afraid to meet them in the field as a Knight should have done His treacheries towards the noble late Earl of Sussex in their many breaches is notorious â—o all England As also the bloody practises against divers others But as among many none were more odious and misliked of all men then those against Monsieur Simiers a stranger and Embassadour whom first he practised to have poisoned as hath bin touched before and when that device tooke not place then he appointed that Robin Tider his man as after upon his Ale-bench he confessed should have slaine him at the Blackfriars at Greenwich as he went forâ—h at the garden gate but missing also that purpose for that he found the Gentleman better provided and guarded then he expected he dealt with certaine Flushiâ—ers and other Pirates to sinke him at Sea with the English Gentlemen his favourers that accompanied him at his returne into France And though they missed of this practice also as not daring to set upon him for feare of some of her Majesties ships who to breake off this designment attended by speciall commandement to waft him over in safety yet the foresaid English Gentlemen were holden foure houres in chace at their coming backe as Master Rawley well knoweth being then present and two of the chasers namâ—d Clark and Harris confessed afterward the whole designment The Earl of Ormond in likewise hath often declared and will avouch it to my Lord of Leicesters face whensoever he shall be called to the same that at such time as this man had a quarell with him and thereby was likely to be enforced to the field which he trembled to thinke of he first sought by all meanes to get him made away by secret murder offering five hundred pounds for the doing thereof And secondly when that device tooke no place he appointed with him the field but secretly suborning his servant William Killigre to lye in the way where Ormond should passe and so to massacre him with a caliver before he came to the place appointed Which murder though it tooke no effect for that the matter was taken up before the day of meeting yet was Killigre placed afterward in her Majesties privy Chamber by Leicester for shewing his ready minde to doe for his Master so faithfull a service So faithfull a service quoth I truly in my opinion it was but an unfit preferment for so facinorous a fact And as I would be loth thaâ— many of his Italians or other of that art should come nigh about her Majesties kitchen so much lesse would I that many such his bloody Champions should be placed by him in her Highnesse chamber Albeit for this Gentleman in particular it may be that with change of his place in service he hath changed also his minde and affection and received better instruction in the feare of the Lord. But yet in general I must needs say that it cannot be but prejudiciall and exceeding dangerous unto our noble Prince and Realme that any one man whatsoever especially such a one as the world taketh this man to be should grow to so absolute authority and commandry in the Court as to place about the Princes person the head the heart the life of the land whatsoever people liketh him best and that now upon their deserts towards the Prince but towards himselfe whose fidelity being more obliged to their advancer then to their soveraigne doe serve for watchmen about the same for the profit of him by whose appointment they were placed Who by their meanes casting indeed but nets and chaines and invisible bands about that person whom most of all he pretendeth to serve he shutteth up his Prince in a prison most sure though sweet and senselesse Neither is this art of aspiring new or strange unto any man that is experienced in affairâ—s of former time for that it hath been from the beginning of all government a troden path of all aspirers In the stories both sacred and prophane foraine and domesticall of all Nations Kingdomes Countries and States you shall read that such as ment to mount above others and to governe all at their owne discretion did lay this for the first ground and principle of their purpose to possesse themselves of all such as were in place about the principall even as he who intending to hold a great City at his owne disposition dareth not mak open war against the same getteth secretly into his hands or at his devotion al the Towns Villages Castles Fortresses bulwarks Rampires Waters Wayes Ports and Passages about the same and so without drawing any sword against the said City he bringeth the same into bondage to abide his will and pleasure This did all these in the Roman Empire who rose from subjects to be great Princes and to put downe Emperours This did all those in France and other Kingdomes who at sundry times have tyrannized their Princes And in our owne Countrey the examples are manifest of Vortiger Harold Henry of Lancaster Richard of Warwicke Richard of Glocester Iohn of Northumberland and divers others who by this meane specially have pulled downe their lawfull Soveraignes And to speake onely a word or two of the last for that he was this mans Father doth not all England know that he first overthrew the good Duke of Somerset by drawing to his devotion the very servants and friends of the said Dâ—ke And afteâ—ward did not he possesse himselfe of the Kings owne person and brought him to the end which is knowne and before that to the most shamefull disheriting of his owne royall Sisters and all this by possessing first the principall men that were in authority about him Wherefore sir if my Lord of Leicester have the same plot in his head as most men thinke and that he meaneth one day to give the same push at the Crowne by the House of Huntington against all the race and line of King Henry the seventh in generall which his Father gave before him by pretence of the House of Suffolke against the Children of King Henry the eight in particular he wanteth not reason to follow the same meanes and platform of planting speciall persons for his purpose about the Prince for surely his fathers plot lacked no witty device or preparation but onely that God overthrew it at the instant as happely he may doe this mans also notwithstanding any diligence that humane wisedome can use to the contrary To this said the Gentleman that my Lord of Leycester hath a purpose to shoot one day at the Diadem by the title of Huntington is not a thing obscure in it selfe and it shall bee more plainly proved hereafter But now will I shew unto you for your instruction how well this man hath followed his fathers platforme or rather passed the same in possessing himselâ—e of all her Majesties servants friends and forces to serve his turne at that time for execution and in the meane space for
hath little cause to be solicitour for that God himselfe taketh care commonly that goods and honours so gotten and maintained as hiâ— be shall never trouble the third heire Marry for himselfe I confesse the matter standing as you sâ—y that he hath reason to forbeare that Country and to leave off his building begun at Denbigh as I heare say he hath done for that the universall hatred of a people is a perilous matter and if I were in his Lordships case I should often thinke of the end of Nero who after all his glory upon fury of the people was adjudged to have his head thrust into a Piloâ—y and so to be beaten to death with rods and thongs Or rather I should feare the successe of Vitellius the third Empâ—ror after Nero who for his wickednesse and oppression of the people was tâ—ken by them at length when fortune began to faâ—â—eâ—h hâ—m and led out of his Palace naked with hooks of Iron fastned in his flâ—sh and so drâ—wn through the City with infamy whâ—re loâ—en in the streets with filth and ordure cast upon him and a priâ—k put under his chin to the end he should not loâ—ke downe or hide hiâ— fâ—ce was brought to the banke of Tyber and there afâ—er many hundred wounds received was cast into the river So implacable a thing is the furâ—ur of a muâ—titude whâ—n it is once stirred and hath place of reveâ—ge And so heavy is the hand of God upon tyrants â—n this world when it pleaseth his divine Majesty to take revenge of the same I have read in Leanâ—er in his description of Italy how that in Spoleto if I be not dâ—ceived the chiefe City of the Country of Umbria there was a strange tyrant who in the time of his prosperity contemned all men and forbare to injury no man that came within his claws esteeming himself sure enough for ever being called to render account in this life and for the next he cared little But God upon the sudden turned upside-downe the wheele of his felicity and cast him into the peoples hands who tooke him and bound his naked body upon a planke in the Mâ—rket place with a fire and iron tongues by him and then made proclamation that seeing this man was not otherwise able to make satisfaction for the publique injuries that he had done every private person annoyed by him should come in order and with the hot-burning tongues there ready should take of his flesh so much as was correspondent to the injury received as indeed they did untill the miserable man gave up the ghost and after too as this author writeth But to the purpose seeing my Lord careth little for such examples and is become so hardy now as he maketh no account to injury and oppresse whole Countries and Commonalties together it shall be bootlesse to speake of his proceedings towards particular men who have not so great strength to resist as a multitude hâ—th And yet I can assure you that there are so many and so pitifull things published daily of his tyranny in this kinde as doe move great compossion towards the party that doe suffer and horrour agâ—inst him who shameth not daily to offer such injury As for example whose heart would not bleed to heare the case before mentioned of Mâ—ster Robinson of Staffordshire a proper yong Gentleman and well given both in religion and other vertues whose Father died at Newhaven in her Mâ—jâ—sties service under this mans brother the Earlâ— of Warwick and recommended at his death this his eldest Son to the special protection of Leicester and his Brother whose servant also this Robinson hath bin from his youth upward and spent the most of his living in his service Yet notwithstanding all this when Robinsons Lands were intangled with a certaine Londoner upon interest forâ—s former maintenance in their service whose title my Lord of Leicester though craftily yet not covertly under Ferris his cloak had gotten to himselfe he ceased not to pursue the poore Gentleman even to imprisonment arraignment and sentence of death for greedinesse of the said living together with the vexation of his brother in law Master Harcourt and all other his friends upon pretence forsooth that there was a man slaine by Robinsons party in defence of his owne possession against Leicesters intruders that would by violence breake into the same What shall I speake of others whereof there would be no end as of his dealing with Mâ—ster Richard Lee for his Manor of Hooknorton if I faile not in the name with Master Ludowick Grivell by seeking to bereave him of all his lâ—ving at once if the drift had taken place with George Witney in the behalfe of Sir Henry Leâ—gh for inforcing him to forgoe the Controlership at Woodstock which he holdeth by Patent from King Henâ—y the seventh with my Lord Barkley whom he enforced to yeeld up his lands to hâ—s brother Warwick which his ancestors had held quietly for almost two hundreâ—h yeeres together What shall I say of his intollerable tyranny upon the last Arâ—hbishop of Canterbury fâ—r Dâ—ctor Iulio his sâ—ke and that in so foule a matteâ— Vpon Sir Iohn Thâ—oâ—maâ—ton whom he brought pitifully to his grave before his time by continuall vexations for a peece of faithfull service done by him to his Countrey and to all the line of King Henry against this mans Father in King Edward and Queen Maries dayes Upon divers of the Lanes for one mans sake of that name before mentioned that offered to take Killing worth-Castle upon some of the Giffords and other for Throgmartons sake for that is also his Lords disposition for one mans cause whom he brooketh not to plague a whole generation that any way pertaineth or is allied to the same his endlesse persecuting of Sir Drew Drewâ—y and many other Courtiers both men and women All these I say and many others who daily suffer injuries rapines and opprâ—ssions at his hands throughout the Realme what should it availe to name them in thâ—s place seeing neither his Lord careth any thâ—ng for the same neither the parties agrieved are like to attain any least release of affliction thereby but rather â—ouble oppression for their complaining Wherâ—fore to return again wheras we began you see by this little who and how great what manner of mâ—n my Lord of Leycester is this day in the state of England You see and may gather in some part by that which hath bin spoken his wealth his strength his cunning his disposition His wealth is excessive in all kinde of riches for a private man and must needs be much more then any body lightly can imagine for the infinite wayes he hath had of gaine so many yeâ—res together His strength and power is absolute and irresistable as hath beene shâ—wed both in Chamber Court Councell and Country His cunning in plotting and fortifying the same
whiles themselves in the meane space went about under hand to establish their owne ambushment Well quoth the Lawyer for the pretence of my Lord of Huntington to the Crowne I will not stand with you for thâ—t it is a matter sufficâ—ently known and seen throughout the Realme As also that my Lord of Leycesteâ— is at this day a principall favourer and patron of that cause albeit some yeers past he were an earnest adversary and enemy to the same But yet I have heard some friâ—nds of his in reasoning of these matters deâ—y stoutly a point or two which you have touched here and doe seeme to beleeve the same And that is first that howsoever my Lord of Leicester do meane to helpe his friend when time shall serve yet pretendeth he nothing to the Crowne himselfe The second is that whatsoever may be meant for the title or compassing the Crowne after her Mâ—jesties death yet nothing is intended during her raigne And of both these points thâ—y alledge reasons As for the first that my Lord of Leycester is very well knowne to have no title to the Crowne himselfe either by discent in blood alliance or otherwâ—yes For the second that his Lord. hath no cause to be a Mâ—lecontent in the present government nor hâ—pe for more preferment if my Lord of Huntington were King to morrow next then he receiveth now at her Majâ—sties hands having all the Realme as hath bin shewed at his owne disposition For the first quoth â—e Gentleman whether he meane the Crowne for himsâ—lfâ— or for his friend it importeth not much seeing both wayes iâ— is â—vident that he meaneâ—h to hâ—ve all at his owne disposition And albeit now for the avoyding of envy he give it out as a crafty Fox that he meaneth not but to run wiâ—h other men and to hunt wâ—th Huntington and oâ—hâ—â— hounds in the sâ—me chase yet is it not unlike but that he will plâ—y the Beare when he coâ—eth to divâ—ding of the pray and will snatch the best pâ—rt to himselfe Yea and these sâ—lf same peâ—sons of his traine anâ—â—action whom you call his friend though in publâ—que to excuse his doings and to cover the wholâ— plot they will and must deny the matters to be so meant yet otherwise they both thinke hope and know the contrary and will not stick in secret to speâ—k it and among thâ—mselves it is their talke of consolation The words of his speciall Councellour the Lord North are known which he uttered to his trusty Pooly upon the receit of a letter from Court of her Majesties displeasure towards him for his being a witnesse at Leycesters second marriage with Dâ—me Lettice although I know he was not ignorant of the first at Wanstead of which displeasure this Lord making fâ—r lesse accompt then in reason he should of the just offence of his soveraigne said that for his owne part he was resolved to sinke or swimme with my Lord of Leycester who said he if once the Cards may come to shaffling I wâ—ll use but his very own words I make no doubt but he alone shall beare away the Bucklers The words also of Sir Thomas Layton to Sir Henry Nevile walking upon the Taâ—resse at Windsor are known who told him after long discourse of their happy conceived Kingdome that hee doubted not but to see him one day hold the same office in Windsor of my Lord of Leycester which â—ow my Lord did hold of the Queene Meaning thereby the goodly office of Constableship wiâ—h all Royâ—lties and honours belonging to the same which now the said Sir Henry exerciseth onâ—ly as Deputy to the Earle Which was plainely to signifie that he doubted not but to see my Lord of Leycester one day King or els his other hope could never possibly taâ—â— effect or come to passe To the same point â—ended the words of Mistressâ— Anne West Daâ—e Lettice sister unto the Lady Anne Askew in the great Chamber upon a day when her brothâ—r Robert Kâ—owles had danced disgratiously and scornfully before the Queen in pâ—esence of the French Which thing for that her Majesty tooke to proceed of wisâ—in him â—s for dislâ—ke of the strangers in presence and for the quarrell of his sister Essex it pleased her Majesty to check him for the same with additioâ— of a reproachfull word or two full well deserved as though done for despite of the forced abseâ—ce from that place of honour of the good old Gentlewoman I mitigate the worâ—s his sister Which words the other young twig receiving in deepe dudgen brake forth in great choler to her forenamed companion and said Thâ—t she nothing doubted but that one day shee should see her sister upon whom the Queene railed now so much for so it pleased her to tearme her Majesties sharpe speech to sit in her place and throne being much worthier of the same for her qualities and rare vertues then was the other Which undutâ—full speech albeit it were over-heard and condemned of divers that sate about them yet none durst ever report the same to her Majesty as I hâ—ve heard sundry Courtiers affirme in respect of the revenge which the reporters should abide at my Lord of Leycesters hands whensoever the mâ—tâ—er should come to light And this is now concerning the opinion and secret speeches of my Lords owne friends who cannot but utter their conceit and judgement in time and place convenient whatsoever they are wâ—lled to give out publikely to the contrary for deceiving of such as will beleeve faire painted words against evident and manifest demonstration of reason I say reason for that if none of these signes and tokens were none of these preparations nor any of these speeches and detections by his friends that know his heart yet in force of plain reason I could alleadge unto you three arguments onely which to any man of intelligence wâ—uld easily perswade and give satisfactâ—on that my Lord of Leycester meaneth best and first for himsâ—lfe in this suâ—t Whiâ—h three arguments for that you seeme to be attent I will not stick to run over in all brevity And the first is the very nature and quality of ambition it self which is such as you know that it never stayeth but passeth from degree to degree and the more it obtaineth the more it covereth and the more esteemeth it selfe both worthy and able to obtaine And in our matter that now we handle even as in wooing he â—hâ—t suâ—th to a Lady for another and obtaineth her good will entereth easily into conceit of his owne woâ—thinesse thereby and so commonly into hope of speedinâ— himselfe while he speaketh for his friend so much more in Kingdomes he that sâ—eth himself of power to put the Crowne of another mans head will qâ—ckly step to the next degree which is to set it of his owne seeâ—ng that alwayâ—s the charity of such good men is wont to be so orderly as according to â—he precepâ— it bâ—ginneth
House of Yorke where it continued with much trouble in two Kings onely untill both Houses were joyned together in King Henry the seventh and his noble issue Hereby wee see how the issue of Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster fourth Son to King Edward the third pretended right to the Crowne by Edmond Crookebacke before the issue of all the other three Sonnes of Edward the third albeit they were the elder Brothers whereof wee will speake more hereafter Now Iohn of Gaunt though hee had many children yet had he foure onely of whom issue remaine two Sonnes and two Daughters The first Son was Henry of Bolingbrooke Duke of Lancaster who tooke the Crowne from King Richard the second his Unkles Sonne as hath beene said and first of all planted the same in the House of Lancaster where it remained in two discents after him that is in his Son Henry the fift and in his Nephew Henry the sixt who was afterward destroyed together with Henry Prince of Wales his onely Sonne and Heire and consequently all that Line of Henry Bolingbâ—ooke extinguished by Edward the fourth of the House of Yorke The other Son of Iohn of Gaunt was Iohn Duke of Somersâ—t by Katherine Sfinsford his third wife which Iohn had issue another Iohn and he Margaret his Daughter and Heire who being married to Edmond Tyder Earle of Richmond had issue Henry Earle of Richmond who after was named King Henry the seventh whose Line yet endureth The two Daughters of John of Gaunt were married to Portugall and Castile that is Philip borne of Blanch Heire to Edmond Crookeback as hath beene said was married to Iohn King of Portugall of whom is descended the King that now possesseth Portugall and the other Princes which have or may make title to the same and Katherin borne of Constanâ—e Heire of Castile was married back againe to Henry King of Castile in Spaine of whom King Philip is also descended So that by this wee see where the remainder of the House of Lancaster resteth if the Line of King Henry the seventh were extinguished and what pretext forraine Princes may have to subdue us if my Lord of Huntington either now or after hâ—r Majesties dayes will open to them the doore by shutting out the rest of King Henries Line and by drawing backe the title to the onely House of Yorke againe which he pretendeth to doe upon this that I will now declare King Edward the third albeit he had many children yet five onely will we speake of at this time Whereof three were elder then Jâ—hn of Gaunt and one yonger The first of the elder was named Edward the blacke Prince who died before his Father leaving one onely Sonne named Richard who afterward being King and named Richard the second was deposed without issue and put to death by his Cosin germain named Henry Bolingbrooke Duke of Lancaster Son to John of Gaunt as hath beene said and so there ended the Line of King Edwards first Sonne King Edwards second Sonne was William of Hatfâ—â—ld that died without issue His third Sonne was Leonell Duke of Clarence whose onely Daughter and Heire called Phâ—â—ip was married to Edmond Mortimer Earle oâ— Marcâ— and after that Anneâ—he â—he Daughter and Heire of Mortimer was married to Richard Plantagiâ—et Duke of Yorke Son and Heire to Edmond of Langâ—â—y the first Duke of Yorkâ— which Edmond was the fift Son of King Edward the third and younger Brother to John of Gaunt And this Edmond of Lanâ—ley may bee called the first beginner of the Hâ—use of Yorke even as Edmond Crookback the beginner of the House of Lancaster This Edmond Langley then having a Sonne named Richard that married Anne Mortimer sole Heire to Leonell Duke of Clarence joyned two Lines and two Titles in one I meane the Line of Leonell and of Edmond Langley who were as hath bin said the third and the fift Sonnes to King Edward the third And for this cause the childe that was borne of this marriage named after his Father Richard Plantaginet Duke of Yorke seeing himselfe strong and the first Line of King Edward the thirds eldest Son to be extinguished in the death of King Richard the second and seeing William of Hatfield the second Sonne dead likewise without issâ—e made demand of the Crowne for the House of Yorke by the title of Leonell the third Sonne of King Edward And albeit hee could not obtaine the same in his dayes for that hee was slaine in a Battell against King Henry the sixt at Wakefield yet his Sonne Edward got the same and was called by the name of King Edward the fourth This King at his death left divers children as namely two Sonnes Edward the fift and his Brother who after were both murdered in the Tower as shall be shewed and also five Daughters to wit Elizabeth Cicily Anne Katherine and Briget Whereof the first was married to Henry the seventh The last became a Nunne and the other three were bestowed upon divers other husbands Hee had alâ—o two Brothers the first was called George Duke of â—larence who afterward upon his deserts as is to be supposed was put to death in Callis by commandement of the King and his attainder allowed by Parliamâ—nt And this man left behinde him a Sonne named Edward Earle of Warwick put to death afterward without issue by King Henry the seventh and a Daughter named Margaret Countessâ— of â—alisâ—ury who was married to a meane Gentleman named Richarâ— Poole by whom she had issue Cardinall Poole that died without marriage and Henry Poole that was attainted and executed â—n King Henry the eight his time as also her selfe was and this Henry Poole left a Daughter married afterward to the Earle of Huntington by whom this Earle that now is maketh title to the Crowne And this is the effect of my Lord of Huntingtons title The second Brother of King Edward the fourth was Richard Duke of Gâ—ocester who after the Kings death caused his two Sonnes to be murdered in the Tower and tooke the Kingdome to himselfe And afterward he being slaine by King Henry the seventh at Bosâ—â—orth-field left no issue behind him Wherefore King Henry the seventh descending as hath bin shewed of the House of Lancaster by John of Gaunts last Sonne and third Wife and taking to Wife Lady â—lizabeth eldest daughter of King Edward the fourth of the House of Yorke joyned most happily the two Families together and made an end of all controversies about the title Now King Henry the seventh had issue three Children of whom remaineth posterity First Henry the eighth of whom is descended our Soveraigne her Majesty that now happily raigneth and is the last that remaineth alive of that first Line Secondly he had two Daughters whereof the first named Margaret was married twice first to James King of Scotland from whom are directly discended the Queene of Scotland that now liveth and her Sonne and
King James being dead Margaret was married againe to Archihald Douglas Earle of Anguish by whom shee had a Daughter named Margaret which was married afterward to Mathew Steward Earle of Lenâ—x whose Sonne Charles Steward was married to Elizabâ—th Candish Daughter to the present Countesse of Shrewsbury and by her hath left his onely Heire a little Daughter named Arbella of whom you have heard some speech before And this is touching the Line of Scotland descending from the first and eldest Daughter of King Henry the seventh The second Daughter of King Henry the seventh called Mary was twice married also first to the King of France by whom she had no issue and after his death to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke by whom she had two Daughters that is Francis of which the Children of my Lord of Hartford do make their claime and Elenor by whom the issue of the Earle of Darby pretendeth right as shall be declared For that Francis the first Daughter of Charles Brando4 by the Queene of France was married to the Marquesse of Dorset who after Charles Brandons death was made Duke of Suffolke in right of his Wâ—fe and was beheaded in Queene Maries time for his conspiracy with my Lord of Leycesters Father And she had by this man three Daughters that is Jane that was married to my Lord of Leycesters Brother and proclaimed Queene after King Edwards death for which both shee and her husband were executed Katherine the second Dâ—ughter who had two Sonnes yet living by the Earle of Hartford and Mâ—ry the third Dâ—ugter which left no Children The other Daughter of Chaâ—lâ—s Brandon by the Queene of France called Elenor was married to Georgâ— Cliffâ—rd Earle of Cumberland who left a Daughter by her named Maâ—gâ—reâ— married to the Earle of Darby which yet liveth and hath issue And this is the title of the Hâ—use of Suffolke descended from the second Daughter of K. Henry the seventh married as hath been shewed to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke And by this you may see also how many there be who do thinke their titles to be far before that of my Lord of Huntingtonâ— if either râ—ght lâ—w reason or coâ—sideration of home affaires may take place in our Realm or if not yet you cannot but imagine how many great Princes and Potentatâ—s abroad are like to joyne and buckle with Huntingâ—ons Line for the preeminence â—f once the matter fall againe to contention by excluding the Line of King Henry the seventh which God forbid Truly Sir quoth I I well perceive that my Lords turne is not so nigh as I had thought whether he exclude the Line of King Henry or noâ— for if he exclude thâ—t then must he enter the Combat with forraine titlers of the House of Lancaster and if he â—xclude it not then in all apparance of reason and in Law to as you have said the succession of the two Dâ—ughters of King Henâ—y the seventh whiâ—h you distâ—nguâ—sh by the two names of Scotland and Suffolke must needs bee as clearely before him and his Lâ—ne that decended only from Edward the fourth his Brother as the Queenes title that new reigneth is before him For thâ—â—â—oth Scotland Suffolke and her Majesty do hold all by one foundâ—tion which is the union of both Houses and Titles together in King Henry the seventh her Majesties Grandfather That is true quoth the Gentleman and evidenâ— enough in every mans eye and therefore no doubt but as â—hat much is meant â—gâ—inst hâ—r Majesty if oc4â—sion serve â—s against thâ— rest thâ—t hold by the same â—itle Albeit her Mâ—iesti4s state the Lord be praised be such at thi◠〈◊〉 as it is not safâ—y to pretend so much against hâ—r as against the rest whatsoever be meant And that in â—ruth more should be ment agâ—inst her hâ—ghnes theâ— agâ—inst all â—he rest there is this reaâ—on for tâ—at her Majesty by hâ—r present possession letteth more their desires then all the rest â—ogether with their future pretences But as I have said it is not safety for them nor yet good pâ—lâ—cy to declare openly what they meane aâ—ainst her Majesty It is the best way for the pâ—esent to â—hew downe the rest and to leave her Majesty for the last â—low and upshot to their gâ—me For which câ—use they will â—eeme to make great difference at this day betweene her Majesties title and the rest that descend in likewise from King Henrâ— the seventh avowing the one and disallowâ—ng the other Albeit my Lord of Leicesters Father preferred that of Suffolke when 〈◊〉 was before this of her Mâ—jâ—sty and coâ—pelleâ— the whâ—le Realme to sweare thereunto Such is thâ— variable policy of men that serve the time or rather that serve themselves of all times for their purposes I remember quoth I that time of â—he Duke and was present my selfe at some of his Proclamations for that purpose wherein my Lord his Sonne that now liveth â—eing then a doer as I can tell he was I marvile how he can deale so contrary now preferring not onely her Majesties title bâ—fore that of Suffolk whereof I wonder lessâ— because it is more gainfull to him but also another much further of Buâ— you have signified the cause in that the times are changeâ— and other bargaines are in hand of more importance for him Wherefoâ—e leaving this to be considered by others whom it concerneth I beseech you Sir for that I know your worship hath beeene much conversant among their frienâ—s and favourers to tell me what are the barres and lets which they doe alledge why the house of Scoâ—land and Suffolk descendâ—d of king Henry the seventh his daughters should not succeed in the Crowne of England after her Majesty who ended the line of the same king by his son for in my sight the matter appeareth vâ—ry plaine They want not pretences of barres and lets against them all quoth the Gentleman which I will lâ—y downe in order as I have heard them alledged First in the line of Scotland there are three persons as you know that may pretend right that is the Queen and her son by the first marriage of Margaret and Arbella by the second And against the first marriage I heare nothing affirmed but against the two persons proceeding thereof I heare them alledge three stops one for that they are strangers born out of the land consâ—quently incapâ—ble of inheritance within the same another for that by a speciâ—l testament of king H. 8. authorised by 2. severall pâ—rliam thâ—y are excluded 3 for that they are enemies to the religion now among us therefore to be debarred Against the second marriage of Maâ—gâ—ret with Aâ—chibald Douglas whâ—â—eof Aâ—bella is descended they alledge that the said Archibald had a former wife at the time of that marriage which lived long after and so neither that marriage lawfull nor the issue therof legitimate The same barre they have
with it selfâ— first Adde to this that ambition is jealous suspitious and fearfull of it selfe especially when it is jâ—yned with a conscience loden wâ—th the guilt of many crimes whereof he would be loth to be called to account or be subject to any man that might by auâ—hority take review of his life actions when it should please him In which kinde seeing my Lord of Leycester hath so much to encrease his feare as before hath beene shewed by his wicked dealings it is not like that ever hee will put himselfe to another mans courtesie for passing his audict in particular reckonings which he can no way answer or satisfie but rather will stand upon the grosse Sum and generall Quietus est by making himselfe chiefe Auditour and Master of all accompts for his owne part in this life howsoever he do in the next whereof such humours have little regard And this is for the nature of ambition in it selfe The second argument may bee taken from my Lords particular disposition which is such as may give much light also to the matter in question being a disposition so well liking and inclined to a Kingdome as it hath beene tampering about the same from the first day that hee came in favour First by seeking openly to marry with the Queenes Majestie her selfe and so to draw the Crowne upon his owne head and to his posterity Secondly when that attempt tooke not place then hee gave it out as hath beene shewed before how that he was privily contracted to her Majesty wherein as I told you his dealing before for satisfaction of a stranger so let him with shame and dishonour remember now also the spectacle hee secretly made for the perswading of a subject and Counsellour of great honour in the same cause to the end that if her Highnesse should by any way have miscarried then he might have entituled any one of his owne brood whereof he hath store in many places as is knowne to the lawfull succession of the Crowne under colour of that privy and secret marriage pretending the same to bee by her Majestie wherein hee will want no witnesses to depose what hee will Thirdly when he saw also that this devise was subject to danger for â—hat his privy contract might be denied more easily then he able justly to prove the same after her Majesties decease he had a new fetch to strengâ—hen the matter and that was to cause these words of Naturall issue to be put into the Statute of succession for the Crowne against all order and custome of our Realme and against the knowne common stile of Law accustomed to bee used in Statutes of such matter whereby hee might be able after the death of her Majesty to make ligitimate to the Crowne any one bastard of his owne by any of so many hacknies as he keepeth affirming it to bee the Naturall issue of her Majesty by himselfe For no other reason can bee imagined why the ancient usuall words of Lawfull issue should so cunningly bee changed into Naturall issue thereby not onely to indanger our whole Realme with new quarrels of succession but also to touch as farre as in him lyeth the Royall honour of his Soveraigne who hath beene to him but too bountifull a Princesse Fourthly when after a time these fetches and devices began to be discovered he changed straight his course and turned to the Papists and Scottish faction pretending the marriage of the Queene in prison But yet after this againe finding therein not such successe as contented him throughly and having in the meane space a new occasion offered of baite he betooke himselfe fiftly to the party of Huntington having therein no doubt as good meaning to himselfe as his Father had by joyning with Suffolke Marry yet of late he hath cast anew about once againe â—or himselfe in secret by treating the marriage of young Arbella with his Son intitled the Lord Denbigh So that by this we see the disposition of this man bent wholly to a scepter And albeit in right title and discent of bloud as you say hee can justly claime neither Kingdome nor Cottage considering either the basenesse or disloyalty of his Ancestours if in respect of his present state and power and of his naturall pride ambition and crafty conveyance received from his Father hee hath learned how to put himselfe first in possession of chiefe rule under other pretences and after to devise upon the title at his leasure But now to come to the third argument I say more and above all this that the nature and state of the matter it selfe permitteth not that my Lord of Leycester should meane sincerely the Crowne for Huntington especially seeing there hath passed betweene them so many yeares of dislike and enmity which albeit for the time and present commodity bee covered and pressed downe yet by reason and experience we know that afterward when they shall deale together againe in matters of importance and when jealousie shall bee joyned to other circumstances of their actions it is impossible that the former mislike should not breake out in farre higher degree then ever before As wee saw in the examples of the reconciliation made betwixt this mans Father and Edward Duke of Somerset bearing rule under King Edward the sixt and betweene Richard of Yâ—rke and Edmund Duke of Somerset bearing rule in the time of King Hâ—nry the sixt Both which Dukes of Somerset after reconciliation with theiâ— old crafty and ambitious enemies were broâ—ght by the same to their destruction soone after Whereof I doubt not but my Lord of Leycester will take good heed in joyning by reconciliation with Huntington after so long a breach and will not be so improvident as to make him his soveraigne who now is but his dependent He remembreth too well the successe of the Lord Stanley who helped King Henry the seaventh to the Crowne of the Duke of Buckingham who did the same for Richard the third of the Earle of Warwicke who set up King Edward the fourth and of the three Percies who advanced to the Scepter King Henry the fourth All which Noblemen upon occasions that after fell out were rewarded with death by the selfe same Princes whom they had preferred And that not without reason as Seignior Machavell my Lords Counsellour affirmeth For that such Princes afterward can never give sufficient satisfaction to such friends for so great a benefit received And consequently least upon discontentment they may chance to doe as much for others against them as they have done for them against others the surest way is to recompence them with such a reward as they shall never after be able to complaine of Wherefore I can never thinke that my Lord of Leycester will put himselfe in danger of the like successe at Huntingtons hands but rather will follow the plot of his owne Father with the Duke of Suffolke whom no doubt but hee meant
against all the house and Line of Suffolke for first they say that Charlâ—s Bâ—andon Duke of Suffolke had a knowen wife alive wâ—en he married Mary Queen of France and consequently that neither the Lady Frances nor Elenor borne of that marriage can be lawfully borne And this is all I can heaâ—e them say against the succession of the Counâ—esse of Darby descended of Elenor. But against my Lord of Hartfords châ—ldren â—hat came from Franâ—es the eldest daughter I heare them alledge two or three bastardies more besides this of the first marriage For first they affirme that Henry Marquesse Dorset when hee married the Lady Frances had to wife the old Earl of Arundels sister who lived both then and many yeares after and had a provision out of his living to her dying day· wherby that marriage could no way be good Secondly that the lady Katherine daughter to the said Lady Frances by the Marques by whom the Earl of Hartford had his children was lawfully married to the Earle of Pembroke that now liveth and consequently could have no lawfull issue by any other during his life 3ly that the said Katherine waâ— never lawfully married to the said Earl Hartford but bare him those children as his Concubine which â—s they say is defined and registred in the Archb. of Canterburies court upon due examination taken by order of her Majesty that now reigneth and this is in effect so muâ—h as I have heard them all aledge about their affars It is much quoth I that you have said if it may be all proved Marry yet by the way I cannot but smile to heare my Lord of Leyâ—ester allow of so many bastardies now upon the issue of Lady Frances whom in time past when Iane her eldest daughter was married to his brother he advanced in legitimation before both the daughters of king Henry the eight But to the purpose I would gladly know what grounds of verity these allegations have and how far in truth they may stoppe from inheritance for in deed I never heard them so distinctly alledged before Whereto answeâ—ed the Gentleman that our friend thâ— Lâ—wyâ—r could best resoâ—ve that if it pleased hâ—m to spâ—ake without his fee though in some points alledged every other man quoth he that knoweth the state and common government of England may easily give his judgement also And iâ— the case of bastardy if the matter may be proved there is no dâ—fficulty but that no right to inheritance can justly bee pretended as also perhaps in the case of forraine birth though in this I am not so cunning but yet I see by experience that forrainers borne in other lands can hardly come and claime inheritance in England albeit to the contrary I have heard great and long dispâ—tes but such as indeed passed â—y capacity And if it might please our friend here present to expound the thing unto us more clearly I for my part would gladly bestow the hearing and that with attention To this answered the Lawyer I will glâ—dly siâ— tell you my minde in any thing that it shall please you demand and much more in this matter wherein by occasion of often conference I am somewhat perfect The impedâ—ments which these men alledge against the succession of king Henry the 8. his sisters are of two kinds as you see The one knowne and allowed in our law as you have well said if it may be proved and that is bastardy whereby they seek to disable all the whole Line and race of Suffolke as also Arbella of the second and later house of Scotland Whereof it is to small purpâ—se to speak any thing here seeing the whole controversie standeth upon a matter of fact onely to be proved or improved by records and witnesses Onely this I will say that some of these bastardies before named are rife in many mens mouthes and avowed by divers that yet live but let other men looke to this who have most interest therein and may be most damnified by them if they fall out true The other impediments which are alledged onely against the Qâ—eene of Scots and her 〈◊〉 are in number three â—s you recite them thâ—â— is forraine birth king Henries testament and Religion whereof â— am content to say somewhat seeing you desire it albeit there be so much published already in bookes of divers languages beyond the sea as I am informed concerning this matter as more cannot be said But yâ—t so much as I have heard passe among Lawyers my betters in conference of these affaires I will not let to recite unto you with this proviso and protestation alwayes that what I speake I speak by way of recitall of other mens opinions not meaning my selfe to incurre the statute of affirming or avowing any persons title to the crown whatsoever First then touching forraine birth there bee some men in the world that will say that it is a common and generall rule of our law that no stranger at al may inherit any thing by any means within the Land which in truth I take to be spoken without ground in that generall sense For I could never yet come to the sight of any such common or universall rule and I know that divers examples may be alledged in sundry cases to the contrary and by that which is expresly set downe in the seventh 〈◊〉 ninth years of king Ed. the 4. and in the â—lâ—venth â—nd fourteenth of Hen. thâ— 4. it appearâ—â—h plainâ—y that â— stranger mâ—y â—urchase lands in England as also â—â—herit by hâ—s wife if he marry an inheritrix Wherefore this common rule 〈◊〉 to bee restraâ—neâ— from that generality unto proper inheritance only â—n which sense I do easily grant that our common Law hath been of ancient and is at this day that no person born out of the â—llegâ—ance of the king of England whose father mâ—thâ—r were not of the same allegiance at the time of his birth shall be able to have or dâ—maâ—d any heritage within the same allegiance as heire to any person And this rule of our common Lâ—w is gathered in these sâ—lf same words of a statute made in the 25. year of king Ed. the third which indeed is the onely place of effect that can be alledged out of our law against the inheritance of strangers in such sense and cases as we â—re now to treat of And albeit now the commoâ— Law of our Country do runne thus in generall yet will theâ— friends of the Scottish claime affirme that hereby that title is nothing let or hindred at all towâ—rds the Crowne and that for divers manifest and weighty reasons whereof the principâ—ll are these which ensue First it is common and a generall rule of our English lawes that no rule Axâ—ome or Mâ—xima of law be it â—ever so generall can touch or bind the Crown except expresse mention bee made thereof in the same for that the
house of Suffolk bâ—fore them both A notable change quoâ—h the Gâ—ntleman that a title so much exalted of late by the Father above all order right ranke and degree should now be so â—uch debased by the Son as thouâ—h it were not worthy to hold any degree but rather to be troden under-foot for plain bastardy And you see by thâ—s how true it is which I told you before that the race of Dudlies are most cunning merchants to make their gaine of all thâ—ngs men and times And as we have seene now two testâ—ments alleaged the one of the Kings father and the other of the kings sonne and both of them in prejudice of the testators true successors so many good subjects begâ—n greatly to fear that we may chance to see sâ—ortly a third Testâ—ment of her Mâ—jesty for the tituling of Huntington and exurpation of King Henries blood thâ—t before her Majesty can think of sicknessâ— wherein I beseech the Lord I be no Prophet But now sir to the foresaid Will and Testament of King Henry I have often heard in truth that the thing was counterfeit or at the least not able to be proved aâ—d that it was discovered rejected and defaced in Queen Maries time but I would gladly understand what you Lawyers esteeme or judge thereof Touching this matter quoth the Lawyer it cannot be denied but that in the 28. and 36 years of King Henries reign upon coâ—sideration of some doubt aâ—d irâ—esolution which the King himselfe had shewed to have about the order of succâ—ssion in his owne children as also for taking away all occasions of controversies in those of the next blood the whole Parliament gave authority unto the said King to debate and determine â—hose matters himselfe together with his learned councell who best knew the lawes of the Realme and titles that any man might hâ—ve thereby and that whatsoever succâ—ssion his Majesty should declare as most right and lawfull under his letters patents sealed or by his last Will and Tâ—stâ—ment rightfully made and signed with his owne hand that the sâ—me should bee received for good and lawfull Upon pretence whereof soon after King Henries death there was shewed a Will with the kings stamp at the same and the names of divers witnesses wherein as hath beene said the succession of the Crowne after the kingâ— owne children is assigned to the heyres of Frances and Elenore Neeces to the king by his younger Sister Which assignation of the Crown being as it were a meer gift in prejudice of the elder sisters right as also of the right of Frances and Elenor themselves who were omitted in the same assignation and their heires intituled onely was esteâ—med to be against all reason law and nature and consequently not thought to proceed from so wise and sage a Prince as K. Henrie was knowne to be but rather either the whole forged or at least wise that clause inserted by other and the Kings stamp set unto it after his death or when his Majesty lay now past understanding And hereof there wanteth not divers most evident reasons and proofes For first it is not probâ—ble nor credible that King Henrie would ever go about against law and reason to disinherit the line of his eldest sister without any profit or interest to himselfe and thereby give most evident occasion of Civill war and discord within the Realm seeing that in such a case of manifest and apparent wrong in so great a mâ—tter the authoritie of Paâ—lament taketh little effect against the true and lawfull inheritâ—r as well appeared in the former times and contentions of Henrie the sixth Edward the fourth and Richard the third in whose reignes the divers and contrarie Parliaments made and holden â—gainst the neâ—t inheritor held no longer with any man then untill the other was able to make his owne partie good So likewise in the case of King Edward the third his succession to Fâ—ance in the right of his mother though he were excludâ—d by the generall assembly and consent of their Parliaments yet he esteemed not his right extinguished thereby as neither did other Kings of our Countrie that ensued after him And for our present case if nothing else should have restrained King Henrie from such open injustice towards his eldest sister yet this cogitation at least would have stayed him that by giving example of supplanting his elder sisters Line by vertue of a testament or pretence of Parliament some other might take occasion to displace his children by like pretence as we see that Duke Dudley did soone after by a forged testament of King Edward the sixt So ready Schollars there are to be found which easily will learne such lessons of iniquity Secondly there be too many incongruities and indignities in the said pretended Will to proceed from such a Prince and learned councell as King Henries was For first what can be more ridiculous than to give the Crowne to the heires of Francis and Elenor and not to any of themselves or what had they offended that their heires should enjoy the Crowne in their right and not they themselves What if King Henries Children should have dyed whiles Lady Francis had been yet alive who should have possessed the Kingdome before her seeing her Line was next and yet by this testament shee could not pretend her selfe to obtaine it But rather having marryed Adrian Stokes her horse-keeper she must have suffered her sonne by him if she had any to enjoy the Crown and so Adâ—ian of a Serving man and Master of Horses should have become the great Master and Protector of England Of like absurditie is that other clause also wherein the King bindeth his owne daughters to marry by consent and direction of his counsell or otherwise to leese the benefit of their succession yet bindeth not hiâ— Neices daughters to wit the daughters of Francis Elenor if they had any to any such condition Thirdly there may bee divers causes and arguments alledged in law why this pretended will is not authenticall if otherwise it were certaine that King Henrie had meant it first for that it is not agreeable to the mind and meaning of the Parliament which intended onely to give authoritie for declaration and explication of the true title and not for donation or intricating of the same to the ruine of the Reâ—lme Secondly for that there is no lawfull and authenticall Copie extant thereof but onely a bare inrolement in the Chancerie which is not sufficient in so weighty an affaire no witnesse of the privie Councell or of Nobilitâ—e to the same which had been convenient in so great a case for the best of the witnesses therein named is Sir Iohn Gates whose miserable death is well knowne no publike Notary no probation of the will before any Bishop or any lawfull Court for that puâ—pose no examination of the witnessâ—s or other thing orderly done for lawfull authorizing of
the matter But of all other things this is most of importance that the King never set his owne hand to the foresaid Will but his stampe was put thereunto by others either after his death or when he was past remembrance as the late Lord Paget in the beginning of Queen Maries dayes being of the Privie Councell fiâ—st of all other discovered the same of his owne accord and upon meere motion of conscience confessing before the whole Councell and afterward also before the whole Parlament how that himselfe was privy thereunto and partly also culpable being drawn therunto by the instigation and forcible authority of others but yet afterward upon other more godly motions detested the device and so of his owne free-will very honourably went and offered the discoverie thereof to the Councell As also did Sir Eâ—ward Montague Lord chiefe Iustice that had been pâ—ivy and present at the said doings and one William Clarke that was the man who put the stampe unto the paper and is ascribed among the otâ—er pretenâ—ed witnesses confessed the whole premisses to be true and purchased his pardon foâ— his offence therein Whereupon Queen Marie and her Councell caused presently the said Inrolement lying in the Chancerie to be cancelled defaced and â—bolished And sithence that time in her Majesties dayes that now liveth about the 11. or 12. yeare of her reigne if I count not amiste by occasion of a câ—rtaine little booke spread abroad at that time vâ—ry sâ—cretly for advancing of the house of Suffolke by pretence of this Testament I remember well the place where the late Duke of Norfolke the Marquâ—sse of Winchester which then was Treasuâ—er the old Eaâ—les of Arundell and Penbrooâ—e that now are dead with my Lord of Penbrook that yet liveth as also my Lord of Leycester himsâ—lfe if I bee not deceived with divert others met together upon this matter and after long conference about the foresaid pretensed will and many proofes and reasons laid downe why it could not be tâ—ue or authenticall the old Earle of Penbrook protesting that he was with the King in his chamber from the first day of his sicknesse unto his last houre and thereby could well assure the falsification thereof at length it was moved that from that place they should goe with the rest of the Nobility and proclâ—ime the Queen of Scotland heâ—re apparent in Cheap-side Wherein my Lord of Leycester aâ— I take it was then as forward as any man else how bee it now for his profit he be turned aside and would turne back again to morrow next for a greater commodity And albeit for some causes to themselves best known they proceeded not in the open publishing of their determination at that time yet my Lord of Penbrook now living can beare witnesse that thus much is true and that his father the old Earle at that time told him openly before the other Noblemen that he had brought him to that assembly and place to instruct him in that truth ând to charge him to witnesse the same and to defend it also with his sword if need required after his death And I know that his Lordship is of that honour and Nobility as he cannot leave off easily the remembrance or due regard of so worthy an admonition And this shall suffice for tâ—e second â—mpâ—diment imaginâ—d to proceed of this supposed Testament of King Henrie the eighth As for the third impediment of religion it is not generall to all for that only one person if I be not deceived of all the Competitors in K. Henries Line can bee touched â—ith suspition of different Religion from the present state of England Which person notwithstanding as is well knowne while shee was in goveâ—nment in her owne Realme of Scotland permitted all lâ—berty of Conscience and free exercise of Religion to those of the contrary profâ—ssion and opinion without restraint And if she had not yet doe I not see either by prescript of law or practice of these our times that diversity of Religion may stay just Inheritors from enjoying their due possessions in any state or degree of private men and much lesse in the claime of a Kingdome which alwayes in this behalfe as hath been said before is preferred in priviledge This we see by experience in divers Countries and parts of the world at this day as in Germany where among so many Princes and so divided in religion as they be yet every one succeedeth to the state whereto he hath right without resistance for his religion The exâ—mples also of her Majesty that now is and of her sister before is evident who being known to be of two different inclinations in religion and the whole Realme divided in opinion for the same cause yet both of them at their severall times with generall consent of all were admitted to their lawfull inheritance excepting onely a feâ— trâ—iâ—ors against the fâ—rmer who withstood her right as also in her the right of her Maiestie that is present and that not for Religion as appeâ—red by their owne confession after but for â—mbition and desire of reigne Monsieur the Kings brother and heire of France as all the world knoweth is well acceptâ—d favoured and admitted for successor of that Crowne by all the Pâ—otestants at this dâ—y of that Counâ—ry notwithstanding his opinion in religion knowne to be different And I doubt not but thâ— King of Navarre or Prince of Condy in the contrary part would thinke themselves greâ—tly injured by the stâ—te of â—rance which is dâ—fferent from them in religion at this dâ—y if after the death of thâ— Kiâ—g that now is and his brother without issue if God so dispose they should be barred from inheriting the Crowne under pretence onely of theiâ— Religion My Lord of Huntington himselfe also is he not knowne to bâ—e of a different religion from thâ— present state of Englâ—nd and rhâ—t if he weâ—e King to morrow nâ—xt he would alter the whoâ—e government order condiâ—ion and state of râ—ligion now used and established within the Realme But as I said in the beginning if one of a whole family or of divers families be culpable or to be touched herein what have the rest offended thereby will you exclude all for the mislike of one And to descend in order if the first in K. Henries line after her Majesty may be touched in this point yet why should the rest be damnified thereby The K of Scotland her son that next ensueth to speak in equity why should he bee shut out for his religion And are not all the other in like manner Protestants whose discent iâ— consequent by nature order and degree For the yong K. of Scotland quoth I the truth is that alwayes for mine own part I have had great hope and expectation of him not onely for the conceipt which commonly men have of such Orient youths borne to kingdomes but especially for that I understood
for satisfaction of her people whatsoever some men may think and report to the contrary or howsoever otherwise of her owne milde disposition towards the person she have borne with him hitherto For so we see that wise Princes can doe at times convenient for peace and tranquillity and publike weale though contrary to their owne particular and peculiar inclination As to goe no further then to the last example namâ—d and alleaged by your selfe before though Queen Margaret the wife of K Henrie the sixt had favoured most unfortunately many yeares together Wâ—llâ—am Duke of Suffolk as hath bin said whereby he committed manifold outrages and afflicted the Realme by sundry meanes yet she being a woman of great prudence when she saw the whole Communalty demand justice upon him for his demerits albeit she liked and loved the man still yet for satisfaction of the people upon so generall a complaint shee was content first to commit him to prison and afterward to banish him the Realme but the providence of God would not permit him so to escape for that he being incountred and taken upon the sea in his passage he was beheaded in the ship and so received some part of condigne punishment for his most wicked loose and licentious life And to seeke no more examples in this case we know into what favour and speciall grace Sir Edmond Dudley my Lord of Leycesters good Grandfather was crept with King Henry the seventh in the latter end of his reigne and what intollerable wickednesse and mischiefe he wrought against the whole Realme and against infinite particular persons of the same by the polings and oppressions which hee practised wherby though the King received great temporall commodity at that rime as her Majesty doth nothing at all by the present extortions of his Nephew yet for justice sake and for meere câ—mpassion towards his afflicted subiects that complained grievously of this iniquity that most vertuous and wise Prince King Henrie was content to put from him this lewd instrument and devillish suggestor of new exactions whom his sonne Henrie that ensued in the Crown caused presently before all other busines to be called publickly to account and for his deserts to leese his head So as where the interest of a whole Realme or common cause of many taketh place the private favour of any one cannot stay a wise godly Prince such as al the world knoweth her Maiesty to be from permitting iustice to have her free passage Truely it should not quoth the Gentleman for to that end were Princes first elected and upon that consideration doe subiects both pay them tribute and obedience to bee defended by them from iniuries and oppressions and to see lawes executed and iustice exercised upon and towards all men with indifferency And as for our particular case of my Lord of Leycester I doe not see in right and equity how her Maiesty may deny this lawfull desire and petition of her people For if her highnesse doe permit and command the Lawes dayly to passe upon thieves and murderers without exception and that for one fact onely as by experience we see how then can it be denâ—ed in this mâ—n who in both kinds hath committed more enormous acts then may be well recounted As in the first of theft not onely by spoyling and oppressing almost infinite private men but also whole Towns Villages Corporations and Countries by robbing the Realme with inordinate licences by deceiving the Crown with racking changing and imbezeling thn Lands by abusing his Prince atd Soveraigne in selling his favour both at home and aâ—road with taking bribes for matter of justice grace request supplication or whatsoever sure else may depend upon the Court or of the Princes authority with seâ—ting at sale and making open market of whatsoever her Mâ—jesty can give doe or procure be it spirituall or tempâ—rall In which sort of traffick he committâ—th more theft oftentimes in one day than all the way-keepers cut-purses conseners pirates burglares or other of that art in a whole yeare within the Realme And as for the second which is murther you have heard before somewhat said and proved but yet nothing to that which is thought to have bin in secret committed upon divers occasionâ— at divers times in sundry persons of different calling in both sexes by most variable means of killing poysoning charming inchanting conjuring and the like according to the diversity of men places opportunities and instruments for the same By all which meanes I think he hath more bloud lying upon his head at this day crying vengeance against him at Gods hands her Majesty than ever had private man in our Country â—efore were he never so wicked Wherein now if we adde his other good behaviour as his intollerable licentiousnesse in all filthy kind and manner of carnality with all sort of Wives Friends and Kinsewomen if wee add his iniuries aod dishonours done hereby to infinite if we adde his treasons treacheries and conspiracies about the Crowne his disloyall behaviour and hatred against her Majesty his ordinarie lying and common perjuring himselfe in all matters for his gain both great and smal his rapes and most violent extortions upon the poore his abusing of the Parliament and other places of justice with the Nobility and whole Communalty besides if we add also his open injuries which hee offereth dâ—yly to Religion and the Ministers thereof by tithing them and turning all to his owne gaine together with his manifest and known tyranny practised towards all estates abroad throu bout all Shires of the kingdome his dispoyling of both the Vniversities and dâ—scouraging of infinite notable wits there from seeking perfection of knowledge and learning which oâ—herwise were like to become notable especially in Gods word which giveth life unto the soule by defrauding them of the price and reward proposed for their travail in that kind through his insatiable Simoniacall contracts if I say we should lay together all these enormities before her Majesty and thousands more in particular which might and would be gathered if his day of his triall were but in hope to be granted I do not see in equity and reason how her Highnesse sittâ—â—g in throne and at the royall sterne as shee doth could denie her Subiects this most lawfull request considering that every one of thâ—se crimes apart requireth justâ—ce of his owne nature and much more all together ought to obtaine the same at the hands of any good and godly Magistrate in the World No doubt quoth I but that these considerations must needs weigh much with any zealous Prince and much more with her most excellent Majesty whose tender heart towards her Realm and Subjects is very well known of all men It is not to be thought also but that her Highnesse hath intelligence of divers of â—hese matters alleaged though not perhaps of all But what would you have her Majesty to doe perhaps the consultation of this
Sunday before the Earles deaâ—h ensuing the Friday after and when she wâ—s dead hâ—r body was swolne unto a monstrous bignesse and deformity whereof the good Earle hearing the day following lamented the case greatly and said in the presence of his Servants Ah poore Alice the cup was not prepared for thee albeit it were thy hard destiny to taste thereof Yong Honnies also whose father is Master of the châ—ldren of her Mâ—jesties chappell being at that time Page to the said Earle and accustomed to take the taste of his drinke though since entertâ—ined also among other by my Lord of Leicester for better covering of matter by his taste that he then tooke of the compound cup though in very small-quantity as you know the fashion is yet was he like to have lost his life but escaped in the end being yong with the losse onely of his haire which the Earle perceiving and taking compassion of the youth called for a cup of drinke a little before his death and drunke to Honnies saying I drinke to thee my Robin and be not afraid for thiâ— is a better cup of drinke then that whereof thou tookest the taste when we were both poysoned and whereby thou hast lost thy haire and I must lose my life This hath yong Honnies reported openly in divers places and before divers Gentlemen of worship siâ—hence his coming into England and the foresaid Lea Iâ—ishman at his passage this way towards France after he had been present at the forenamed Mistris Draykâ—ts death with some other of the Eaâ—les servants have and doe most constantly report the same where they may do it without the terrour of my Lord of Leicesters revenge Whâ—refore in this matter there is no doubt at all though most extreame vile and intollerable indignity that such a man should be so openly murdered without punishment What Noble-man within the Realme may be safe if this be suffered or what worthy personage will adventure his life in her Majesties service if this shall be his reward But Sir I pray you pardon me for I am somewhat perhaps too vehement in the case of this my Patron and noble Peere of our Realme And therefore I beseech you to goe forward in your talke whereas you left I was recounting unto you others said the Gentleman made away by my Lord of Leicâ—ster with like art and the next in order I think was Sir Nicelas Throgmarton who was a man whom my Lord of Leicester used a great while as all the World knoweth to overthwart and crosse the doings of my Lord Treasurer then Sir William Cicill a man specially misliked alwayes of Leicester both in respect of his old Master the Duke of Somerset as also for that his great wisdome zeale and singular fidelity to the Realme was like to hinder much this mans designments wherefore understanding after a certaine time that these two Knights were secretly made friends and that Sir Nicholas was lâ—ke to detect his doings as he imagined which might turne to some prejudice of his purposes having conceived also a sâ—cret grudge and griefe against him for that he had written to her Majesty at his being Embassadour in France that he heard reported at Duke Memorances table that the Queene of England had a meaning to marry her Horsâ—keeper he invited the said Sir Nicholas to a supper at his house in London and at supper time departed to the Court being called for as he said upon the sudden by her Mâ—jesty and so perforce would needs have Sir Nicholas to sit and occupie his Lordships place and therein to be served as he was and soone after by a surfeit there taken he died of a strange and incurable vomit But tâ—e day before his death he declared to a deare friend of his all the circumstance and cause of his disease which he affirmed plainly to be of poison given him in a Salet at supper inveying most earnestly against the Earles cruâ—lty and bloody disposition affirming him to be the wickedest most perilous and peâ—fidious man under heaven But what availed this when he had now received the bait This then is to shew the mans good fortune in seeing them dead whom for causes he would not have to live And for his art of poisoning it is such now and teaâ—heth so far as he holdeth all his foes in England and elsewhere as also a good many of his friends in fear therof and if it were knowne how many he hâ—th dispatched or assaulted that way it would be marvailous to the posterity The late Eale of Sussex wanted not a scruple for many yeers before his death of some dram received that made him incurable And unto that noble Gentleman Monsieur Simiers it was discovered by great providence of God that his life was to be attempted by that art and that not taking place as it did not through his owne good circumspection it was concluded that the same should be assâ—ulted by violence whereof I shall have occasion to say more hereafter It haâ—h beene told me also by some of the servaâ—ts of the late Lady Lenox who was also of the blood Royall by Scotland as all men know and consequently lâ—ttle liked by Leicester that a little before her death or siâ—knesse my Lord tooke the paines to come and visit her with extraordinary kindnesse at her house at Hackney bestowing long discourses with her in private but as soone as he was departed the good Lady fell into such a flâ—x as by no meanes could be slayed so long as she had life in her body whereupon both she her selfe and all such as were neere about her saw her disease and ending day were fully of opinion that my Lord had procured her dispatch at his being there Whereof let the women that served hâ—r be examined as also Fowler that then had the chiefe doings in her affâ—iâ—es and since hath beene entertained by my Lord of Leicester Maâ—et also a stranger borne tbat then was about her a sober and zealous man in religion and otherwise well qualified can say somewhat in this point as I thinke if he were demanded So that this art and exercise of poisoning is much more perfect with my Lord then praying and he seemeth to take more pleasure therein Now for the second point which I named touching marriages and contracts with Women you must not marvaile though his Lordship be somewhat divers variable and inconstant with himselfe for that according to his profit or pleasure and as his lust and liking shall vary wherein by the judgement of all men he surpasseth not onely Sardâ—napaâ—us and Nero â—ut even Heliogâ—batus himselfe so his Lordshâ—p also changeth Wâ—ves and Minions by killing the one denying the other using the third for a time and he fawning upon the fourth And for this câ—use he hath his tearmes and pretences I warrant you of Contracts Precontracts Postcontracts Protracts and Retracts as for example after he had killed
his first wâ—fe and so broken that contract then forsooth would he needs make himselfe Husband to the Queenes Majesty and so defeat all other Princes by vertue of his precontract But after thâ—s his lust compâ—lling to another place he would needs make a postcontract with the Lady Sheffiâ—ld and so he did begetting two children upon her the one a boy called Robin Sheffiâ—ld now living some time brought up at Newington and the other a daughter borne as is knowne at Dudley Castle But yet after his concupiscence changed againe as it never stayeth he resolved to make a retract of this postconâ—râ—ct thâ—ugh â—t were as surely done as I have said as bed and Bible could make the same and to make a certaine new protract which is a continuation of using her for a time with the widow of Essex but yet to stop the mouâ—hes of out-criars and to bury the Synagogue with some honour for these two wives of Leicester were merrily and wittily called his old and new Testaments by a person of great excellency within the Realme he was content to assigne to the former a thousand pounds in money with other petty consideratioâ—s the pittifullest abused that â—ver was poore Lady and so betake his lims to the latter which latter notwithstanding he so useth as we see now confessing now forswearing now dissembling the marriage as he will alwayes yet keâ—pâ— a void place for a new surcontract with any other when occasion shall require Now by my truth sir quoth I I never heard nor read the like to this in my life yet have I read much in my time of the carnalâ—ty and licenciousnesse of divers outragious persons in this kinde of sin as namely these whom you have mentioned before especially the Emperour Heliogabaluâ— who passed all other and was called Varius of the varity of filth which he used in this kinde of carnality or carnall beastlinesse whose death was that being at length odious to all men and so slain by his own Souldiers was drawn through the City upon the ground lâ—ke a dog and cast into the common privy with this Epitaph Hic projectus est indomitae rabide libidinis catulus Here is thrown in the Whelpe of unruly and raging lust which Epitaph may also one day chance to serve my Lord of Leicester whom you call the Beare-whelp if he go forward as he hath begun and dye as he deserveth But good sir what a compassion is this that among us Christians namely in so wel governed and religious a Common-wealth as ours is such a riot should be permitted upon mens wives in a subject whereas we read that among the very Heathens lesse offences then these in the same kinde were extreamly punâ—shed in Princes themselves and that not onely in the person delinquent alone but also by extirpation of the whole family for his sake as appeareth in the example of the Tarquinians among the Romans And here also in our owne Realme we have registred in Chronicle how that one King Edwin above six hundred yeeres past was deprived of his Kingdome for much lesse scandalous facts then these I remember well the story quoth the Gentleman thereby doe easily make conjecture what difference there is betwixt those times of old and our dayes now seeing then a crowned Prince could not passe unpunished with one or two outragious acts whereas now a subject raised up but yesterday from the meaner sort rangeth at his pleasure in all licenciousnesse and that with security void of fear both of God and man No mans wife can be free from him whom his fiery lust liketh to abuse nor their husbands able to resist nor save from his violence if they shew dislike or will not yeeld their consent to his doings And if I should discover in particular how many good husbands he had plagued in this nature and for such delights it were intolerable for his concupiscence and violence do run joyntly together as in furious beasts we see they are accustomed Neither holdeth he any rule in his lust besides onely the motion and suggestion of his own sensuality kindred affinity or any other bâ—nd of consanguinity religion honour or honesty taketh no place in his outragious appetite what he best liketh that he taketh as lawfull for the time So that kinswoman allie friends wife or daughter or whatsoever female sort besides doth please his eye I leave out of purpose and for honour sake tearmes of kinred more neere that must yeeld to his desire The keeping of the Mother with two or three of her daughters at once or successively is no more with him then the eating of an Hen her chicken together There are not by report two noble women about her Majesty I speake upon some accompt of them â—hat know much whom he hath not solicited by potent wayes neither contented with this place of honour he hath descended to seeke pasture among the waitiâ—g Gentlewomen of her Majâ—sties great chamber offering more for their allurement then I thinke Lais did commonly takâ— in Corinth if three hundreth pounds for a night will make up the sum or if not yet will he make it up otherwise having reported himselfe so little shame he hath that he offered to another of higher place an 100 pound lands by the yeere with as many jewels as most women under her Majesty used in England which was no mean bait to one that used traffick in such merchandize she being but the leavings of anothâ—r man before him wherof my Lord is nothing squemish for satisfying of his lust but can be content as they sâ—y to gather up crums when he is hungry even in the very Landry it selfe or other place of baser quality And albeit the Lord of his great mercy to doe him good no doubt if he were revokeable hath laid his hand upon him in some chastisement in this world by giving him a broken belly on both sides of his bowels whereby misery and putrifaction is threatned to him daily and to his yong Sonne by the widow of Essex being Filius peccati such a strange calamity of the falling sicknesse in his infancy as well may be a witnesse of the Parents sinne and wickednesse and of both their wasted natures in iniquity yet is this man nothing amended thereby but according to the custome of all old adulterers is more libidinous at this day then ever before more given to procure love in others by conjuring sorcery and other such meanes And albeit for himselfe both age and nature spent doe somewhat tame him from the act yet wanteth he not will as appeareth by the Italian ointment procured not many yeers pâ—st by his Chyrurgion or Mountibanke of that Countrey whereby as they say he is able to move his flesh at all times for keeking of his credit howsoever his inability be otherwise for performance as also one of his
Court seeing that hee hath so many wayes and meanes to encrease enrich and encourage the same and so strong abilities to tread dowâ—e his enemies The common speech of many wanteth not reason I perceive which calleth him the heart and life of the Court. They which cal him the heaâ—t said the Gentleman upon a little occasion more would call him also the head and then I marvell what should bee left for her Majesty when they take from her both life heart and headship in her own Realme But the truth is that he hath the Court at this day in almost the same case as his father had it in King Edwards dâ—yâ—s by the same device the Lord forbid that ever it come fully to the same state for then we know what ensued to the principall and if you will hâ—ve an evident demonstration of this mans power and favâ—ur in that place call you but to minde the times when her Majesty upon most just and urgent occâ—sions did withdraw but a little her wonted favour and countenance towâ—rds him did not all the Court as it were mutiny presently did not every man hang the lippe except a few who afterward paid sweetly for their mirth were there not every day new devices sought out that some should be on their knees to her Majesty some should weepe and put finger in their eyes other should find our certaine covert manner of threatning other reasons and perswasions of love other of profit other of honour other of nâ—â—essity and all to get him recalled back to favour againe And had her Mâ—jesty any rest permitted unto her untill she had yeelded and granted to the same Consider then I pray you that if at that time in his disgrace he had his faction so fast assured to himself what hath he now in his prosperity after so many yeares of fortification wherin by all reason he hath not been negligent seeing that in policy the first point of good fortification is to make that fort impregnable which once hath been in danger to be lost Wherof you have an example in Riâ—harâ— Duke of York in the time of K. Henry the sixt who being once in the Kings hands by his own submission and dismissed againe when for his desâ—rts he should have suffered provided after the King should never be able to over-reach hâ—m the second time or havâ— him in his power to do him hurt but mâ—de himselfe strong enough to pull downe the other wiâ—h extirpation of his family And this of the Court houshold and Chamber of her Majesty But now if we shall passe from Couâ—t to Councell we shall find him no lesse fortified but rather more for albeit the providence of God hath bin such that in this most honourable assemblie there hath not wanted some two or three of the wisest gravâ—st and most experienced in our state that have seen and marked this mans perillous proceedings from the beginning wherof notwithstanding two are now deceased and their placeâ— supplied to Leyceâ—ters good liking yet alas the wisdom of these worthy men hath discovered alwayes more then their authorities were able to redresse the others great power and violence considered and for the residue of that bench and table though I doubt not but there be divers who do in heart detest his doingâ— as there were also no doubt among the Councellours of King Edward who misliketh this mans fathers attempts though not so hardy as to contrary the same yet for most part of the Councell present they are known to be so affected in particular the one for that he is to him a Brother the other a Father the other a Kinsman the other an allie the other a fast obliged friend the other a fellow or follower in faction as none will stand in the breach against him none dare resist or encounter his designemeâ—t but every man yeelding rather to the force of his flow permitteth him to pierce and passe at his pleasure in whatsoever his will is once setled to obtaine And hereof were I not staied for respect of some whom I may not name I could alledge strang examples not so much in affaires belonging to subjects and to privat men as were the cause of Snowden forrest Denbigh of Kilâ—ingworth of his faire Pâ—stures fouly procured by Southam of the Archbâ—sh of Canterbury of the L. Baâ—kley of Sir Iohn Throgmarton of M. Robâ—nson and the like wherin those of the Councell that disliked his doings least dâ—red to oppose themselves to the same but also in things that appertaine directly to the Crown and dignity to the State and Common-weal and to the safety and continuance therof It is not secure for any one Councellor or other of authority to take notice of my Lords errours or misdeeds but with extreame perill of their owne ruine As for example in the beginning of the rebellion in Ireland when my Lord of Leycester was in some disgrace and consequently as hee imâ—gined but in fraile state at home he thought it not unexpedient for his better assurance to hold some intelligence also that way for all events and so he did whereof there was so good evidence and testimony found upon one of the first of accompt that was there slaine as honourable personages of their knowledge have assured me as would have beene sufficient to touch the life of any subject in the land or in any state Christian but onely my Lord of Leycester who is a subject without subjâ—ction For what thinke you durst any man take notice hereof or avouch that he had seen thus much durst he that tooke it in Ireland deliver the same where especially hee should have done or they who received it in England for it came to great hands use it to the benefit of their Princesse and Countrey No surely for if it had beene but onely suspected that they had seene such a thing it would have beene as dangerous unto them as it was to Action to have seene Diana and her maidens naked whose case is so common now in England as nothing more and so doe the examples of divers well declare whose unfortunate knowledge of too many secrers brought them quickly to unfortunate ends For we heare of one Salvatour a stranger long used in great mysteries of base affaires and dishonest actions who afterward upon what demerit I know not sustained a hard fortune for being late with my Lord in his study well neare untill midnight if I be righâ—ly informed went home to his chamber and the next morning was found slaine in his bed Wee heare also of one Doughâ—y hanged in haste by Captaine Drake upon the Sea and that by order as is thought before his departure out of England for that he was over privy to the secrets of this good Earle There was also this last Summer past one Gates hanged at Tiborne umong others for robbing of Carriers which Gates had beene lately Clâ—rke of my Lords
yâ—eld money he thaâ— makâ—th title to what land or other thing he please and driveth the parties to compound for thâ— same same he that â—akeâ—h in whole Forests Commons Woods and Pastures to himsâ—lfe compelling the Tenants to make him pay new rent and what he cesseth he that vexeth and oppâ—â—sseth whomsoever hee lâ—st taketh fâ—om any whâ—t hee lâ—â—t and maketh his owne claime suiâ— and end as he list he thâ—t selleth his favour with the Prince both abroad in forraine countries and at home and setteâ—th the price thereof what himselfe will demand he that hath and doth all this and besides this hath infinite presents daily brought unto him of great vâ—lue both in Jewels Plâ—te aâ—l kinde of Furniture and reâ—dy Come this man I sâ—y may easily beare his owâ—e expences and yet lay up sâ—fficiently also to weary hâ—â— Prince when need shall require You hâ—ve said much sir qâ—oth â—hâ— Lawyer and such matter as toucheth nearly bâ—th her Majesty and the Commonwealth and yet in my conscience if I were to plead at â—he barre for my Lord I could not tell which of all these members to deny But for that which you mention in the last part of hâ—s gaining by her Mâ—jesties favour both at home and abâ—oad Touching his home-gaine it is evident seeing all that he hath is gotten onely by the opinion of her Majesties favour towards him and many men doe repaire unto him with fat presents rather for that â—hey suppose he may by his favour do them hurt if he feele not their reward then for that they hope he will labour any thing in their affaires You remember I doubt not the story of him that offered his Prince a great yearly rent to have but this favour onely that hee might come every day in open audience and say in his eare God save your Majesty assuring himselfe that by the opinion of confidence and secret favour which hereby the people would conceive to be in the Prince towards him he should easily get up his rent againe double told Wherefore my Lord of Leycester receiving daily from her Majesty greater tokens of grace and favour then this and himselfe being no evill Merchant to make his owne bargaine for the best of his commodities cannot but gaine exceedingly at home by his favour And for his lucre abroad upon the same cause I leave to other men to conceive what it may bâ— sithence the beginning of her Majesties reigne the times whereof and condition of all Christendome hath beene suâ—h as all the Princes and Potentaâ—es round about us have beene constrained at one time or other to sue to hâ—r Highnesse for aid grace or favour in all which sutes men use not to forget as you know the parties most able by their câ—edâ—t to further or let the same In particular onely this I can say that I have heard of sundry Frenchmen that at such time as the treaty wâ—s betweene France and England for the re-delivery of Callis unto us againe in the first yeare of her Majesties reigne that now is when the Frenchmen were in great distresse and misâ—ry and King Phiâ—ip refused absolutely to make peace with them except Callis were restored to England whither for that purpose he had now delivered the French hostages the Frenchmen doe report I say that my Lord of Leycester stood them in gâ—eâ—t stead at â—hat necessity for his reward which you may well imagine was not small for a thing of such importance and became a suiter that peace might be conâ—luded with the release of Callis to the Frenchâ— which was one of the most impiâ—us facts to say the truth that ever could be devised against his Common-wealth A small mâ—tter in him said the Gentleman for in this he did no more but as Christ said of the Jâ—wes â—hat they filled up the measure of their Faâ—hers sinnes And so if you reade the story of Kiâ—g Edwards time you shall finde it most evident that this mans fâ—ther before him sold Bulloâ—gâ—e â—o the French by like treachery For it wâ—s dâ—livered up upon compositâ—on wâ—thout necessiâ—y or reason thâ— five and twentieâ—h of April in â—he fourth year of King Edward the sixt when he I meaâ—â— Duke Dudley had now put in the Tower the Lord Protector and thrust out of the Couâ—cell whom he listed as namâ—ly thâ— Earlâ—s of Aâ—undel and Southâ—mpton and so invaded the whole government himseâ—fe to sell spoile or dispose at his pleasure Wherefore this is but naturall to my Lord of Leycester by discent to make merchâ—ndise of the Sâ—aâ—e for his Grandfather Edmund also was such a kinde of Copesman An evill race of Merchants for the Common-wealth quoth the Lâ—wyer but yâ—t Sir I pray you said he expound unto me somewhâ—t more at large the nature of these licences which you named as also the changing of lands with her Mâ—jesty if you can set it downe any plainer for they seeme to be things of excâ—ssive gaine especially his way of gaining by offending her Majesty or by her Highnesse offâ—â—ce towards him for it seemeth to be a device above all skill or reasoâ— Not so quoth the Gentleman for yoâ— know that every falling out must have an attonement agâ—ine whereof hee being suâ—e by the many â—nd puissant meanes of his frâ—ends in Court as I have shewed before who shall not gâ—ive her Majesty rest untill it be done then for this aâ—â—onement and in perfâ—ct reconciliation on hâ—r Mâ—jâ—sties part she must gâ—ant my Lord some suâ—â— or other which he will have alwayeâ— ready pâ—ovided for that purpose and this sute shall hee well â—ble to reward his friends that laboured for his â—ecoâ—cilement and leave also a good remainder for himselfe And this is now so ordinary a practice with him as all thâ— Realâ—e obsâ—rvâ—th the same and disdaineth that her Majesty should bee so unworthily abâ—sed For if her Hâ—ghnesse fall not out with him as often as he desireâ—h to gaine this way then he picketh some quarrell or other to shew himselfe discontented with her so that one way or other this gainfull reconciliation must be made and that often for his commodâ—ty The like art he exerciseth in inviting her Majesty to his banquets and to his hoâ—ses where if shee come she must grant him in sutes tenne times so muâ—h as the charges of all amount unto so that Robiâ— playeth the Broker in all hiâ— affâ—ires and maketh the uttermost pâ—nny of her Mâ—jesty every way Now for his change of lands I thinke I have beene reasonable plaine before yet for your fuller satisfaction you shall understand his further dealing therein to be in this sort Besides the good lands and of ancient possession to the Crowne procured at her Majesties hand and used as bâ—fore was declared hee useth the same tricke for his worst lands that he possesseth any way whether â—hey come to him by extort meanes and plaiâ—e oppression or
is no one Colledge or other thing of commodiâ—y wâ—thin that place where hence hâ— hath â—o pâ—â—led whatsoever was possibly to be gâ—thered eâ—â—her by art or violâ—nce Touâ—hing Oxford saiâ— I for that I am an Uâ—iversâ—ty man my selfe and have both experience of Câ—mbridgâ— â—nd good acquaintance with divers students of â—â—e other university I can tell you enoâ—gh bu◠〈◊〉 fine all tendeth to â—his conclusion thâ—t bâ— hâ—â— Chancellorship is cancelled almost all hâ—pe of good in thâ—â— Universiâ—y and by his pâ—â—tâ—ctâ—on it is vâ—ry likâ— soone to come to dâ—strâ—ctâ—oâ— And suâ—â—ly if there were no oâ—her thiâ—g to declarâ— the odâ—es and diffâ—râ—nce betwixt him and our Châ—â—ceâ—lâ—ur â—hom he cannot beare for â—â—at evâ—â—y way hâ— sâ—eth â—im to pâ—sse him in â—ll honour anâ— vertue it were sufficient to behold the prâ—sent state of the two Universities whâ—reof thâ—y are heads and governours For our own I will not sâ—y much lest I might peâ—haps seeme partiâ—ll but let thâ— thing speak for it selfe Consider the fruit of the Garden and therby you may judge of thâ— Gâ—rdiners diligence Looke upon the Bishopricks Pastoâ—ships and Pulpits of England and see whence principally they have recâ—ived their furniture for advancement of the Gospell And oâ— the contrary side looke upon the Semâ—naries of Papistry aâ— Rome and Rhems upon the Colledges of Jesuists and other companies of Papists beyond the seas and see where-hence thâ—y are eâ—pecially fraught The Priests and Jesuists here executed within the land and other that remaine either in prâ—son or abroad in corners are they not all in a manner of that Universiâ—y I speak not to the disgrace of any good that remaine there or that have issued out thâ—nce into the Lords Vineyâ—rd but for the most part there of â—hiâ—â—ur time have they not either gone beyond â—he seas or left their places for discontentment in Religion or else become Servingâ—en or followed the bare name of Law or Physick without greatly profiting therein or furâ—hering â—he service of Gods Church or their Commonwealth And wherehence I pray you ensueth all this but by reason that the chiefe Governour thereof is an Atheist himselfe and useth the place onely for gaine and spoile for herehence â—t commeâ—h that all good order and discipline is dissolved in that place the fervour of study extinguished the publique Lectures abandoned I meane of the more part the Tavernes and Ordinary tables frequented the apparell of Students growne monstruous and the statutes and good ordinance both of the University and of every Colledge and Hall in private brâ—ken and infriâ—ged â—t my Lords good pleasâ—re without respect eâ—thâ—r of oath custome or reason to the contrary The heads and Officers are put in and out at his onely discretion and the Scholars places either told or dâ—spâ—sed by his letters or by these of his servants and followers nothing can be had thâ—re now without present monâ—y it is as common buying and selling of places in that University as of horses in Smithfield whereby the good and vertuous are kept out and companions thrust in fit to serve his Lord afterward in all affaires that shall occurre And as for leases of Farmes Woods Pastures Personages Benefices or the like which belong any way to any part of the University to let or bestow these his Lord and his Servants have so fleeced shorne and scraped already that there remaineth little to feed upon hereafter albeit hee want not still his 〈◊〉 and intelligences in the place to advertâ—se him from time to â—iâ—e when aâ—y new little morsell is offâ—red Anâ— the principall instruments which for this purpose hâ— hath hâ—d there before â—his hâ—vâ— been two Physitians Bayâ—y and Culpiper both knâ—wne Papists a little while agoe but now jâ—st of Gâ—lens religion and so much the fitter for my Lords humour for his Lordship doth alwaies covet to be furnished with certaine chosen men about 〈◊〉 for â—ivers affairs as thâ—se two Galenâ—sts in the Universiâ—y Deâ— and Aâ—â—en two Aâ—heists for figuring and conjuring Iuâ—io the Italian and Lopaâ— the Jew for poâ—soning and for the art of destroying children in womens bellies Verneis for muâ—dering Digbies for Bauds and the like in occupations which his Lordship exerciseth Wherefore to returne to the speech where we began most â—leare it is that my Lord of Lâ—ycesteâ— hath meanes to gâ—ine and gâ—ther also by the University as wâ—l aâ— by the country abroad Wherin as I am told he beareth hâ—mselfe so absolute a Lord as if he were their King and not their Chancâ—llour Nay far more then if he wâ—re the generall and pâ—rticular founder of all the Colledges and othâ—r houses of the University no man daring to contrary oâ— interrupt the leasâ— word or signification of his will but with hâ—s extreame danger which iâ— a proceeding more fit for Phalâ—ris the tyrant or some Governour in Tâ—râ—ary then for a Chancellour of a learned Universiâ—y To this answâ—red the Lawyer for my Lords wrath towards such as will noâ— stand to his judgment and opinion I can mâ— selfe be a sufficient witnesse who having had oftâ—n occasion to deale for composition of mâ—tters betwixt his Lordship and others hâ—ve seene by experience that alwayes they have sped beâ—â— wâ—o stood least in contenâ—ion with him whatsoever their cause were For as a great and violent river the more it is stopped or contraried â—he more it riseth and swelleth bigge and in the end dejâ—cteth with more force the â—hing thâ—t made râ—sistance so his Lâ—rdship being the great and mighâ—y Potentate oâ— this Realme and accustomed now to have his will in all things cannot beare to bee crossâ—d or resisted by any man though it were in his owne necessaâ—y defence Hereof I havâ— seene exâ—mples in the causes of Snowden forest in Wales of Denbighe of Killingworth of Drayton â—nd others where the paâ—â—ies that had â—nterest or thought themselves wronged had beene happy if they â—ad yeelded at the fiâ—st to hâ—s Lordships plâ—asure wiâ—hout further question for â—hen had they escaped much trouble châ—rges displeasure and vexation when by â—esistance they incurred to their great ruine and losse of life to some and in the end were faine to submit themselves unâ—o his will wiâ—h far worse conditions then in the beginning were offered unto them which thing waâ— pittifull indeed to bâ—hold but yet sâ—â—h is my Lordâ— disposition A noble disposition quoth the Gentleman thâ—t I must give hâ—m my â—oat if hee demâ—nd the â—ame and that quickly â—lso for feare lest iâ— I stagger or mâ—ke doubt therâ—of hee coâ—pell me to yeeld both coat and doublet in penance of my stay I have read of some such Tyrants abroad in the world marry their end was alwayes according to their life as it is very like that it will be also in this man for that there is smal hope of his amendment and God passeth not over commonly such matters unpunished in this life as
onely to use for a pretext and helpe whereby to place himselfe in supreame dignity and afterward whatsoever had befallen of the state the others head could never have come to other end then it enjoyed For if Queene Mary had not cut it off King John of Northumberland would have done the same in time and so all men doe well know that weâ—e privy to any of his cunning dealings And what Huntingtons secret opinion of Leycester is notwithstanding this outward shew of dependance it was my chance to learne from the mouth of a speciall man of that hasty King who was his Ledger or Agent in London and at a time falling in talke of his Masters title declared that he had heard him divers times in secret complaine to his Lady Leycesters sister as greatly fearing that in the end he would offer him wrong and pretend some title for himselfe Well quoth the Lawyer it sâ—emeth by this last point that these two Lords are cunning practitioners in the art of dissimulation but for the former whereof you speake in truth I have heard men of good discourse affirme that the Duke of Northumberland had strange devises in his head for deceiving of Suffolke who was nothing so fine as himselfe and for bringing the Crowne to his owne Family And among other devises it is thought that hee had most certaine intention to marry the Lady Mary himselfe after once hee had brought her into his owne hands and to have bestowed her Majestie that now is upon some one of his children if it should have beene thought best to give her life and so consequently to have shaken off Suffolke and his pedegree with condigne punishment for his bold behaviour in that behalfe Verily quoth I this had beene an excellent Stratageme if it had taken place But I pray you Sir how could himselfe have taken the Lady Mary to wife seeing hee was at that time married to another O quoth the Gentleman you question like a Schollar As though my Lord of Leycester had not a wife alive when hee first began to pretend marriage to the Queenes Majesty Do not you remember the story of King Richard the third who at such time as he thought best for the establishing of his title to marry his owne Neece that afterward was married to King Henry the seventh how he caused secretly to be given abroad that his owne wife was dead whom all the World knew to bee then alive and in good health but yet soone afterward she was seene dead indeed These great peâ—sonages in matters oâ— such weight as is a Kingdome have privilâ—dges to dispose of Womens bodies marriages lives and deaths as shall be thought for the time most convenient And what doe you thinke I pray you of this new Tâ—iumvirat so lately concluded about Arbellâ— for so I must call the same though one of the three persons bee no Vir but Virago I meane of the maâ—riage betweene young Denbigh and the little Daughter of Lenox wheâ—eby the Father-in-law the Grand-mother and the Uncle of the new designed Queene have conceived to themselves a singular triumphant raigne But what doe you think may ensue hereof is there nothing of the old plot of Duke John of Northumberland in this Marry Sir quoth the Lawyer if this be so I dare assure you there is sequell enough pretended hereby And first no doubt but there goeth a deep drift by the wife and sonne against old Abraham the Husband and Father with the well-lined large pouch And secondly a farre deeper by trusty Robert against his best Mistresse but deepest of all by the whole Crew against the designements of the hasty Earle who thirsteth a Kingdome with great intemperance and seemeth if there were plaine dealing to hope by these good people to quench shortly his drought But either part in truth seeketh to deceive other and therefore it is hard to say where the game in fine will rest Well howsoever that be quoth the Gentleman I am of opinion that my Lord of Leycester will use both this practise and many more for bringing the Scepter finally to his owne head and that he will not onely imploy Huntington to defeate Scotland and Arbella to defeate Huntington but also would use the marriage of the Queene imprisoned to defeat them both if she were in his hand and any one of all three to dispossesse her Majesty that now is as also the authority of all foure to bring it to himselfe with many other fetches flings and friscoes besides which simple men as yet doe not conceive And howsoever these two conjoyned Earles doe seeme for the time to draw together and to play booty yet am I of opinion that the one will beguile the other at the upshot And Hastings for ought I see when hee commeth to the scambling is like to have no better luck by the Beare then his Ancestour had once by the Boare Who using his helpe first in murdering the Sonne and Heire of King Henry the sixt and after in destroying the faithfull Friends and Kinsmen of King Edward the fift for his easier way to usurpation made an end of him also in the Tower at the the very same day and houre that the other were by his counsell destroyed in Pontfret Castle So that where the Goale and price of the game is a Kingdome there is neither faith neither good fellowship nor faire play among the Gamesters And this shall be enough for the first point viz. what good my Lord of Leycester meaneth to himselfe in respect of Huntington Touching the second whether the attempt be purposed in her Majesties dayes or no the matter is much lesse doubtfull to him that knoweth or can imagine what a torment the delay of a Kingdome is to such a one as suffereth hunger thereof and feareth that every houre may breed some alteration to the prejudice of his conceived hope Wee see oftentimes that the childe is impatient in this matter to expect the naturall end of his parents life Whom notwithstanding by nature he is enforced to love and who also by nature is like long to leave this World before him and after whose decease hee is assured to obtaine his desire but most certaine of dangerous event if he attempt to get it while yet his parent liveth Which foure considerations are no doubt of great force to containe a child in duty and bridle his desire albeit sometimes not sufficient to withstand the greedy appetite of raigning But what shall wee thinke where none of these foure considerations do restraine where the present Possessor is no parent where she is like by nature to out-live the expector whose death must needs bring infinite difficulties to the enterprise and in whose life-time the matter is most easie to be atchieved under colour and authority of the present Possessor shall we thinke that in such a case the ambitious man will over-rule his
of Edward and Richard the second as also of Henry and Edward the sixt doe sufficiently fore-warne us whose lives were prolonged untill their deaths were thought more profitable to the conspiratours and not longer And for the statute you speak of procured by themselves for establishing the incertainty of the next true successour whereas all our former statutes were wont to be made for the declaration and certainty of the same it is with Proviso as you know that it shall not endure longer then the life of her Majesty that now raigneth that is indeed no longer then untill themselves be ready to place another For then no doubt but wee shall see a faire Proclamation that my Lord of Huntington is the onely next heire with a bundle of halters to hang all such as shall dare once open their mouth for deniall of the same At these words the old Lawyer stepped back as somewhat astonied and began to make Crosses in the ayre after their fashion whereat we laughed and then he said truly my Masters I had thought that no man had conceived so evill imagination of this statute as my selfe but now I perceive that I alone am not malitious For my owne part I must confesse unto you that as often as I reade over this statute or thinke of the same as by divers occasions many times I doe I feele my selfe much greeved and afflicted in minde upon feares which I conceive what may be the end of this statute to our Countrey and what privy meaning the chiefe procurers thereof might have for their owne drifts against the Realme and life of her Majestie that now raigneth And so much more it maketh mee to doubt for that in all our records of law you shall not find to my remembrance any one example of such a devise for concealing of the true inheritour but rather in all ages states and times especially from Richard the first downeward you shall finde statutes ordinances and provisions for declaration and manifestation of the same as you have well observed and touched before And therefore this strange and new devise must needs have some strange and unaccustomed meaning and God of his mercy grant that it have not some strange and unexpected event In sight of all men this is already evident that never Countrey in the world was brought into more apparent danger of utter ruine then ours is at this day by pretence of this Statute For whereas there is no Gentleman so meane in the Realme that cannot give a guesse more or lesse who shall bee his next heire and his Tenants soone conjecture what manner of person shall be their next Lord in the title of our noble Crown whereof all the rest dependeth neither is her Majesty permitted to know or say who shall be her next successor nor her subjects allowed to understand or imagine who in right may be their future Soveraigne An intollerable injury in a matter of so singular importance For alas what should become of this our native Countrey if God should take from us her most excellent Majesty as once he will and so leave us destitute upon the sudden what should become of our lives of our states and of our whole Realme or governement can any man promise himselfe one day longer of rest peace possession life or liberty within the land then God shall lend us her Majesty to raigne over us Which albeit wee doe and are bound to wish that it may bee long yet reason telleth us that by course of nature it cannot bee of any great continuance and by a thousand accidents it may be much shorter And shall then our most noble Common-wealth and Kingdome which is of perpetuity and must continue to our selves and our posterity hang onely upon the life of her Highnesse alone well strucken in yeares and of no great good health or robustious and strong complexion I was within hearing some six or seaven yeares agoe when Sir Christopher Hatton in a very great assembly made an eloquent oration which after I wene was put in print at the pardoning and delivery of him from the gallowes that by errour as was thought had discharged his peece upon her Majesties Barge and hurt certaine persons in her Highnesse presence And in that Oration he declared and described very effectually what inestimable dammage had ensued to the Realme if her Majesty by that or any other means should have beene taken from us He set forth most lively before the eyes of all men what division what dissension what bloudshed had ensued what fatall dangers were most certaine to fall upon us whensoever that dolefull day should happen wherein no man should be sure of his life of his goods of his wife of his children no man certain whether to flie whom to follow or where to seeke repose or protection And as all the hearers there present did easily grant that he therein said truth and farre lesse then might have beene said in that behalfe things standing as they doe so many one I trow hath heard these words proceed from a Councellour that had good cause to know the state of his own Countrey entred into this cogitation what punishment they might deserve then at the whole State and Common-wealths hands who first by letting her Majesty from marriage and then by procuring this Statute of dissembling the next inheritour had brought their Realme into so evident and inevitable dangers for every one well considered and weighed with himselfe that the thing which yet only letted these dangers and miseries set downe by Sir Christopher must necessarily one day faile us all that is the life of her Majesty now present and then say we how falleth it out that so generall a calamity as must needs overtake us ere it be long and may for any thing we know to morrow next is not provided for aswell as fore-seene Is there no remedy but that wee must willingly and wittingly runne into our owne ruine and for the favour or feare of some few aspirours betray our Countrey and the bloud of so many thousand innocents as live within the land For tell mee good Sirs I pray you if her Majestie should die to morrow next whose life God long preserve and blesse but if she should be taken from us as by condition of nature and humane frailty she may what would you doe which way would you looke or what head or part knew any good subject in the Realme to follow I speake not of the conspiratours for I know they will bee ready and resolved whom to follow but I speake of the plaine simple and well-meaning subject who following now the utter letter of this fraudulent statute fraudulent I meane in the secret conceipt of the cunning aspirours shall bee taken at that day upon the sudden and being put in a maze by the unexpected contention about the Crowne shall be brought into a thousand dangers both of body
and goods which now are not thought upon by them who are most in danger of the same And this is for the Common-wealth and Countrey But unto her Majesty for whose good and safety the statute is onely pretended to be made no doubt but that it bringeth farre greater dangers then any devise that they have used besides For hereby under colour of restraining the claimes and titâ—es of true successours whose endeavours notwithstanding are commonly more calme and moderate then of usurpers they make unto themselves a meane to forster and set forward their owne conspiracy without controlement seeing no man of might may oppose himselfe against them but with suspition that he meaneth to claime for himselfe And so they being armed on the one side with their authority and force of present fortune and defended on the other side by the pretence of the statute they may securely worke and plot at their pleasure as you have well proved before that they doe And whensoever their grounds and fouxndations shall be ready it cannot be denied but that her Majesties life lyeth much at their discretion to take it or use it to their best commodity and there is no doubt but they wâ—ll as such men are wont to doe in such affaires Marry one thing standeth not in their powers so absolutely and that is to prolong her Majesties dayes or favour towards themselves at their pleasures whereof it is not unlike but they will have due consideration least perhaps upon any sudden accident they might be found unready They have good care thereof I can assure you quoth the Gentleman and meane noc to bee prevented by any accident or other mishap whatsoever they will bee ready for all events and for that cause they hasten so much their preparations at this day more then ever before by sending out their spies and sollicitours every-where to prove and confirme their friends by delivering their common watch-word by complaining on all hands of our Protestants Bishops and Clergy and of all the present state of our irreformed Religion as they call it by amplifying onely the danger of Papists and Scottish faction by giving out openly that now her Majesty is past hope of Child-birth and consequently seeing God hath given no better successe that way in two Women one after the other it were not convenient say they that another of that sexe should ensue with high commendation of the Law Salick in France whereby women are forbidden to succeed Which speech though in shew it be delivered against the Queen oâ— Scots and other of King Henrâ— the seventh his lâ—ne that discend of Sister yet all men see that it toucheth as well the disabling of her Mâ—jesty that is present as othâ—rs to come and so tendeth directly â—o Mâ—turation of the principall purpose which I have declaâ—e◠〈◊〉 Here said I foâ—â—he rest which you speake of besides the Watch word it is common and every where â—reated in tâ—lke among them but yet for the Wâ—â—ch word it selfe for that you name it I thinke Sir many knâ—w iâ— not it I were the first that told yoâ—â—he stoâ—y as perchâ—nce I was For in truth I came to it by a rare hâ—p as then I told you the thing being utâ—ered and expounded by a Baron of their owne faction to another Noble man of the same degree and religion though not of the same opinion in these affaires And for that I am requested not to utter the second who told it me in secret I must also spare the name of the first which otherwise I would not nor the time and place where he uttered the same To this said the Lawyer you doe well in that but yet I beseech you let me know this Watch word if there bee any such for mine instruction and helpe when need shall require For I assure you that this Gentlemans former speech of halters hath so terrified mee as if any should come and aske or feele my inclination in these matters I would answer them fully to their good contentment if I knew the Watch-word whereby to know them For of all things I love not to bee hanged for quarrels of Kingdomes This Watch-word is said I Whether you be setled or no and if you answer yea and seeme to understand the meaning thereof then are you knowne to be of their faction and so to bee accompted and dealt withall for things to come But if you stagger or doubt in answering as if you knew not perfectly the mistery as the Nobleman my good Lord did imagining that it had beene meant of his religion which was very well knowne to be good and setled in the Gospell then are you discried thereby either not to be of their side or else to be but a Punie not well instructed and consequently he that moveth you the question will presently break off that speech and turne to some other talke untill afterward occasion be given to perswade you or else instruct you better in that affaire Maâ—ry the Noble man whereof I spake before perceiving by the demanding that there was some mistery in covert under the question tooke hold of the words and would not suffer the propounder to slip away as he endeavoured but with much intreaty brought him at length to expound the full meaning and purpose of the riddle And this was the first occasion as I thinke whereby this secret came abroad Albeit afterwards at the publique Communions which were made throughout so ma-many Shires the matter became more common especially among the stranxgers that inhabite as you know in great numbers with us at this day All which as they say are made most assured to this faction and ready to assist the same with great forces at all occasions Good Lord quoth the Lawyer how many misteries and secrets be there abroad in the world whereof we simple men know nothing and suspect lesse This Watch-word should I never have imagined and for the great often assemblies under pretence of Communions though of themselves and of their owne nature they were unaccustomed and consequently subject to suspition yet I did never conceive so farre forth as now I doe as neither of the lodging and entertaining of so many strangers in the Realme whereof our Artizans doe complaine every-where But now I see the reason thereof which no doubt is founded upon great policy for the purpose And by this also I see that the house of Huntington presseth farre forward for the game and shouldâ—eth neare the goale to lay hands upon the same Which to tell you plainly liketh me but a little both in respect of the good will I beare to the whole Line of King Henry which hereby is like to be dispossessed as also for the misery which I doe fore-see must necessarily ensue upon our Countrey if once the challenge of Huntington take place in our Realme Which challenge being derived from the title of â—laâ—ence onely in
the House of Yorke before the union of the two great Houses raiseth up againe the old contention betweene the Families of Yoâ—ke and Lancaster wherein so much English bloud was spilt in times past and much more like to bee powred out now if the same contention should bee set on foot againe Seeing that to the controversie of Titles would bee added also the controversie of Religion which of all other differences is most dangerous Sir quoth the Gentleman now you touch a matter of consequence indeed and such as the very naming thereof maketh my heart to shake and tremble I remember well what Philip Cominus setteth downe in his History of our Countries calamity by that contention of those two Houses distinguished by the Red Rose and the White but yet both in their Armes might justly have borne the colour of Red with a fierie sword in a black field to signifie the abundance of bloud and mortality which ensued in our Countrey by that most wofull and cruell contention I will not stand here to set downe the particulars observed gathered by the foresaid author though a stranger which for the most part he saw himselfe while hee lived about the Duke of Burgundy and King Lewes of France of that time namely the pittifull description of divers right Noble men of our Realme who besides all other miseries were driven to begge openly in forraine Countries and the like Mine owne observation in reading over our Country affaires is sufficient to make me abhorre the memory of that time and to dread all occasion that may â—ead us to the like in time to come seeing that in my judgement neither the Civill warres of Marius and Silla or of Pompey and Caesar among the Romanes nor yet the Guelphians and Gibilines among the Italians did ever worke so much woe as this did to our poore Countrey Wherein by reason of the contention of Yorke and Lancaster were foughten sixteene or seventeen pitched fields in lesse then an hundred yeares That is from the eleventh or twelfth yeare of King Richard the second his raigne when this controversie first began to bud up unto the thirteenth yeare of K. Henry the seventh At what time by cutting off the chiefe titler of Huntingtons house to wit yong Edward Plantaginet Earle of Warwick Son and Heire to George Duke of Clarence the contention most happily was quenched and ended wherein so many fields as I have said were foughten between Brethren and Inhabitants of our owne Nation And therein and otherwise onely about the same quarrel were slaâ—â— murdered and made away about nine or ten Kings and Kings Sonnes besides above forty Earles Marquesses and Dukes of name but many more Lords Knights and great Gentlemen and Captaines and of the Common people without number and by particular conjecture very neare two hundred thousand For that in one Battell fought by King Edward the fourth there are recorded to be slaine on both parts five and thirty thousand seven hundred and eleven persons besides others wounded and taken prisoners to be put to death afterward at the pleasure of the Conquerour at divers Battels after ten thousand slaine at a Battell And in those of Barnet and Tukesbury fought both in one yeare This suffered our afflicted Country in those dayes by this unfortunate and deadly contention which could never be ended but by the happy conjunction of those two Houses tâ—gether in Henry the seventh neither yet so as appeareth by Chronicle untill as I have said the state had cut off the issue male oâ— the Duke of Clarence who was cause of divers perilâ— to King Henry the sevenâ—h though he were in prison By whose Sister the faction of Huntinâ—ton at thiâ— day doth seeke to raise up the same contention againe with farre greater danger both to the Reaâ—mâ— and to her Majesty that now raigneth then ever before And for the Realme it is evident by that it givetâ— roome to strangers Competitours of the House oâ— Lancaster better able to maintaine their owne titlâ— by sword then ever was any of that linage before tâ—em And for her Majesties perill present it is nothing hard to conjecturâ— seeing the same title in thâ— fore-said Earle of Warwick was so dangerous anâ— troublesome to her Grandfather by whom she holdeth as hee was faine twiâ—â— to take armâ—s in defence of his right against the said title which was in those dayes preferred and advanced by the friendâ— of Clarence before that of Henry as also this of Huntington is at this day by his faction before that of her Majesty though never so unjustly Touching Huntingtons title before her Majesty quoth the Lawyer I will say nothing because in reason I see not by what pretence in the World he may thrust himselfe so farre forth seeing her Majesty is descendâ—d not onely of the House of Lancaste but also before him most apparentâ—y from the House of Yorke it selfe as from the eldest Daughter of Kâ—ng Edwâ—rd the fourth being the eldest Brother of that House Whereas Huntington claimeth onely by the Daughter of George Duke of Clarence the younger Broâ—her Marry yet I must confesse that if the Earle of Warwicks title were better then that of King Henry the seventh which is most false though many attempted to defend the same by sword then hath Huntâ—ngton some wrong at this day by her Majesty Albeit in very truth the atâ—aints of so many of his Ancestours by whom he claâ—mâ—th would answer him also sufficiently in that behalfe if his title were otherwise allowable But I know besides this they have another fetch of King Richard the third whereby he would needs prove hâ—s elder Brother King Edwaâ—d to bee a Bastard and consequently his whole line aswell male as female to be void Which devise though it be ridiculous and was at that time when it was first invented yet as Richard found at that time a Doctor Shaw that shamed not to publish and defend the same at Pauls Crosse in a Sermon and John of Northumberland my Lord of Lâ—yceâ—â—ers Father found out divers Preachers in his time to set up the title of Suffolke to debase the right of K. Henries daughter both in London Cambridge Oxford and other places most apparently against all Law and reason so I doubt not but these men would finde out also both Shawes Sands and others to set out the title of Clareâ—ce before the whole interest of King Henry the seventh and his posterity if occasion served Which is a point of importance to bee considered by her Majesty albeit for my part I meane not not now to stand thereupon but onely upon that other of the House of Lancaster as I have said For as that most honourable lawfull and happy conjunction of the two adversary Houses in King Henry the seventh and his Wife made an end of the shedding of English bloud within it selfe and brought us that most
desired peace which ever since wee have enjoyed by the raigne of their two most noble issue so the plot that now is in hand for the cutting off the residue of that issue and for recalling backe of the whole Title to the House of Yorke againe is like to plung us deeper then ever in civile discord and to make us the bait of all forraine Princes seeing there be among them at this day some of no small power as I have said who pretend to bee the next heires by the House of Lancaster and consequently are not like to give over or abandon their owne right if once the doore bee opened to contention for the same by disanulling the Line of King Henry the seventh wherein onely the keyes of all concord remaine knit together And albeit I know well that such as be of my Lord of Huntingtons party will make small accompt of the Title 〈◊〉 Lancasteâ— as lesse rightfull a great deale then that of Yorke and I for my part meane not greatly to avow the same as now it is placed being my selfe no favourer of forraine Titles yet indifferent men have to consider how it was taken in times past and how it may againe in time to come if contention should arise how many Noble personages of our Realme did offer themselves to die in defence thereof how many Oaths and Lawes were given and received throughout the Realme for maintenance of the same against the other House of Yorke for ever how many worthy Kings were crowned and raigned of that House and Race to wit the foure most Noble Henries one after another the fourth the fift the sixt and the seventh who both in number government sanctity courage and feats of armes were nothing inferiour if not superiour to those of the other House and Line of Yorke after the division betweene the Families It is to bee considered also as a speciall signe of the favour and affection of our whole Nation unto that Family that Henry Earle of Richmond though discending but of the last Sonne and third Wife of John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster was so respected for that onely by the universall Realme as they inclined wholly to call him from banishment and to make him King with the deposition of Richard which then ruled of the House of Yorke upon condition onely that the said Henry should take to Wife a Daughter of the contrary Family so great was in those dayes the affection of English hearts towards the Line of Lancaster for the great worthinesse of such Kings as had raigned of that Race how good or bad soever their Title were which I stand not here at this time to discusse but onely to insinuate what party the same found in our Realme in times past and consequently how extreame dangerous the contention for the same may be hereafter especially seeing that at this day the remainder of that Title is pretended to rest wholly in a stranger whose power is very great Which we Lawyers are wont to esteeme as a point of no smaâ—l importance for justifying of any mans title â—o a Kingdome You Lawyers want not reason in that Sir quoth I howsoever you want right for if you will examine the succession of governements from the beginning of the Wâ—rld untill this day either among Gentile Jew or Christian people you shall finde that the sword haâ—h â—eene alwayes bâ—tter thâ—n halfe the title to get estâ—bliâ—h or maintaâ—ne a Kingdome which maketh 〈◊〉 â—hâ—â—ore apalled to heare you discourse in such sort of new contentions and forraine titles accompanied wâ—th such power and strength of the titlers which cannot bee but infinitely dangerous and fatall to our Realme if once it come to actâ—on both for the division thâ—t is like to be at home and the variety of partâ—es from abâ—oad For as the Prince whoâ— you signifie will not faile by all likelyhood to pursue his title with all forces that hee can make if occasion were offered so reason of state and policy will enforce other Princes adjoyning to let and hinder him therein what they can and so by this meanes shâ—ll we become Juda and Isrâ—el among our selves one killing and vexing the othâ—r with the sword and to forraine Princes we shall be as the Iland of Salamina was in old time to the Athenians and Megatians and as the Iland of Cicilia was afterward to the Grecians Carthaginians and Romans and as in our dayes the Kingdome of Naples hath beene to the Spaniards French-men Germans and Venetians That is a bait to feed upon and a game to fight for Wherefore I beseech the Lord to avert from us all occasions of such miseries And I pray you Sir for that wee are fallen into the mention of these matters to take so much paines as to open unto me the ground of these controversies so long now quiet betweene Yorke and Lancaster seeing they are now like to bee raised againe For albeit in generall I have heard much thereof yet in particular I either conceive not or remember not the foundation of the same and much lesse thâ— state of their severall titles at this day for that it is a study not properly pertaining unto my profession The controversie betweene the Houses of Yorke and Lancaster quoth the Lawyer took his actuall beginning in the issue of King Edward the third who died somewhat more then two hundred yeares agone but the occasion pretence or cause of that quarrell began in the children of King Henry the third who died an hundred yeares before that and left two Sonnes Edward who was King after him by the name of Edward the first and was Grandfather to Edward the third and Edmond for his deformity called Crookebacke Earle of Lancaster and beginner of that House whose inheritance afterward in the fourth discent fell upon a Daughter named Blanch who was married to the fourth Son of King Edward the third named John of Gaunt for that he was borne in the City of Gaunt in Flanders and so by this his first wife hee became Duke of Lancaster and heire of that House And for that his Son Henry of Bolingbrooke afterward called King Henry the fourth pretended among other things that Edmond Crookeback great Grandfather to Blanch his mother was the elder Sonne of King Henry the third and unjustly put by the inheritance of the Crowne for that he was Crook-backed and deformed hee tooke by force the Kingdome from Richard the second Nephew to King Edward the third by his first Sonne and placed the same in the House of Lancaster where it remained for three whole discents untill afterward Edward Duke of Yorke descended of Iohn of Gaunts yonger brother making claime to the Crowne by title of his Grandmother that was heire to Lionel Duke of Clarence Iohn of Gaunts elder Brother tooke the same by force from Henry the sixt of the House of Lancaster and brought it backe againe to the
thought so quoth the Duke and not without great cause for as the white Paulfrey when he standeth in the stable and is well provendred is proud and fierce and ready to leape on every other horses back still neying and prauncing and troubling all that stand about him but when he is once out of his hot stable and deprived a little of his case and fat feeding every boy may ride and master him at his pleasure so is it quoth he with my Lord of Arundell Whereat many marvelled that were present to heare so insolent speech passe from a man of judgement against a Peere of the Realme cast into calamity But you would more have marvelled quoth the Gentleman if you had seene that which I did afterward which was the most base and abject behaviour of the same Duke to the same Earle of Arundel at Cambridge and upon the way towards London when this Earle was sent to apprehend and bring him up as prisoner If I should tell you how he fell down on his knees how he wept how he besought the said Earle to be a good Lord unto him whom a little before he had so much contemned and reproached you would have said that himselfe might as well be compared to this his white Paulfrey as the other Albeit in this I will excuse neither of them both neither almost any of these great men who are so proud and insolent in their prosperous fortune as they are easily led to contemne any man albeit themselves bee most contemptible of all others whensoever their fortune beginneth to change and so will my L. of Leicester be also no doubt at that day though now in his wealth he triumph over all and careth not whom or how many he offend and injure Sir therein I beleeve you quoth I for wee have had sufficient tryall already of my Lords fortitude in adversity His base and abject behaviour in his last disgrace about his marriage well declared what hee would doe in a matter of more importance His fawning and flattering of them whom he hated most his servile speeches his feigned and dissembled teares are all very well knowne Then Sir Christopher Hatton must needs be enforced to receive at his hands the hâ—nourable and great office of Chamberlainship of Chester for that he would by any meanes reâ—gne the same unto him whether he would or no and made him provide not without his charge to receive the same though his Lordship never meant it as after wel appeared For that the present pange being past it liked my Lord to fulfill the Italian Proverbe of such as in dangers make vowes to Saints Scampato il pericolo gabbato il santo the danger escaped the Saint is deceived Then and in that necessity no men of the Realm were so much honoured commended served by him as the noble Chamberlaine deceased and the good Lord Treasurer yet living to whom at a certaine time he wrote a letter in all fraud and base dissimulation and caused the same to be delivered with great cunning in the sight of her Majesty and yet so as to shew a purpose that it should not be seen to the end her Highnesse might rather take occasion to call for the same and read it as she did For Mistris Francis Hâ—ward to whom the stratagem was committed playing her part dexterously offered to deliver the same to the Lord Treasurer neare the doâ—re of the withdrawing Chamber he then comming from her Majesty And to draw the eye and attention of her Highnesse the more unto iâ— shee let fall the paper before it touched the treasurers hand and by that occasion brought her Majesty to call for the same Which after she had read and considered the stile together with the metall and constitution of him that wrote it and to whom it was lent her Highnesse could not but breake forth in laughter with detestation of such absurd and abject dissimulation sayâ—ng unto my Lord Treasurer there presâ—nt my Lord believe him not for if he had you in like case he would play the Beare with you though at this present hee fawne upon you never so fast But now Sir I pray you goe forward in your speech of Scotland for there I remember you left off when by occasion we fell into these digressions Well then quoth the Gentleman to returâ—e againe to Scotland as you move from whence wee have digressed most certaine and evident it is to all the world that all the broyles troubles and dangers procured to the Prince in that countrey as also the vexations of them who any way are thought to favour that title in our owne Realme doe proceed from the drift and complot of these conspirators Which besides the great dangers mentionâ—d before both domesticall and forraine temporall and of religion must needs inferre great jeopardy also to her Maiesties person and present reign that now governeth through the hope and heat of the aspirâ—rs ambition inflamed and increased so much the more by the nearenesse of their desired prey For as souldiers entred into the hope of a rich and well furnished Citie are more fierce and furious when they have gotten and beaten downe the Bullwaâ—ks round about and as the greedy Burglâ—rer that hath pierced and broken downe man waâ—ls to come to a treasure is lesse patient of stay stop and delay when he commeth in sight of â—hat which he desireth or perceiveth only some partition of wane skot or the like betwixt his fingers and the cofers or monie bags so theâ—e men whâ—n they shall see the succession of Scotland extinguished together with all friends and favourâ—rs thereof which now are to her Majesty as Bullwarks and wals and great obstacles to the aspirors and when they shall see onely her Maiâ—sties life and person to stand betwixt them and their fierie desires for they make little account of all other Competitors by King Hâ—nries line no doubt but it will bee to them a great prick and spurre to dispatch Her Majestie also the nature of both Earles being well considered whereof the one killed his own wife as hath been shewed before onely upon a little vaine hope of marriage with a Queene and the other being so farre blinded and borne away with the same furious fume most impotent itching humor of ambition as his owne mother when she was alive seemed greatly to feare his fingers if once the matter should come so neare as her life had onely stood in his way For which cause the good old Countesse was wont to pray God as I have heard divers say that she might dye before her Majesty which happily was granted unto her to the enâ— that by standing in her sonnes way who she saw to her grief furiously bent to weare a Crown there might not some dangerous extremiâ—y grow to her by that nearenesse And if his owne mother feared this mischance whâ—t may her Majesty doubt
hee was going towards the place of his appoynted destiny there was given up into his hands a detection of the whole treason with request to read the same presently which he upon confidence omitted to doe Wee read also of Alexander the great how hee was not onely forbidden by a learned man to enter into Babylon whither he was then going for that there was treason meant against him in the place but also that he was foretold of Antipaters mischievous meaning against him â—n particular Buâ— the yong Prince hâ—ving so well deserved of Antipatâ—r could not bâ— brought to mistâ—ust the man that was so deaâ—e unto him and by that meanes was poysoned in a banquâ—t by three sons of Antipater which were of most credit and confidence in the Kings Chamber Here truly my heart did somewhat tremble with feare horror and detâ—station of such events And I said unto the Gentlemâ—n I beseech you Sir to talke no more of these matters for I cannot well abide to heare them named hoping in the Lord thâ—t there is no câ—use nor ever shâ—ll be to doubt the like in England especially from thâ—se mâ—n who are so much bound to her Majesty and so forward in seeking out and pursuing all such aâ— may be tâ—ought to be dâ—ngerous to her Majesties peâ—son as by the â—undâ—y late executions wee have have seâ—n and by the punishments every way of Papists we mâ—y perceive Truth it is quoth the Gentlemâ—n that justice hath bin done upon divers of late which contenteth me gâ—eatly for the terrouâ— and râ—straint of others of what sect or religion soâ—ver they be And it is most necâ—ssary doubtles for the compressing of paâ—tiâ—s that greâ—t vigilance be used in thaâ— behalfe But when I consider that only one kind of men are touched heâ—ein and that all speeâ—h regard doubt distrust â—nd watch is of them alone without reflection of eye upon other mens doings or dâ—signements when I see the double diligence and vehemency of câ—rtaine instruments which I like not bent wholly to raise wonder and admiration of the people feare terrour and attention to the dâ—inâ—s sayings and meanings of one part or â—action alone and of that namely and only which these conspirators esteem for most dangerous and opposite to themselves I am beleeve me often tempted to suspect fraud and false measure and that these men deale as wolves by nature in other Countries are wont to do Which going together in great numbers to assaile a flocke of sheep by night doe set some one or two of their company upon the wind side of the fold a far off who parly by their sent and oâ—her bruteling which of purpose they make may draw the dogs and shepheards to pursue them alone whiles the other doe enter and slay the whole flock Or as rebels that meaning to surprize a Town to turne away the Inhabitants from considering of the danger and from defence of that place where they intend to enter doe set on fire some other parts of the Towne further off and doe sound a false alarme at some gate where is meant least danger Which art was used cunningly by Richard D. of Yorke in the time of King Henrie the sixt when he to cover his owne intâ—nt brought all the Realme in doubt of the doings of Edmond Duke of Somerset his enemy But Iohn of Northamberland father to my Lord of Leycester used the same art much more skilfully when hee put all England in a maze and musing of the Protector and of his friends as though nothing could be safe about the yong King untill they were suppressâ—d and consequently all brought into his owne authority without obstacle I speake not this to excuse Papists or to wish them any way spared wherein they offend but onely to signifie that in a Countrey where so potent factions bee it is not safe to suffer the one to make it selfe so puissant by pursuit of the other as afterwards the Prince must remaine at the devotion of the stronger but rather as in a body molested and troubled with contrarie humours if all cannot be purged the best Physick is without all doubt to reduce and hold them at such an equality as destruction may not be feared of the predominant To this said the Lawyer laughing yea marry Sir I would to God your opinion might prevaile in this matter for then should wee bee in other tearmes then now we are I was not long since in company of a cetaine honourable Lady of the Court who after some speech passed by Gentlemen that were present of some apprehended and some executed and such like affâ—ires brake into a great complaint of the present time and therewith I assure you moved all the hearers to griefe as women you know are potent in stirring of affections and caused them all to wish that her Majesty had beene nigh to have heard her words I doe well remember quoth she the first dosen yeares of her Highnesse reigne how happy pleasant and quiet they were with all manner of comfort and consolation There was no mention then of fâ—ctions in religion neither was any man much noted or rejected for that cause so otherwise his conversation were civill and couâ—teous No suspition of treason no talke of bloudshed no complaint of troubles miseries or vexations All was peace all was love all was joy all was delight Her Mâ—jestie I am sure took more Recreation at that time in one day than shee doth now in a whole week and wee that served her Highnesse enjoyed more contentation in a weeke than we can now in divers yeares For now there are so many suspitions every where for this thing and for that as we cannot tell whom to trust So mâ—ny melancholick in the Court that seem male-contented so many complayning or suing for their friends that are in trouble others slip over the Sea or retire themselves upon the suddaine so many tales brought us of this or that danger of this man suspected of that man sent for up and such lâ—ke unpleasant â—nd unsavorie stuffe as we can never almost bee merry one whole day together Wherefore quoth this Lady wee that are of her Majesties traine and speciall service and doe not onely feele these things in our selves but much more in the grief of her most excellent Majesty whom we see dayly molested herewith being one of the best natures I am sure that ever noble Princesse was indued withall wee cannot but mone to behold contentions advanced so far forth as they are and we could wish most heartily that for the time to come these matters might passe with such peace friendship and tranquillity as they doe in other Countryes where difference in religion breaketh not the band of good fellowship or fidelity And with this in a smiling manner she brake off asking pardon of the company if she had spoken her opinion over boldly like a woman To whom answered a Courtier that
affaire is not what were convenient but what is expedient not what ought to bee done in justice but what may bee done in safety You have described my Lord before to be a great man strongly furnished and fortified for a â—events What if it be not secure to bark at the Bear that is so wel britched I speak unto you but that which I heare in Cambrâ—dge and other places where I have passed where every mans opinion is that her Mâ—jesty standeth not in free choyse to doe what her selfe best liketh in thâ—t case at this day I know said the Gentleman that Leicesters friends give it out every where that her Maiesty now â—s their good Lords prisoner and that shee eithâ—r will or muâ—â— be directed by him for the time to come except she will do worse Which thing his Lordship is well contented should bee spread abroad and believed for two causes the one to hold the people thereby more in awe of himself than of their â—overaign and secondly to dâ—aw her Majesty indeed by degrees to fear him For considering with himâ—elfe what hee hath done and that it is impâ—ssible in truth that ever her Majesty should love him again or trust him aâ—ter so many treacheries as he well knoweth are comâ— to her Highnes understanding he thinketh that he hath no way of sure standing but by terror and opinion of his puissâ—nt greatnesse wherby he would hold her Majesty and the Realme in thraldome as his father did in his time before him And then for that he wel remembreth the true saying Malus custoâ— diuturnitatis metus he muâ—t provide shortly that those which feare him be not able to hurt him and consequently you know what must follow by the example of K. Edward who feared Duke Dudley extreamly for that he had cut off his two Vncles heads and the Duke took order that he should never live to revenge the same For it is a setled rule of Machiavel which the Dudlies doe observe That wher you have once done a great injury there must you never forgive But I will tell you my friends and I will tell you no uÌ„â—ruth for that I know what I speak herein and am privie to the state of my Lord in this behalfe and of mens opinions and affections towards him within the Realme Most certaine it is that hee is strong by the present favour of the Prince as hath bin shewed before in respect wherof he is â—dmitted also as chief patron of the Huntington faction though neither loved nor greatly trusted of the same but let her Mâ—jesty once turn her couâ—tenance aside from him in good earnest and speak but the word only that iustice shall take place against him â—nd I will undertake with gaging of both my life and little lands that God hath given me that without â—â—ur or trouble or any danger in the world the Beare shall be taken to her Majesties hand and fast chained to a stake with mouzell cord collar and ring and all other things necessâ—ry so that her Majesty shal baâ—t him at her pleasure without all danger of byting breaking loose or any othâ—r inconvenience whatsoever For Sirs you must not think that this man holdeth any thing abroad in the Realme but by violence and that onely upon her Majesties favour and countenance towards him He hath not any thing of his owne either from his ancestors or of himselfe to stay upon in mens hearts or conceits he hath not ancient Nobility as other of our realm have wherby mens affections are greatly moved His father John Dudley was the first noble of his line who raised and made himselfe big by supplanting of other and by setting debate among the Nobilitie as also his grandfather Edmond a most wicked Promoter and wretched Petifogger enriched himselfe by other mens ruines both of them condemned Traitors though different in quality the one being a consener and the other a tyrant and both of their vices conjoyned collected and comprised with many more additions in this man or beast rather which is Robert the third of their kin and kind So that from his ancestors this Lord receiveth neither honour nor honesty but onely succession of treason and infamy And yet in himselfe hath he much lesse of good wherewith to procure himselfe love or credit among men than these ancestors of his had hee being a man wholy abandoned of humane vertue and devoted to wickednes which maketh men edible both to God and man In his father no doubt there were to be seen many excellent good parts if they had been joyned with faith honesty moderation and loyalty For all the world know· that he was very wise valiant magnanimous liberall and assured friendly where he once promised of all which vertues my Lord his son hath neither shew nor shadow but onely a certaine false representation of the first being craftie and subtile to deceive and ingenious to wickednesse For as for valour he hath as much as hath a mouse his magnanimity is base sordidity his liberality rapine his friendshâ—p plaine fraud holding onely for his gaine and no otherwise though it were bound with a thousand oathes of which he maketh as great account as hens doe of cackling but onely for his commodity using them specially and in gryatest number when most he meaneth to deceive Namely if he sweare solemnly by his George or by the eternall God then be sure it is a false lye for these are observations in the Court and sometimes in his owne lodging in like case his manner is to take up and sweare by the Bible whereby a Gentleman of good account and one that seemeth to follow him as many do that like him but a little protested to me of his knowledge that in a very short space hee observed him wittingly and willingly to be forsworn sixteen times This man therefore so contemptible by his ancestors so odible of himselfe so plunged overwhelmed and defamed in all vice so envyed in the Court so detested in the Country and not trusted of his owne and dearest friends nay which I am privie to so misliked and hated of his owne servants about him for his beastly life nigardy and Atheisme being never seene yet to say one private prayer within his chamber in his life as they desire nothing in this world so much as his ruine and that they may be the first to lay hands upon him for revenge This man I say so broken both within without is it possible that her Majesty and her wise Councell should feare I can never believe it or if it be so it is Gods permission without all cause for punishment of our sins for that this man if he once perceive indeed that they feare him will handle them accordingly and play the Beare indeed which inconvenience I hope they will have care to prevent and so I leave it to God and them craving pardon of my Lord of Leicester for my
boldnes if I have been too plain with him And so I pray you let us goe to supper for I see my seruant expecting yonder at the Gallery doore to call us downe To that said the Lawyer I am content with all my heart and I would it had beene sooner for that I am afraid lest any by chance have ovâ—rheard us here since night For my owne part I must say that I have not been at such a conference this seven years nor meane to bee hereafter if I may escape well with this whereof I am sure I shall dreame this fortnight and thinke oftner of my Lord of Leicester than ever I had intended God amend him and me both But if ever I heare at other hands of these matters hereafter I shall surely be quake britch and thinke every bush a theefe And with that came up the Mistris of the house to fetch us down to supper and so all was husht saving that at supper a gentleman or two began again to speak of my Lord and that so coâ—formable to some of our former speech as indeed it is the common talke at tables every where that the old Lawyer begâ—n to shrink and be appâ—led and to cast dry looks upon the Gentleman ouâ— friend doubting lest something hâ—d been discoverâ—d of our confeâ—ence But indeed it was not so Pia et utilis Meditatio desumpta ex libro Iobi Cap 20. HOc scio a principio ex quo positus est homo supeâ— terram quod laus impiorum brevis sit et gaudium hypocritae ad instaâ— puncti Si ascenderit usque ad coelum superbia ejus et caput ejus nubes tetigerit quasi sterquilinium in fine perdetur et qui eum viderant dicent ubi est velut somnium avolans non invâ—nietur transiet sicut visio nocturna Oculus qui eum viderat non videbit neque ultra intuebitur eum locus suâ—s Filii eius atterentur egestate manus illius reddent es laborem suum Ossa eius implebuntur vitiis adolescentiae ejus cum eo in pulvere dormient Paâ—is eius in utero illius vertetur in fâ—l aspidum intrinsecus Divitias quas devoravit evomet et de venâ—re illius extrabet eas Deus Caput aspidum surget occidet cum lingua viprae Luet quae fecit omnia nec tamen consumetur Iuxta multitudinem adinventionum suarum sic et sustinebit QuoniaÌ„ coÌ„fringens nudabit pauperes domum rapuit non aedificavit eam nec est satiatas venter eius cum habuerit quae concupierit possidere non poterit Non reman sit de cibo eius propterea non permanebit de bonis eius CuÌ„ satiatus fuerit arctabitur aestuabit omnis dolor irruet super eum Vtinam impleatur venter eius ut immiâ—tat in â—ú Deus iâ—aÌ„ fuâ—oris sui pluat super illum bellum suum Fugiet arma ferrea irruet in arcum aereum Gladius eductus egrediens de vagina sua fulgurans in amaritudine sua Omnes tenebrae absconditae sunt in occultis eius Devorabit eum ignis qui non succenditur affligetur relictus in tabernaculo suo Apertum â—â—it geâ—men domus illius detrabetur in de furoris dei Haecest pars bominis impii à deo hereditas verborum ejus à domino A Godly and profitable Meditation taken out of the 20. Chapter of the Booke of Job THis I know from the first that man was placed upon earth that the praise or applause given to wicked men endureth but a little anâ— the joy of an hypocrite is but for a momenâ— Though his pride were so great as to mount tâ— heaven and his head should touch the skyes yeâ— in the end shall hee come to perdition as a dunâ—hill and they who beheld him in glory beforâ— shall say where is he he shall be found as a flâ—ing dreame and as a phantasie by night shall 〈◊〉 away The eye that beheld him before shall 〈◊〉 more see him nor yet shall his place of honouâ— ever more behold him His children shall be worâ—out with beggeâ—ie and his owne hands shall râ—turne upon him his sorrow His olâ— bones 〈◊〉 be replenished with the vices of his youth are they shall sleep with him in his grave His breaâ— in his belly shâ—l be turned inwardly into the 〈◊〉 of Serpents The riches which hee hath devouâ—â—â— he shall vomit forth againe and God shâ—ll 〈◊〉 them forth of his belly He shall suck thâ— head 〈◊〉 Cocatrices and the venemous â—ongues of addâ—â— shall slay him He shall sustaine due punishmeâ—â— for all the wickednes that he hath committed 〈◊〉 yet shall he have end or consummation thereoâ— Hee shall suffer according to the multitude of 〈◊〉 his wicked inventions For that by violence heâ— hath spoyled the poore made havock of his houâ—â— and not builded the same His womb is never satisfied yet when he hath that which he desired he shall not bee able to possesse the same There remaineth no part of his meat for the poore and therefore there shall remaine nothing of his goods When his belly is full then shall he begin to be straitned then shall he sweat and all kinde of sorrow shall rush upon him I would his belly were once full that God might send out upon him the rage of his fury and raine upon him his war He shall flye away from Iron weapons and run upon a bow of brasse A drawne sword comming out of his skabard shall flash as lightning in his bitternesse All daâ—knesse lye hidden for him in secret the fire that needeth no kindling shâ—ll devoure him and hee shall be tormented alone in his tabernacle The off-spring of his house shall be made open and pulled down in the day of Gods fury This is the portion of a wicked man from God and this is the inheritance of his substance from the Lord. FINIS LEICESTER'S GHOST Printed Anno Dom. MDCXLI LEICESTER'S GHOST J That sometimes shin'd like the orient Sunne Though Foâ—tunâ—s subject yet a puissant Lord Am now an object to be gaz'd upon An abject rather fit to be deplor'd Dejected now that whilome was ador'd Affected once suspected since of many Rejected now reâ—pected scarce of any My Spirit hovering in the foggie aire Since it did passe the frozen Stygian flood Vnto great Britâ—ines Empire did repaire Where of ELIZA's death I understood And that the heavens carefull of Englands good Rais'd up a King who crowned with loves peace Brought in new soyes made old griefes to ceaâ—â— Thus from the concave vaults of starlesse night Where neither sunne nor moone vouchsafâ— to shire My wretched Ghost aâ— length is come to light By charâ—ers granted from the powers divine Snake-eating envie ô doe not repine At honouâ—s-shâ—dow doe not bite the dead My pride is past my pompe from th' earth is fleâ— My
when this brave Lord was dead I for my selfe did this faire Lady chuse And flesh is fraile deare Lady me excuse It was pure love that made me undertake This haplesse recontract with thee to make Now in Joves pallace that good Lord doth sup And drinkâ— full bowles of Nector in the skie Hunnies his pâ—ge that tasted of that cup Did onely loose his hâ—ire and did not dye True-noble Earle thy fame to heaven doth flye He doth repent his fault and pâ—rdon crave That marr'd thy bed and too soon made thy grave Thou didst behinde thee leave a matchlesse Sonne A peerelâ—sse paterne for all princâ—ly peeres Whose spaâ—ks of glory in my time begun Kindled wâ—th hope flâ—m'd highly in few yeeres But death him struâ—k and drown'd this land in teares His Sonne doth live true imâ—ge of him dead To grace this soil whâ—re showers of tears were shed Thâ—y were to blame that said the Queen should marry With me her Hors keeper for so they call'd me But thou Throgmarton whâ—ch â—his tale didst carry From France to England hast more shâ—rply gall'd me Sith my good Qâ—eene in office high extold me For I was Mâ—ster of her Highnesse Horse I scorne thy words which did my hate inforce But tell me then how didst thou likâ— thy fare When I to supper last did thee invite If I did rid thee of a world of care By giving â—hee a Salet gentle Knight With gastly lookes doe not my soule affrâ—ght Lester I was whom England once did dread But now I am like thee Throgmarton dead My Lord of Sussex was too cholerick That call'd me traitor and a traitors sonne But I serv'd him a fine Italian triâ—k Had not I done so I had bin undone Now marke the end what conquest hath he won A litle scruple that to him I sent Did purge his choler till hâ—s life was spent He was a gallant Noble man indeed O but his life did still my life decrease Therefore I sent him with convenient speed To rest amongst his ancestors in peace â—y rage was pacifi'd at his decease And now I come t' imbrace his love too late Him did I love whom living I did hate I came to visit as I chanc'd to walke My Lady of Lenox whom I found not well I took her by the hand hâ—d private talke And so departed a short tale to tell When I was gone into a flux she fell That never ceast her company to keep Till it had brought her to a senslesse sleep I dream'd she had not many dayes to live And this my dreame did shortly fall out true So as her Ghostly Father I did give Some comfort to her soule for well I knew That she would shortly bid the world adiew Some say I gave such physick as did spill her But I suppose that mâ—ere conceit did kill her Some will object perhaps I did pretend To meet the Earle of Ormond on a day In single fight our quarrell for to end But did command my servant Killygray To lye in ambush that stout Lord to slay But heaven did not consent to work his spoile That was the glory of the Irish soile Perhâ—ps I doubted that I was too weake And loath I was he should the conquest win If in this cause I did my promise breake I hope men will not count it for a sin Is it not gâ—od to sleep in a whole skin When Hannibal could not prevaile by blowes He used stratagems to kill his foes If I the death of Monsieur Simiers fought When he from France Ambâ—ssadour was sent I had just cause to seeke it as I thought For towards me he bore no good intent Had he not fled betimes perhaps I ment T' have sent him in embassage for my pleasure To the black king that keeps Avernus treasuâ—e For when no man about the Court durst speak That I the Lady Lettice married This pratling Frenchman first the ice did breake And to the Quâ—ene the fact discovered Which not without just cause the anger bred Thus th'ape did play his part control'd of none When he espi'd the Beare from home was gone One Salvadore an Italian borne Having once wâ—tâ—ht with me till mid'st of night Was found slaine in his bed the next day morne Alas poore man I ruâ— his wofull plight That did in nothing but in sinne deâ—ight Had he to honest actions bent his wit He might have longer liv'd and scap'd this fit But what reward should such a man expect Whom gold to any lewdnesse could entice Ones turne once serv'd why should we not reject So vilde an instrument of damned vâ—ce What if he were dispâ—tched in a trice Was it not better this mans blood to spill Then let him live the world with sinne to â—il I doubted lest that Dâ—ughty would bewray My counsell and with othâ—rs party tâ—ke Wherefore the sooner him to rid away I sent him forth to sea with Captaine Dâ—â—kâ— Who knew how t' entertain him for my sake Before he went his lot by me was câ—st His death was plotted and perform'd in hast He hoped well but I did so dispose That he at Port St. Iulian lost his head Having no time permitted to disclose The inward griefes that in his heart were bred We need not feare the biting of the dead Now let him goe transported to the seas And tell my secrets to th' Antipodes My servant Gates did speed as ill or worse To whom I did my close intents impart And at his need with money stuft his purse And wil'd him still take courage at his heart Yet in the end he felt the deadly smart He was inveigled by some subtle witted To rob so he was taken and committed Of pardon I did put him still in hope When he of felony was guilty found And so condemn'd till his last friend the Pope Did him uphold from falling to the ground What hope of grace where vice did so abound He was beguil'd like birds that use to gape At Zâ—uxes table for a painted grape Yet I did to the man no injury And gave him time and leasure to repent And well he knew he had deserv'd to dye Therefore all future mischiefe to prevent I let him slip away with my consent For his reprivall lâ—ke a crafty Fox I sent no pardon but an empty Box. Else as unfaithfull Banester betraid The Dâ—ke of Buckinghâ—m his Master deare When he of Richards tyranny afraid Fled to his servants house for succour there So might my man for gaine or forc'd for feare Have brought my corps with shame unto my grave By too much trusting on a paltry knave Me seems at me great Norfolkes Duke doth frowne Because he thinkes I did his death contrive Perswading some he aimed at the Crowne And that by royall match he meant to strive A kingdome to his Lordship to revive Alas good Dâ—ke he was too meek and milde And I too faithlesse that his trust beguil'd For that I found his humour first was bent To take the
Scots captived Queen to wife I â—gg'd him on to follow his intent That by this meanes I might abridge his life And she a crowned Queen to stint all strife First finding Scotland lost to England fled Where she in hope of succour lost head O blessed Spirits live yee evermore Iâ— heavenly Sion where your maker reignes And give me leave my fortunes to deplore That am fast fetterd with sins iron chaines Mans most sweet joys are mixt with some foul pains And doâ—h he live of high or low degree In life or death that can from woe be free Ah now my tongue growes weary to recite Such mâ—ssaâ—res as have been here exprest Whose sad remembrance doth afflict my spright Me thinkes I see legions of soules to rest In Abrahams bosome and my selfe opprest The burden of my sinnes doe weigh me downe At me the fiends doe laugh and Angels frowne My crimes I grant were geat and manifold Yet not so heynous as men make report But flattering Parasites are growne so bold That they of Princes matters make a sport To please the humors of the vulgar sort And that poore peevish giddiheaded crue Are prone to credit any tale untrue Let those that live endeavour to live well Left after death like mine their guilt remaine Let no man thinke there is no Heaven or Hell Or with the impious Sadduces maintaine That after death no flesh shall rise againe Let no man trust on Fortunes fickle wheele The guerdon due for â—â—ne I partly feele Know that the Prince of heavenly Saraphins When he 'gainst his Creator did rebell Was tumbled downe for his presumptuous sinne Sathan that once was blest like lightning fell From the highest heaven to the deepest hell And all those Angells that his part did take Have now their portion in the burning lake Of mighty heapes of treasure I could vant For I reapt profit out of every thing I could the Prince and peoples hearts inchant With my faire words and smooth fac'd flâ—ttering And out of drosse pure gold I oft did wring For though the meanes to win be oft unmeet The smell of lucre ever smelleth sweet So I somtimes had very much good hap Great suites of my dread Soveraigne to obtaine Prodigall fortune powr'd down from hâ—r lap Angels of gold as thick as drops in raine Such was my luck to finde the golden veine Likewise with me it seemed nothing strange Both tents and lands oft with my Prince to change I had another way t' inrich my selfe By geting licences for me alone For Wine Oyle Velvet Cloath and such like pelfe By licences to alienation By raising rents and by oppression By claiming Forrests Pastures Commons Woods And forfeiture of lands of life and goods By this strong course also I greatly thrived Jn falling out with my deere Soveraigne For I the Plot so cunningly contrived That reconcilement soone was made againe And by this meanes great gifts I did obtaine For that I might my bags the better fill I beg'd great suites as pledge of new goodwill Besides somtimes I did encrease my store By benefit that I from Oxford tooke Electing heads of houses heretofore I lov'd their money and they lov'd their booke Some poorer though more learned I forsooke For in those daies your charity was cold Little was done for love but much for gold Doubtlesse my Father was a valiant Peere In Edwaâ—d the sixt daies when he was sent Gainst Rebells that did rise in Norfolke shire And after that when he to Scotland went Under the Lord Protectors Regiment By notable exploits against the Sâ—ot Eternall glory to himselfe he got Truly ambition was his greatest fault Which commonly in noble hearts is bred He thought the never could his slate exalt Till the good Dâ—ke of Sumerset was dead Who by my Fathers meanes did lose his head So ill the race of Dudlies could endure The Seymors lives which did their fame obscure When once King Edward 〈◊〉 the butt had shot My Father sayd your Grace shoots neere the mark Thâ— King repli'd but not so neere I wot As when you shot my Vncles head off quite The duke my Father knew the King said right And that he ment this matter to debate If ere hee liv'd to come to mans estate It seemes my Father in times past had been A skillfull Archer though no learned clerke So straâ—ge a chance as this is seldome seen I doe suppose hâ— shot not in the dark That could so quickly hit so faire a mark Nor have I mâ—st my aime nor worse have sped When I shot off the Duke of Norfolks head Now when the Duke of Somerset was dead My Father to the French did Bulloigne sell As pleâ—sâ—d him the King he governed And from the privy counsell did depell Th'earles of Southampton and of Arundell Thus whilst he ruled and controuled all The wise young King extreamly sick did fall Who having languisht long of lâ—fe deprived Not wâ—thout poison as it was suspected The counsell through my Fathers meanes conâ—rived That Suffolks Daugther should be Queen elected Thâ— Sisters of King Edward were rejected My brother Guiâ—forâ— to Iane Gray was wedded Too high preferr'd that was so soone beheaded This Lâ—dy Iane that once was tearmed Queeen Greatâ—r in fame then fortune was put downe Had not King Henries Dâ—ughters living been Mâ—ght for her vertues have deserv'd a â—rowne Fortune at once on her did smile and frowne Her wedding garment for a Princes meet Was quickly changed for a winding sheet For I was iump of Julâ—â—us â—â—sars minde That could 〈◊〉 one supâ—rioâ— Lord endure Nay I to guide my Sâ—veraigne was inclin'd And bring the common people to my lure Accounting that my fortune was obscure And that I lived in a wofull plight If any one eclipst my glorious light The love to reigne makes many men respect Neither their friend their kindâ—ed nor their vow The love to reigne makes many men neglect The duty which to God and man they ow From out this fountaine many mischeifes flow Hâ—reof examples many may be read In Chronicles of th' English Princes dead This humor made King Hâ—râ—old break his oath Made unto William Duke of Normandy This made King Rufus and young Beauclaâ—k both Their elder Brother Robert to defie And Stephen to forget his loialty To Mawa the Empresse and to hold in scorne The faithfull oath which he to her had sworne This made young Henry crowned by his sire Against his Father Warfare to maintaine This made King Iohn the kingdome to aspire Which to his Nephew Arthur did pertaine And him in pâ—ison hardly to retaine And this made Buâ—ingbrook t' usurp the Crowne Putting his lawfull Soveraigne Richard downe This made Edward the fourth at his returne From Burgundy when he to Yorke was come To break the oath which he had lately sworne And rule the Realme in good King Henries roome This made the Tyrant Richard eke to doome His Nephewes death and rid away his wife And so in bloud to end
Majesty bâ—â—his statute Gentleman The hastning of the Conspiratours Schollar The Watch-word or the Conspiratours Lawyer Schollar Are you â—atled A great mistery Lawyer Assemblies at Communions Strangers within the Land The perill of our Countrey if Huntingtons claime take place Gentleman The Red Rose â—he White The misery of England by the contention betweene Yorke and Lanâ—aster Guelphians and Gibilâ—neâ— Edward Plantaginet Earle of Warwick The Battell by Taâ—â—â—ster on Pâ—lme Sunday An. 1460. The danger of Huntingtons claime to the Reâ—lme and to her Majesty Lawyer How Huntington maketh hiâ— titâ—e before hâ—r Majesty * The most of Huâ—tingtons Ancestâ—â—s by whoâ— hee makeâ—h â—iâ—le aâ—tainâ—ed of Treason The fâ—mous device â—f king Richard the third â—â—lowed by Huâ—tington Anno 1. Mariae A point to be noâ—ed by her Majesty The joyning of both houses The Line of Portugâ—ll The old estimation of the House of Lancaster Henry Earle of Richmond The Line of Portugall Scholar The sword of greaâ— fâ—rce â—o juâ—tifie the title of a kingdome Great dangers The beginning of the controveâ—sie betwixt York and Lancaster Edmond Crook-back beginner of the House of Lancaster Blanch. Iohn of Gaunt How the Kingdome was first brought to the House of Lancaster The issue of Iohn of Gaunt The pedegree of king Henry the seventh The two Daughters married to Portugall and Castile Forraine titles The issue of king Edwarâ— thâ— 3. Two Edmonds the two beginnerâ— of the two Houses of Lancasteâ— and Yorke The claime and title of Yorke The issue of king Edâ—ard the fourth The Duke of Clarence attainted by Parliament Huntingtonâ— title by the Duke of Clarence King Richard the third The happy conjunction of the two Houses The issue of King Henry the seventh The Line and Title of Scotland by Margaret eldest Daughter to King Henryâ—he â—he 7. Arbâ—â—â—â— The Line and Title of Suffolke by Mary second daughter to King â—enry the 7. The issue of Francis eldest Daughter to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke The issue of Francis eldest daughter to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk The issue of Elenor second daughter to Charles Brandon Scholar Huntington bebehind many other titles Gentleman The policy of the conspiratours for the deceiving of her Maiesty Scholar Leycesters variability Gentleman Barres pretended against the claâ—m of Scotland and Suffolke Against the Queen of Scotland and her sonne Against Arbella Against Darby Against the children of Hartford Scholar Leycesters dealing with the house of Suffolk Gentleman Bastardy Forraine biâ—th Lawyeâ— Bastardie laâ—â—â—l stops The impediments against Scotland three in number A protestation Touching the first impediment of foâ—raine birth An Alien may purchase The true Maxima against Alienâ— The statute of King Edward whence the Maxima is gathered Reasons why the Scottish title is not letted by the Maxima against Aliens The first reason The rule of thirds Tenant by courtesie Division among daughters Executorâ— The 2 reason The Crowne no such inherâ—tance as is meant in the statute The Crowne a corporation The â— reason The Kings issue excepted by name Liberorum F. de verb. sign The fourth reason The Kings meaning The matches of England with foraigners The fift reason Examples of forainers admited Flores hist. Anno 1066. Pol. lib. 15. Flor. hist. 1208. K. Iohn a tyrant The 6. reason The iudgement and sentence of K. Henry the seventh The 7. reason The Queene of Scots and her son no Aliens The second impediment against the Q of Scots her son which is K. Henry the â— his testament Forain birth no impediment in the â—udgement of K. Henry the â— The succession of Scotland next by the iudgement of the competitors Gentleman Lawyer The Duke of Northumberlandâ— drift Gentleman The mutable dealing of the house of Dudley Lawyer The authority and occasion of King Henries testament The Kingâ— Testament forged The first reason Injustice and improprobabilitâ— The example of France The second reason Incongruities and indignities Adrian Stokes The third reason The presupposed Will is not authenticall The disproving of the Wil by witnesses The Loâ—d Paget Sir Edw. Montague William Claâ—ke A meeting together about this matter of the Nobility Mâ— Lord of Lâ—â—â—est againe plâ—yâ—â— double The old Earle of Penbrooks admonition to the Earl his son yet living The thiâ—d impediment of religion Princes of Germany Qu. Mary Queen Elizabeth * The Dudleis Monsieur King of Navarre Prince of Condy. My Lord of Huntingtons reâ—igion The title of those that ensue the Queene of Scots Schollar The yong King of Scotland Gentl. The device to set out her Majesty with the young King of Scotland The intolerable prâ—ceedings of câ—rtâ—iâ—â—inistâ—rs in Sâ—otlâ—nd aâ—ainst tâ—eir â—iâ—g â— subornation of his enemies in Englaâ—â— Schollar Sir Patriâ—k Adâ—m on Archbish. of St. Andrewes Gentl. Treasons plotted against the King of Scots Leycesters cunning device for overthrowing the D. of Norf. The impudency of Iudas Tâ—e speeches of Leycester â—o the Duke of Norf. Leycest cousenâ—ge of tâ—e Queene The Duke of Norf. flying into Norfolke Machivilian slights Leycesters devices for the overthrow of Sir Christopher Hatton Leycesters devices against the Earle of Shrewsbury Leycesteâ—s contâ—mpt of the ancient Nobility of England Lawyer New men most contemptuous D. Dudlies jest at the Earle of Arundell Gentl. The oft abiect behaâ—iour of Duke Dudley in adverse fortunes Schollar Leycesters base behaviour in adversitie Leycâ—steâ—s deceiving of Sir Chrâ—stopher Hatton A pretie shift of my Lord of Leycester Her Maiesties speech of Leycestâ—r to the Tâ—eâ—suâ—eâ— Gentl. The danger of her Majesty by oppression of the favourers of the Scottish title A Similie true Earle of Leycester Earle of Huntington The old Countesse of Huntingtons speech of hâ—r sonne Lawyer Neaâ—enesse in competitors doth incite thâ—m to adventure Henr. Bullingbâ—ook after King H. the 4 Richard Duke of Gloucester after King Richard the third The great wiâ—edome of her Majesty in conserving the next heires of Scotland The K. of Scotlands dâ—struction of more importance to the conspirators then his mothers The Earle of Salisbury disâ—racâ—d by the competitors Gentl. Tâ—e vigilant eye that her Maiesties 〈◊〉 hâ—d to the â—olatâ—rall liâ—e Persons executed of the hâ—use of Claâ—eÌ„ce The example of Iulius Caesaâ—s destruction Too much confidence verie perillous in a Prince The example of Alexander the gâ—eat bow hee was foretold his danger Schollar Lâ—te executions Gentl. Fraud to be feared in pursuing one part or faction only The comparison of Wolves and Rebels Richard Duke of Yorke D. Dudly A good rule of policy The speech of a certain Lady of the Court. More moderation wished in matters of faction The speech of a Courtier The perill of divisions factions in a Commonwealth The dangerous sequel of dissention in our Realme Gentl. Examples of tolleration in matters of religion Germany The breach reunion again in France Flanders Moderation impugned by the conspira Cicero Cateline The Conspirators opportunitie Leycester to be called to account The death K Philip of Macedonie and cause there of Pausâ—â—ias Kings of England oveâ—tâ—râ—wn by too much favouring of some particular men K. Edw. 2 K Râ—ch 2. K. Henr. 6. Pol. lib. 23 hist. Angl. Lawyer The punishment of William Duke of Suffolk The punishment of Edmond Dudley Gentl. The causes why Princes are chosen and do receive obedience Leycesters Thefts Leycesters murthers A heap of Leycesters enormities that would be ready at the day of his triall Schollar Her Maiesties tender heart towards the â—ealme Gentl. Lâ—ycestâ—rs dâ—sire that men should thnike â—er Maiesty to stand in fâ—are of him Cicero in Officio A rule of Machivell observed by the Dudlies Leycester strong onely by her Maiesties favour An offer made for taking and tying the Beare Leicester what hee receiveth from his ancestors The comparison of Leycester with his father The weaknesse 〈◊〉 Leycesâ—â—r if â—er Majâ—sty turne but her counteâ—â—ce from him Lawyer The end and departure from the Gallerie The wicked mans pomp His joy His pride His fall His children His old age His bread His restitution His punishment His wickednesse His griefe His affliction His damnation His posterity