living a long time as a banished man in Brittany with the Duke thereof could never be sent into his Country unto Edward the fourth or Richard the third although both of them knowing that that they could not Reign in security so long as he lived had requested him very earnestly of the Duke And the last of them ruled still in great fear but in Peace and Quietness untill that Isabella wife of Edward the fourth and Margaret the said Henries Mother by the help of a Physitian came to conferre together and in the end they concluded of this agreement that they would cause her Son the said Henry to return into England and to possess the Crown thereof with the help of his aid and their friends if he would take to wife the daughter of Edward the fourth Henry being certified hereof and also given to undeastand that Richard Thomas a man trained up in arms all the dayes of his life and Sir Iohn Savage would adventure their lives for him and that the Lord Bray had provided great sums of money to pay his Souldiers withal easily obtained of the king of France a small Army of 2000 men with which arriving in Wales and joyning with the Forces of the said Thomas he went towards London and upon his way daily received greater strength even of the Souldiers of king Richard his Enemy who by reason of the great cruelty and â—yranny which he used was forsaken of his own Friends and his Souldiers detesting his proud and cruel Government fought so in his behalf that they seemed more desirous he should lose then win the Field which fell out according to their desire By these Examples and others like unto these you may perceive that never any man had any good success against England who had not both a just cause to invade the same and a strong faction within the Realm And by that which hath been spoken you may understand that the Spaniard wanteth both the one and the other Here might I conveniently if I had not sufficiently declared the strength of England to make the difficulty and impossibility of the Spaniards purpose more apparent enter into a large discourse of the Forces thereof but let that suffice that hath been spoken And yet I may not forget to let you and as many as doubt of our strength understand that we have been and I know not why we should not still be so strong and fortunate that when the French were so many in the Field against us that they thought the very Boyes and Lacques in their Camp were able to subdue our Army and when the Scots thinking that because our king was in France with fourscore thousand English we had none but Priests and women left at home to encounter with them entred with main force into our Country and with assured hope and confidence to conquer the same we neither fearing the multitudes of the French nor being danted or terrified with the Scots suddain and advantagious Invasion subdued both Nations and took both their kings prisoners in the Field But our Englishmen cannot live with a little Bread and a Cup of Wine as the Spaniards can do they are not accustomed to endure cold to lie abroad in the Field to stand up to the knees in dirt and water to watch nights and dayes and briefly to take other such pains and travels as are incident unto wars To pleasure our Adversaries let us grant this to be so although the the contrary indeed is most true who amongst the bravest Spaniards or the greatest Souldiers in the World would willingly go to the wars if he should alwayes be subject unto these or the like incommodities And yet who would not rather endure and suffer them patiently then live in servitude or thâ—aldom or yeeld unto his mortal Enemies All Histories are full of examples of base and faint-hearted people the which having been compelled to fight for their lives because there was no other way to save or redeem the same have behaved themselves most manfully and have enforced their Enemies to yeeld unto reasonable Conditions of Peace which sometimes would not hearken unto any agreement and have constrained them to become humble Sutors who would not once vouchfaâ—e to hear their humble Petitions and truly extream perils and irresistible necessities have such force and vertue that oftentimes they put both heart and Courage into them which by nature are neither hearty nor couragious Considering therefore that our men shall fight at home and the Spaniard abroad that we will be as valiant to defend our selves as they can be couragious to offend us that when they have soiled us by Sea they must fight afresh with us by Land they being weary and we fresh they weak and we strong they lame and diseased and we whole and in perfect health Briefly they far from home and we at home for our wives for our houses for our children and for our goods Is it not likely that we should fight with greater courage with better success then they Considering again the England is fertile and replenished with all things necessary for mans sustentation That her Majesties Councellors are wise and provident her people rich and full of money her Subjects loving and well affected to her Highness and their Country Can there be any thing wanting that shall be needfull for the maintenance of a convenient Army Considering thirdly that if any want shall fall out their cause being general as the maintenance of the Spaniards Religion is universal and common to all his Confederates is it not to be thought that the Princes Protestants will supply those wants and fight for England as well and as willingly as the Papists will for Spain Considering fourthly that when Charles the fifth a Prince as I have said of greater power and of better experience then the Spanish king warred with the Protestants of Germany not onely the Princes of the Reformed Religion but also the French which hated their Religion aided and assisted them Can it be supposed that England should not finde the like aid and assistance Briefly Considering that the Spaniard cannot land his Army in any place in England where he shall not finde at the least ten thousand men to finde him work until a greater power come what hope can he then have to Land without Resistance to proceed without a Battel to fight without loss and to lose without extream confusion Our Armies therefore being equal to his and our hope more assured then his no wise or Politick man will doubt but that our success is likely to be far better then his and therefore his hope and expectation vain his purpose and intention ridiculous as well in regard of his course taken therein as of his possibility to attain thereunto But it behooveth a king to bridle and correct his Rebellious subjects and it is the part of a Protector of the Catholicks not to permit his own subjects or any other aiding or assisting them in
England but because England holpe France in their wars against them What pretence had they to conquer Scotland but that Scotland succoured England Why hindred they the Switzers going into France with intention to conquer France but that they thought it a better morsel for themselves What colour used they to overcome the residue of the world but sometimes a pretence to defend their Confederates sometimes a shew to maintain the liberties of their Neighbours sometimes a feigned and hypocritical zeal of Religion when as indeed they oppressed them whom they pretended to defend brought into bondage for whose liberty they would seem to fight and were in all respects as irreligious as they whose Religion they seemed to condemn So to be short they cunningly enlarged their Confines by seeming to be careless of Conquests made themselves Monarchs by pretending to suppress Tyrants and did wrong unto all men by bearing an outward shew to suffer no manner of injury to be done unto any man This cunning in aspiring unto Forrain Dominions begun in the Infancy of the Romans prosperity continued in the riper years thereof and practised even until their declining Age was not only proper unto them but passed as their Empire did from them unto other Rulers by what name or title soever they were called taking advantage of the time omited no means to attain unto their desires and purposes Though therefore the name of Rebels in all Ages hath been odious their Cause was never unjust and the voluntary Aid given unto them never was honourable unto him that aided them yet the Chronicles not only of our Nation but also of other Regions Realms and Dominions are full of Examples of many Princes not inferior to the Princes of our Age be it in Might in Power in Authority or in Goodness who rather regarding the propagation and increase of their Dominions then the conservation and maintenance of their Honours did as our Princes do now not only receive their Neighbors Rebels into their protection but also use them as means and instruments to molest and persecute their Neighbours by whose decay and downfall they might rise and aspire unto higher Authority Neither hath the League of Amity the bond of Kindred and Parentage the duty of children to their Parents the affection of one Brother to another moved Princes to withdraw their helping hand succor and assistance from those who being tyed by all or some of those Bands rebelled against their Sovereigns Iames King of Scotland being not only in League with Henry the seventh being King of England but also by Oath and Homage bound unto him as his Vassal did not only favour and receive into his protection a young Man named Perkin who was suborned by Margaret Dutchess of Burgondy to call and carry himself for one of the Sons of her Brother King Edward but also married the said Perkin unto Katherine Daughter unto Alexander Earl of Huntley and his own neer Kins-woman and with him and for him invaded England Here you see the Vassal favour and succor the Rebels of his Sovereign and the neer Kins-woman conspire against her Leige Lord and King Richard Earl of Poictou because his Father Henry the second denyed him that Honour although by the death of the young King Henry he was become his eldest Son to marry him with the French Kings Sister Alice and to declare him immediately for his immediate Successor became the French Kings Man to serve him against his Father Robert Son unto William the Conqueror having tasted the sweetness in Commanding others so far that he loathed to be commanded by others Rebelled against his Father and was aided and succoured in his Rebellion by the French King Henry Son unto Henry surnamed the Grosse because his Father was Excommunicated by the Pope and as an Excommunicated person was not in his opinion to hold and sway the Empire was not only animated by the Pope to Rebel against his Father but also assisted by him until he took his Father Prisoner Here you see the Sons Rebelling against their own Fathers protected and succoured by them which either were or should have been Friends and Confederates unto their Fathers Henry base Brother unto Peter King of Castile knowing that his Brother for his evil and licentious life was generally hated of all his Subjects Rebelled against him and with the help of the Kings of France and Portugal deprived him of his Life and Crown Here you see the Brother bearing Arms against his Brother ayded by two Kings who should rather have favoured a Lawful King then an Usurper The Marquess of Villona and the Archbishop of Toledo both neer Kinsmen unto Ferdinando and Isabel King and Queen of Aragon and of Castile Rebelled against them both and received aid and succour in their Rebellion from Alonso King of Portugal Here you see the Kinsmen Rebelling against their own blood ayded by their Sovereigns Kinsman and Conâ—ederate And seeing all this how can you marvel that in this Age against the corruption whereof you and others inveigh most bitterly Princes ayd the Rebels of other Kings betwixt whom there is no manner of Alliance Or if there be any the same is long since dissolved and resolved into hatred and enmity For albeit the King of Spain Married the Sister of the Queen of England and of the late French King by which Marriages he was Allied unto both in League of Friendship and Affinity Yet you know and shall hereafter see that many occasions besides the deaths of his Wives have changed his love into hatred and his good will into malice So that it is no marvel since every injury asketh a revenge every enemy seeketh all means possible to hurt and annoy his Adversary and every Prince can be content to take such advantage for the enlargement of his Confines and for the maintenance of his Estate as the time and opportunity doth or shall yeild him If the Spaniard who hath purposed in his heart to devour and swallow up the Kingdom of France useth the Rebellion of the Guyzards for his best means and instruments or if the Queen of England who findeth no better ways to keep the Spaniard from invading and subduing her Realms and Dominions then to busie and to find him continually occupied in defending or in recovering his own doth succour his pretended Subjects of the United Provinces for indeed they are not his Subjects and vouchsafeth daily to send them such supplies of Men and Money as seem most necessary for their defence The Third Point whereat they wonder dependeth somewhat upon this Point which is Why the Flemmings being always reputed a fearful and timerous Nation And the Frenchmen having at all times most worthily carried the names of the most Faithful and Loyal Subjects of Europe the one in hatred of the Spaniard Rebelleth against the Spaniard and the other at the Instigation of the Spanish King beareth Arms in his behalf against their natural Leige Lord and Soveraign But if it
faithful friends and Counsellors went far beyond all the Princes that lived either before or after him neither by his vertue nor valour nor by his fortune and good hap nor by his friends and Counsellors could escape the fatal poison that ended his days before he attained unto those years which be the forerunners of Age So as in others so in this Point her Majesty far exceedeth Caesar Pompey and Alexander the three greatest Princes that ever lived For their death was so soon performed as purposed Her life hath been often sought but God be thanked therefore not shortned they escaped not the malicious Treasons of one or two she hath been preserved from the wicked treacheries of very many they could not prevent the Conspiracies of their friends she hath withstood the open and secret attempts of their enemies Briefly they dyed before they became old she hath attained unto sixty years of her Age and the rare fortune which she hath hitherto had to escape so many and marvelous dangers putteth me and all her loving Subjects in good hope that it will please the Almighty to add many more years of bliss and haappiness to her days neither do I think only that she shall live beyond the ordinary and usual years and age of other Princes but I am fully perswaded that her Grace is preserved and reserved to great fortune to some marvelous purpose her qualities exceeding other Princes conditions her fortune being more then ordinary and her dangers escaped not prudently but providently not by humane policy but by divine prevention give me good occasion to presume that he that disposeth of Kings and all Kings Actions lengthneth her days and hath dedicated her years to some notable accident For what he hath intended man cannot prevent what he purposeth humane wit cannot change or alter his resolutions are in Heaven ours on earth his eternal ours changeable his immutable ours subject to alteration We purpose he disposeth we intend he changeth we desire he ruleth yea so ruleth that he directeth our thoughts leadeth our counsels inclineth our dispositions to his will and pleasure he knows our necessities before we ask our infirmities when we conceal them our desires albeit we keep them most close and secret He giveth us what is expedient for us granteth us more then we dare desire provideth better for us then we can deserve and to be short is so resolute to do us good that all our wits capacities and policies are not able to prevent the meanest of his determinations so the same tend to our benefit For although his mercy exceeding our merits and his clemency yeilding to our contrition do sometimes divert the evil that we have deserved and mitigate the punishments which are due to our many offences yet if our humility be not dissembled or his pleasure fully bent to work us any good whatsoever so good is he that our good cannot be attended nor his intention changed An Example or two will prove this to be manifest and therefore I will afford you these Examples Astiages dreamed that his Daughter Mandana made so much water at one time as filled his whole City and was likely to drown his whole Country with which dream being greatly terrified he propoundeth the same to be expounded by his best Interpreters of Dreams They report that of the said Daughter should come such an Issue as should drive him from his Kingly Seat He taketh counsel what to do to prevent this intention of the Almighty It is resolved that the best means is to marry his Daughter to a mean man The counsel is followed and she married not to a Median worthy of such a Wife and Princess as she was but unto a mean Persian by name called Cambises born of indifferent good Parentage but not likely to carry such a mind as to deprive his Father in Law of his Kingdom The same year that his Daughter was married he dreamed again That out of her Privities sprang such a Vine as overspread all Asia This Dream he likewise communicated with the Soothsayers They delivered That out of the Womb of Mandana should proceed such a Child as should be Lord of all Asia and so desirous thereof that he should hardly and very unwillingly attend his Grand-Fathers death According to the Prophesie the Child is born his Nativity cast and the disposition of his body and other outward signs foretel that the Prognostication made before his birth was likely to prove true The Grand-father minding to prevent a future mischief giveth him unto one of his faithful Counsellors commanding him to put him to death The Counsellor moved with pitty commendeth the child to the custody of his Shepherd yet charging him to murther the Infant The Shepherds Wife having a child of her own dead the very self same day not finding in her heart to consent to the death of so pretty and Princely a Child beseeched her Husband to expose her own dead Child instead of Cyrus for so Astiages his Grand-father was called The Shepherd followed his Wives counsel and yeilded his consent that she should bring up Cyrus as her own He groweth to years and within a few years is chosen King by other children of all sorts poor and rich Noble and ignoble and being elected King commanded as a King and inflicteth punishments upon his far betters for disobeying his Authority They disdaining to be commanded much less to be punished as they were by their far inferiour complain to their Parents and they to Astiages of the injury offered by poor Cyrus The Shepherd is injoyned to bring forth Cyrus he maketh appearance at the day appointed carryeth himself not Shepherd like but Princelike before the King And being demanded by the King how he durst presume to command his betters to be chastised answered boldly and with a spirit far exceeding his years and not becoming his supposed Estate That since it had pleased the rest of the youth to chuse him for their King and to subject themselves in general unto him it was not lawful for any particular were he never so good to disobey him And in case any one did so far forget himself as to contemn his Authority that then it was as lawful for him as for King Astiages to punish his or their disobedience At which Answer the King being astonied looking upon the audacity of the Child considering his wisdom calling to mind the exposing of Cyrus and conferring his Daughters childs Age and his years together suspected him to be Cyrus Sent presently for Harpagus for so was the Counsellors name unto whom he had given him to be destroyed compelleth him to tell the truth The Shepherd is likewise sent for who declareth the means and manner how Cyrus was saved The King highly offended with Harpagus and fully resolved to depress Cyrus dissembleth his anger with the one and taketh present order for the base education of the other Cyrus is sent from Media into Persia and Astiages not
Raigne married Margaret his Daughter at Yorke and then and there did him homage for his Kingdom Lastly it appeared by the Popes Bulls written into Scotland that the Kings of Scotland were excommunicated by divers Popes because they would not obey the Kings of England their Lords and Soveraignes Buâ— against all this and whatsoever else may be said by us to fortifie and defend our Title the Scots make three principall Objections The first that their King never did homage unto us but for the Countries of Northumberland Cumberland Westmerland and Huntingdon the which they confess they held of our Kings and by their grant and guift The second that Edward the third being chosen Arbitrator of the great and notable contention that was betwixt Iohn Baliâ—l and Robert Bruce for the Kingdom took the two Competitors aside and sounded which of them would take the kingdom to hold it of him which when Robert whose Title was as they thought best refused to do and Iohn was content to performe hee wrongfully pronounced Judgement for Iohn Baliol and so extorted this Homage by Fraud and Corruption The third that the Estates of the Realme never acknowledged this Homage but were so farr from yeilding thereunto that the Nobility of Scotland deprived Iohn Baliol of the Crown and gave the same unto Robert the first because he submitted himself and his Kingdom unto King Ed. The three Objâ—ctions may not be unanswered and therefore unto â—very one of them in Order True it is that a King may hold his Kingdom of no Superior and yet owe Homage for some Member thereof unto another or some Principality that hee holdeth of an other and he shall still nevertheless remaine a most absolute King For who will deny King Edward the third of England to be either absolute or Soveraigne King of England although he swore Homage and Fidelity unto King Iohn of France for Gascoigne and other Dominions which he held of him in France Or who will take the Emperor Chales the fift not to bee an absolute and Soveraign King in Spain or other his Dominions and Kingdomes because hee sometimes owed Fidelity and Homage unto the French King for the Dukedome of Burgondy Bâ—t the case is altered in the King of Scots because hee did Homage both for these Countries and for his Kingdom And this is no good Argument The King of Scots did Homage unto England for certain English Provinces held of England therefore they did not Homage for Scotland But the second Objection is of better weight and yet may bee thus answered I might here oppose the Credit of an English man against a Scots credit and desire to have Holinshed and Thâ— Walsingham speaking for us to be as well believed as Hector Boetius and George Buchanan would bee credited when they speake for Scotland But you shall heare this Objection confuted by an Italian namely by Pelidore Virgil a man of more indifferency of less partiality and perhaps of better Judgement against whom if it be be said that he was either hired to write our History favorably or that he could write nothing of us but what he had from us I â—nswer that there was never any man justly condemned upon a bare and light suspition and I eftsoones say as I once said before that where a matter cannot be proved but by domestical witnesses there such a proof is both allowable and lawfull Then to refell this Objection I say out of Polid. Virgil that Kâ—ng Edward pronounced not Judgment for Iohn Balioll because he promised to hold Scotland in homage of him but because he came of the eldest Daughter of King David and Robert Bruce of the Second I strengthen my saying by these Arguments First it is said that King Edward very wisely when as this great conâ—ention was referred unto his Audience and determination he called together as Hector Boetiâ—s himself writeth the learnedst men of England and of Scotland he sent the State of the Question into France whence he received Answer that Iohn Baliolls Title was the better And because he might be suâ—pected if he should examine the matter alone and give sentence himself he chose 12. English men as Boetius saith or 20. as Holinshed reporteâ—h and as many Scots as English men whom he made Judges of the controversie and they when they had throughly discussed both conpetitors Rights gave Judgment for Iohn Balioll which Award was confirmed by the King Then whenas the King had seen so many Evidences and proofs confirming his Right and Title unto the Soveraignity of Scotland as are before mentioned is it likely that he who had Right to that which he demanded would condition with the Competitors in such manner as is objected Lastly although he had made Iohn Baliâ—ll to enter into such a condition and to binde himselfe thereunto this cannot help the Scots for that it is lawfull for any Man to Claime his Right at any time and to tell him that is likely to detaine and withstand his Right that he shall not have his lawfull Favor unlesse he will be content And this is most lawful in a cause of Contention betwixt the Soveraigne and his Vassal because the Soveraigne must require Homage at his hands and the Vassal is not in some Mens opinion bound to do him homage unlesse it be required The third Objection is Answered with as little difficultie as the rest For the chief Peers of Scotland acknowledged Obedience and homage unto King Edward They consented unto the delivery which Iohn Balioll made unto our king of his kingdom they required our king to be bound as he was in an hundred thousand Marks to deliver the kingdom to thier king again within two moneths and they appointed certain principal Noblemen to receive and keep the Revenues and Profits of the Crown to his use whom King Edward should declare to have best Right thereunto Againe Iohn Balioll was not deprived of his Crown by the States and Nobility of Scotland as Bucanan reporteth but was enforced as Hector Boetius restifieth to resigne all his right in the Crown unto King Edward and to relinquish and give over his kingdom and at the same time all the Nobility of Scotland did swear homage and Obedâ—ence unto our King and Boetius hath nothing to say 〈◊〉 their defence but that our King enforced them thereunto As though it were not lawfull for the Superior to constraine his Vassals and Subjects in case fair means cannot prevaile with them by violence to acknowledge their duty and service unto him But it pleased the Almighty to punish the Scotish disloyalty Inconstancy and Rebellion they revolted often They broke their promise many times They thought it lawfull to delude us with fair words and to deceive us with vaine promises But the eternall who hateth deceivers and deceitfull dealings so prospered all our Attemps against them that our King for a while left them destitute of a King caused them to swear and submit themselves unto some of
his own laws made the Earl of Pembroke whose name was Odomar Valentinian Governor of Scotland and to the end they should have no Memory no Monument nor Testimony of a Royal Majesty he transferred a Seate of Stone whereupon their Kings were wont to sit at their Coronation out of Scotland into England and the same remainth at thâ—s day at Westminster Now to leave these and the like Testimonies because they carry the lesse credit for that they are reported by our own Historiographers I will come to the violent presumptions which may be gathered out of their own Histories First it cannot be denyed that God hath blessed us with many famous and notable Victories against the Scots Then it must be granted that we had alwaies wit enough to make our best advantage of those victories Next it is not likely but that we took the benefit of such advantageâ— And who will think that when we were so often provoked so many times deceived so throughly informed of our Right that we would not claime our Right Againe at the very time of this notable competency betwixt Iohn Balioll and Robert Bruce it is written that Ericus King of Norway sent certain Ambassadors wiâ—h Letters of Commissiâ—n from him to demand the Kingdome of Scotland in the Right of his Daughter Margaret sometimes Wife unto the King of Scots in which Letter he acknowledgeth our King to be Lord and Soveraigne of Scotland And why should there be found Bulls of Excommunication against the Kings of Scotland for not obeying our Kings Or why should it be recorded that two Kâ—ngs of Scotland Carried at severall times the Sword before King Arthur and king Richard at their Coronations Or why is it not probable that Scotland should be as well Subject unto us as Bohemia and Hungaria were unto the Empire Naples and Sicilie unto Rome Burgondy and Navarr unto France the Duâ—edom of Moscovia aâ—d the Marquisate of Brandiburge unto Polâ—nâ—a Portugall unto Spaine and Austria unto Bohemia Or lâ—stly why may it not be thought that as these Kingdoms and Dominions remaine still in their old Subjection and acknowledg their Ancient Soveraigne so Scotland ought to do the like Our Fortune seldome failed us against them They never used us so kindly nor our kings at any time behaved themselves so unwisely that they Resigned their Right and Title unto Scotland as other Princes have done But now to the like advantage of this kind of inferiority as a Frenchman contracting or bargaining with one of our Nation in England maketh himself by this contract and Bargaine a Subject unto our Laws so any man whatsoever offending within our Realm subjecteth himself by reason of his offence unto our Jurisdiction And this is so true that a very mean man being a Judge if a great personage remaining under his Jurisdiction who by reason of his greatness may seem to be freed from his Authority shall commit an offence worthie of Punishment during his abode there the same mean and Inferior Judge may lawfully punish his Offence Example will make this matter more cleer For Example sake then grant that a Bishop abideth a while within an Archdeacons Jurisdiction and there offendeth in some Crime that deserveth Punishment the question may be whether the Archdacon may punish this delinquent For the Negative it may be said that Par in parem non habet protestatem much lesse an Inferior against his Superior and that an Archdeacon is Oculus Episcopi and Major post Episcopum and therefore can have no Authority over a Bishop yet it is resolved that if the Bishop be a stranger and not a Bishop of the Diocesse the Archdeacon hath sufficient Authority and the power to Chastise and Correct his offence but he cannot meddle with him if he be his own Bishop and the reason of the diversity is because his own Bâ—shop is as it were the Archdeacons spirituall Father and it is not Convenient that the Son should have any manner of Authority over the Father Now since it is certaine that where there is the like reason there the like Law shall be I may boldly infer by this Law that the Scottish Queâ—n offending within her Majesties Dominion may be punished by her Grace although she were her farr better I might here before I come unto her voluntary and forcible Resignation of the Crown tell you that she committed many things both before and after her Imprisonment that made a plaine forfeture of her Kingdome But although when I tâ—uched the duties of Vassals in some part I promised to touch the same in this plâ—ce more largely yet for brevitie sake I must omit this large discourse and only tell you that as the French King called our King Iohn in question for the murther commited by him at his Instigation on the person of his Nephew Arthur and forfeited his States in France for his not Apperance or insufficient Answer unto that Crime so if the Scottish Subjects had not deprived their Queen for the Parâ—icide laâ—d to her charge our Queens most excellent Majestie might not only have taken notice thereof but also have punished the same For albeit the Fact was committed without her Highness Realm and Dominion yet the person who was murthered being her Subject and Kinsman her grace might ex eo capite in my simple opinion lawfully have proceeded against the Malefactor And I remember that I saw a man executed at Venice because he killed his own Wife in Turky and the reason why they proceeded against him was the hainousness of the Fact and for that his Wife although she were not so was their naturall Subject And yet I confesse that our Common Laws regard not offences commited without our Realm wherein me thinketh they have small reason For sithence that for a Bargain made beyond the Seas I may have my reâ—edy here why shall not have the benefit of Law for my Child and Kinsman or any other that is near and dear unto me murthered beyond the Seas since the life of a Subject ought to be of far greater value and worth then his goods And if in a Civill action of which the Cause and originall is given beyond the Seas they can 〈◊〉 the Bond and Obligation to be made at Lyons within some Shire in England when indeed the same Lyons which they meane and where the Bond was made is in France why may they not lawfully use the like Fiction in a Criminal Cause But now the third point that Argueth the late Scottish Queens Inferiority unto our Queen She was deposed and therefore no longer a Queen This point hath in it two very strange points It is strange to hear that a Man or a woman being borne a Prince should be deprived and that he which receiveth a Kingdom by his birth should lose the same before his death But because this point hath great affinitie which the third objection that is made against the unfortunate Queens Execution I will forbear to speak thereof untill