto wars To pleasure our Adversaries let us grant this to be so although the the contrary indeed is most true who amongst the bravest Spaniards or the greatest Souldiers in the World would willingly go to the wars if he should alwayes be subject unto these or the like incommodities And yet who would not rather endure and suffer them patiently then live in servitude or thâ—aldom or yeeld unto his mortal Enemies All Histories are full of examples of base and faint-hearted people the which having been compelled to fight for their lives because there was no other way to save or redeem the same have behaved themselves most manfully and have enforced their Enemies to yeeld unto reasonable Conditions of Peace which sometimes would not hearken unto any agreement and have constrained them to become humble Sutors who would not once vouchfaâ—e to hear their humble Petitions and truly extream perils and irresistible necessities have such force and vertue that oftentimes they put both heart and Courage into them which by nature are neither hearty nor couragious Considering therefore that our men shall fight at home and the Spaniard abroad that we will be as valiant to defend our selves as they can be couragious to offend us that when they have soiled us by Sea they must fight afresh with us by Land they being weary and we fresh they weak and we strong they lame and diseased and we whole and in perfect health Briefly they far from home and we at home for our wives for our houses for our children and for our goods Is it not likely that we should fight with greater courage with better success then they Considering again the England is fertile and replenished with all things necessary for mans sustentation That her Majesties Councellors are wise and provident her people rich and full of money her Subjects loving and well affected to her Highness and their Country Can there be any thing wanting that shall be needfull for the maintenance of a convenient Army Considering thirdly that if any want shall fall out their cause being general as the maintenance of the Spaniards Religion is universal and common to all his Confederates is it not to be thought that the Princes Protestants will supply those wants and fight for England as well and as willingly as the Papists will for Spain Considering fourthly that when Charles the fifth a Prince as I have said of greater power and of better experience then the Spanish king warred with the Protestants of Germany not onely the Princes of the Reformed Religion but also the French which hated their Religion aided and assisted them Can it be supposed that England should not finde the like aid and assistance Briefly Considering that the Spaniard cannot land his Army in any place in England where he shall not finde at the least ten thousand men to finde him work until a greater power come what hope can he then have to Land without Resistance to proceed without a Battel to fight without loss and to lose without extream confusion Our Armies therefore being equal to his and our hope more assured then his no wise or Politick man will doubt but that our success is likely to be far better then his and therefore his hope and expectation vain his purpose and intention ridiculous as well in regard of his course taken therein as of his possibility to attain thereunto But it behooveth a king to bridle and correct his Rebellious subjects and it is the part of a Protector of the Catholicks not to permit his own subjects or any other aiding or assisting them in
and good Fathers 7 The Soveraignty of the Kings of England over Scotland proved by Records p. 195 The Scots objections answered 197 Spain 's large Dominions abroad how it became united with the House of Austria 54 The Spaniard 's policy commended and admired p. 2 The Spaniard censured p. 3 The Spaniards and French compared with the Romans and Carthaginians p. 76 The designs of the Spaniard against the person and state of Queen Elizabeth p. 1 By what means his power may be diministed p. 240 241 Oftner conquered then any Nation of Europe p. 219 The twelve Kingdoms of Spain united in Ferdinand and Isabel 54 The Spanish King's Title to the Indies p. 62 His Title to the Dukedom of Milan p. 62 His Title to the Dukedom of Burgundy p. 63 By what means he preserveth his Dominions p. 63 His proceedings with the Turk p. 71 With the French King p. 73 With the Princes of Germany p. 79 With the Pope p. 80 With the Venetians and the rest of the Princes of Italy p. 81. With the Queen of England p. 82 Supposed more strong and wealthy then he really is p. 111 His Errours in Governing the Low-Countries p. 125 His League with the Guisards condemned p. 136 137 140 141 His intention to invade England proved vain and indiscreet p. 171 172 c. His light credit to the false reports of English Fugitives p. 171 183 The Tyranny and Cruelty of his Government 237 The Count of Saint Paul proclaimed Traytor by Lewis the eleventh 165 Subjects frame their lives and manners to the example of their Princes 8 Subsidies and Taxes levied by former King of England 184 185 186 Succour refus'd to divers Princes out of politique interests 96 Suchin made Vicount of Milan by Pope Benedict the twelfth 52 The Earl of Surry 's resolute answer to the Iudges 184 Switzers defrauded of a debt due from France p. 42 To what height they are grown from a low beginning 260 T TEacha Queen of Slavonia causeth a Roman Ambassadour to be slain 209 Temporal Princes to intermeddle in spiritual affairs 182 Theodorick the first of France deposed by the States of the Realm 41 Theseus his policy to augment the City of Athens 65 Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury slain by four Assassinates 179 180 Titus the delight and love of the people 5 Towns not well inhabited a main cause of penury among the Inhabitants 6 Trajan the pattern of a good Emperour 5 The Treason of the Duke of Bourbon renders him odious to a Spanish Grandee p. 139 He is proclaimed Traytor by Francis the first 165 Turain quitted by the King of England 45 The Turks aid implored by divers Christian Princes 139 The Turkish Monarchy strengthned by the divisions between France and Spain p. 2 And by the sloth and amâ—bition of Princes and States in several ages 11 12 V VAsoeus his immoderate commendations of Spain refuted 118 119 The Venetians break their League with the Spaniards upon the not delivering of Brescia 100 J. Viennensis his faâ—se relation of Scotland to Charls the sixth King of France 189 190 The Violent proceedings of the Catholique Princes against the Protestants p. 226 227 Makes their party so much the stronger 227 228 The Virgin of Orleans her proceeding in France 49 50 Pope Urban gives the Kingdom of Sicily and Dukedoms of Pulia and Calabria unto Charls Earl of Argiers and Provence p. 53 Afterwards to Lewis K. of Hungary 55 The Duke of Urbin and Andrea Doria take part with Charls upon hopes of preserment 242 243 W WArs waged upon very slight occasions p. 147 148 Upon Injuries offered to prevent greater mischiefs 148 The Earl of Warwick 's example a warning to the Guisards 148 149 William K. of Sicily plucketh out the eyes of Henry Dandolo the Venetian Ambassadour 209 William Gonzaga made Lord of Mantua and Rezzo by the Pope 53 Womens Rule and Government rare 〈◊〉 Cardinal Wolfey 's power with Henry the eight the French King and the Emperour p. 43 His policy in entertaining Henry the eight with all delights 189 Z THe Zeal of the French king to the Roman Catholique Religion 151 160 Table to the Supplement ANtonio Peres forsaketh Spain to live in England p. 1 He writeth a Book called The Fragment of History ibid. He imparteth the transactions between John de Austria and the Pope and Duke of Guise unto the K. of Spain p. 3 He poysoneth Escovedo ibid. Aragonian kings subject to the constitutions of the Country 21 22 c. THe Duke of Britany commandeth Bavilion to murther the Constable of France 10 C CArdinal de Guise his death compared with Escovedo 's 13 Clisson high Constable of France preserved by Bavilion 10 Craesus spared by Cambyses his servants who were commanded to kill him 11 The Prince of Conde an enemy to the Duke of Guise 's party p. 28 He turneth Protestant and freeth Charls the ninth out of prison D THe Danish King not to make war without consent of the States 21 The Pope's Delegate in some cases above the Popes Legate 11 Diego de Meneses unjustly executed by the Spanish King 27 E THe Emperor may be convented by his own subjects before the Pope 25 Escovedo made Secretary to Don John de Austria in the room of John de Soto p. 2 The Duke returning from Spain leaves Escovedo 〈◊〉 him where he is poisoned p. 3 Several questions cleared concerning this fact 4 5 F THe French King deserved to lose his Crown for the murther of the Guises 13 G GHilmesa freeth Antonio Peres out of prison 4 The Duke of Guise his death compared with Escovedo 's 13 H HArpagus saveth Cyrus notwithstanding Astyages his command 11 Hector Pinto a Fryar poysoned by the Souldiers of Castile 27 Henry Perera unlawfully executed by the Spanish King 27 I IAmes de Moronack beaten to death with Souldiers 27 Indignities offered by subjects to their Princes no unusual thing 22 The Inquisition used against all sorts of offenders as well as heretiques 23 John de Soto Secretary to John de Austria p. 2 John de Escovedo put in his room 2 Don John de Austria concludeth a great League of friendship with the Duke of Guise 3 L LAws to be observed by Princes as well as Subjects 21 22 M MOntmorency and Chastilian take part with Vendosm and Conde against the Guises p. 28 Montmorency made Constable of France ibid. N THe Names of several plotters against the life of Q. Elizabeth 23 De la Nuca executed by Alonzo de Vargas at the command of the King Of Spain 16 O OAths not grounded upon a just cause bind not 24 P PEdro Escovedo accuseth Antonio Perez of his fathers death 3 4 Perjury excludeth a man from all preferment 18 The Polish King not to make war without leave of the States 21 The Pope plotteth to make Don John of Austria King of England p. 2 Next to make him King of Tunis ib. Princes deposed or excommunicated for Murther p. 14 15
principal use and commendation hath been and is to set Princes at unity which be at variance indeavoureth not to reconcile but to animate them in their Quarrels who have taken unjust or not very just occasions to war one against another And that by this common negligence the common enemy is not repulsed but encouraged to increase his over-large Confines and Territories To this I will Answer before I come unto other Points This negligence as I have said before is no newthing nor these troubles in France and Flanders a strange President nor the Causes moving or continuing the same are such as never hapned in any other Age They therefore who blame our time for this respect should remember that the Turk is grown unto his greatness by the dissention of Christian Princes only And that they may the better perceive herein I report a manifest truth I will prove as much as I have said by many examples It is not unknown unto them that be conversant in Histories That the Turks first beginning was very base and obscure That his power was weak and feeble and his Dominion small and of less moment which he hath enlarged by taking advantage of the discord and variance of Christian Princes who when they have been in Arms against him for and in the defence of the common Cause have overthrown the common Cause by sudden jars and debates which arose both untimely and unfortunately amongst themselves About the year 1106. Baldwin being Successor unto his Brother Godfrey of Bulloin Duke of Lorrain in the Kingdom of Ierusalem the Christians besieged Carra in Mesopotamia and having with continual Seige and sundry Batteries driven the same unto great extremities they that were in the City determined to yeild themselves unto the mercy of the Christians amongst whom suddenly there arose a strife and contention whose the City should be and so they deferred the entring thereof until that controversie was decided in which interim there came such great succor of the Turks and Moors that they overcame the Christians and cut all their throats In like manner the Christians laying Siege unto Damasco and having equalled the Walls thereof with the ground through discord and dissention growing suddenly amongst them they departed without taking the same and thought it better to leave it unto the Infidels then for one Christian to see it in the possession of another And not long after the Turk by the departure of Conrade the Third Emperor of the Romans and of Lewis the French King who returned to their homes by reason of civil Wars begin in Germany by Gulfin a Rebel of the Empire the Christians lost the whole Country of Edissa and whatsoever else they held in Mesopotamia Furthermore Baldwyne the seventh King of Ierusalem being dead and leaving behind him one only Infant while Guydo Lusignian and Raymond Earl of Trypoli Brethren in Law unto the King contended who should succeed him Saladyne King of Damasco hearing of their contentions secretly sent word unto the Earl Raymond that if he would circumcise himself he would help and assist him with all his Forces against Guido and make him King of Ierusalem unto which his offer although the Earl gave not open ear at that time yet by outward shews he declared his good liking and delight therein and became Saladines great friend and confederate who seeing the Earls inclination favour and readiness assembled presently a great Army of Moors and Turks and set upon the City Tyberiades belonging unto the Earl Raymond for so it was secretly agreed betwixt them thereby to make his Brother in Law Guydo Lusignian to come to succor him and then either to kill him or to take him by the Earls treachery as they indeed took him in a certain Battel wherein all the Christians were slain and Saladine took Ierusalem and all Palestina in the Moneth of October in the year 1187. And Raymond in hope that Saladine would perform his promise circumcised himself but he failed of his purpose For the Turk was so far from keeping of his word that be drave Raymond from all that he had in possession whereupon he dyed suddenly as some say and others write that he fell into such a desperation that he hanged himself So likewise by the discord of the Inhabitants of the City of Acon the Moors and Turks slew above 30000. Christians And the Tartarians came into Hungary and Polonia and destroyed both the one and the other Armenia The Emperor Frederick Surnamed Barbarossa and Philip King of France together with Richard the first King of England lamenting the late loss of Ierusalem resolved to combine themselves and with their untied Forces to recover the same And being come unto Suega and having obtained divers great and important Victories by reason of discord and dissention betwixt the two Kings the French King not only returned into France but also made War upon King Richard in his absence for the Dukedome of Normandy which King Richard understanding although he was then in a readiness to win Ierusalem and did great hurt daily unto the Infidels insomuch that Saladine purposed to yeild Ierusalem up into his hands returned home into his Country leaving the most honourable Enterprise which he had begun And the Turks who were sorely decayed and weakned in strenght through the benefit of his sudden departure not only recovered that which they had once determined to give over unto the Christians as already lost but also drove them from those places which before his departure they quietly possessed It is likewise Recorded of Frederick the Second that he being excommunicated by Gregory the ninth and having no other means to purchase his Absolution determined to go unto Asia and to recover Ierusalem at his own proper Charges Where the Almighty so favoured him that Ierusalem was delivered unto him by composition and he was Crowned King thereof upon Easter day in the year of our Lord 1229. and because he was also King of Sicily the Kings thereof at this day bear the name of Kings of Ierusalem But whilst this Emperor was busied in the Wars and Affairs of the Holy Land the Pope maligning him for the Kingdom of Sicily procured him secret enemies in Italy mighty Adversaries in Germany and such Rebels in every place where there was any thing appertaining unto him that the good Emperor was constrained to return and to imploy his whole power and strength for the recovery and conservation of his own After whose departure the Christians by the Popes Counsel breaking the Truce which the Emperor had taken with the Turk for their advantage and dividing themselves into Factions by the imitation and example of Italy which was divided into Guelfians and Gibbilines made civil Wars one against another And when the other part was assaulted by the Turks and Infidels they did not only not help one another but of set purpose the one part assisted the very Moors against the other by whom they were both
England but because England holpe France in their wars against them What pretence had they to conquer Scotland but that Scotland succoured England Why hindred they the Switzers going into France with intention to conquer France but that they thought it a better morsel for themselves What colour used they to overcome the residue of the world but sometimes a pretence to defend their Confederates sometimes a shew to maintain the liberties of their Neighbours sometimes a feigned and hypocritical zeal of Religion when as indeed they oppressed them whom they pretended to defend brought into bondage for whose liberty they would seem to fight and were in all respects as irreligious as they whose Religion they seemed to condemn So to be short they cunningly enlarged their Confines by seeming to be careless of Conquests made themselves Monarchs by pretending to suppress Tyrants and did wrong unto all men by bearing an outward shew to suffer no manner of injury to be done unto any man This cunning in aspiring unto Forrain Dominions begun in the Infancy of the Romans prosperity continued in the riper years thereof and practised even until their declining Age was not only proper unto them but passed as their Empire did from them unto other Rulers by what name or title soever they were called taking advantage of the time omited no means to attain unto their desires and purposes Though therefore the name of Rebels in all Ages hath been odious their Cause was never unjust and the voluntary Aid given unto them never was honourable unto him that aided them yet the Chronicles not only of our Nation but also of other Regions Realms and Dominions are full of Examples of many Princes not inferior to the Princes of our Age be it in Might in Power in Authority or in Goodness who rather regarding the propagation and increase of their Dominions then the conservation and maintenance of their Honours did as our Princes do now not only receive their Neighbors Rebels into their protection but also use them as means and instruments to molest and persecute their Neighbours by whose decay and downfall they might rise and aspire unto higher Authority Neither hath the League of Amity the bond of Kindred and Parentage the duty of children to their Parents the affection of one Brother to another moved Princes to withdraw their helping hand succor and assistance from those who being tyed by all or some of those Bands rebelled against their Sovereigns Iames King of Scotland being not only in League with Henry the seventh being King of England but also by Oath and Homage bound unto him as his Vassal did not only favour and receive into his protection a young Man named Perkin who was suborned by Margaret Dutchess of Burgondy to call and carry himself for one of the Sons of her Brother King Edward but also married the said Perkin unto Katherine Daughter unto Alexander Earl of Huntley and his own neer Kins-woman and with him and for him invaded England Here you see the Vassal favour and succor the Rebels of his Sovereign and the neer Kins-woman conspire against her Leige Lord and King Richard Earl of Poictou because his Father Henry the second denyed him that Honour although by the death of the young King Henry he was become his eldest Son to marry him with the French Kings Sister Alice and to declare him immediately for his immediate Successor became the French Kings Man to serve him against his Father Robert Son unto William the Conqueror having tasted the sweetness in Commanding others so far that he loathed to be commanded by others Rebelled against his Father and was aided and succoured in his Rebellion by the French King Henry Son unto Henry surnamed the Grosse because his Father was Excommunicated by the Pope and as an Excommunicated person was not in his opinion to hold and sway the Empire was not only animated by the Pope to Rebel against his Father but also assisted by him until he took his Father Prisoner Here you see the Sons Rebelling against their own Fathers protected and succoured by them which either were or should have been Friends and Confederates unto their Fathers Henry base Brother unto Peter King of Castile knowing that his Brother for his evil and licentious life was generally hated of all his Subjects Rebelled against him and with the help of the Kings of France and Portugal deprived him of his Life and Crown Here you see the Brother bearing Arms against his Brother ayded by two Kings who should rather have favoured a Lawful King then an Usurper The Marquess of Villona and the Archbishop of Toledo both neer Kinsmen unto Ferdinando and Isabel King and Queen of Aragon and of Castile Rebelled against them both and received aid and succour in their Rebellion from Alonso King of Portugal Here you see the Kinsmen Rebelling against their own blood ayded by their Sovereigns Kinsman and Conâ—ederate And seeing all this how can you marvel that in this Age against the corruption whereof you and others inveigh most bitterly Princes ayd the Rebels of other Kings betwixt whom there is no manner of Alliance Or if there be any the same is long since dissolved and resolved into hatred and enmity For albeit the King of Spain Married the Sister of the Queen of England and of the late French King by which Marriages he was Allied unto both in League of Friendship and Affinity Yet you know and shall hereafter see that many occasions besides the deaths of his Wives have changed his love into hatred and his good will into malice So that it is no marvel since every injury asketh a revenge every enemy seeketh all means possible to hurt and annoy his Adversary and every Prince can be content to take such advantage for the enlargement of his Confines and for the maintenance of his Estate as the time and opportunity doth or shall yeild him If the Spaniard who hath purposed in his heart to devour and swallow up the Kingdom of France useth the Rebellion of the Guyzards for his best means and instruments or if the Queen of England who findeth no better ways to keep the Spaniard from invading and subduing her Realms and Dominions then to busie and to find him continually occupied in defending or in recovering his own doth succour his pretended Subjects of the United Provinces for indeed they are not his Subjects and vouchsafeth daily to send them such supplies of Men and Money as seem most necessary for their defence The Third Point whereat they wonder dependeth somewhat upon this Point which is Why the Flemmings being always reputed a fearful and timerous Nation And the Frenchmen having at all times most worthily carried the names of the most Faithful and Loyal Subjects of Europe the one in hatred of the Spaniard Rebelleth against the Spaniard and the other at the Instigation of the Spanish King beareth Arms in his behalf against their natural Leige Lord and Soveraign But if it
sent presently Ambassadors unto Rome to pacifie the Pope by making his kingdom Tributary unto him and by promising to hold the same of him to take him for his Superior and to bee obedient unto all his commandements The good old man presently changeth his mind pacifieth his own wrath and of a deadly foe becometh the Kings great friend insomuch that he revoketh whatsoever was before decreed excommunicateth the King of France for robbing the Patrimony of the holy Church and commandeth the English Subjects to return presently unto the dutifull obedience which they owe unto their King Is there any Man so ignorant within this Realme that hath not oftentimes heard how many times the later Popes of Rome have sent not only secular Men but Seminary Priests into England to murther our gracious Soveraign There are some Widowes and Orphans within this Kingdom who lament even at this day the death of their husbands and of their Parents which have lost their lives because they would have deprived our mercifull Queen of her life at the Popes instance and instigation It were to be wished that poor France had not lately felt the great miseries which follow after the Popes heavie indignation It should not have lost within the space of 15 years 14 hundred thousâ—nd men not Strangers but naturall French men it should not have lost in so small a time above 142950. French Gentlemen it should not have lost in so unhapy a time their late King the first King that ever was murthered by his owne Subjects in France it should not complaine that the Father had killed the son the child hâ—s parent the brother the seed of his mothers Wombe and the kinsman the next of his owne kin briefly it should not be pestred and plagued with such unnatural Subjects as delight in the slaughter of their owne Country men as comment and approve of the wicked horrible and most odious and detestable Murther of their owne Leige Lord and Soverraigne Now seeing that either the Approbation of murther as in the Emperor Phocas or the Allowance of unlawfull usurpations as in Charles the great or the Toleration of wicked Rebellions as in Henry the son against the Emperor Henry the Father or the maintenance of wrong Titles as in King Pipin of France or the practise of subtile and devillish devices as in the before mentioned Popes hath caused the Advancement of Popes It must needs follow that they have not lawfully attained unto the Authoritie which they now challenge But to omit all that might here be conveniently spoken against the Succession of Popes against their Authoritie their Pride their abuses and the Iniuries offered unto all Nations that either voluntarily or forcibly have lived under their obedience To leave to tell you how many Catholick Princes they have excommunicated as Hereticks how many Seditions Tumults and Wars have been raised in the world by them and in the defence of their causes To leave to declare unro you how â—thany religious Princes and Kings have nothing esteemed their excommunications how many had good occasion to commend and bless them briefly to avoide that prolixitie which could not be avoided if I should enter into this discourse I will onely signifie unto you the great Wrongs losses and Indignities which our Realme alone hath received by receiving the Pope and his Authoritie for of a brief declaration hereof will follow this great benefit that when it shall appeare as it may appeare unto as many as will vouchsafe to reade the before named Marsilius Pativius that their Authoritie is usurped and that by receiving and acknowledging the same our Realm fele many inconveniences and many Miseries from which it is now freed no man should think her Majestie to be Lawfully excommunicated whome the Pope hath anathematized for not reverening him and his Authoritie whom her Predeâ—effors long since rejected There was a time when as our Kings blinded with the same zeale and affection which now possessâ—th the hearts of those Princes which are wholie devoted unto the Popes holiness honored him as those Princes now do then there was no Realme comparable to ours neither for number nor for beautie of religious houses There was no Country that yeilded greater Obedience unto the Sea of Rome no people that was more readie to receive and entertaine the Popes Legats to honor and reverence them and to fulfill and accomplish whatsoever they required at our hands This great zeale and obedience of ours whereas it should have purchased us especiall favors for he that loveth most ought to be required with most love procured us in time great hatred for no Nation had the like injuries offered unto them as were proffered unto us Whence this hatred proceeded I shall not need to relate our Hâ—storiâ—s ease me of that labour and paine and the manifold Abuses which are suffered will manifestly prove the same There is nothing that derogateth more from the Majesty of a King then to be ruled by Forrein Laws nor any thing that grieveth or offendeth Subjects so much as to be drawen from home into remote and far distint places to prosecute their Right and Suits in Law The first is odious because it disgraceth the Country whose Prince endureth that Jndignitie and the last is grievous because it is both troublesome and chargeable In the time of our Superstitions and foolish zeale unto the Sea of Rome Thomas Archbishop of Cant. was slaine in his Cathedrall Church by William Tracey Reynold Ursin Hugh Marvell and Richard Britton who thinking it noâ— convenient that a proud Prelate should prefer the Popes Commandment before our Kings Authoritie and being grievously offended with the great Indignities that were offered unto our King and his kingdom for his superstitious and contentious Bishops sake came out of Normandie of purpose to end by his death those troubles and vexations from which they thought that our Realme could not be freed so long as he lived The King whenâ—this Murther was committed in England was in Normandy where hearing the News thereof he greatly lamented his death Clothed himself in Sack-Cloth confessed himself unto Almighty God and protested before his divine Majestie that he neither was guilâ—ie or privie to the Archbishops death unless he might be held for guilâ—ie which had just occasion not to love him over well besides Henry the second for he was then King having for this Bishops sake tasted somewhat of the bitter fruits of the Popes Indignation and fearing that when his death should be known at Rome he should incurr his further displeasure sent presently certain Ambassadors unto Rome to excuse him and to signifie his Innocency unto the Pope but his Holiness would not admit them unto his sight untill that certaine of his Cardinals told him that they had express commission from their King to signifie unto his Holiness that he would stand to the Popes and his Cardinals Iudgment and undergo what Penance soever it should please him and them to
considerable advantage 98 XXIX That there was just occasion given for the intercepting the Spanish money sent into Flanders 105 XXX That the Spaniard is generally supposed to be more powerful then really he is 110 XXXI The nature and condition of the Spanish people 115 XXXII The false commendations given by divers Authors unto Spain 117 XXXIII That the King of Spain 's wars with the Low-Countries have depriv'd him of that benefit which he might have reaped if they had not been so much impoverished 123 XXXIV That it was no point of Policy in the Spanish King not to grant liberty of Conscience to his subjects in Flanders 128 XXXV That it redounded not so much to the Spanish Kings honour as he imagined to enter into a League with the Princes of Italy the Duke of Lorrain and the House of Guise against the Lutheran Princes 136 XXXVI That many Princes have been less to blame for entring into a League with the Turk then the King of Spain for his League with the Guisards 139 XXXVII That Princes oversights are never forgotten after their deaths however their vertues may 142 XXXVIII The likelyhood of the downfal of the Duke of Guise his faction 145 XXXIX That it is but uncertain trusting to the friendship of Rebels 148 XL. The French King vindicated from divers things laid to his charge 151 XLI The King of France his killing of the Duke of Guise justified 160 XLII How the Kings of France have from time to time raised the revenues of that Crown 166 XLIII The commendations of Henry the third of France from divers eminent Authors XLIV To what a vast power and authority the Popes of Rome are advanced from a small beginning with their deceits and cruelties 172 XLV VVhat losses and injuries Princes have sustained by submitting to the Pope's authority 179 XLVI Queen Elizabeth unjustly accused by the English fugitives to the King of Spain for overcharging her subjects with unaccustomed subsidies and taxes 183 XLVII The Spanish King blamed for giving too easie credit to the reports of the English fugitives 189 XLVIII Certain objections against the Queen of Englands putting the Scottish Queen to death answered 191 XLIX VVhether it be allowable for Subjects to take up Arms against or put their Princes to death 202 L Of the proceedings of divers Princes toward those that have fled unto them for succour 208 LI. That Embassadors violating the Laws of Nations or of Arms have oft-times been rigorously dealt with 210 LII That neither the death of the Scottish Queen nor any other occasion could warrant the King of Spain's invading of England 215 LIII That it is no easie matter for the King of Spain to conquer England 218 LIV. The Popes and Emperours machinations against the Lutherans make them so much the stronger 224 LV. The cruelty of Princes to their subjects proveth most commonly prejudicial to themselves 229 LVI Many motives of Rebellion and Discontent among the K. of Spain 's subjects threatning inconveniences to him the like whereof have fallen upon Princes in former ages 238 LVII That many famous and learned men have favoured wrong causes for reward or preferments sake 241 LVIII That the K. of Spain 's best friends may be easily won to for sake him or at least to stand Neutral 243 LIX Several Emperours of the House of Austria set forth according to their true qualities and conditions 249 LX. That there is as just cause to fear France if that Kingdom grow too powerful as Spain it self 257 LXI That the Low-Countries joyned together under one Form of Government would grow very formidable 258 LXII How powerful the Switzers are grown since they have Incanton'd themselves 260 LXIII How expedient a Confederacy with the Low-Countries is in reference to a falling out either with France or Spain 261 In the Supplement I. IOhn de Soto Secretary to Don John de Austria removed and John de Escovedo put into his room p. 2 II. Antonio Perez commanded by the K. of Spain to poison Escovedo 3 III. Several questions discussed concerning Escovedo 's murther and first whether the K. commanding Escovedo to be murthered may not worthily be accounted a murtherer 4 IV. The second question whether Antonio Perez obeying the Kings command be not guilty of Escovedo 's death as well as the King 10 V. The third question whether the King being found a murtherer deserveth not to be deposed or excommunicated better then the K. of France deserved to be deprived of his life for murthering the Duke of Guise 13 VI. The fourth question whither this excommunication and deposition may be warranted by the example of other Prince 14 VII VVhether wilful perjury and breaking of Laws be punishable with deprivation in a Prince and whether subjects may lawfully resist such a Prince 17 VIII That the Nobility of Aragon have from the beginning bound their Kings strictly to the maintaining of their priviledges 22 IX That Subjects may seek remedies against such Princes as will not do them Right and Iustice. 26 X. The K. of Spain 's actions much aggravated in respect of those which the K. of France hath been charged with 27 The Table A ADrianus the Emperour's vast Armies and strength in war p. 74 Albertin Coraza made lord of Padua p. 53 Alexander the Great the pattern of a valiant Prince p. 5 Not superiour to divers of-the Roman Captains p. 232 233 Alexander King of Epirus his opinion concerning Alexander the Great 's victories p. 74 Pope Alexander the third's prastises against Frederick Barbarossa p. 177 Alonzo King of Aragon adopted by Joan Queen of Naples p. 55 Alphinus King of the Scots and Picts openly beheaded p. 214 other examples of the like nature p. 215 Cardinal Allen compared with Richard Shaw and John Petit p. 189 The ambition of the Earl of Anjou 's wife set him on to get the Kingdom of Naples p. 258 Amulius his cruelty to his Brother Numitor and his children p. 89 Anjou quitted by the King of England p. 45 Don Antonio justifieth his Title to Portugal by several arguments p. 60 Anthony Montefeltro made Duke of Urbin by the Emperour Lewis 53 Appius his severity hurtful to the Commonwealth 233 The Arch-bishop of Toledo rebelleth against the King of Aragon p. 16 and is aided by Alonzo K. of Portugal ib. Aristides the pattern of a just Magistrate 5 Armies going far from home meet with many occasions of destruction p. 70 71 Artevild Agricola and Besconius the chief Ring-leaders of the Gantois Rebels 230 231 Astyages seeketh the destruction of his Grand-child Cyrus 87 88 89 Attila the Scourge of God 5 Augustus the pattern of a fortunate King 5 The Duke of Aumale chosen head of the faction of the Guises 159 The House of Austria their Original from Hapsburgh p. 17 Their Greatness Tyrannie and Oppression p. 17 18 The continuance of their Greatness 50 The Author a voluntary Exile in the time of Queen Elizabeth p. 1 His Credit with Great men
and Experience in Forraign Affairs 3 B BAgeus his Magnanimity and Resolution p. 161 162 Lords of Bearn heretofore of great power in France 37 The Duke of Bedford refuseth to meet the Duke of Burgundy 47 Bellemarine a Saracen marrieth the Daughter of Peter King of Spain and turneth Christian 140 Bernard King of Italy cruelly used by Lewis the Meek 163 Bernardin Mendoza the Spanish Ambassadour sent away not without just cause p. 211 His practises against Queen Elizabeth p. 212 213 He is compared to Richard Shaw and John Petit 189 Blemishes of divers great Captains p. 142 143 Brennus maketh war against the Romans 210 The Britans excuse the breach of their League with the Picts 99 The Duke of Britain refuseth to restore the Earl of Richmond to Edward the fourth and Richard the third 95 The Duke of Burgundy murthered by the Dolphin of France 38 Buchanan 's opinion concerning subjects taking up Arms against their Prince 202 203 C CAesar his prodigality in his youth p. 24 His four great Competitors ibid. His cunning practises to attain his greatness 25 The King of Calecut driveth the King of Cochin out of his Realm 95 Caligula 's cruelty 231 Caius Marius the Founder of Cities 5 Cambyses being jealous of his brother Smerdis murthereth him p. 89 The pattern of a cruel Governour 5 Campobasso forsakes the Duke of Burgundy in the fight against the Prince of Lorrain 253 Duke Casimire cometh into Flanders with an Army p. 155 A peace concluded between him and the French Ibid. Catholiques of England the Spaniards chief Enemies at the Invasion of eighty eight 218 Charls the Great the son of Fortune 5 Charls the fifth his policy to keep the Kingdom of Aragon p. 68 What Forces he had in his chief wars p. 121 122 His endeavour to subvert Luther and the Protestant Princes proves fruitless p. 224 225 His Civility to them afterwards p. 226 A deep Dissembler 252 253 Charls the sixth King of France his intention to invade England p. 190 The cause of his not proceeding falfly charg'd upon the Duke of Berry ibid. He is civilly treated by Henry the fift 34 Charls the seventh dis-inherited for his disobedience to his Father 36 37 Charls the eighth King of France his claim unto the Kingdom of Naples 56 Charls Prince of Tarento crown'd King of Sicily by Pope Clement 54 Charls Earl of Flanders cruelly murthered by rebels 124 Charls Duke of Burgundy slain by the treachery of Nicholas Campobasso 253 A brief Character of the chief Princes and States of Christendom 4 A Character of the Spanish Monarchy 84 85 Cinibaldo Ordelafi obtaineth the Cities of Furli and Cesena 53 Pope Clement favoured by the French against Pope Urban 54 Clement the seventh's practises against the Emperour Henry the fourth 177 Cleomenes his trechery toward Ptolomy King of Egypt 200 The Climate not the only proof of VVits 259 260 The King of Cochin harboureth the King of Calecut 's enemies 95 A Comparison between the Duke of Guise and other great Rebels of other Countries 23 26 27 Conrade the Emperour's Law the Emperours Law concerning wicked Princes 204 248 Conradin of Suavia vanquish'd and beheaded by Charls brother to the King of France 55 Constantinople taken in the time of Frederick the third 252 Contention about the Kingdom between Alphonsus of Castile and Garcias of Navar p. 135 Between Artobarzanes and Zerxes ibid. Between John Baliol and Robert Bruce of Scotland p. 136 A contention between Alonzo de Vargas and Julio Romero 116 Conversation allow'd between men of different opinions in Religion 130 132 133 Councels chosen to rectifie the mis-government of Princes 206 207 Cruel Governours the destruction of many brave Nations p. 126 And the occasion of sundry Rebellions 127 Cruelty of the French where they have the upper hand 34 35 Cyrus his Birth and Fortune p. 87 88 89 He is stiled the Father of Common People p. 5 His humanity to Astyages and to Croesus 200 D DAgobert leaveth the Kingdom of France to his youngest son Clouis p. 39. He commandeth all those of a different Religion to depart the Kingdom within a time limitted 129 Darius his policy in revenging the injury of Oretes 161 Signior Darrennes his commendation of Henry the third of France 170 Kings Deposed in several Nations 203 204 The Diet at Auspurgh a politique pretence of Charls the fifth 253 Dionysius the pattern of a Tyrant 5 Disobedience to Parents severely punished p. 40 The Disobedience of the Spanish Souldiers 116 Dissentions and troubles easily revived in France 261 262 The Dolphiny bequeathed to Philip de Valois 50 Dunorix spared by Caesar for his brother Divitiacus his sake 162 209 E EDward the third his success in France p. 10. He taketh his advantage to invade the Scots notwithstanding the League between them p. 98 He is favoured by the common people of Flanders against Philip de Valois 261 Edward the fourth's suspition of Henry Earl of Richmond p. 68 His politique proceedings to regain the Kingdom of England 221 Queen Elizabeth of England blamed for making a League with France and the United Provinces p. 3 The most considerable Enemy of the Spaniard p. 82 83 Her Vertues and Power extolled and compared wiâ—h the mightiest Princes of former ages 85. The attempts of many against her life p. 86 Her attempts against Spain and Portugal justified p. 91 93 Her assisting of Don Antonio justified p. 94 And her protection of the Low Countries p. 102 103 Her intercepting the Spanish money going into Flanders excus'd p. 105 The English Fugitives answer'd who charge her with the raising of new Subsidies and Taxes 183 Divers Emperours have admitted Haeretiques in their Realms to preserve quietness among their subjects 133 134 Embassadors justly slain upon some occasions 210 Enemies not suppressed but augumented by Caligula's cruelty 231 England 's Title to France how it came to be neglected p. 43 45 46 47 c. It s strength and security above other Nations p. 219 The last of the Romans Conquests 220 English Armies coming into France compared by du Haillan to wild Geese resorting to the Fens in winter 83 84 Englands possessions in Forraign parts 44 Ericus King of Norway demandeth the Kingdom of Scotland in right of his daughter 198 Duke Ernestus the fittest match for the King of Spain 's daughter 257 Escovedo 's murther censured p. 3 His credit greater upon the Burse of Antwerp then the King of Spain 's 112 The Duke of Espernon rendred suspected to the French King p. 157 He discovereth the practises of the Guises 165 Eude Earl of Paris made King of France instead of Charls the Son of Lewis 42 Eumenes his stratagem to preserve his life 65 The Excommunications of the Pope invalid 171 The Expences of divers Princes and States in their Wars and Buildings and other occasions 113 F FAbius Ambustus the Roman Ambassadour the occasion of the war between Brennus and the Romans 210 Fabius Maximus the
Buckler of the Commonwealth 5 Ferdinand King of Spain layeth claim unto the Kingdom of Naples p. 56 57 He excuseth the breach of the League between France and Spain p. 98 His ingratitude to Gonsalvo 238 Flanders distressed by plurality of Religions 6 Flemmings that they had just cause to rebel against Spain p. 16 17 The Flemmings and French more boldly then justly accused of rebellion 2 Earls of Foix heretofore of great power in France p. 37 The Earldom of Foix given to the Earl of Candale by the King of France 38 France divided into many opinions p. 6 France hath in former times rebelled against their Kings p. 19. The principal Kingdom of Europe for antiquity good Laws c. p. 19. Not subject to the Roman Empire p. 35 36. Hath been dispos'd of by Will and Testament as well as other Nations p. 35 36 Anciently divided into four Kingdoms p. 53 Cannot be lawfully Excommunicated by the Pope p. 248 249 France and England 195 Francis the first of France entreth into a League with the Turks 139 Francis Sforza is won by promises to take part with Philip Maria Duke of Milan 242 Frederick King of Naples entertained by Lewis the French king 95 Frederick Duke of Austria unlawfully chosen to the Empire 251 The Emperours Frederick the second and the third oppose the Pope and are excommunicated p. 174 Frederick the third freed from the Castle of Vienna by George king of Bohemia 252 The French king's prodigality in spending the Revenues of the Crown excus'd p. 168 His imputed wantonness proceeded from corrupt education 169 G GAleotto Malatesta made Lord of Armino Pescaro and Fano by Lewis the Emperour 53 The Gantois rebel against Lewis the last Earl of Flanders p. 229 They take Bruges and put the Earl to flight 230 Gargoris king of Crete his several cruelties to his Grandchild Atis 89 90 Gaston Lord of Bearn maketh the Earl of Foix his sole Heir 37 Gavel-kind a Law peâ—uliar but to some parts of Kent 29 Germany pestered with sundry religions 6 A German Writer's testimony alleg'd concerning the vices of Mary Queen of Scots 190 191 Geytel de Veronio hath la Marca given him by Lewis the Emperour 53 The Golden Bull forbiddeth the choosing of above four Emperours in one House 254 Gonsalvo beateth the French out of Naples 57 Government strangely interchanged amongst several Nations 9 The Government of the Low Countries taken upon him by the Duke of Alenson 106 Great to whom given as an attribute or Sir-name 8 Guicciardine as well a Lawyer as Historian 30 Guido Earl of Flanders denied his liberty by the King of France 123 Guido Polenti made Duke of Camerino by Lewis the Emperour 53 The Duke of Guise chief head of the Leaguers in France p. 20 His proceedings and policies p. 21 His subtle practices against the French King p. 157 He is murthered in the Kings presence 158 The Guisards of France condemned of ambition and treason p. 140 141 The probability of their ruine p. 144 145 Their rash proceedings after the Duke's death p. 146 147 Their accusations of the French King refuted 151 152 H HAnnibal the pattern of an expert General p. 5. His praise p. 69 His oversights ibid. He fights the Romans with a very inferiour number 78 Harold 's injuries to William Duke of Normandy the occasion of his invading England 220 221 The Emperour Henry the third restoreth Peter King of Hungary his enemy to his Kingdom 95 Henry the second King of England his humiliation to the Pope for the death of Thomas Becket 180 Henry the third King of England sollicited by the Pope to aid him against Conrade the King of Sicily p. 55. 56 His complaint against Pope Innocent to the General Councel at Lyons 180 181 Henry the fifth King of England his Title to the Crown of France p. 29 The Frenchmens objections answered p. 30 31 32 c. His success in France 10 Henry Base Brother to Peter King of Castile aided by the Kings of France and Portugal p. 15 He driveth his Brother from the Kingdom 60 61 Henry Earl of Richmond recovereth the Kingdom of England 221 222 Henry Dandolo the Venetian Ambassadour his eyes plucked out by William King of Sicily 209 Sr Henry Cobham 's opinion concerning Henry the third King of France 189 170 Hephestion the pattern of a faithful Counsellor 5 Herculâ—s the Chastiser of Tyrants and Defender of the weak and helpless 108 Hugh Capet by what means he attained the Crown of France p. 25. His practises imitated by the Duke of Guise 150 Hugh Pudley Bishop of Durham his great riches 185 The Hugonots subversion endeavoured by the Guisards 158 165 I AJacobin Fryar murthereth King Henry the third of France 159 Jamâ—s king of Aragon and Sicily leavâ—h his kingdoms to his second Son Alphonsus 39 James Prince of Scotland detained prisoner by Henry the first king of England 209 Jealousie the overthrow of divers great Princes 238 Imbert leaves the Dolphiny to Philip de Valois 50 The great Injuries done by the House of Austria to other Princes 254 255 Interviews between Princes many times dangerous 209 Joan Queen of Sicily adopteth Lewis of Anjou 54 John king of England first an enemy afterwards reconciled to the Pope p. 178. He enjoyeth all the Benefices Bishopricks and Abbeys of his Realm p. 187 He is questioned by the French king for the death of his Nephew Arthur p. 199 And forfeits his Estates in France for not appearance 199 John Balliol 's Title to Scotland preferred before Robert Bruce by Edw. the first king of England 196 The Italian Princes hardly able to help the Spaniard 138 Pope Julius cited by the Colledge of Cardinals to appear at the Councel of Pisa 206 Justifiers of bad causes for gain or bribery 189 Justinian the Emperour his ingratitude to Narses 238 K KEmitius king of Scotland by what means he prevailed with his Nobles to fight against the Picts 50 L LAdiflaus king of Hungary dissembleth his grief for the murthering of the Earl of Cilia 161 A League with Turks more allowable then with the Guisards of France p. 140 141 Leagues may be broken upon just cause given p. 98 And are usually broken upon advantages p. 98 99 101 The League between the Pope Spain and Venetian against the Turk 137 The Leaguers in France their proceedings and policy 19 Lewis the Meek his war against Bernard king of Italy unjust p. 28 His cruel usage of him 163 Lewis Do-nothing deposed by the Nobles of France 41 Lewis Oultremer condemned for his discurtesie to Richard Duke of Normandy 97 Lewis the Emperour his humanity to Frederick his Competitor 200 Lewis the eleventh king of France payeth a yearly revenue to the king of England and his Counsellors p. 43 he chose rather to satisfie the demands of his Nobles then to hazard a war with his subject 236 Lewis king of Bohemia brought up by the Marquess of Brandenburgh in all kind of delights 169
Lewis Prince of France repuls'd from England with dishonour 217 Lewis of Anjou adopted by Joan queen of Sicily 54 Lewis Sforza Duke of Milan maketh use of an Army of Turks 139 Lewis Adolistz hath the Cities of Faenza and Imola conferr'd upon him by the Emperour 53 The Low Countries a considerable advantage to the king of Spain 123 M MAhomet how he grew to the credit and reputation of a God 50 Manlius being in trouble the Romans put on mourning weeds 5 Marcus Aurelius leaveth the Empire to his son Commodus unwillingly 39 Marcus Coriolanus reconciled to the Senate of Rome by the mediation of his wife and mother p. 1 His death bewailed ten moneths by the Roman Dames p. 5 His reconcilement to his Country proposed to the Guises for imitation 148 Marcus Marcellus the Sword of the Country 5 The Marquess of Mantua won by promises to take part with the Duke of Milan 242 The Marquess of Pescara hardly disswaded from siding with Charls the fifth The Marquess of Villona rebelleth against the king of Aragon and is aided by Alonzo of Portugal 16 Martin Scala made Lord of Verona and Vincenza by the Pope 53 Mary Queen of Scots her practises against Queen Elizabeth p. 107 Several arguments made in her behalf by her friends p. 191 Answered p. 192 193 c. Masistias death greatly bewailed by the Persians 5 Matthew king of Hungary striveth for precedency with Ladislaus of Bohemia 195 Maximinus his great strength 231 The Duke of Mayne displeased with his brother the Duke of Guise 's proceedings p. 22 He and the Marquess du Pont Competitors 146 The Country of Mayne quitted by the king of England 45 Menemus Agrippa's discreet Oration appeaseth the rage of the common people 235 Merouingians Charlemains and Capets the three races of the French kings 36 Monastical Lives voluntarily assumed by divers Princes 215 The Murthering of the Duke of Guise excused 160 161 162 c. N NAtions have their several qualities according to the Climate they inhabite 9 The Nature of the Italian and Spanish Souldiers 114 Navar conquered by the King of Spain p. 58 A member of the Kingdom of France 59 New exactions cause rebellion in the place where they are levied 6 Pope Nicholas the third useth all means to diminish the French King's power 276 247 Mr de la Noves opinion concerning the strength of the French King 77 O THe Obizes and Estentes made Dukes of Ferrara by the Pope 53 Olaus and Eustus kill the Ambassadour of Malcolm King of Scots 209 Open Enemies less dangerous to Princes then deceitful friends 106 Othagarius King of Bohemia refuseth the Empire p. 249 The Electors offer it to Rodolph Master of his Palace ibid. Othagar maketh war against him and is slain by reason of Milotas trechery 251 Otho the third the wonder of the world 5 Otho Duke of Saxony subdueth Berengarius and is made Emperour 173 Otho 's law concerning wicked Princes 204 248 The Oversight of the King of France after the murthering of the Duke of Guise 145 P THe Duke of Parma politiquely diverted from claiming his right in Portugal 68 Pope Paul the third's distaste against the Emperour Charls the fifth 100 101 The Persians poll themselves and their Beasts for the death of their King Masistias 5 The Marquess of Pescara disswaded from following Charls the fifth 243 Philip the long bestoweth upon the Duke of Burgundy the County of Burgundy 29 Pipin 's politique designs to gain the Crown of France 26 Pius quintus entreth into a League with Philip of Spain and the Venetians against the Turk 137 Poictou quitted by the King of England 45 Poland infected with sundry heresies p. 6 The kingdom of Poland after much entreaty accepted by the French king Henry the third p. 151 152 The Polanders chuse another king in his absence 154 The Pope 's power small at the beginning p. 172 By what means advanced to such a height p. 172 173 c. He flies to the king of France for aid against the Lombards p. 173 A perpetual sower of dissention between the princes of Christendom p. 177 A procurer of much bloodshed in France and England p. 178 179 Not able to yeild the Spaniard any great help 137 Portugal how it cometh of right to belong unto the kingdom of Spain p. 59. The several Competitors for that kingdom p. 60 The Author's opinion concerning this claim 60 A Prerogative belonging to Princes to sit Iudge in their own causes 213 Pride of the House of Austria by what means it might be pull'd down 255 The Prince of Conde and the King of Navar joyn with Duke Casimir 155 Princes degenerating from their Ancestors may easily be driven from their Crowns p. 6 Princes ought to submit to the observance of their own laws p. 41 They ought to revenge injuries done to private subjects p. 163 Princes of small jurisdiction as absolute as those of greater 164 The Prodigality of divers Emperours 168 Publique Declarations the usual means of promoting or justifying any designe 241 Q QUarrels with Neighbour Princes to be composed before new enterprises are undertaken 216 R REbels favoured and maintained by Princes of other Nations 13 15 Rebellions upon what small occasions they have broke out 239 Richard the first ransomed by the Clergie and Commonalty of England p. 5. He is taken prisoner by Leopold Archduke of Austria 208 Richard the third's suspicion of Henry Earl of Richmond 68 Robert King of France leaveth his Kingdom to his second Henry 39 Robert Rudolphy his practises against Queen Elizabeth at the suggestion of Spain and Rome 106 107 Rodolph of Hapspurgh bestows the Kingdom of Austria upon his son Albert p. 53 He obtaineth the Empire by cunning p. 249 Divers great Competitors at the same time p. 249 He resigneth the Exarchat of Italy to the Pope 254 Romans in enlarging their Dominions what colourable pretences they had p. 15 Courted or feared by all other Princes or States p. 64 65 Their many and mighty victories 74 75 Romulus his policy to augment the City of Rome 65 S THe Salique Law belonged only to Salem a Town in Germany where it was made p. 29 No lawful pretence to exclude Edward the third and Henry the fifth from the Crown of France 28 29 The Earl of Salisbury 's example a warning to the Guisards 148 149 Sardanapalus the pattern of a lecherous and effeminate Prince 5 The Saxons and Danes conquer England rather by subâ—ilty then force 220 Scipio the pattern of a chaste Captain 5 The Scots and Picts invade Britain in the absence of Maximinian 98 Sejanus his greatness and authority under the Emperour Tiberius 23 Servilius judgeth gentle means the best to appease the peoples rage 233 Sigibert eldest son of Dagobert contented with the small Kingdom of Austrasie 39 Sir-names given to Princes upon several occasions p. 8 The Sir-name and Title of a God given to Demetrius by the Athenians 5 Wicked or foolish Sons succeed wise
life and welfare of his Subjects but when the Prince casteth off humanity and the Subjects forget their duty when he mindeth nothing less then the publique wealth and they suffer things whereunto they have not been accustomed when he breaketh Laws and they desire to live under their ancient Laws when he imposeth new Tributes and they think themselves sufficiently charged and grieved with their old when he oppreseth and suppresseth such of the Nobility as favour the common people their ancient Lawes Priviledges and Liberties and they take the wrongs that are done unto their Favourers and Patrons to be done unto themselves and their Posterity Then changeth love into hatred and obedience into contempt then hatred breedeth disdain and disdain ingendereth disloyalty after which follow secret conspiracies unlawful assemblies undutiful consultations open mutinies treacherous practises and manifest rebellions The chief reasons whereof are because the common people are without reason ready to follow evil counsel easie to be displeased prone to conceive dislike not willing to remember the common benefit which they received by a Prince when they see their private Estates impoverished by him or his Officers forgetful of many good turns if they be but once wronged more desirous to revenge an injury then to remember a benefit quickly weary of a Prince be he never so good if he be not pleased to satisfie all their unreasonable demands easily suspecting those who are placed in authority over them commonly affecting time that is past better then the present briefly all liking what the most like all inclining where the greatest part favoureth all furthering what the most attempt and all soon miscarried if the most be once misled This natural disposition of the common people is proved by common experience observed by wise Polititians and confirmed by many examples not of one Realm but of many Nations not of one age but of many seasons not of barbarous people but of civil Realms not of Kingdoms alone but of other manner of Governments briefly not of Subjects living only under Tyrants but also under the best Princes that ever were for there is no Kingdom comparable unto France for antiquity or for greatness for strength or for continual race of good and vertuous Kings for absolute government of Rulers or for dutiful obedience of Subjects for good laws or for just and wise Magistrates and yet France that hath this commendation and these benefits hath many other times besides this and for other occasions besides the causes that now moveth France to rebel revolted from her liege Lords and Soveraigns for proof whereof let us examine and consider the causes and motives of this present Rebellion begun in the late Kings time and continued in this Kings days They that write thereof at large and seem to understand the causes of this revolt more particularly then others affirm that this Rebellion began upon these occasions The Authors and chief Heads thereof saw Justice corruptly administred Offices appertaining unto Justice dearly sold Benefices and Ecclesiastical dignities and livings unworthily collated new Impositions dayly invented and levied the Kings Treasures and Revenues prodigally consumed old Officers unjustly displaced and men of base quality unworthily advanced they saw the late King carried away with vanities governed by a woman entred in League and Amity with their Enemies and fully resolved to follow his pleasure and to leave the administration and government of the whole Kingdom unto their mortal Enemies They saw him careless in the maintainance of their Religion unlikely to have any issue to succeed him not willing to establish any succession of the Crown after him and obstinately minded not to enter into League with them that intended and purposed to uphold and maintain their Catholick Religion Lastly they saw that as long as he lived the King of Navar and his followers could hardly be suppressed and that as soon as he dyed the said King was likely to be his Successor which hapning they considered the desperate estate of their Religion the sure and certain advancement of the Protestants and of their cause and quarrel the utter subversion of all their intents and purposes And lastly the final and lamentable end of the greatness of themselves and of their Families Wherefore to withstand all those mischiefs and inconveniencies and to prevent some of them and to redress and reform others they called a general Assembly of the three Estates implored the help of forreign Princes levied as great Armies as they could possibly gather together propounded means of Reformation to the King and when they found him not willing to yeild to their advise and counsel they combined themselves against the Protestants his pretended and their open enemies seized upon greatest part of the Kings Treasure took possession of his best Holds and Towns of strength removed such Officers as disliked them and in all Affairs that concerned the advancement of their Cause imployed men fit for their humours made for their purpose brought up in their Factions practised in their Quarrels affectioned in their Cause and wholly devoted to their wills and pleasures And because they found themselves unable to encounter with the late King and his Confederates unless they were also assisted by some forrain Princes they sought all ways and means possible to insinuate themselves into the Grace and Favour of strange and mighty Potentates to recommend their Cause and Quarrel unto their protection and to joyn their Domestical power with their forrain Enemies They consider therefore that the Popes Holiness by the heat and vehemency of the hatred which he beareth unto Protestants The King of Spain by the greatness of his Ambition and the Duke of Lorrain by the ancient envy and enmity which hath been and which is betwixt him and the House of Bourbon might easily be perswaded and induced to favour their party and further their Attempts and Enterprises The Duke of Guyse as chief Head and Patron of these Actions sendeth Messengers unto every one of these Princes beseeching them as they had heretofore secretly favoured him and his complices so they would now that matters were grown to ripeness and secret Conspiracies to open resistance vouchsafe him and his Confederates their help and assistance to the utmost of their power In which Suit he findeth happy success and with promise of assured and sufficient aid is animated to proceed with courage and not to omit any manner of cunning and policy to win unto himself as many friends as he might possibly He therefore considering that for the better accomplishment of his designs it was needful and expedient for him to continue at the Court and there to draw unto himself as many partakers as by any means possibly he might obtain repaireth thither with all diligence And knowing that he should undoubtedly fail of his purpose unless he might effectually compass three things of special consequence he laboureth to the utmost of his power to bring them
therefore follow That there is no Superior out of France who either hath or could bestow his priviledge upon France And it appeareth by their own Histories That there hath been nothing done within the Realm whereby their Kings have been forbidden to dispose their Kingdoms by their last Wills and Testaments For Dagobert King of France in the presence of the principal Lords and Prelates of his Realm made his last Will and Testament and therein gave the Kingdom of Austrasia unto his Son Sigisbert and the Kingdom of France unto his Son Cloius Likewise Charlemain by Will and Testament divided his Kingdom betwixt his three Sons He gave unto Charles the best and greatest part of France and Germany unto Pipin Italy and Baivera and unto Lewis that part of France which confineth and bordereth upon Spain and Provence And caused this his Will to be ratified confirmed and approved by the Pope and intituled his Sons with the names of Kings It is also written by French Historiographers That Philip de Valois who contended with Edward the Third for the Crown of France ordained by his last Will and Testament that Iohn his eldest Son should succeed him in the Crown and that his second Son Philip should enjoy for his part and portion the Dukedom of Orleans and the Earldom of Valois Now these three Kings being of three Races of the French Kings Dagobert of the Merovingians Charlemain of the Charlemains and Philip de Valois although not directly yet collaterally of the Capets which are the three only Races that ever were in France and they having disposed of their Kingdoms in manner as is a foresaid it may well be presumed that others before them have or might have done the like especially since there is no Law to be shewed which forbiddeth Kings to bequeath their Kingdoms by Will and Testament The sixth and last Objection which is made against this Contract is That Charles the sixth could not lawfully dis-inherit his son who by the custome of France was lawful and apparent Heir and could not for any cause whatsoever be deprived by his Father or by any other of that right which belonged unto him by the ancient Priviledge of France In this Objection there are two things intended The one That the Kings of France cannot deprive their Sons or next Heirs for any occasion whatsoever of their Right Title and Interest to the Royal Crown and Dignity The other That the next of the blood Royal according to the Custom before mentioned must of necessity succeed and enjoy the Kingdom This Obâ—ection is in my simple opinion of greatest force because I read not in all the Histories of France that ever any King thereof but Charls the sixth did dis-inherit his Son True it is that Charles the seventh was thus dis-inherited being plagued by God for his disobedience towards his Father with a Son as undutiful and disobedient in all respects as himself was sent unto the Pope to advise him how he might dis-inherit his eldest Son who had divers times rebelled against him and bestow the Kingdom upon his second son in whom he never found any manner of disobedience but the difficulty is resolved by this reason following For if a Kingdom may be given by Will and Testament as is to be presumed that it may also be taken away from one and bestowed upon another when there is just cause given by him who layeth claim thereunto why he should be dis-inherited especially when as there is no such necessity of successive inheritance as hath hitherto been mentioned And in case it be doubtful whether a Kingdom may be taken from the right Heir and be bequeathed unto another the custom of the Country in private mens Inheritance is to be considered because most commonly such as the Law is in part such it is in the whole and for that generally the Nobility of every Realm who regard the conservation of their Honour and Dignity in their Families no less then Princes do the preservation of the Royal Authority in their Posterity do follow and imitate the manner Law and Order of their Kings touching the disposition of their Kingdoms And even as they usually dispose of their Principalities so do the other of their Baronies and inferior Estates by what Name or Title soever they be called If therefore it can be shewed that any of the chief Nobility of France have at any time dis-inherited their lawful Heirs it may justly be presumed that the Kings of France may do the like when the like occasion is offered unto them The Lords of Bearne have time out of mind been of such power and might in France that the Kings thereof have in all Ages made great account and reckoning of them And the present King of France is Lord thereof and by his Adversaries the Spaniards who will hardly vouchsafe him the name of a King of France or of Navar because they take him to be lawful King of neither of these Kingdoms is commonly called in their Writings Lord of Bearne The Earls also of Foix have beyond the memory of man been of such worth and estimation that it is written of them when they were also Lords of Bearne they cared neither for the King of Aragon nor for the Kings of Navarra for they were able upon any urgent occasion to keep more men at Arms at one time then both those Kings could make at two several Levies Both these Lordships or Seigneuries are now under the Kingdom of Navar and the principal members thereof and the Lords and lawful Owners of each of them dis-inherited their next and lawful Heirs only for ingratitude and unkindness towards them for the French Histories report that Gaston Lord of Beaâ—ne had but two Daughters the eldest of which he married unto the Earl of Armignack and the younger unto the Earl of Foix who was Nephew unto the King of Aragon It fortuned that the said Gaston had Wars with the King of Spain wherein he desired help of the Earl of Armignack who refused to succour him and the Earl of Foix holp him with such power and force that he enforced the King to very reasonable conditions of Peace in recompence of which service Gaston made the Earl of Foix his sole Heir and caused the Nobles and Gentlemen together with all other his Subjects to confirm and ratifie his Grant whereupon followed great strife and contention between the two Earls It is also written in the Chronicles of France that in the year 1391. The Earl of Foix because his Son by the consent and counsel of the King of Navar went about to have poisoned him gave his Earldom from him to the King of France who presently bestowed the same upon the Earl of Candalles Here you see two Heirs dis-inherited by their Father whose Act was generally reputed and held lawful Now you shall see the like cause in Charles the seventh and why should it
of his life in a house of Religion And that the Peers of France not regarding the young years of Charls the son of Lewis their King deprived him of his right and made Eude Earl of Paris king of France You may think it as lawful for Charls the 6. to deprive his Son Charles of his Inheritance for the horrible murther committed as it hath been said on the person of the Duke of Burgundy a Prince of the blood royall a Peer of France and a Counsellour unto the King his Father and for the great manifest and undutiful disobedience which he shewed unto his Father as it was for the States of the same Realm to deprive Theodorick for his Insufficiency Lewis for his Pusillanimity and Charles for his youth So you see the last Objection refuted by their own Examples And as you see the cause why it is said that the Kings of France cannot dis-inherit their children so I will let you understand the reason why they have invented a new shift or device thereby to deprive those of their due who made claim to such debts as the Kings of France owed them There was a time and so it is still when a King of France dyed greatly indebted to the Switzers which debt they challenging of his immediate Successor and Heir who dyed in their debt It was answered that although true it was that Contracts do bind the Contrahents and their heirs as well private men a Princes yet the Kings of France not succeeding as Heirs but as Successors by custom are not within the meaning and sense of that Law which speaketh of Contracts and their Contrahents and their Heirs only By which cavil the poor Switzers were deceived of their due debt as we English-men have been debarred of our Claims Titles and Rights sometimes by the Law Salique which was as I have said no Law of France and sometimes by such exceptions devices and subtleties as I have lately specified The fourth point whereat they wonder is why the Kings of England having good right unto the Crown of France and better success when they demanded their Right by Fire and Sword do not still prosecute their demand and did quickly lose whatsoever they or their Predecessors got in many years This point consisteth of two several points the one why we forbear to challenge our right the other by what occasion we lost all that some of our Kings had conquered especially Henry the fifth who subdued the greatest part of France and although he dyed very young yet he left his Son Henry the Sixth being an Infant of few years so mighty at home so be-friended abroad so accompanied with good Souldiers so well assisted with good Counsellours so followed by cunning and expert captains and so directed by wise and discreet Generals that when he was but ten years of Age he was crowned at Paris King of France by the Dukes of Bedford and Burgundy and in the presence of the chief Peers and Nobility of France This first point is easily answered because ever since the first time we laid claim to the Crown of France those Princes of ours who were Martial men and inclined to Wars demanded their Right by open Wars as both ours and their Chronicles do testifie But it pleased God sometimes to send us as he doth unto other Kingdomes such Princes as were rather given to pleasure and unto peace rather then unto Wars and Martial exploits in whose time the Frenchmen were wise enough to take advantage of their quiet and peaceable natures and when our Kings and Subjects following as Subjects commonly do the humours and qualities of their Princes gave themselves unto pleasures and pastimes the French followed the Wars and either by open Invasions or by subtile devices recoverd part of their losses Besides it hath sometimes fortuned that when we had valiant Princes and such as hath both good will and sufficient power to recover their Right our Realm hath either been divided within it self and by domestical dissention hindred to prosecute Forraign Wars Or that our Kings coming by their kingdoms by force of Armes have had more mind and occasion to stable and assure the same unto themselves and their Heirs then to make Wars abroad Again during the contentions betwixt the houses of Lancaster and of York sometimes the one part and sometimes the other sought favour and friendship and alliance of the Kings of France and they who prevailed in their attempts and purposes by their aid furtherance and sufferance thought it an especial point of wit and policy to seek and continue their Amity yea and sometimes to buy the same with very hard conditions lest that having them for their Enemies they should either invade their Realms or assist their Competitors who most commonly fled unto them for help relief and succour For as many of our Kings as have been driven out of their Royal Seats and Dignities by their domestical Adversaries have been either entertained or restored to their Crowns by the Kings of France and Scotland the Dukes of Burgundy or the Princes of Henault as were Edward the fourth Henry the second the sixth and the seventh Besides some of the kings of France as namely Lewis the twelfth and Francis the first doubting that our Kings would annoy them at home whilest they were busied in Forraign Wars corrupted our Kings Council with bribes and with yearly rewards and pensions made them so bound and beholding unto them that they did not only bewray their Masters secrets but also diverted their purposes and if at any time they were purposed to molest France or to joyn with the Enemies of France they changed the Kings minds and perswaded them not only not to hinder but also to help and further the French Kings in all their Enterprises and against all their Enemies And they were not only contented to â—ee our cheif Counsellors as Francis the first â—id Cardinal Wolsey who bare such sway with Henry the eighth changed his determination so often made him friend and enemy to whom he would and favoured the Emperour Charles the fifth and sometimes the French king his common Adversary in such manner that it was commonly said that Cardinal Wolsey ruled the French King the King of England and the Emperour but also they purchased our Kings favour and furtherance with yearly Fees and Pensions For it is written that Lewis the eleventh to retain and entertain the King of England for his friend payed him yearly in London 50000 Crowns and bestowed yearly 16000 other Crowns upon his chief Counsellors the Lord Chancellor and the Master of the Rolls and when our King had any occasion to send any Embassadour unto him he received them so honourably entertained them so friendly rewarded them so liberally and dispatched them with so fair words although their Embassage was never so unpleasant and displeasing unto him that they departed alwayes very well contented And albeit that some
hostility answered That he could not leave off his wars because he knew not what authority Don Philip who was the Mediator of that Peace and should have had the French Kings daughter for wife to his son Charls had from the King and Queen of Spain to conclude the said Peace And the said King and Queen hearing of the good success which their General had daily against the Frenchmen permitted him to proceed as he began and disclaimed all that was agreed or yeilâ—ed unto by the said Don Philippo saying that he had no power or authority from them to make any such agreement But Don Philippo seeing his credit thereby called in question published to all the world that he had done nothing more in the concluding the said peace then the King and Queen had given him full commission to do and further before he departed out of Spain he saw them both swear upon the holy Evangelists and upon the Image of Christ crucified that they would confirm ratifie and observe whatsoever should be concluded by him Thus Naples was gotten deceitfully although Francis the first after that he was unhappily taken Prisoner at Pavia by Charles the fifth did voluntarily renounce all his Right Title and Interest unto the same kingdom for the ransom and deliverance of his two Sons who were Prisoners a long time in Spain as pledges for their Father From Naples and Sicily I hasten to the kingdom of Navarra gotten by the Spaniards Predecessors and held as unlawfully by him as the two other kingdomes for when as Ferdinando so often before mentioned had occasion to pass with an Army through the kingdom of Navarra to succour the Pope he demanded safe passage of the King thereof who being so commanded by Lewis the French king his Soveraign denied him passage Ferdinando certifying the Pope of his denial the Pope excommunicated the King and depriveth him as a Schismatique of his kingdom Ferdinando hereupon having his Army in a readiness invadeth the kingdom taketh the King unprovided and before he could have any help from the French king depriveth him of his Royal Seat and Dignity and his Heirs have held the same ever â—ithence by no better Title then this Of which give me leave in a few words to tell you my simple opinion and then I will come to the kingdom of Portugal As it is most certain that the Kings of Naples and of Scotland hold their kingdomes the one of the Pope of Rome the other of the Queen of England as of their Soveraigns so it is undoubtedly true that the Kings of Navarra owe homage faith fealty and obedience unto the king of France as unto their Lord and Soveraign for their kingdom in regard whereof they are bound to many conditions of services unto him as their Soveraign and especially to aid and assist him in his just quarrels wars and contentions against any other Prince whatsoever and never to leave him upon pain of forfeiture of their States and Dominions holden of him which is so true that many Doctors of Law writing upon this case make this question whether a Vassal such as the king of Navarra was in respect of the French king leaving his Lord and Soveraign sorely hurt in the field and forsaking him in that case doth forfeit his Estate or no And they all generally conclude that it his wounds be not mortal and such as they leave no small hope of life then the Vassal for forsaking him loseth his Estate be it never so great But I will not stand upon the proof of this point nor upon the justifying of the king of Navarra his denial made unto the Aragonian king by Commandment of his said Lord and Soveraign for I shall have occasion to enlarge hereof in another place whereunto when I come you shall see it sufficiently and plainly proved that the king of Navarra could not without manifest loss and forfeiture of his kingdom unto the French king deny or resist his Commandment This then being most manifest it must needs follow that the king of Aragon did most wrongfully invade and take from him his kingdom and so consequently the king of Spain withholdeth the same from the present king of Navarra with no better right or reason then he that detaineth a private mans lands who never having any just title thereunto justifieth his Tenure by no other reason but by a few years wrongful possession which giveth no just title especially if the same hath been continually claimed and demanded by the lawful owners thereof as without all doubt the kingdom of Navar hath been for the present king and his Predecessors did oftentimes require restitution thereof of them which did wrongfully detain it And had not the civil wars of France hindred the present king from demanding the same by force of Arms he had long before this time warred upon the now king of Spain for the recovery thereof Now to the Kingdom of Portugal This kingdom as Scotland and Navarra are members of the kingdom of England and France so it is a member of the kingdom of Spain for Alphonsus the sixth king of Spain had a base Daughter nam'd Taresia whom he married unto Henry Count of Lotharinga and gave him in Dower with her the Kingdom of Portugal because he had done him very great service against the Moors But his Son Alphonsus the first was the first that was named King of Portugal and the first that got the City of Lisbone from the said Moors and having overcome in one Battel five of their Kings he left five Shields for Arms unto his Posterity This kingdom hath had many alterations and sundry Wars moved by such as layed claim thereunto but none considering the small continuance thereof more lamentable then the late Wars betwixt the now king of Spain and him whom the Spaniards call Don Antonio and no lawful king of Portugal for besides that the chief of the Nobility of that Realm were either cruelly murthered in the said War or unkindly held in extream thraledom or servitude by the Spaniard their natural and professed enemy the rightful King was most wrongfully driven from his lawful Inheritance to live as you know in a strange Country with the Princely and yet slender releif that her Majesty of her Royal liberality and clemency vouchsafeth him and his poor Train The Spaniard for the better obtaining of his Kingdom imitated in some measure the policicy of Charls the fifth his Father who during the competency betwixt him and Francis the first king of France for the Empire brought an Army of men unto the place where the Electors were assembled to make choice of the Emperour pretending the cause of bringing his Army thither to be his just and Princely desire to free the Electors from all manner of fear which they might justly have of some violence to be offered them by the French king if they made not choice of him Whereas in very deed his
down in Don Antonio's Apologie unto which I refer you Although there be at the least twenty points therein of no small moment which in my opinion are not sufficiently cleared nor substantially handled yet therein you shall easily perceive how king Philip in getting the same kingdom imitated as I said before his father I must likewise refer you to the history of Hernan Logeres touching the discovery and conquest of the Indies for it were too long for me to tell you what small forces went thither out of Spain first and how the Leaders of those slender Armies taking advantage of the divisions which they found betwixt the kings of those Countries did easily overthrow some with the help of the other There you shall see how a number of naked men fly like sheep before a few armed souldiers there you shall read that even amongst those barbarous people and princes there wanted neither deceit nor policy there you shall find that the Spaniards being far from their Country and not many amongst an infinite number of mortal enemies strived and contended amongst themselves for superiority which argueth an unsatiable desire of rule and government and their natural proneness to mutiny although they challenge an especial praise above all other Nations for their obedience to their Superiours there you shall see the fruits of division the effects of tyrannie the force of terror and fear and the vertue of good and expert souldiers fighting against rude and ignorant multitudes there you shall observe in some of these unchristian Princes more loyalty friendship constancy and perseverance in their honest and lawful enterprises then hath lately been found in many Christian Princes there briefly you shall find enough to satisfie you how the Spaniards came to the possession of the Indies if withal it may please you to understand that Pope Alexander the sixth being a Spaniard and chosen Arbitrator betwixt the Kings of Spain and Portugal at what time they were at variance for and touching the division of the Indies the said Pope shewed himself too too partial unto the Spaniard and gave him much more then the Portugal thought that in reason and conscience should have been allotted unto him Now from the Indies and the aforementioned Kingdoms unto the Earldoms and Dukedoms And first to the Dutchy of Millan a State which hath suffered many alterations of which I may not speak without digressing too much from my purpose and because I hasten unto many other points whereof I intend by Gods grace to discourse at large I may not be over-long in this point The Dutchy of Milan was anciently a member of the Empire and none was held lawful Lord or Duke thereof which had not received his investure and approbation from the Emperour It would be both long and tedious to relate unto you the many competencies for this Dukedom the sundry Pretendants thereunto and the mighty Partakers of these competitors whereof leaving ancient quarrels aside and not troubling you with the Titles of the Viscounts with the pretentions of the Sforzas nor with the claims of the Predecessors of Francis the first king of France and of Charles the fifth Emperour I will only tell you that the former challenged the same Dukedom in right of the Lady Valentine wife unto the Duke of Orleance and the later pretend right thereunto because the contract of Marriage betwixt Valentine and the said Duke was not confirmed by the Authority of the Emperour because the Emperour had never granted unto the before-named Duke the Investure of the said Dukedom These reasons indeed are sufficient in Law to deprive a Vassal of his Seigniory if by voluntary negligence or wilful obstinacy he refuse to do homage or to demand the Investure of his hold and Tenure of the Lord and Sovereign But there are many occasions which may excuse this demand upon which I shall not need to stand because they are not pertinent to this purpose which is only to shew you whether the Spanish King came rightly or unrightly unto the Dukedom of Millan The which difficulty may be cleared in this manner Let the Spaniard shew that his Fathers Allegation was lawful then shall it follow that his War for the same with the French King was also most lawful And so consequently his getting the same by force of Arms likewise lawful Let him shew that it was gotten with the Forces and Expences of the Empire then it shall follow that it belonged unto the Empire Let him shew that his Father having purchased his Dukedom in right of the Empire and at the costs and with the help of the Souldiers and Captains thereof had full Authority to alienate the same and to bestow it upon him his lawful Son and that he so did then shall it follow that he is true owner thereof But I fear me it will be very hard and difficult for him to shew all these particulars and therefore I dare not deliver it for any sound opinion that he hath right thereunto unless he shall plead the Renunciation and Resignation made thereof by the said Francis at what time the Treaty of Peace was concluded betwixt his Father and he the said Francis at Cambray At which time the said Francis for himself and his heirs renounced demised released and resigned into the hands and possessiâ—n of the sâ—id Charloâ— and of his Heirs all Rights Titles and Interests which he or they had or might have unto the Dukedom of Millan From which Dukedom I will now come to the Dutchy of Burgundy and to all the Earldoms and other members implicatively contained therein and lawfully invested in the Duke thereof For Charls last Duke of Burgâ—ndy who was unfortunately slain by the Switzers was Earl of Flanders and of Holland Duke of Brabant and Lord of all the united Provinces by reason whereof and of those laudible qualities which he possessed he thought himself inferiour to no Prince living in his time and never had been overthrown as he was had he not dwelt too much in his opinion had he not presumed too much of his own strength had he not thought too basely of his enemies and had he not made so slâ—ght account as he did of the French Kings subtle and secret practises against him which indeed were so politique so wise and so secret that a French Historiographer writeth That the French King still sitting in his Chair at home and suffering the Duke to follow his own humours and suborning and procuring him daily new Adversaries did him far more much harm then they who did openly and directly bear Arms against him This Duke being slain as is above-said in an unfortunate time for the house of Burgundy and for a very small occasion for the Wars wherein he was slain were but for a Cart loaden with sheep-skins left issue but one Daughter whom Maximilian the Emperour married and had by her issue Philip Arch-Duke of Austria who begat Charls the Emperour and
gracious Queen Elizabeth hath hitherto enjoyed that it lieth not in the ambitious Spaniard nor in the proud Prelate of Rome her mortal enemies her sworn and professed adversaries to shorten her days but one day or one minute Their wishes are on earth but cannot ascend to heaven they may purpose but not dispose they have often desired but could never prevail they have suborned many but never found nor shall find any that shall be able to accomplish their desire the Axe may be layed to the root of the Tree but it shall not have power to fell it the Lyon perhaps may go about to seek his prey but he shall never find it the divel as a divel may provoke and procure his instruments to be ready to further his attempts but Gods Angels attending on her person having a care of her health and a special charge of her safety will not permit divellish ministers to have the least power that may be over her The Rule and Government of Women is rare and omnia rara sunt chara Their Sex is weak and the Almighty hath promised to be the Protector of the infirm and weak Their capacity is not answerable to mans policy and the Lord hath said that his elect shall not be confounded with humane wisdom he hath said and we may swear That heaven and earth shall sooner perish then his word shall fail Why then do the Princes rage Why then do the Pope and the King of Spain fret and fume against the Lords Anointed Against his chsen Vessel Against his dear Virgin Why the cause is the Lords and he will try it he will end and determine it Is it because she upholdeth and defendeth the Spaniards afflicted and oppressed Subjects Why therefore she was ordained therefore the Lord preserveth her Is it because she liveth in peace and they in wars Why the Almighty hath blessed the Peace-makers and hath vowed to be the Protector and Patron of as many as love peace Is it because her subjects rebel not against her as theirs do Why that is an express and manifest sign of their evil and her good Government Is it because she withstandeth their attempts and purposes Why she medleth not with their doings but with such as tend to her hinderance and those it is both lawful and honourable for her to cross and prevent Briefly Is it because the wisest Princes and Subjects of the world favour her more then them Why that is because their actions are not in any respect equal or comparable unto hers for they pretend one thing and intend another her thoughts and pretensions do alwaies agree together They would seem to love Peace and yet dwell continually in wars she seeketh peace and embraceth it They combine themselves and employ their strength and Forces against Christian Religion she useth her power to no mans detriment or destruction Briefly they do or would usurp more then belongeth unto them and she requireth no more then is her own That such is her mind desire and purpose is most apparent to all the world because when she might have had the Soveraignty and universal Government of Flanders she accepted it not when she might have excluded the Spaniard out of the possession of his rich and wealthy Indies she deprived him not of them And when as her Forces are sufficient to disturb his whole Realms of Portugal and Spain she employeth them not to his disturbance But In magnis voluisse sat est She hath assaulted the Indies attempted the conquest of Portugal and assayed what her Forces could do in Spain It cannot be denyed but that her Majesty hath done as much and perhaps more then is said but not before she was provoked thereunto neither with a mind so much to prejudice the Spaniard as to provide for her own safety For when Sir Francis Drake with such Forces as he and his friends with a very slender help from her Highness had provided happily spoiled part of the Indies and returned thence with no smal prey if he had gone thitherward somwhat sooner then he did better furnished then he was with a larger commission then he had al which lay in her Majesty to have granted him undoubtedly either the season of the year or the number of his ships or the largenes of his Authority would both have encouraged and also enabled him to have done those her Highness enemies much more and greater despight then he did But as wise men going about a great piece of work and finding when they have begun the same that their ability will not serve to accomplish it sit down and study what ways to take and how to put those ways in execution for the full perfection of their enterprise So her Highness having so mighty an enemy as the Spaniard whose Attempts and purposes it was necessary for her own security to cross and prevent And finding that her Treasure was not comparable to his wealth especially seeing he attempted divers ways to annoy her and purposed to weary her with length of time and variety of expences resolved with her self that it could not be amiss to permit her loving Subjects to adventure some part of their wealth and a small portion of her own Treasure inâ—hope to bring from the Indies much more then they carried thither The which her Resolution being put in practise found the same event which was expected and the sequel thereof sufficiently declared that a greater Navy well furnished with sufficient men and good store of Victuals and Munition might then and may yet put her Majesty in quiet possession of the richest and best part of the Indies But it sufficeth her Highness to try the Forces of those Countries to acquaint her Sea men and Souldiers with the way thither to give them a taste of the Indian wealth and to make her power known as well unto the Inhabitants of those remote Countries as of other nearer Regions of the world who thought too basely of her strength and carried too good a conceipt of her Adversaries might and puissance And finally to fetch from her mortal enemies own Dominions some Treasure wherewith to withstand the Rancor and extremity of his malice In which Action her Majesty fully and wisely imitated the example of the Florentines who fearing that Pope Iulius the second would war upon them for consenting unto that Counsel which divers Cardinals with the consent and furtherance of the French King and other Princes had summoned against him and thinking it convenient to defray the charges of Wars moved in defence of Church-men with Church goods seized upon so much of the Clergies goods as they thought would suffice for the maintenance of those Wars Even so her Highness hearing that the Spaniard had a long time prepared to invade her Realm and being well assured that as soon as he could be well able he would send the same preparation towards England held it expedient and necessary to seek all means possible whereby
Iulius Caesar. So did Peter King of Castile murther Rubaeus King of Granado for the greedy desire which he had of the infinite Treasure which Rubaeus brought into Castile with him So did Ptolomy imprison Antiochus who trusting him rather then his Brother Seleucus whom he had many ways and times grievously offended fled unto him from the heavy displeasure and persecution of King Eumenes So briefly did Henry the fifth King of England detain Iames afterward King of Scotland prisoner many years who flying from the unnatural persecution of his Uncle who had deposed his Father and usurped the Crown was driven by tempest into England These Examples varying much from the former And these Princes observing a quite contrary course unto that which the before-named Kings observed maketh this question very doubtful Whether it be lawful and commendable in Princes to receive and harbour another Prince who flyeth unto him for succour But if humanity deserveth always more commendations then cruelty if it be true that the Poet saith Turpius ejicitur quam non admittitur Hospes If Princes were first ordained and instituted to yeild relief to as many as were distressed If God most commonly blessed them who yeilded such relief and contrariwise punished those who exercised no kind of humanity towards them Briefly if wiser Princes have received them then have rejected them this doubt is easily dissolved and this difficulty quickly removed Now that humanity which is incident unto men is to be preferred before cruelty which is proper unto bruit beasts is a thing so apparent to common sense that I hold him for senseless that doubteth thereof and what is he who blameth him not for incivility who having received his friend into his house and being very well able to relieve him excludeth him without any occasion of discontentment offered by him Or who is so ignorant that knoweth not there is nothing more answerable unto the principal cause and motive of the first institution of Kings then it is to succour as many as have need of their help And our Chronicles do testifie that God plagued the posterity of Henry the fifth for his extremity used unto the poor distressed Prince of Scotland and the French Histories do declare that God never prospered Lewis sirnamed Oultremer King of France because he had dealt discourteously and unkindly with the Infant Richard Duke of Normandy whom he had received into his safe custody and protection And to be short the wisdom of those Princes who have harboured their Neighbours and Allies are commended beyond all measure by the Writers who mention them whereas their folly is reprehended and their cruelty blamed who rejected those of whom I lately made mention and all histories shall sooner perish then their infamy be forgotten But to reconcile the contrarieties of the precedent examples and to clear the difficulty of this question I think it not amiss to descend from the general argument to a particular supposition for so the controversie will soon be determined Suppose therefore for example sake that the Kings of France and Spain being in fast League of friendship together there ariseth a variance betwixt the Kings of France and Navarra from this variance they fall to wars of these wars follow the overthrow of the Navarrois after that overthrow he flyeth unto the King of Spain for refuge May the Spanish King in this case receive and harbour him To this demand it is not possible to make a good and an absolute answer unless the cause of the Wars betwixt France and Navarra and the kind of Alliance betwixt France and Spain be well and sufficiently known for the nature and quality of the one and the other may make the receipt and entertainment of the Navarrois lawful or unlawful If the French King had just occasion to war against the Navarrois because he was wronged by him or by some of his and the League betwixt Spain and France bound the Kings of both places not to receive one anothers enemies but that the one should hold him for his foe which was or is adversary to the other Then doubtless except the King of France of his part had first committed some Act contrary and repugnant unto the conditions of the Alliance whereby the same was broken and violated the Spaniard could not lawfully receive the Navarrois But contrarywise if the aforenamed Wars were unjust and the League not so streight as Alliance which are both offensive and defensive are then might the Spaniard without breach of his duty harbour the Navarrois especially if the French King had before the receipt violated the conditions of the League for as Bonds and Obligations betwixt private men tye not the Obligee to other things then are mentioned in the conditions so Leagues betwixt Princes do not prohibite them to do any thing that is not expresly or by implication forbidden by the Articles of those Leagues Besides as the world is now adayes Leagues are of no longer continuance then there is some profit or commodity arising or proceeding from them and as soon as the breach of them may be certainly and assuredly profitable and advantagious unto the breaker they are not so religiously observed as they have been in times past but some colour or other is presently pretended to justifie their unlawful violation You have heard what a strait League was concluded betwixt the French King and Ferdinando King of Spain touching the Kingdom of Naples and also what occasion was taken to break the same as soon as Gonsalvo surnamed the great Captain had the French General at an advantage But I think I have not as yet acquainted you with the colour and pretence which was used to excuse the breach thereof the which because it now cometh fitly to the purpose I purpose to declare unto you Ferdinando and Isabella King and Queen of Spain being accused by the French King that they had unlawfully broken the League of Friendship which was straitly concluded betwixt Spain and France against all enemies whatsoever that should attempt any thing against the Kingdom of Naples being equally divided as you have heard betwixt the two Crowns alledged for their excuse that amongst other Articles of their League and Agreement this clause was inserted That they should not be bound to any thing that might be prejudicial unto the See of Rome and that therefore the Pope having required them as Sovereign Lord of that Kingdom to succour the distressed Kingdom of Naples they could do no less but yeilded unto his request and with this Cautele contrary to their former promise made unto the French King the said King and Queen entred into confederacy and league against France with the Pope with the Venetians and with the Duke of Milan and the Duke of Ferara would not openly enter into this League but cunningly and with an Italian devise and subtilty he suffered his Son to serve the Duke of Milan as his Lieutenant
by the on-set which he gave upon France and by the great Power and Authority which he had even then in Italy that he went about to make himself Lord of the most part of the world And seeing that Francis the first King of France had lately won Milan from the said Emperour they entred into League with the French King against Charls the fifth as secretly as they might possible You have heard before how Leo the tenth taking the kindness shewed unto him by the Emperour at the Diet of Worms very kindly was moved thereby to leave the French party and to become one of the Emperours Faction Now you shall hear how Pope Paulus the third having the Cardinal Farnesius for his Embassadour with the said Emperour and finding that his Majesty had proclaimed a Diet to be held at Wormes touching the deciding of certain matters and controversies of Religion took it in so evil a part that the Emperour would intermeddle with the hearing of spiritual causes the cognizance whereof belonged unto the Pope that he commanded the said Cardinal to depart from the Emperors Court without taking leave of his Majesty and to leave the Cardinal Marcello Corvino in his place which was an indignity never offered unto any Prince unto whom either the Embassadour or his Majesty bear any love or affection This evil conceit of the said Paulus Tertius towards the same Emperour was encreased by three special Causes The first because the Emperour to strengthen himself against the above named French King had lately entred into League and Alliance with Henry the eighth King of England who was then fallen from that obedience which the See of Rome looked for at his hands The second because Caesar had so quickly forgotten the wrong done unto his Aunt lately divorced from the same King The third because the Emperor would neither sell unto him the Dukedom of Milan nor make his Son Pier Lewis Duke of Parma and Placentia I might proceed in the recital of many other Examples like unto these but from these you may sufficiently gather that the wisest both Popes Emperors and Kings that ever lived of late years have made it a matter of small or no conscience to break their Leagues for very small occasions especially if they found that any King or Emperour by reason of their League presuming to finde no resistance able to withstand his intent and purpose went about to incroach upon other Princes and to make himself Lord of the world You may also perceive by the mutability and inconstancy of the Princes of Italy and of their falling from France to Spain and again from Spain to France how greatly they fear the greatness of the one or the other in Italy how ready they have been to supplant him that waxeth great amongst them and how careless negligent and secure they are now since they notwithstanding not as their predecessors always did before them the aspiring Ambition of the Spaniard Moreover these Examples may teach you what opinion was conceived of Charls the fifth what jealousie and suspition other Princes had of him and what an high and aspiring mind he carryed The which having left as an Inheritance to his Son with a number of precepts forged in so dangerous and ambitious a conceipt no marvel though he do somewhat imitate his Father But great marvel it is why the Princes of our Age do not foresee and fear in him the same minde the same desire the same ambition and the same purposes which were in his Father But the more careless other Princes are herein the more commendations our Gracious Soveraign deserveth who for better then these thirty five years hath as I have said often and cannot say too often mightily crossed his endeavours without the help of any other that ever would vouchsafe to joyn with her Majestie in so honorable an Action Neither may it be imputed to her Highness as a fault that she hath forgotten the ancient league which was betwixt the house of Burgundie and her Predecessors but rather as he amongst private men is highly commended who forsaketh his dearest friends in their unjust causes and when they go about to oppress and overthrow their Neighbours so her gracious Majestie is worthy of everlasting praise and fame because it hath pleased her Highness to prefer the justice and equitie of good causes before the iniquity of any League or confederacie Besides since that the League that was betwixt England and Burgundy was as it may be gathered by the Chronicles of both Nations rather with the people subject unto the Princes of Burgundy then with the Princes themselves her Majestie continuing in Amitie with the States and People of the United Provinces and being ready to do the like if the like occasion were offered with the other of the seventeen Provinces doth not any thing in the prejudice of the Antiquitie of that League but as her Predecessors have done before her as namely Edward the third and Richard the second her Majestie hath thought it meet and convenient to stand with the poor and afflicted people against the unkind and unnaturall crueltie and oppression of their Soveraign The which action being most commendable and such as might be approved by infinite Examples they do her Highness great wrong who not considering the indignities wrongs and injuries done unto her by the late house of Spaine and not remembring the first occasion of displeasure between the Crowns of England and Spain to have risen from Spain blame her Majesty as the first breaker of that ancient League These men besides many other things which are already refuted or remain to be fully answered hereafter in their several and fit places more maliciously then wisely object unto her Majesty that about the year 1569. her Ships intercepted 59 chests full of Ryals of Spain amounting unto the sum and value of eight hundred thousand Ducats which were sent unto the Duke of Alva out of Spain to pay his souldiers withal the which wrong gave as they affirm the first or greatest occasion of breach of amity and friendship betwixt Spain and England For by the intercepting of this money the Souldiers were disappointed of their pay and the Kings credit and authority was greatly impaired and weakened in the Low Countries But those men neither consider that Spain had long before this time offered great wrong unto England nor remember that when the Spaniard complained unto her Majesty hereof that it was wisely and sufficiently answered That her Majesty understanding that the said money was sent to pay certain debts of the Spanish Kings which he owed unto divers Merchants of Genova who being well able to spare the same and her Highness having urgent occasion to use so much thought she might be so bold as the Spaniard had been to borrow the said money for a small time paying them as he did some yearly consideration for it Which Answer might well have contented the King of Spain
Scotland together with the repressing of her Rebels in Ireland never gave her leave to bend her whole forces against him in the Low Countries True and that is one of the principal reasons why he hath by all means possible laboured to sow discord and to maintain factions in all and every one of the Countries thereby disabling them to send out any forces sufficient to annoy him and diverting her from using the uttermost of her power to his prejudice and yet to conclude this point considering the weakness of these his Neighbours by reason of their domestical divisions and her Graces whole strength because her Realm is not divided it cannot be denied that she hath far better abâ—lity then any other Christian Prince to weaken his power and to abate his pride and truly he that shall well look into his State such as it is shall find that it is far different from that which it is supposed to be For although he be Lord and King of many Dominions and Kingdomes although the Indies in some mens opinions furnâ—sh him with abundance of Treasure yet in truth neither is his power greatly to be feared not his wealth far exceeding her Majesties and other Princes substance For first touching his strength some of his Countries are not so populous as France and England others that have great store of people have men of such a mould and such conditions that they are unfit and unapt for the Wars and Spain it self from whence his best Souldiers come sendeth forth so many Garrisons into the Indies to Naples to Milan to Flanders and to Burgundy that he can hardly upon an occasion of great and most urgent extremity bring ten thousand Spaniards together And although the benefit of the Camaradoes doth greatly help them their long and late experience maketh them most expert and cunning their military discipline containeth them in a very good order and their extraordinary rewards and stipends maketh them both serviceable and very adventerous yet neither can so small a number perform any matter oâ— great worth neither was it ever seen since the first Wars of the Low-Countries until this day that being inferiour but by a few nay being equal unto our men in number they departed with the honour of the field neither can it be truly said that our men being no choice men but such as our Country can spare and hath least need of having had no long time of experience nor fighting for the Liberty of their own Country or the right of their Prince which two things adde and put courage even in men scant having any great stomack at all did ever refuse to meet the best trained and long experienced Spaniards in the field and meeting them in equal places and in like number they most commonly have driven them to the worst or made their party good enough with them and although the Spaniards for these few years few I term them because they exceed not the memory of man have had the name of great Souldiers yet if we consider with what people they have encountred and by what policies they have prevailed they have not received the tenth part of that honour and renown which they seem to challenge of just and due desert for the people with whom they have contended in all this time have been the unexperienced Flemmings the careless Germans the unwarlike Italians and the fierce and quickly fainting French-men The first sort by long practise are grown equal and nothing inferior unto them the second of late have holpe them to most of their victories the third by their own Writers are termed Infamia militiae and the fourth was in Iulius Caesars time and are still in the beginning of a conflict more then men in the end thereof less then women neither may I so much derogate from the Italians or from the Frenchmen but that I must of necessity grant that many of the Captains who have done the Spanish King greatest service have been Italians and the unprofitable Journies which Charles the fifth made divers times into France with full intention and assured hope to conquer the same and also the late dishonours received by the Prince of Parma and other his Lieutenants sent into the same Realm with a purpose and resolution to do much more then was effected do argue that the French-men yeild not greatly unto them in valour or in discipline Then if he cannot make an Army of many natural Spaniards and they when they are strongest be it in number or experience are easily to be matched and many times over-matched by men of less experience practise and exercise then they why shall his natural strength be feared which cannot be great unless he will disfurnish his Garisons which were to overthrow himself and to lose his best and richest Countries Or why should a Prince fear his mercenary Souldiers or hirelings who fight no longer then they have money and when they are ready to go to the Battel either abandon their Master for want of pay or fly to the enemy in hope of reward or when they are in the conflict behave themselves cowardly faintly and so indifferently that if they might be assured of their lives they would hardly strike one stroke This is briefly his power Now to his Wealth It cannot be denied that his Revenues far exceed the Revenues of any Christian Prince whatsoever It must likewise be granted that the Indies yeild him yearly great store and abundance of Treasure And it is supposed that his credit with Merchants is able at any time to supply his wants if he should chance to stand in need But his States being most of them gotten as you have heard by conquest or distracted as you see by division they must needs as all such States do put him to so great charges as the comings in will hardly serve to deâ—ray his Expences The Treasure that cometh from the Indies sometimes part of it perisheth by the Sea part is intercepted by us and all that is brought home doth not suffice to maintain his Wars His credit is not in any measure answerable to the conceit and opinion that is had of it For first It hath been published in French Discourses Printed many years since that he oweth more money to the Merchants of Genoa alone then ever he shall be able to pay And I can shew whensoever it shall please you to require the fight thereof a Letter written better then sixteen years ago unto him by his Secretary Escovedo and intercepted by the States wherein he signifieth unto him That his credit would not serve the which Don Iohn of Austria affirmeth by another Letter unto his Catholique Majesty to take up any more money upon the Bourse at Antwerp because the Merchants would first be paid that which then was owing them before they would lend any more And Don Iohn de Austria addeth in his Letter That had not Escovedo his credit by reason that the Merchants held
are Christians and Catholicks he may have far better assurance and confidence then of Turks and Infidells Truly I have heard the befoâ—e mentioned French king greatly blamed for entring into League with the Tuâ—k and his honour and reputation hath been and still is so much blemished thereby that a very wise and grave Author of our time to cover his fault with some honest pretence hath been enforced to distinguish how and in what manner a Christian Prince may be at league with the Turk The causes for which a Christian Prince may as he saith enter into League and Amity with this common Enemy of Christians are either to obtain Peace or Truce or to end a contenâ—ioâ— and quâ—rrel for any Dominion or Seigniory to have reparation and amends for wrong done unto him or to entreat leave for his Subjects to trade traffick iâ—to his Countries and not to yeeld him any aid against his Enemies And the same Author addeth that the said Francis being continually assaulted by the Emperor Charles the 5th and by the king of England within his own Realm and not being able to make his party good against them and other enemâ—es who at their instigation and request did put him ofttimes in great manifest danger to lose his whole estate was counselled by his wisest Friends for his better defence to joyn in amity with Sultan Solimon who was better able then he to interrupt and cross the violent course which Charles thâ— 5th took to make himself Lord and Monarch of all the world Necessity therefore enforced Francis the first to enter into this League without the which he had been in great pâ—rill and hazard of losing his whole Kingdom For conservation whereof I read in Histories that a Predecessor of the Spanish King called Peter confederâ—ted himself with the King of Bellemarine a Sariziâ— married his Daughter and renounced his Faith and profession of a Christian. Considering therefore that necessity hath no law that Commoditie and sweetness of Rule and Governmenâ— maketh many good Christians to forget themselves and their Duties that extreame malice conceived and borne against an Enemy hath constrained many Princes to seek to be in League with their very Adversaries and that a noble and valiant heart detesteâ—h nothing more then to yeild unto his Enemies and laboureth by all meanes possible to avoid that dishonor No man can can justly condemne Francis the first or the Duke of Milan Now touching the Queen of England her Majesty having alwais the feare of God before her eyes and walking in his waies as much as any Prince of Christendome hath alwaies thought no better of the Turk then he deserveth as well because she hath nothing to do with him as for that by reason of the great distance that is betwixâ— her and him she hath less occasion to stand in fear of his forces then any oâ—her Prince of Europe True it is that in regard of the late Traffick which some few of her Merchants have into Turky to their great benefit and advantage her Majestiâ— hath suffered them to have their Agent there who carrieth not the nâ—me of Ambassador as the Emperors the French Kings the Spanish Kings the Venetians and other Christian Princes Ambassadors do and yet his Credit is such that either with favours or with presents wâ—ereof the Turke is very desirous and coveteous he might have broken the League of peace and Truce which is betwixt Spain and hâ—m to the Spanish Kings great hurt detriment But heâ— Majestie had â—ather that the Hâ—stories of our timâ— should mention her vertues then declare her policies and thinketh it far better that as all men of our Age commend her Beautiâ— her bountiâ— and her goodness so her after-Commers should have occasion to pâ—aise and exâ—oll her constancy and Religious affection towards God and the Common wealth of Christendome But to returne to the Spanish league with the Peeres of France I think no good Christian can think bâ—tter of them then of a Turk and I am of opinion that the League and Amâ—ty of Turkish Infidels is more to be esteâ—med then the friendship of these Leaguers more profitable and advantageous unto him that shall stand in need thereof and more assured and firmâ— unto any one that have occasion to rely thereupon For since that these Rebels have deserved to lose their Lands and possessions have incurred the odious and detestable Crime of Treâ—son and have worthily merited the name of Traytors and Conspirators there can be no other League or Amitie with them then is with Theeves and Felons the societie and conversation with whome hath been in all Ages and in all places accounted as most odious and execrable yea by how much a Traitor is more odious and wicked then a Thief by so much his Infamy shame and dishonour is greater who asâ—ociateth himself with a Conspirator be iâ— that he conspireth against his Prince or against his Country or against both Such as a mans Companions are such shall he be held to be in all mens opinions and he that converseth daily with wicked men shall hardly be reputed an honest man The great and large Priviledges which belong unto Princes appointed by God to rule and governe his people make me forbeare to say so much as I might say in this place and yet I may not spare to reprehend and condemne the bad Consciences of those Consciousles Councellors who have perswaded the King of Spain to forget and forgo his honour his Reputation his blood and his Parentage to joyne himself with those who may increase the number but not the Forces of his Allies I have oftentimes heard say that the end honoureth all the rest of a mans life that the elder a man is the wiser he should be that the Actions of al men that are placed in high degree and dignity are subject to the view the sight the censure and judgement of all men that a man may easily fall from the top of honor and glorie unto the bottom of shame and infamiâ— and briefly that all men with open mouth speake boldly and freely that of Princes when they are dead which they durst not muter whilest they lived I could with therefore that either the vertues of the late French King or the affinitie conjunction and parentage that was betwixt these two Crownes or the conformitie of their religion or the remembrance of the greatness and power of France might have been able to have diverted and withdrawn the mightie Monarch of Spain from the Amitie of those Traitors and Felons of France to live in peace League and Amitie with his deare and beloved Brother of France But the detestable vice of Ambition which misleadeth the greatest and wisest Princes of the world with a vaine hope of good success and prosperous fortune in all their enterprises hath turned his love into hatred and covered the spots and blemishes of true dishonor with a Cloak of false honor and repuâ—ation And
the execution praiseth her Sons wisdom thanketh God that it hath pleased him to put that counsel into the Kings head and to give him grace to execute the same and now saith she my Son playeth the king indeed The Parisians are presently certified of the Dukes death there is weeping and gnashing of Teeth the Crochilers have lost their Countenance the Facâ—ious their Father the Seditious People their ambitious Patron and the Malitious Sorbonists their Religious Protector What followeth Sudden accidents must have suddain consultations new devises hasty resolutions hastie executions and the new year must begin wiâ—h new Treasons They chuse the Duke of Aumale for their Head they draw the kings picture in the durt through the streets they rob and ransack his Exchequer his Palace his Store-houses and for their last resolution they conclude that he must be no longer their king According to this conclusion after that their City was hardly beset and they had almost endured as hard a siege as the Citizens of Ierusalem they send out a desperate Jacobin Fryer as their Iudith to behead Holofernes to execute their doom and devillish sentence upon the Lords anointed and their lawfull king The Fryer goeth to the kings Camp which was at St. Clovis feigneth to have Letters of great weight to deliver unto the king he is brought to his presence kindly received for the king alwayes loved those Fryers too well and lovingly willed to declare the cause of his coming he delivereth his Letters the king readeth them seriously and the Jaobin more like a Iudas then a follower of St. Iames seeing the kings doublet loose about him aiming at a place where he might be sure to dispatch him whilest he was busied in reading the Letters thrusteth a poysoned knife into his Bowels of which wound he died within a few hours after You have heard his Tragedy his Reign and his End and what can you finde that savoureth of Heresie Was it Heretical to persecute those whom they call Hereticks before he Reigned and as long as he reigned Was it Schismatical to proscribe banish and massacre them Was it Apostatical to proclaim and make Wars against them whensoever and wheresoever the Guisards required him Was it irreligious and hypocritical for him in a Lent time when men use to be penitent for their Sins to whip themselves while the blood followeth by his own Example to induce the Cardinal of Lorrain and others his chiefest Counsellors and Courtiers to do the like Was he a despiser of God who with consent of the Popes Holiness to shew his zeal and to leave an Eternal Monument thereof did erect a new order of Knighthood of the Holy Ghost and took an Oath to live and die in defence of the Catholick Faith Was it impious and an Act not beseeming a Christian Prince to go in person and accompanied with most of the Peers of his Realm in Procession bare-headed and bare-footed If none of these things be Heresie Apostacy and contempt of God and Religion then undoubtedâ—y the late French King having done all these things was no Heretick no Apostate no Schismitick no despiser of God but a Zealous a Religious a Catholick and a most Christian Prince But the Duke of Guise his death is the matter that is most urged is the sore that most grieveth is the objection that needeth a present and large confutation He was murthered without any desert without any rightfull administration of Justice without any manner of proof that he had committed a Crime worthy of death God said unto Cain where is thy brother Abel He said unto the woman accused or Adultery Where are thy Accusers He said unto his Disciples In the mouth of two or three consisteth a Truth He said unto the Judges of the Earth Be ye wise and discreet in your judgements And why said he all these Forsooth to shew that in every Capital Cause there ought to be an Accuser divers witnesses and a Judge to give Sentence according unto Law and unto his Conscience Truly the Laws of France and the Lawes of all Nations require that a man being held guilty of any Crime be it never so odious never so horrible be called unto Judgement and be convinced by his own confession or some other pregnant and forcible proof before he can be condemned But if the crime whereof he is accused be so manifest that all the world knoweth it that he cannot deny it and hath nothing to say for his defence it is lawfull to condemn him yea to execute him without hearing his Cause especially if by giving him notice of his Arreignment you give him time and opportunity to escape without punishment The Word of God saith Thou shalt do no murther But the Laws of Nature the Laws of Nations yea the Laws of Princes say That it is better to kill then to be killed The Apostles have taught that the testimony of two or three witnesses is sufficient in any Cause but the Civil Laws require sometimes seven other times five and commonly they are contented with two and by Canonical constitutions according to the degrees of dignities of Ecclesiastical persons the testimony of seventy two of sixty four of twenty seven and of seven is oftentimes requisite and necessary God hath commanded every man to do according to his conscience but the Lawes of Princes command all Judges to give judgement according to the proofs and allegations that are made before them I may therefore boldly say that not onely the Pope unto whom the Canonists onely attribute this power and authority but also every lawfull secular Prince unto whom God hath commanded that every soul should be obedient may upon good occasion and consideration of some circumstances qualify and interpret the Lawes of God He that striketh with the sword shall perish with the sword sayeth the holy Scripture and there is no express commandment given not to suffer Malefactors to live But Humane Policy hath thought it convenient and equitable that children because they know not what they do that mad men because they are deprived of the use of Reason and Understanding that any man killeth one another by mischance because he offendeth through ignorance and not of malice And lastly that an honest man if he chance to kill a Thief by night or by day in defending his own person or goods because it is lawfull to repel force by force shall not be condemned to death although his crime in it self in strictness of Law be Capital There is nothing more certain then the commandment of God not to swear and yet it is lawfull to swear yea it is an offence not to swear if a man be commanded by a Magistrate to swear and if a truth cannot be known but by an Oath and the oath that a man hath taken must be inviolable It cannot be broken and there is no mans more odious no crime more detestable then the sin of perjury and yet a Judge that hath
his friends Bodin in his Book De Republica reporteth that Charls the Ninth King of France his Brother gave away in the year 1572. Two millons and seven hundred thousand Francks and the next year two millions and forty four thousand Francks and in the last year of his reign One million five hundred and two thousand Francks besides certain years Pentions which amounted unto One hundred thousaud Francks But grant that he gave much more then he did Is it not lawful for a Prince to reward his Servants Is it not in his liberty to cast his especial favour upon whom it pleaseth him And is there any thing that sheweth a Kings greatness procureth him faithful Friends and eternizeth his Name more then his bounty and liberality I know that Nero was reprehended because that in Fifteen years he gave away above Fifty five millions I confess that Caligula is blamed for that he spent in one year Sixty seven millions And I acknowledge that Dion reporteth it for no praise and commendation unto Claudius that he wasted in three years five Miriades of Miriades and Seventh usand seven hundred and eight drams or as some report One thousand seven hundred and eight miriades I allow no such prodigality and yet I think it not lawful for Subjects to rebel against their Princes if they be over-prodigal I know that there be other ways to be used to restrain their excessive liberality I read that the Parliament House in the tenth year of Richard the Second of England considering that through the covetousness of the Officers by them displaced the Kings Treasure had been imbezelled and lewdly spent chose Thirteen Lords to have the oversight under the King of the whole Government of the Realm And I finde that divers Subjects have revolted from their obedience to their Princes because they having wasted their Revenues they over-charged them with Subsidies and Impositions But I see that their rebellion wrought their own confusion Now from the late Kings Prodigality briefly in a few words to his other vices he is noted to have been somewhat more given to Venery then it became a married Prince but I find not that his wantonness was outragious and sure I am that he never had so many Concubines as Solomon nor caused any man to be killed that he might enjoy his Wife as David did to Urias nor made away with his own Wife to have another as it is said the Spanish King did And yet Solomon was the wisest Prince that ever lived and no King ever pleased God more then David did And the Leaguers held King Philip to be the mirror of the Kings in our age Neither did the late King of France delight so greatly in the company of wanton women but that he could and would have used the same with much more moderation then he did had not the Queen-Mother the Duke of Guise and others who ruled all things under him nourished that humour in him to the end that he following of his delights they might the more freely govern the whole Kingdom at their own will and pleasure a policy borrowed of Cardinal Wolsey This Wolsey being Henry the Eighth his Chaplain and brought into credit and favour by the Bishop of Winchester made his House a Paradise of all kind of pleasure and oftentimes invited the King thither and so fed him with vain delights that his Majesty during the greatest time of his younger years committed the Government of the whole Kingdom into his hands It is written of Lewis King of Bohemia that if he had had a good Governor in his youth who would not onely have had a care of his health but also have given him good instructions he would undoubtedly have made a notable Prince for he had a very good Wit and a natural disposition to Vertue and Goodness But the Marquess of Brandenburg who by his Father was left to be the Teacher and Informer of his Youth and Manners being a very good Prince but more delighting in Banquets Dancings and other such Sports and Pastimes then in serious and grave studies befitting a Prince brought the King up in those Vanities wherein he took such pleasure and delight that he cared not how little he medled with matters of State Good Education is a great Jewel for all men but especially for Princes because that such doctrine and disposition as Children and Young-men receive in their youth such they retain in their elder years And the Prince is not so much to blame who is given unto vanities in his riper years as they are to be reprehended who trained him up in vain Delights in the days of his indiscretion The blame therefore of Henry the Third his wantonness must light upon them who were the Authors of his folly and abused those good Gifts and Graces which the Almighty had bestowed upon him which were Valour Wisdom Eloquence and the use of divers Languages Qualities not so common as commendable in a Prince His Valour is proved by the siege of Rechel where as it is written by Historiographers of good credit it was impossible for a Prince for such was he at that time to shew himself more truly valiant then he did and the commendation which Sir Henry Cobham a discreet and wise Gentleman and of great Judgement and Experience when he was Ambassador for her Majesty in France gave him upon occasion of talk at his Table coming from such and so able a man as was may serve for a sufficient proof of the rest of his good qualities For I well remember that the said Sir Henry talking with his Nephew Mr. Maximilian Cobham who was then lately come out of England into France of the late King said that he had been imploied as Ambassador for her Majesty unto the Emperor the King of Spain and divers other Princes but among them all he never heard any forein Prince that delivered his mind more eloquently readily and wisely then the said King and that as often as he had Audience of him he would sometimes speak in French and sometimes in Italian and although he Answered him fully to every point whereof they conferred before he departed from him yet like a wise and discreet Prince he would always require him not to take it for his full and resolute Answer untill he had talked with his Council and at their next meeting his later Answer seldom or never varied from the former a manifest Argument of his great Wisdom who was able to answer an Ambassador upon the sudden and that not at one Conference onely bnt upon as many and as great occasions as he the said Sir Henry had to confer with his Majesty in the space of three or four years so well and so wisely that his greatest and gravest Councellors could not upon deliberation amend his sudden and extemporal Answers This commendation given him by Sir Henry Cobham is confirmed by the Siegneur Darrennes one of the Ambassadors sent from the Prince of Condey
Ioshua King of Iuda commanded Heikias the high Priest of the second Order and the Keepers of the Doores to bring out of the Temple of the Lord all the Vessels that were made for Baal and to do any manner of things mentioned in the 23. Chapter of the second Book of Kings David assembled the Sons of Aaron and the Levites to bring the Ark of the Lord into the House prepared for it Commanding them to sanctifie themselves And David had a Linnen Garment as all the Levites had that bear the Ark And upon David was a Linnen Ephod David also blessed the People in the Name of the Lord and appointed Certain of the Levites to be Ministers before the Ark of the Lord He Likewise divided Offices to the Levites to their Preists and to their Sons Solomon set the Courses of the Pâ—iests to their Offices according to the order of David his Fathâ—r and the Levites in their Watches for to praise and Minister befoâ—e the Priests every day and the Portersby their Course at every Gate For so was the Commandment of David the Man of God Iehosaphat in the third year of his Raigne sent his Princes to teach in the Cities of Iudah and with them the Levites and Priests And after he had appointed Judges in Civil Causes over all Iudah the set in Ierusalem certaine of the Levits and of the Priests and of the Chiefest of the Famâ—lâ—â—s of Israel for the Judgement and Cause of the Lord and made Amoriath the Priest the chief over them in all matters of the Lord. Ioash Commanded the Levites the Preists and Iehoiada the Cheif Preist to gather Money of all Israel to repair the House of the Lord. Briefly Hezekias goeth furthen then all these for he repaireth the Temple of the Lord and commandeth the Levites to cleanse themselves and to sanctifie the House of the Lord. He commandeth the Preists the Sons of Aaron to offer his Sin Offerings upon the Altar of the Lord. He appointeth the Levites in the House of the Lord with Cymbals with Viols and with Harps He willed the Levites to praise the Lord with the words of David and of Asaph the Seer He set posts through all Israel and Iudah to command them to come to keep the Passover with him and to turn unto the Lord He appointed the Courses of the Priests and of the Levites by their turns every Man according to his Office Briâ—fly he commanded the People of Ierusalem to give a great part to the Priests and Levites that they might be encouraged in the Law of the Lord. Since therefore the Queens Majesty intermedleth not in Ecclesiastical Causes somuch as these Princes did or any thing more then other Kings some of her Predecessors have done Since when her Majâ—sty called a Parliament to Consult of temporal matters the Bâ—shops and Prelates of this Reâ—lme have a meeting also in their Congregation House where whatsoever they decree and order is ratified by her Highness Royall Assent and Approbation since not her Majesty but her Graces Father was the first that assumed unto himself not without just occasion the Title of Supream head and Governor in all Causes Ecclesiastical within his Majesties Realms and Dominions And Briefly since what power soever the Pope had over England was loâ—g since taken from him This sentence of Excommunication against her Majesty is neither warrantable by Law nor any sufficient cause for the King of Spaine to invade our Realme Now to the false Reports of our English Fugitives who as all other Fugitives have accustomed to do fill the King of Spains ears with many vain Fables seeking thereby to exasperate him against our Realm to extenuate the Forces thereof to the end he may think the Conquest of England to be a matter of no great difficultie They calumniate her Majesties Justice â—ccuse her Government and blame her Proceedings against Seminaries and Romish Priests sent into this Realm from Rome as out of the Trojan Horse to seâ—uce her Majesties loving Subjects and to withdraw tâ—em from thâ—ir Obedience These grievous Accusations be sufficiently answered in a little and very learned Treatise Called the Execution of Justice But the Chiefest Point which they reprehend in Her Highness Goverment is there unanswered and therefore I have thought good to reâ—ell it in this place They signifie unto the Spaniard That her Majâ—sty had before the Coming of his Invincible Navie so overcharged her Subjâ—cts with new Subsidies and unaccustomed Taxes and Impositions that they neiâ—her would be willing nor able not to defray so great charges as should be requisite and necessary to maintain an Army by Sea and an other by land This Accusation is auggravated because her Majesty hath called a Parliement almost every fourth years since she came to the Crown and in some of them hâ—th not been contâ—nted with a single Susidie but hath charged her Subjâ—cts with a double Subsidy A matter as they say never heard of in any of her Predecessors times nor then needfull when it was required For the better answering of this objâ—ction I must run over the whole Raignes of some of her Majâ—sties Predecessors thereby to make it appear that they called Parliaments and levied Subsidies as often as her Highness hath done And because it would be tedious to trouble you with many I have restrained my self unto two only namely unto Ed. 1. and Ed. the 3. The Commons granted a Subsidy unto Edward the First in the third year of his Reign and another within two years after then having no extraordinary expences until the eleventh year of his Reign which was six years after he obtained another Subsidy And when he had reigned two and twenty years the Clergy gave him the half of their goods the Inhabitants of the Cities the sixth part and the rest of the common people the tenth of all that they possessed And yet within two years after he levied of all Towns-men and Citizens the Eighth part and of the Country people the Twelfth part of their goods and because the Clergy refused to grant him a Subsidy at that time they were all excluded from his favor and protection for the recovery whereof some by themselves and others by their friends gave him the Fifth part of all that they possessed Neither did the Liberality of the Laity nor the bounty of the Clergy so free them from further Contribution but that the very next year after the King having occasion to War against Scotland the common people gave him very willingly the Ninth part of their Goods the Clergy subject unto the Arch-bishop of Canterbury the Tenth and the Clergy of York Diocess the Fifth part because they were nearer to the danger and invasion of the Enemy Edward the Third had a Subsidy of his people the sixth year of his Reign and another the next year after and within four years after the Commons granted him a Fifteenth the Burgesses of Towns and Inhabitants of Cities a Tenth and
The same King seemed in appearance to be offended with his Lord Chancellor for concluding the Truce with the French King and therefore took the Seal from him and caused a new to be made proclaiming through all his Dominions that not any thing sealed with the old Seal should stand in force both for that his Councellors had wrought more indiscreetly then was convenâ—ent and because the same Seal was lost when his Vice-Chancellor was drowned wherefore all men were commanded to come to the new Seal that would have their Charters and Writings confirmed The same King having levied two shillings once before of every Hide of land levied 5 s. of every Hide of Land for a Subsidie rating every Hide to certain hundred acres Lastly the same King caused Turneys to be exercised in divers places for the better trayning of men at Arms in Fâ—ats of Arms whereby he raised no small sums of money for granting license to his Subjects so to Tuâ—ney every Earl paid for his license twenty Marks every Baron ten Marks and every landed Knight four Marks and those that had no land two Marks Now from this King unto others King Iohn in the year 1204 levied a Subsidie of two Marks and an half of every Knights Fee belonging as well unto Spiritual as unto Temporal men the which exaction must needs be very great considering that there were better then forty thousand Knights Fees in England and that every shilling then was worth three shillings in these dayes according to the rate which Sir Thomas Smith maketh in his Book de Republica Anglorum Henry the third revoked all lands granted in his Minority unto his Servants and called to an accompt all his Officers displaced some fined others sold his Plate and borrowed so much money as he could get of the Londoners of Priors Abbots and of the Jews of one of which named Aaron it is written that he had at one time above 30000 Marks Henry the third again obtained certain Authentick Seals of the Prelates of England and sealed therewith certain writings and instruments wherein it was expressed that he had received certain sums of money for dispatch of business pertaining to them and to their Churches of these and the Merchants of Florence and of Sienna whereby they stood bound for repaiment by the same Instruments made by him their Agent in their names The Pope yeelded his consent unto this shift because it should go unto the discharging of the kings debts into which he was run by bearing of the charges of the Wars whereof I have made mention in another place against the king of Sicilie The same Henry caused a Proclamation to be made that all such as might dispend 15 l. in land should receive the honour of Knighthood and those that would not should pay their Fines and five Marks were set on every Sheriffs head for a Fine because they had not distrained every person that might dispend 15 l. land to receive the order of Knighthood as was to the same Sheriffs commanded The same Henry in the Forty fourth year of his Reign had granted him a Scutagium or Escuage that is fourteen shillings of every Knights Fee The same Henry in the second commotion of the Earl of Glocester engaged the Shrines of Saints and other Jewels and Relicks of the Church of Westminster for great sums of money wherewith he got Aid out of France and Scotland Briefly the same Henry caused all the weights and measures throughout all England to be perused and examined and laid great Fines on their heads that were found with false Weights and with false Measures Edward the second for his defence against the Scots had the sixth penny of temporal mens goods in England Ireland and Wales And Edward the Third for the recovery of France besides other Subsidies took the ninth Lamb Fleece and Sheaf of Corn through England Riâ—hard the Second had a Mark of the Merchants for every Sack of their Woolls for one year and six pence of the buyers for every pound of Wares brought in from beyond the Seas and here sold. He had likewise towards his charges for the Wars of France a Noble of every Priest Secular or Regular and as much of every Nun and of every married or not married man or woman being sixteen years old four pence and forty shillings of every Sack of Wooll of which ten shillings to be imployed at the â—ings pleasure and thirty shillings to be reserved for his necessity In the 24. year of Henry the Eighth his Reign when his Majesty married with her Highness Mother the Lady Ann Bullein Writs were directed to all Sheriffs to certifie the names of all mâ—n of 40 l. lands to receive the honour and order of Knighthood or else to make a Fine It is written by Philip de Comines that our Kings when they wanted money were wont to feign that they would go into Scotland or into France with an Army and that to make great sums of money they would levy men and pay them for a matter of two or three months within which space they would again dismiss their Armies although they had taken money of their Subjects enough to maintain them for a whole year or more and many times they had money of the King of Scotland or of France towards the charges of their Wars It is written by du Haillan in the Tenth Book of his French History that Iohn King of England being in great want of money enjoyed for six years together all the Bâ—nefices of his Realm and all his Bishopricks Abbeys and Monasteries wherewith he defraied the expences of his House and of his Armies which he might do very well because the Revenues of such Benefices as Italian Priests enjoyed sometimes in England came by just computation to above seventy thousand Marks by the year And it was declared in a Parliament held in the 11. year of King Henry the Fourth his Reign that the King might have of the temporal possessions Lands and Revenues which were lewdly consumed by the Bishops Abbots and Priors of England so much as would suffice plentifully to finde and maintain 150 Earls 1500 Knights 6209 Esquires and an hundred Hospitals more then were at that time The same King Iohn accused sometimes one sometimes another Nobleman of England that they lost his Towns and Cities beyohd the Seas by their negligence and fined them at great sums of money Thus I have with as much brevity as might be waded through the several reigns of most of the longest-lived Kings of our Realm and have set you down about thirty sundry and divers kinds of ways which they have used to make money in time of their want and necessities of all which her Majesties greatest enemies cannot truly shew or prove that her Highness in thirty six years that her Grace hath now reigned ever used as much as one and if it may please those that being Fugitives abroad and most envy and malign her peaceable and
partakers of it foolish in a King and Capital in a Subject Eumenes was King but of a poore Castle and yet he would not accknowledge mightie Antigonus for his Superior Pompey was a Subject and yet he could not endure any one man to bee above him Caesar a Citizen of Rome and yet he could not brooke an equall And the late Prince of Orange a Prince of no great Power or Wealth and yet he held himself for as absolute a Prince as the mightie Monarch of Spain This again is proved by a notable example of the Emperor Charles the 4. who coming into France in the time of Charles the 5. King of France to end all debates and quarrells betwixt him and our King was mett upon the way by the French King which is a ceremony observed by them who acknowledge themselves to bee inferior unto him whom they meet but the Emperor as soon as they were mett would have yeilded the highest place unto the King and accepted it not without great ceremony and it was written that it was given him but of Curtesie a Curtesie usuall among Princes aswell as amongst private men for as private men in their own houses and at their own Tables will of Curteâ—ie sett meaner men then they are before themselves so Princes when strange Kings come into their country will preferr them before themselves It is ceâ—tain that the Emperor precedeth of right all the Princes of Christendom And yet when Francis the first King of France was brought from Pavia where he was taken Prisoner into Spain at their fiâ—st meeting the Emprror and he embraced one another on horseback with their Capps in their hands and in covering their heads there passâ—d great ceremony betwixt them each of them striving to bee the last that should bee covered and after that they had talked a while they both covered their heads at one very selfesame time And after that there was a new strife betwixt them for the right hand This again is proved by the Emperor Sigismond who when hee would have made the Earle of Savoy as you have heard upon an other occasion Duke at Lyons hee was commanded by the Kings Attorney not to attempt any such thing in France aswell because it was thought that being in an other Kings Country he lost his Authority and Power to create a Duke as for that it seemed unto the French King that he was not to suffer him to use any Royall Authority within his dominions The Queen of Scotts therefore when shee was in England was inferior unto the Queens Majesty and this inferioritie is proved by three other principal Reasons The one because there is an inequalitie betwixt Kings one of them being better then an other The other because she was her Majesties Vassall and the third because she was deposed and so no longer a Queen First for the inequality it is certain that the Kings of Spain and of France be both resolute Princes and yet France challengeth precedency before Spain for five principal causes The first because the consent and opinion of the learned is for France and not for Spain The second because the French Kings have a long time had the honor to be Emperors and not the Kings of Spain The third because the French Kings have been called most Christian Kings these many hundred yeares and Ferdinando the fift was the first and that but lately that was called the Catholick King of Spain The fourth because at the Feast of St. George in England France even in Queen Maries time was preferred before Spain The fift because the house of France is more ancient then that of Spain which raigned long before the Castle of Hapsburg was builded The sixt and last because the book of ceremonies which is kept at Rome preferreth France before Spain Next to France is England as appeareth by the same book which putteth England in the second place and Spain in the third Again those Kings are best which are Crowned and by the same book it is evident that France England and Spain only have Crowned Kings Next it seemeth that the meaner sort of Kings also strive for Precedency and one of them will be accompted better then another For it is written that Matthew King of Hungary thinking himself better then Ladislaus King of Bohemia when they met once together Matthew went bare-headed and tyed about the head with a green Garland because hee would not put off his Capp unto the Bohemian but have him put off his unto him which the King of Bohemia perceiving deceived his expectation by tying his own Capp so fast unto his head that when they met hee could not put it off and so the Hungarian being bare-headed saluted the Bohemian that was covered But to leave these Inequalities and to come unto the second point which being proved it must needs follow that the Scottish Queen was farr inferior unto our Queen uâ—â—o whom shee owed honor homage and obedience Many of our Kings have challenged the Soveraignity over Scotland but none prosecuted the same more eagerly then Edward the first who because hee would be sure that his right thereunto was good caused all the Monasteriâ—s of England and Wales to bee searched to see what evidences or bookes he could finde in them to prove his Title The King found in the Chronicles of Mariamis Scotus of William of Malmesburg of Roger of Hoveden of Henry of Huntingdâ—n and of Radolph of â—ucet that King Edward his Predecessor in the yeare of our Lord nine hundred and ten subdued the Kings of Scotland and Câ—mberland and that the Subjects of both these kingdoms in the nine hundred and eleventh year chose the said Edward for their Soveraign Lord. He found further that Adeslaus King of England subdued in the yeare nine hundred twenty six Scotland and Northumberland and that the People of both Countries submitting themselves unto him swore unto him both fidelity and homage Hee found again that King Edgar overcame Rinad the son of Alphinus King of Scots and that by that victory he became King of Four kingdoms namely of England Scotland Denmarke and Norway He found also that St. Edward gave the kingdom of Scotland to bee held under him unto Malcolm son unto the King of Cumberland and that William the Conqueror in the sixt year of his raigne conquered the said Malcolm and took an oath of homage and fidelity of him The like did William Rufus unto the same Malcolm and unto his two Sons who raigned one after another Besides it appeareth unto the said Edward that Alexander King of Scotland succâ—eded his brother Edgar in his kingdome with the consent of Henry the first King of England that David King of Scots did homage unto King Stephen and William unto King Henry the second unto Henry the third unto King Richard and unto King Iohn It appeared again by the Chronicles of St. Albans that Alexander King of Scots in the thirty year of King Henries
Raigne married Margaret his Daughter at Yorke and then and there did him homage for his Kingdom Lastly it appeared by the Popes Bulls written into Scotland that the Kings of Scotland were excommunicated by divers Popes because they would not obey the Kings of England their Lords and Soveraignes Buâ— against all this and whatsoever else may be said by us to fortifie and defend our Title the Scots make three principall Objections The first that their King never did homage unto us but for the Countries of Northumberland Cumberland Westmerland and Huntingdon the which they confess they held of our Kings and by their grant and guift The second that Edward the third being chosen Arbitrator of the great and notable contention that was betwixt Iohn Baliâ—l and Robert Bruce for the Kingdom took the two Competitors aside and sounded which of them would take the kingdom to hold it of him which when Robert whose Title was as they thought best refused to do and Iohn was content to performe hee wrongfully pronounced Judgement for Iohn Baliol and so extorted this Homage by Fraud and Corruption The third that the Estates of the Realme never acknowledged this Homage but were so farr from yeilding thereunto that the Nobility of Scotland deprived Iohn Baliol of the Crown and gave the same unto Robert the first because he submitted himself and his Kingdom unto King Ed. The three Objâ—ctions may not be unanswered and therefore unto â—very one of them in Order True it is that a King may hold his Kingdom of no Superior and yet owe Homage for some Member thereof unto another or some Principality that hee holdeth of an other and he shall still nevertheless remaine a most absolute King For who will deny King Edward the third of England to be either absolute or Soveraigne King of England although he swore Homage and Fidelity unto King Iohn of France for Gascoigne and other Dominions which he held of him in France Or who will take the Emperor Chales the fift not to bee an absolute and Soveraign King in Spain or other his Dominions and Kingdomes because hee sometimes owed Fidelity and Homage unto the French King for the Dukedome of Burgondy Bâ—t the case is altered in the King of Scots because hee did Homage both for these Countries and for his Kingdom And this is no good Argument The King of Scots did Homage unto England for certain English Provinces held of England therefore they did not Homage for Scotland But the second Objection is of better weight and yet may bee thus answered I might here oppose the Credit of an English man against a Scots credit and desire to have Holinshed and Thâ— Walsingham speaking for us to be as well believed as Hector Boetius and George Buchanan would bee credited when they speake for Scotland But you shall heare this Objection confuted by an Italian namely by Pelidore Virgil a man of more indifferency of less partiality and perhaps of better Judgement against whom if it be be said that he was either hired to write our History favorably or that he could write nothing of us but what he had from us I â—nswer that there was never any man justly condemned upon a bare and light suspition and I eftsoones say as I once said before that where a matter cannot be proved but by domestical witnesses there such a proof is both allowable and lawfull Then to refell this Objection I say out of Polid. Virgil that Kâ—ng Edward pronounced not Judgment for Iohn Balioll because he promised to hold Scotland in homage of him but because he came of the eldest Daughter of King David and Robert Bruce of the Second I strengthen my saying by these Arguments First it is said that King Edward very wisely when as this great conâ—ention was referred unto his Audience and determination he called together as Hector Boetiâ—s himself writeth the learnedst men of England and of Scotland he sent the State of the Question into France whence he received Answer that Iohn Baliolls Title was the better And because he might be suâ—pected if he should examine the matter alone and give sentence himself he chose 12. English men as Boetius saith or 20. as Holinshed reporteâ—h and as many Scots as English men whom he made Judges of the controversie and they when they had throughly discussed both conpetitors Rights gave Judgment for Iohn Balioll which Award was confirmed by the King Then whenas the King had seen so many Evidences and proofs confirming his Right and Title unto the Soveraignity of Scotland as are before mentioned is it likely that he who had Right to that which he demanded would condition with the Competitors in such manner as is objected Lastly although he had made Iohn Baliâ—ll to enter into such a condition and to binde himselfe thereunto this cannot help the Scots for that it is lawfull for any Man to Claime his Right at any time and to tell him that is likely to detaine and withstand his Right that he shall not have his lawfull Favor unlesse he will be content And this is most lawful in a cause of Contention betwixt the Soveraigne and his Vassal because the Soveraigne must require Homage at his hands and the Vassal is not in some Mens opinion bound to do him homage unlesse it be required The third Objection is Answered with as little difficultie as the rest For the chief Peers of Scotland acknowledged Obedience and homage unto King Edward They consented unto the delivery which Iohn Balioll made unto our king of his kingdom they required our king to be bound as he was in an hundred thousand Marks to deliver the kingdom to thier king again within two moneths and they appointed certain principal Noblemen to receive and keep the Revenues and Profits of the Crown to his use whom King Edward should declare to have best Right thereunto Againe Iohn Balioll was not deprived of his Crown by the States and Nobility of Scotland as Bucanan reporteth but was enforced as Hector Boetius restifieth to resigne all his right in the Crown unto King Edward and to relinquish and give over his kingdom and at the same time all the Nobility of Scotland did swear homage and Obedâ—ence unto our King and Boetius hath nothing to say 〈◊〉 their defence but that our King enforced them thereunto As though it were not lawfull for the Superior to constraine his Vassals and Subjects in case fair means cannot prevaile with them by violence to acknowledge their duty and service unto him But it pleased the Almighty to punish the Scotish disloyalty Inconstancy and Rebellion they revolted often They broke their promise many times They thought it lawfull to delude us with fair words and to deceive us with vaine promises But the eternall who hateth deceivers and deceitfull dealings so prospered all our Attemps against them that our King for a while left them destitute of a King caused them to swear and submit themselves unto some of
his own laws made the Earl of Pembroke whose name was Odomar Valentinian Governor of Scotland and to the end they should have no Memory no Monument nor Testimony of a Royal Majesty he transferred a Seate of Stone whereupon their Kings were wont to sit at their Coronation out of Scotland into England and the same remainth at thâ—s day at Westminster Now to leave these and the like Testimonies because they carry the lesse credit for that they are reported by our own Historiographers I will come to the violent presumptions which may be gathered out of their own Histories First it cannot be denyed that God hath blessed us with many famous and notable Victories against the Scots Then it must be granted that we had alwaies wit enough to make our best advantage of those victories Next it is not likely but that we took the benefit of such advantageâ— And who will think that when we were so often provoked so many times deceived so throughly informed of our Right that we would not claime our Right Againe at the very time of this notable competency betwixt Iohn Balioll and Robert Bruce it is written that Ericus King of Norway sent certain Ambassadors wiâ—h Letters of Commissiâ—n from him to demand the Kingdome of Scotland in the Right of his Daughter Margaret sometimes Wife unto the King of Scots in which Letter he acknowledgeth our King to be Lord and Soveraigne of Scotland And why should there be found Bulls of Excommunication against the Kings of Scotland for not obeying our Kings Or why should it be recorded that two Kâ—ngs of Scotland Carried at severall times the Sword before King Arthur and king Richard at their Coronations Or why is it not probable that Scotland should be as well Subject unto us as Bohemia and Hungaria were unto the Empire Naples and Sicilie unto Rome Burgondy and Navarr unto France the Duâ—edom of Moscovia aâ—d the Marquisate of Brandiburge unto Polâ—nâ—a Portugall unto Spaine and Austria unto Bohemia Or lâ—stly why may it not be thought that as these Kingdoms and Dominions remaine still in their old Subjection and acknowledg their Ancient Soveraigne so Scotland ought to do the like Our Fortune seldome failed us against them They never used us so kindly nor our kings at any time behaved themselves so unwisely that they Resigned their Right and Title unto Scotland as other Princes have done But now to the like advantage of this kind of inferiority as a Frenchman contracting or bargaining with one of our Nation in England maketh himself by this contract and Bargaine a Subject unto our Laws so any man whatsoever offending within our Realm subjecteth himself by reason of his offence unto our Jurisdiction And this is so true that a very mean man being a Judge if a great personage remaining under his Jurisdiction who by reason of his greatness may seem to be freed from his Authority shall commit an offence worthie of Punishment during his abode there the same mean and Inferior Judge may lawfully punish his Offence Example will make this matter more cleer For Example sake then grant that a Bishop abideth a while within an Archdeacons Jurisdiction and there offendeth in some Crime that deserveth Punishment the question may be whether the Archdacon may punish this delinquent For the Negative it may be said that Par in parem non habet protestatem much lesse an Inferior against his Superior and that an Archdeacon is Oculus Episcopi and Major post Episcopum and therefore can have no Authority over a Bishop yet it is resolved that if the Bishop be a stranger and not a Bishop of the Diocesse the Archdeacon hath sufficient Authority and the power to Chastise and Correct his offence but he cannot meddle with him if he be his own Bishop and the reason of the diversity is because his own Bâ—shop is as it were the Archdeacons spirituall Father and it is not Convenient that the Son should have any manner of Authority over the Father Now since it is certaine that where there is the like reason there the like Law shall be I may boldly infer by this Law that the Scottish Queâ—n offending within her Majesties Dominion may be punished by her Grace although she were her farr better I might here before I come unto her voluntary and forcible Resignation of the Crown tell you that she committed many things both before and after her Imprisonment that made a plaine forfeture of her Kingdome But although when I tâ—uched the duties of Vassals in some part I promised to touch the same in this plâ—ce more largely yet for brevitie sake I must omit this large discourse and only tell you that as the French King called our King Iohn in question for the murther commited by him at his Instigation on the person of his Nephew Arthur and forfeited his States in France for his not Apperance or insufficient Answer unto that Crime so if the Scottish Subjects had not deprived their Queen for the Parâ—icide laâ—d to her charge our Queens most excellent Majestie might not only have taken notice thereof but also have punished the same For albeit the Fact was committed without her Highness Realm and Dominion yet the person who was murthered being her Subject and Kinsman her grace might ex eo capite in my simple opinion lawfully have proceeded against the Malefactor And I remember that I saw a man executed at Venice because he killed his own Wife in Turky and the reason why they proceeded against him was the hainousness of the Fact and for that his Wife although she were not so was their naturall Subject And yet I confesse that our Common Laws regard not offences commited without our Realm wherein me thinketh they have small reason For sithence that for a Bargain made beyond the Seas I may have my reâ—edy here why shall not have the benefit of Law for my Child and Kinsman or any other that is near and dear unto me murthered beyond the Seas since the life of a Subject ought to be of far greater value and worth then his goods And if in a Civill action of which the Cause and originall is given beyond the Seas they can 〈◊〉 the Bond and Obligation to be made at Lyons within some Shire in England when indeed the same Lyons which they meane and where the Bond was made is in France why may they not lawfully use the like Fiction in a Criminal Cause But now the third point that Argueth the late Scottish Queens Inferiority unto our Queen She was deposed and therefore no longer a Queen This point hath in it two very strange points It is strange to hear that a Man or a woman being borne a Prince should be deprived and that he which receiveth a Kingdom by his birth should lose the same before his death But because this point hath great affinitie which the third objection that is made against the unfortunate Queens Execution I will forbear to speak thereof untill
to harbour their Ships their Ships that needed both harbour and reparations Was there any friend either within the Country or nigh unto the Country would bestow a little fresh water upon them for lack whereof many of their people died Was there ever a Priâ—ce or Potentate that would suffer them to repair either broken wind-shaken or Sea beaten Ships within his Dominion Brieflâ— was there any man that would furnâ—sh them with Masts Saâ—ls Cables and other things nâ—cessary for want whereof most of their Navy perished I will tell you a thing which may be strange to others but no news to you and yet worthy to be told because it is meet that it should be known unto all men When the report was certain in England that the Spanish Fleet and Forces were at hand instead of lamentatâ—ons weepings out-cries which things in time of sudden accidents are common and even used amongst valiant people the Queens Majesties ears were filled with Prayers Petitions and Motions sometimes of one Shire sometimes of another most humbly beseeching her Highness to give the Spaniards liberty to land with their Forces and them leave to encounter with them alone I my self do marvel and I think as many as shall hear it will marvel thereat that in men of one and the same Religion there should be divers opinions and different Judgements in matters concerning the advancement of their Religion Yet I know and you shall understand that the English Catholicks which are out of England and those that live within the same Realm were not all of one opinion of one minde when the Spaniards were coming for England for the one sort wished them all manner of happiness and prosperity and the other prayed to God not to prosper their journey much less their Attempt and besought the Queens Majesty to place them in the foremost Range and Ranck against the Spaniards and where they might endanger themselves most and do her Highness most service not because they were weary of their lives but for that they thought it most honorable to die in the defence of their Country and that God would never forsake them in so just a cause This may serve to shew that the Spaniards had and may have very small hope to finde any manner of aid within England And yet to clear this point the better may it please you to remember that when the report of the Spaniards coming began to be certain all those which we call Papists and our Adversaries term Catholicks at least the better sort of them were conveyed to several houses far distant the one from the other and there kept not like Prisoners but like Gentlemen of their calling and all the Nobility was commanded to repair to the Court of which commandment their followed two commodities The one That the Catholicks being under safe custody there was no man of account to sollicite the Subjects to Rebellion the other that if any small or great number had been disposed to rebell there was not any man of worth to be their Head And it hath seldom been seen that Rebels ever durst adventure to shew their evil inclination or adventuring had at any time good success without having some man of special accompt and authority for their head But Ireland and Scotland may be thought to favour the Spanish King and undoubtedly he hath been made beleeve that in either of those Realms he shall finde faithful friends and such as will adventure their lives to do him service Truly Ireland hath been a long time subject to the Crown of England but always divided into two Factions the one of civil and discreet people the other of wilde and savage men the first sort true and faithful Subjects unto their Soveraign and the other prone and ready to spurn against their Superiors but not able to do any great hurt no more then the Banditti of Italy which may rob a house spoil a little Village and set fire on a Castle and run away by the light when they have done and yet to be sure that no great annoyance should come from Ireland to England the best part of the Nobility of the Country was likewise called to the Court the strongest Holds were committed to the custody of faithful keepers and to hold them in better obedience there was sent over such a Lord Deputy as was well acquainted with their Customs practised in the Country and very well beloved of the people As for Scotland although the Kings thereof have always been for these many hundred years in firm league and amity with the Kings of France and of late years have had some occasion of extraordinary great love and friendship with the house of Guise the House that hath been as you have heard the onely upholder and maintaâ—ner of the Spanish Fact on in France yet because the present King of Scotland hath been nourished up from his infancy in the same Religion which the Queen of England professeth and for that he is bound unto her Highness for divers favors and courtesies shewed unto him in the time of his distress and necessity he is very well affected unto the State of England and desireth nothing more then the welfare of that Country the health and safety of the Queens Majesty and the reign and overthrow of all her Enemies which desire he signified unto her Majesty at such time as she thought she stood in need of his help offering to come in person to aid her Grace against the Spainards wiâ—h the greatest power he was able to make The Venetians brag of the strength of their City because it is distant five miles from any land and defended by a little natural Bank from the violence of the Sea How may England therefore boast of her strength since she is severed above thirty miles at the least from any other Nation not by a little Bank but by a great Sea especially if â—reland and Scotland be under her subjection and in League with her and also if the Maritine forces of the United Provinces be always ready to joyn with her against all her enemies It is not the happy success of one Battel nor the mighty or innumâ—rable forces of one Aâ—my that must or 〈◊〉 subdue England but he that will undertake to conquer our Realm must first overthrow our invincible Navy and then encounter with our strengths by Land and not obtain one onely but many Victories against them a matter in my simple conceit almost impossible especially for the King of Spain For besides that Fortune is seldom or never so constant or prodigal of her favours that she vouchsafeth unto any man any long continuance of desired happiness this impossibility will easily appear unto him that shall call to remembrance what hath been already said touching the Forces of England and Spain But the Romans first then the Danes next VVilliam the Conqueror Lastly Divers English Princes pretending right unto the Crown of England have with very small difficulty and with
to prevail in England cannot countervail the great distrust and fear which they have to lose their own possessions and Country whilst they busie themselves in seeking after strange and difficult conquests And if to leave nothing unsaid that may be said to encourage them some men will use unto them all the same perswasions which our Fugitives used to induce the Spanish King to undertake the Conquest of our Land that man whatsoever he be may well and sufficiently be answered with the same Arguments which I used long since to confute their Reasons With these and the like Reasons uttered by grave men unto the Common people who hearken willingly unto any thing for their own quiet and security and used in convenient time and place of which wise men in their wisdom and gravity can take their best advantage the most discreet and wisest Subjects of Italy may quickly be perswaded not to further the Spaniard in his unlawfull and ambitious attempts and purposes and the Princes themselves who willingly enter into no action whereof some great commodity is not likely to follow will easily hearken unto any man of credit and experience that shall review their memories and reduce unto their minde the means that their Predecessors have used to free themselves from Forreign Servitude and bondage a commodity far exceeding all the commodities that heart can imagine or tongue express It may therefore be shewed unto them in general that Maximilian the Emperor and the Spanish Kings great Grandfather for it were tedious to talk of his former Predecessors and of the wrongs that they did unto Italy entered oftentimes into League and Amity with barbarous Nations against the Princes of Italy brought them into their Country besieged their Cities cast down their Walls ransacked their Houses changed their mirth into sorrow and never lest to trouble and molest them until that his strength and not his good will to annoy them failed him Charles the fifth his Father for his Grand-father Philip died in the prime of his years and therefore could not greatly trouble them because he wanted the means doth the like and many of the Italian Princes most loving Subjects die some by the sword others by famine some through grief and others by infinite labour and travel neither permitting them that resisted him to live one hour in rest and quietness nor suffering those that yeelded unto him to enjoy any long peace and tranquillity but reduced both the one and the other sort unto extream beggery by grievous impositions and long and tedious wars He himself wheresoever he ruleth in Italy and he ruleth there too much imposeâ—h new Tributes unaccustomed Subsidies and extraordinary impositions and where he hath no Authority to rule there he borroweth money and payeth his Debts with fair words and sweet promises and when he useth them best with Bonds and Obligations which shall be paid when every brother payeth another When this is said and they moved with the grievous remembrance and lamentable rehearsal hereof it may be they would be glad to remedy and revenge these wrongs but they dare not adventure to contend with him they will fear him because he is wealthy stand in aw of him because he is mighty and strive amongst themselves who shall first begin to trouble him because they distrust one another His might and his wealth have already been shown sufficiently and proved to be far inferiour unto the general conceit and opinion that is had of them and their distrust may be removed by a general League and perfect imitation of their Predecessors It must therefore first be remembred that Nicholas the third Pope of Rome fearing the great wealth of France under Philip the son of Lewis sirnamed The Godly used all means possible to abate and diminish the French Kings power and reputation And the state of this present time must be conferred with the condition of that Age to the end that if the like causes of fear be now apparent the like remedies may be applied Then was France to be feared because there was no Civil War in France Now Spain must be suspected because Spain is quiet and at peace within it self all the Lords and Peers of France were then obedient unto their king and are they not so in Spain The French king was then in League with England and Germany and is not the Spaniard allied unto many For eign Princes The king of Navar a Vassal of France ruled all things then in Spain because he was Tutor unto the young king and doth not Spain now sway and rule a great part of France by reason of the League betwixt him and the unnatural Rebâ—s thereof Siciy was then subject unto Charles the French kings Uncle and now both Sicily and Naples are under the Spaniard The same Charles was of great authority in Rome he was Lieutenant General unto the Empire and under that Title either commanded by force or prevailed by authority through all Italy And hath not the Spaniard as great authority there at this present as he had then The face and countenance of both times are alike the Remedies therefore should be such now as they were then Then the Pope weakened the credit and authority that Charles had in Rome the Pope must do like to the Spaniard now Then was the Title of Lieutenant General taken from Charles Now should all helping Titles be likewise taken from Spain Then was the Pope determined to make two kings in Italy the one in Lombardy and the other in Tuskany and both of the House of Ursim of which he was the chief and principal branch And if the like device were now practised undoubtedly the Great Duke of Florence and some other Potentates of Italy upon whom the most should agree would accept the Title of kings and be able both for their wealth and their might to maintain the same with credit and reputation Then was Phaleologo Emperor of Constantinople incensed and encouraged to war upon the Sicilian king now there would want no sufficient reasons to move the French king to do the like against the Spaniard Then upon suddain were all the Frenchmen either slain in Sicily or driven thence and now might all the Spaniards be either murthered which were somewhat too bloody and cruel an action or removed by main force from Naples and Sicily which would be a general benefit and comfort unto all Italy But Italy of it self is not able to do all this what then shall it avail to intend and purpose this Italy must then be strengthened and holpen lest it faâ—l in doing this But how shall Italy be assisted Forsooth by an imitation of the Princes which lived in Charles the fifth his time and envied his greatness Forsooth when they saw that he had by subtilty and corruption obtained the Empire and that what with the vigour of his youth what with the reputation of his might and strength he was so puffed up with pride that he intended to make
was proved against the French King but many other matters as hainous as their murther Briefly that in Kings one fault be it never so grievous may be pardonable a few somwhat tolerable but many must needs be punishable in the highest degree and with the greatest extremity To this I may answer that I have already sufficiently cleared the French King of all that was more wrongfully then truly laid to his charge and that the Spanish King may be charged with many crimes as many as the late King of France but in particular Escovedo his death was an horrible murther but the proceeding of Antonio Peres and his friends made it much more horrible for wherein did Peres offend the King Was it an offence against his Majesty that he fulfilled his commandment in causing him to be murthered whose death he desired Was it a treason not to confess this murther which could not be revealed without the King's prejudice Was it a fault to confess the murther as he was commanded and to conceal the cause as he was willed Was it not a crime punishable to compound with the accuser and to buy his quiet as Peres did with twenty thousand duckets Briefly Was it a sin unpardonable to blemish his own reputation and to impoverish himself and all to please and content the King If all these be no faults then had the King no just cause to be displeased with Peres as he was somtimes friendly other times hardly pleased to day favouring him to morrow persecuting him one while promising him great rewards another while taking from him his own goods and his own substance and if all these be faults whose faults be these Are they not the King 's as well as Peres his faults Nay came they not from the King and not from Peres who did nothing but what the King commanded him what he thought fit and convenient to be done which he not only required him but also promised him great rewards to do But grant that Peres offended the King highly what offence had Peres his wife and children committed that they should be imprisoned and his Son lose his ecclesiastical living Offended they because they became suitors for his enlargement for his speedy and just tryal Had he been a manifest Traytor it was lawful for his wife to sue for his pardon Had she been guilty and consenting to his treason she could have endured no more then he did unless he had been first condemned and the Law favoureth women even in cases of treason because it presumeth that by reason of the infirmity of their Sex they dare not attempt so much as men and had his son joyned with his mother for his fathers liberty that was no sufficient cause to take away his Living For the Law which enjoyneth a childe to prosecute and revenge his fathers death if he chance to be killed upon pain of loss of his childes part and portion cannot but permit him yea either expresly or secretly charge him to do his best and uttermost endeavour to preserve and keep his father from a wrongful and undeserved death And the Cannons which permit not the Pope who is a competent and the highest Judge in any Ecclesiastical cause to take away a Benefice from any man at his pleasure suffer not a Lay Prince who is no competent Judge in Ecclesiastical causes according to those Cannons to make his pleasure a just and sufficient reason to deprive any man of a spiritual Living It is ergo manifest that there was and is great wrong done unto Antonio Peres to his wife and children and this wrong ceaseth not in them but reacheth unto others and not unto mean men only nor in the least kinde of injury For Iohn Don de la Nuca a man of no mean authority a Magistrate the chief Justice of all Aragon must not be lightly punished which had been somwhat tolerable but unjustly beheaded which was extream tyrannie and for what cause If I may not tell you the King 's own letter shall tell you This Letter written by the King unto Don Iohn Alonso contained these short but sharp words Assoon as you receive this Letter you shall apprehend Don John de la Nuca chief Iustice of Aragon and let me assoon be certified of his death as of his Imprisonment you shall cause his head straightway to be cut off and let the Cryer say thus This is the Iustice which the King our Lord commandeth to be done unto this Knight because he is a gatherer together of the Kingdom and for that he raised a Banner against his King who commandeth his head to be cut off his goods to be confiscated and his House and Castle to be pluckt down to the ground Whosoever shall presume so to do let him be assured so to die You see the cause he is a Traytor How is that proved The King said so He gathered together the Commons How doth that appear By the King's Letter He raised a Banner against the King who is his Accuser The King Who the Judge The King What Tryal had he Assoon as he was taken he was executed a Judgement goeth before an Arraignment and Execution before a Judgement Who was the Executioner Don Alonso de Vargas With what solemnity is the execution done Whoso is a Traytor shall die so whoso raiâ—eth the Country shall die so whoso raiseth a standard in the field against the King shall die so all is treason and all is death all upon a sudden and all without due and lawful proof For such a Justice as Don Iohn de la Nuca was could have no other Judge no man else to condemn him but a certain Court called Contes Lateras the King and the States of the Kingdom such a crime as was laid to his charge cannot be heard and determined in Aragon by the King such a sentence as passed against him hath no more power or force against a mans person his goods or his honour then a sentence given by the complainant against the defendant such a King as the King of Spain should be in Aragon is no longer a King if he break the Laws of the Union and of those Laws there are two especial branches the one That whensoever the King breaketh those Laws the Subjects may presently chuse another King The other That all the States and rich men of the Country may assemble together and forbid any rents to be paid unto the King until the Vassal whom the King doth wrong be restored unto his right and the Law which he doth presume to violate be likewise re-established in full force and strength Moreover because there is no other Law and Obligation wherewith to binde a King then with an Oath an Oath is taken of the King at his Coronation to keep those Laws and the Oath is given him with these words We who are able to do as much as you do make you our Lord and King with this condition that you shall keep our Laws and
Creator in heaven in violating the latter they remember not their maker on earth for the people and Peers of the Realm are their makers next unto God Contracts ergo of subjects having their ground their foundation and their strength not from Princes Laws but from the Laws of Nature binde King and Emperour Prince and Prelate Lords Spiritual and Temporal be it that they are made between a Prince and a private man or the Prince and a City or the Prince and any other The reasons why they are of such force are these First It is not lawful to falsifie a mans faith Then The Laws of Nature binde men and perswade them to keep their contracts and to hold their promise even unto their enemies Next The Laws of honesty charge their Princes to perform their contracts there is nothing becometh them better nothing that commendeth them more nothing that men require so much at their hands Lastly Princes Contracts are as good as Laws and have the same force as Laws in the same strength and vertue against their Successors which they have against themselves nay they are of greater strength then Princes Laws for Laws may be repealed but contracts cannot be revoked The reason of the diversity Laws may alter according unto the times and the occasions unto which Laws must be accomodated by which Laws are occasioned from which Laws received their beginning but contracts are irrevocable they admit no change no alteration and if they be once perfected they can neither receive addition or substraction diminution nor enlargement they may not be wrested but taken according to the true and plain meaning of the contrahents But why they may they not be changed Why may not a Prince alter them The reasons are these Before they are made they are of Free will and when they are once perfected they are of necessity that the Emperour of the world cannot add or detract any thing from his contract without his consent to whom it is made although he were the meanest man in the world who may be benefited but not deceived by a contract that is not defrauded of that which is agreed upon in the contract although it be lawful in bargaining before the bargain be concluded to deceive one another Secondly If Princes might revoke their contracts at their pleasure there should be no good dealing with them which would be ridiculous no trust to their words which would be dishonest no benefit would be gotten by them which would be illiberal and unbeseeming the Majesty of a Prince Thirdly Princes actions must be free from scandal far from deceipt and not subject unto malice Fourthly Princes are reasonable creatures and must submit themselves unto reason lest they be reputed as B. Celestine was not a man but a beast because he revoked in the evening the grants which he made in the morning Lastly Other men may attend to profit but Princes must look to honour and have an especial regard thereof and what can be more dishonourable then to break their word to falsifie their faith to violate their contract especially if their word faith and contract be fortified and strengthned with a solemn oath with an oath that being added to a contract hath these vertues these qualities these operations It maketh their contracts lawful and of full strength and force which without an oath are not of weight before God and man For a young man under yeers who by reason of his minority cannot contract without authority consent and counsel of his Guardian shall be bound to stand to his contract if he hath sworn to observe and keep the same his oath strengthneth his contract and depriveth him of the benefit of restitution to his former and pristine estate it maketh the person infamous which breaketh such a contract it debarreth him of any action against the other contrahent it enforceth him to restore that he hath received it disableth him to take the forfeiture that is made unto him it freeth the observer of the Contract from any penalty whereinto he is fallen it benefiteth the absent as the present it forfeiteth the contract whether it be interposed either before or after the contract or at the instant of the making of her or at any other time it urgeth and bindeth the contrahents to a strict and due observance unless it may endanger their souls health and keep and observe their contracts Briefly it hath many other operations which shall be more fitly mentioned hereafter But what availeth it to have said all this if all may be refelled in a few words The King of Spain was not well informed when he made this contract when he took this oath he prejudiced himself greatly in yeilding thereunto and he weakned his authority too much in submitting himself to the observance of the Laws and all these being proved or any one of these three inconveniences falling out to be true he is not bound to the performance of this contract or of this oath But how are all or any of these three inconveniences proved How can it be that he should not be well informed when he yeilded to this contract Could he be ignorant of that which all the world knew which his Predecessors did before him which strangers unto his Laws and Country knew many years ago For Guicciardine who wrote his book before he was crowned writeth in the sixth book of his History That the Aragonian Kings have no absolute and Kingly authority in all things but are subject unto the subjects and constitutions of their Country which derogate much from the power and authority of a King And Bodin who wrote not many years being a Frenchman and having no other knowledge of the Laws of Aragon but such as he received from others used in his Book the same words of the Kings authority which are used by the King at his Coronation We that are able to do as much as you make you our Lord and King upon condition that you shall keep our Laws and Liberties and if you will not you shall not be our King Laws bind the present assoon as they are published in their presence and hearing and the absent shortly after that they come to their notice and knowledge those Laws therefore being as by all likelyhood it seemeth made and established at the Institution of the Aragonian King could not be hidden from his knowledge nor prejudicial to his Majesty and Authority Royal. For what blemish is it to a King to submit himself unto those Laws which his Predecessors were contented to acknowledge and observe The Emperour that made and authorized almost all the Civil Laws that are now extant could set it down as a Law that it should be well and worthily done of a Prince be he never so great and mighty to be pleased to subject himself to his own Laws it delighteth a good Prince it liketh his subjects it honoureth Kings and it greatly rejoyceth their Vassals The ancient Kings of
going to any other Judge convent the Emperour himself before the Pope if he will not maintain his bargain or contract and if the Emperour may be immediately convented by his own subjects before the Pope with much more reason may the Spanish King be called in this case to Rome to answer the contempt of his oath as well because he is inferiour to the Emperour by many degrees as for that the peers of his Realm and the whole Nobility of Aragon are of better consideration and more regard then any private subject I finde that the Laws and common consent of all Doctors allow subjects when their princes will not do them right and justice there principal remedies against such Princes The first That subjects may compel their Prince by his Superiour if he have a Superiour to whom he oweth homage and duty to try the equity of his cause before that Superiour The second That a Subject may convent his adversary before the common Ordinary of the Diocess if his Lord and Prince chance to be negligent in the administration of Justice The third That the Prince denying to do justice to his subjects may lawfully be deprived of his power and royal authority over them The first and second perhaps will not seem fit to be practised against the Spanish King for that although he be a subject unto the Pope for many of his Kingdoms yet he will hardly acknowledge that subjection The third is more proper and therein the question may be whether subjects can lawfully expel their Prince out of his Country and from his Crown and Dignity if he do oppress them too much Some men hold hardly for the affirmative and St. Thomas holdeth an opinion that they may lawfully kill such a Prince and that it were a work somwhat meritorious And this opinion is condemned by others and the Councel of Constance determined the contrary against Saint Thomas and yet all agree in this That subjects need not obey such a prince In this contrariety I think salvo meliori judicio that the best course is to admonish such a prince of his duty and to pray him to reform and reform all that is amiss But who shall admonish him His best subjects and other princes and if after such admonition he shall still remain incorrigible then may his actions his cruelties his tyrannies be made known unto the world and after this Declaration duly justified and truly certified to all Christian princes it may be lawful to implore and employ their help and assistance for the speedy suppressing such a manifest and incorrigible oppressor and tyrant But the Emperour is too weak and the Pope will not be willing to joyn against the Spanish King The Emperour will be strong enough if other princes may be entreated to joyn with him in this honourable action and the means to perswade him and entreat them hath been declared already It resteth therefore to shew that the pope may be brought to enter into this action it may be doubted that the pope will be hardly induced to displease and offend so mighty a prince and so faithful a friend as the Spaniard You have heard that Leo the tenth and Clement the seventh crossed his father who was alwaies mightier then he and when they saw him to grow to strength they sought means to weaken him by joyning in league against him with divers French Kings But to leave his late predecessor and to come to himself Was there not a pope who in the flower of the Spanish King's youth when he had not one foot in the grave as he hath now did openly oppose himself against him Did he not imprison his Ambassador Garcilase de la Vega when he was sent unto him about matters of great weight and of greater benefit to all Christendom Did he not cast Iohn Antonio his postmaster at Rome into prison Did he not command that there should be no more any such officer in Rome which had continued there for a number of years together How many times did he stay his Ambassadour sent out of Spain to other princes took away their packets opened their letters and read them Did he not oftentimes when he meant to deceive the Spaniard send him Ambassadours to entertain him with vain hopes and when they were half way towards Spain revoke them and command them to go with the said Letters and the same conditions unto other princes Did he not in the Decree against Asconio Caciaco declare his Catholique Majesty to be an open and professed enemy unto the See of Rome What could he do more then all this unto the Turk the common enemy of Christendom What have the later popes done more then all this against the late French King William for the Spaniards sake they made their professed enemy And why may not this pope be induced with the report of all that hath been already said to as much as all this against the Spaniard now that he declineth that he is going to the grave or against his son that shall be coming into the world and may be of more terror unto Italy and the rest of Christendom then his grandfather or his Father because he is heir to as many Kingdoms as they were and is likely to succeed his father when he shall be very young and youthfull I have said enough to make the Spaniard hateful and odious to all the world but I may not end without adding somwhat more to all that I have said The seditious Author inveigheth most bitterly against the French King for his two murthers but I have shewed that the Spaniard hath committed many more then two and I must add to these murthers the unlawful execution of Diego de Meneses somtimes Vice-roy of the Indies and the Governour of Guscabs of Henry Perera Captain of the same Town of Emanuel Seradas of the Count de Terras Vedras of Peter Alpeene and Sforza Ursino whom he caused to be poysoned The same Author aggravateth as I have said the French Kings murther because he killed an Ecclesiastical person and I promised to shew you that the Spaniard hath killed many more then one witness Fryer Iohn who because he stood for the liberty of his Country was hanged in the Isles of Madera witness Fryer Hector Pinto who was poysoned by the Souldiers of Castile witness Iames de Moronake who was beaten to death with Souldiers although he was brother to the Earl of Myra witness many others who were either thrown into the Seas or hanged or poysoned The same Author burthened the late French King to be an author of heretiques because he did not utterly subvert the protestants in his Realm but I have cleared him of that accusation at large and yet forgot to tell you that he did more against the protestants in his Realm then the Spaniard did in his Dominions and he had done much more then he did had the Spaniard not favoured the protestants against him and had he not known that