of Oran the Capital of a Kingdom to which it gave the name was afterwards attacked and taken by storm Bugy where the University of the Moors was and the only place known in Affrica where they went to learn the little of Arts and Sciences which they have was as easily conquered The occasion that Ximenes had of seizing it deserves to be known were it for no other reason but to convince us that if Christians took as much care to be informed of the affairs of Infidels as Infidels take to learn what news happen amongst Christians we should get more by it than they and find a a great many favourable occasions which are lost for want of that application The Uncle of the King of Bugy by the Father a few days before the Spaniards drew near that Kingdom thought it not enough to dethrone his Nephew but also put out his eye-sight with a hot Iron that thereby he might render him incapable of reigning and prevent according to the Custom of the Country the designs of those who pretended afterward to re-establish him upon the Throne during the life of the Usurper or immediately after his death Ximenes accidentally was informed of so barbarous an action and presently resolved to make his advantage of it He sent word to the friends of the dispossessed King that he would exemplarily revenge the injury that was done if they would act in concert with him and there needed no more to raise in the Kingdom of Bugy a second revolution as great as the former The Party that was worsted took courage again and quickly setled secret correspondences with the Spaniards who they thought had offered themselves to them out of a principle of generosity They took so just measures with them that they facilitated the taking of places that were capable to hinder them from approaching the Capital City and then brought them into Bugy by means that were kept so secret after the execution of them that the Spanish Historians disagree about the manner This is certain that an accident supervened which was so much the more favourable to the Spaniards for winning that other Crown of Barbary that not being so skilful in medicine as they had been in the time of Averroes and Avienne they took it for a miracle The red-hot Iron that had been made use of to blind the King by holding it near his eyes a quarter of an hour had indeed deprived him of sight but had not wholly dried up the humours whether it was that the Ministers of the Usurpers cruelty had taken it out of the fire before it was hot enough for the intended operation or that it was not put near enough his eyes and held there a sufficient time for drying entirely up the humidity which serves to the functions of sight The Spanish Chirurgions perceived it and undertook to cure the Moorish King. The cure was long and difficult but at length it succeeded and was look'd upon as well by him upon whom it was wrought as by his Subjects as an evident mark that it was the purpose of heaven that they should be Tributaries to the Spaniards The Corsairs of Algiers In the relation of that Conquest who till then had with impunity destroyed the Christian Fleets and spoil'd the Commerce of Europe in Africa followed the example of those of Bugy and submitted to the payment of the same tribute In a word the Spaniards by an excess of good fortune which they have not had since in their Wars against the Barbarians made themselves Masters of the Kingdom of Tripoli and Ximenes returned to his Church of Toledo with so much glory and booty that Ferdinand durst think no more of molesting him In this manner the Archduke Charles reaped so much advantage from the quarrel of that Prelate and his Maternal Grandfather that three illustrious Kingdoms and a more famous Republick were thereby subjected to him and shortly after in the year One thousand five hundred and twelve the same good fortune brought under his Dominion the Kingdom of Navarre when neither he himself nor his Governour Chievres had any hand in it That Monarchy had often fallen to Daughters and by consequent had successively passed into several Families By that way it was transferred from the ancient House of Navarre to that of Leon from the House of Leon to that of Castile from the House of Castile to that of Champagne from the House of Champagne to that of France from the House of France to that of Evreux from the House of Evreux to the House of Arragon and from the House of Arragon to that of Foix-Grailly Gaston de Foix married Eleanor Queen of Navarre second Sister to the Father of Ferdinand the Catholick King by whom he had twelve Children of both Sexes The eldest Son died at two and twenty years of age he left a Son and a Daughter whom he had of Magdalen the youngest Daughter of Charles the Seventh The Son named Francis Phoebus reigned not long in Navarre and died before he was married The Daughter named Catharine became thereby the richest Heiress of Europe She remained under the Guardianship of her Mother who would never hear of marrying again though she was a Widow at the age of seventeen years There were but few Princes in Europe that courted not the Alliance of the young Queen of Navarre and the most considerable Husband that was proposed to her was the Insanto of Spain John the Son of Ferdinand who was much of the same age with her That Prince was the only Son of Ferdinand and Isabella and if he had married Catharine all the Monarchies of Spain had been reunited except that of Portugal Ferdinand and Isabella designed that chiefly by the Match But Magdalen of France had not so great an aversion to the House she was come of as to contribute to the raising in Spain a Power almost equal to that of France She absolutely refused her Daughter to the Prince of Spain but for all that she had not so much kindness for the House of France as to marry her Daughter into it as she had not so much affection for her Daughter as to marry her into a Sovereign Family She gave her to John Son of Alan d' Albert a powerful Lord indeed in Gascony but who possessed not a foot of Land but what held of the Kings of France in quality of Dukes of Guyenne Irregularities in Politicks are of more dangerous consequence than others and it is rare to be found in History that Queens of themselves have married Husbands inferiour to them in quality without having great occasions of repenting it John d' Albert seemed born to verisie the old Proverb That the best men are not always the best Kings He had all the qualities that could accomplish a private man but he wanted those which distinguish Sovereigns from those that are not and were not cut out for being so He delighted only in study and minded nothing by his good
to meet in the City of Compostella in Galicia there to hold a Chapter for receiving him in quality of Great Master conform to the Bulls sent him from the Pope The chief Commanders were his Kinsmen or Allies and besides it was so much their interest that the Great Mastery should be cut off from the Crown that they made no scruple to obey him seeing in that case there was none of them who might not hope to be raised to it either by merit or faction whereas they must all be frustrated if it continued united to the Crown However the Assembly could not be kept so secret but that the Cardinal had notice of it and since there was a necessity of carrying high to chastize the attempt of Porto Carero or not at all to meddle in it he sent the Alcaide Villafanno with Forces to put a stop to the Chapter by fair means or foul The Commanders who were not prepared to fight separated so soon as the Alcaide had signified to them the Orders of the Cardinal and pretended to submit willingly to the Authority which they would not have regarded if it had been unarmed The Cardinal having sent them back to their several Commanderies caused them to be so narrowly observed there that it was impossible for them afterwards to meet again till the new Catholick King had obtained from the Pope the three great Masteries as vacant by the death of his Grandfather But the counter-blows in Politicks are sometimes more dangerous than the blows The Nobility of Castille took it ill that the Cardinal had so imperiously dispersed the Assembly of Galicia and accused him for having in that particular usurped a power which was not given him neither by the Testament of the late King nor by the Laws of the Monarchy whereof he was the Regent The Grandees made it a point of honour not to suffer the continuance of a procedure so unsuitable to a Priest and Monk and took the first occasion that they found to shake off a yoke which they called Tyrannical The occasion was this It had come into Ximenes his mind at an unseasonable time to endeavour the reformation of three abuses which in all likelihood ought to have been born with in the absence of the Sovereign if the Maxims of common Politicks had been followed The first was of some Officers of Court who by favour had obtained an augmentation of their Salaries the second of Pensions granted to Courtiers of Castille and Arragon who were known not to be deserving or not to have merited them by honest courses and the third consisted in recovering Crown Lands that had been alienated upon occasion of the Conquests of Grenada Naples and Navarre Before Ximenes put his design in execution he had demanded the advice of Chievres who counselled him to stay till the Catholick King were come into Castille But whether it was that he thought himself strong enough to bring about so bold a project without the assistance of his Master or that he imagined Chievres envied him the glory which he might thereby obtain he went on still with his work He moderated at first with pretty good success the new augmentations of Salaries and the Grandees of Spain were very well pleased with the reduction of Wages to the Ancient standard because on the one hand the high Nobility had hardly any concern in that and on the other those who were prejudiced by the Cardinals regulation were satisfied to repine at it in secret The retrenching of Pensions caused him more trouble by reason that the murmuring was more universal and more publick But the recovery of the Crown Lands reached too high not to meet with terrible impediments at the very first step It was pretended that the Catholick King must not only enter again into the Lands sold at an under-rate or given in gratuities but also into those which the detainers could not make out to have been alienated by good Contracts and for lawful causes There were but few Lords of the high Nobility who possessed not some of this nature and if they had no favour shew'd them it was almost certain they would be excited to a Revolt Nevertheless they were summoned as well as others and a shortenough time assigned them for making good their Titles The indignation that this wrought in them gave occasion to Pedro Giron eldest Son to the Count of Vregna to think that the time was now come for recovering the Dutchy of Medina Sidonia which he had been turned out of For understanding this Affair which raised all Spain almost we must know that Don Juan de Gusman Duke of Medina Sidonia Espoused in first marriage the eldest Daughter of the Duke of Bejar by whom he had a Son called Henry and a Daughter named Mentia Henry was importent and Mentia married to the Count of Vregna had by him Pedro Giron The Duke of Medina Sidonia enjoyed not long his first Wife having lost her the third year after their Marriage He was still young and his first alliance had given him often occasion of seeing the second Daughter of the Duke of Bejar his Sister-in-Law He had been extreamly much taken with her and if the inclination that he had for her remained within the bounds of a bare respect so long as he was married to her Sister it degenerated into love so soon as he became a Widower He was without contradiction the richest Lord of Andalusia had lived very well with his former Wife offered to marry her Sister upon the same conditions that is to say without a portion The great men of Spain minded not much at that time the proximity of bloud in their Alliances and the Duke of Bejar had a numerous Family These five considerations moved Bejar to condescend to accept of Medina Sidonia for his Son-in-Law a second time and seeing all ways were taken for obtaining a dispensation from the Holy See in the most favourable Form that then was in fashion In the History of Medina Sidonia it was at length granted Of the second Marriage he had a Son famous in History by the name of Alvaro de Gusman and the Duke his Father bred him up as the next lawful Heir of his vast Estate so soon as the impotency of Henry de Gusman the only Son of his first Bed came to be known Alvaro grew to be so accomplished a Lord that the Catholick King Ferdinand pitched upon him for a Husband to Anne of Arragon lawful Daughter to Alphonso of Arragon his Majestie 's Natural Son But there are few signal Incests amongst Christians which wholly escape unpunished till the other World and God commonly begins in this by dreadful chastisements to shew his aversion to such promiscuous mixtures which he only suffered in the beginning of the World and for the multiplication of Mankind Pedro Giron eldest Son of Mentia Daughter by the first Marriage to the Duke of Medina Sidonia claimed to be sole and universal Heir to his
in extreme danger Nevertheless the Emperour abandons him not and his cause at length prevails The Spaniards who kept their allegiance defeat the rebels in an open battel and the Soveraign authority is restored to all its splendor Chievres who waited on the Emperour into Germany provided there so advantageously for the Infanto Ferdinand by procuring him the Marriage of the Heiress of Hungary and Bohemia that that young Prince thinks no more of complaining that his Elder Brother had done him injustice in giving him no share in the Dominions of Queen Jane their Mother He gives so good orders also in Navarre that it as easily again recovered to the Spaniards as it had been lost by them and taken by the French. Nothing withstands the Lord Asparant and he becomes Master of it in less than a fortnights time But his good fortune blinds his judgment and he imagins that the conquest of Castile will cost him no more than that of Navarre He enters it suffers himself to be straitned for provisions there The Spaniards expect till his Army was weakened through hardships and attack him presently after He is overcome loses his sight in the sight taken prisoner and lived only after to be an instance that conduct in War is as necessary as courage The Revolted Spaniards are reconciled to their Master but they turn all their fury against Chievres They poyson the Cardinal de Croy his Nephew and fifty days after serve him in the same manner A PATTERN FOR THE EDUCATION OF PRINCES The First BOOK CONTAINING The most memorable Affairs that passed in Europe from the beginning of the year One thousand five hundred and six to the middle of the year One thousand five hundred and fourteen THe House of Croüy acording to the Ancient or of Croy according to modern Orthography pretends to be descended â—n a right masculine Line from the ancient Kings of Hungary by one Stephen whom others call Andrew third Son to King Bela and Brother to St. Elizabeth Countess of Thuringe who being forced out of Hungary In Pontuc Huterus fled for refuge into France in the year One thousand one hundred seventy and three during the Reign of Louis the Young but his Son setled himself in Gallia Belgica by marrying Catharine Heiress of Croy whose name he took and left it to his Posterity This House was afterward in succession of time allied by William the First of Croy to the House of Guines by James the First of Croy to the House of Soissons by James the Second of Croy to the House of Perguigny by William the Second of Croy to the House of Kenti by John of Croy to the House of Curton by Anthony of Croy to the House of Lorrain and by Philip of Croy to that of Luxembourg John of Croy transplanted his Family from Picardy into Flanders when he became the Favourite of Philip the Hardy first Duke of Burgundy descended of the second Branch of the Bloud-royal of France The Historians of that time have not taken pains enough to give us the Character of this Lord nevertheless he must have been a man of extraordinary parts seeing that during the whole course of his life he governed two Princes the most contrary in temper and humour and the most difficult to be persuaded that ever were Philip the Hardy and John without Fear his Son Dukes of Burgundy He was their chief Chamberlain and by an extraordinary Conduct and Policy though Philip the Hardy and John without Fear were for most part in continual variance with the Kings of France yet John of Croy continued to be the constant Favorite of the Dukes of Burgundy without ever giving them the least umbrage or suspicion of his fidelity notwithstanding he stood so well all his life-time at the Court of the most Christian Kings that they made him great Master of their House and suffered him to discharge the duties of that important place without ever accusing him that he had managed the interests of the Dukes of Burgundy against their Majesties This particular ought the more to be remarked that it is singular and perhaps in its chief circumstances not to be paralleled in the lives of â—he illustrious men of these last Ages and besides it is so advantageous to John of Croy that it seems nothing can be said greater in his favour In so happy a state he did not forget but that he might more easily tumble down than he had mounted up and foreseeing that at length the Kings of France and Dukes of Burgundy would become irreconcilable enemies and that in that case the House of Croy would be forced to declare for the one side or other he so disposed his Inheritance and the Purchases which he made that he had as much in the Dominions of the Kings of France as in the Territories of the Dukes of Burgundy to the end that to what side soever he might incline he should retain one half of his Estate and be in a condition of making the figure of a great Lord in either of the two Courts which he might prefer before the other Anthony of Croy his Son was so happy as to succeed him in the favour and to dispose so absolutely of Philip the Good third Duke of Burgundy that this Prince relished no Counsels nor Designs but what had either been proposed or approved by that Favorite But Philip of Croy the Son of Anthony fell into the disgrace which his Grandfather John of Croy had apprehended by an accident which is fit we should unfold in this place because it conduces to the understanding of the matters following Seeing Philip the good had from his Father John without fear received Anthony of Croy both for his chief Minister and Favorite without the least shew of repugnance whether he thought himself obliged to have as to that an implicite deference to his Fathers Will or that his inclination suited with the Person that was presented to him he imagined that his Son Charles the Terrible would comply no less with him and that he would gladly admit of Philip of Croy to the same rank with him that John and Anthony of Croy had held with his Father Grandfather and great Grand-father But the dispositions were not alike on both sides as they ought to have been for cementing a new confidence and favour There was nothing wanting on the part of Philip of Croy for the worthy discharge of the two places in question about Charles the Terrible But Charles was prepossessed with an opinion that his â—ather demanded too much of him and that he stretched the Prerogative of Nature farther than it ought to be That to take things aright a Minister and Favorite were no more in relation to a Sovereign than what a Steward is in respect of great men and an intimate Friend to any private person and for the same reason that great men and private persons have the liberty of chusing their Stewards and Friends a young Prince ought
convenient to prepare for it betimes He foresaw how useful the Croys would then be to him And that was enough to make him endeavour to gain them in a point which failed not to produce its natural effect which the Croys had not sufficiently apprehended since it encreased the hatred of the Prince of Burgundy towards them adding to the discontent disdain anger and resentment which he already entertained Jealousie in that he perceived they sought to fortifie themselves by protection against him He was so sensibly touched with this that he observed no more measures with those whom he regarded now far less than before since his Father pressed him no more to receive them as Domestick Servants He was informed that Charles the Seventh hearing that the Dauphin was retreated into Flanders had said that the Duke of Burgundy had received into his house a Fox that would destroy his Poultry and he took occasion to give it out by his Emissaries that his Majesties Prediction was fulfilled and that the Croys had with the Dauphin conspired the ruine of the House of Burgundy He openly threatned to be revenged on them after the death of his Father and seeing he was not as yet appeased when the Dauphin being become King of France left Brabant the Croys that they might prepare for themselves a Sanctuary incited his most Christian Majesty to recover out of the hands of the Duke of Burgundy the Towns of Picardy lying upon the River of Soam seeing the Treaty of * Concluded in the year 1405. betwixt Charles the Seventh and Philip the good Arras allowed it upon the payment of four hundred thousand Crowns This was a sast Sum considering the times which notwithstanding being quickly raised Philip the Good though it went against the grain with him to receive it yet durst not refuse it The Towns were honestly restored and though Philip's good will was not thereby lessened toward the Croys his Son made heavy complaints against them for it They continued with the Father and served him faithfully so long as he lived and when they perceived him brought so low and weak that he had but a few hours longer to live they demanded leave of him to withdraw to their Lands in France and obtained it They were long persecuted as much as lay in the power of the new Duke nevertheless they supported it with a moderation never before practised on the like occasions in the Low-Countries no complaining was heard to proceed out of their mouth nor any Manifesto in their favours from the Pens of their Friends They wisely considered that those two ways of easing great Afflictions were dangerous and that for the most part if those who were chiefly concerned were so moderate as not to mingle Invectives and Satyrs in them yet they were so unfortunate that others did it and that the Publick was unjust enough to impute them to those who were not the Authors of the same There appeared not so much as an Apology on the part of the Croys to justifie their innocence They kept themselves in a profound and respectful silence and during the Wars that followed betwixt Louis the Eleventh their Protector and the Duke of Burgundy their declared Enemy they neither acted against the King nor against the Duke but on such occasions wherein they could not civilly excuse themselves neither to the one nor to the other In acting or before they acted they used all the circumspection that might justifie their Proceeding and though Louis the Eleventh was so difficult to be managed in that Affair that the Constable of St. Paul could not succeed in it yet they behaved themselves so wisely as that their Conduct in so nice a Point was not at all suspected by his most Christian Majesty They waited for the return of their good fortune in peace and thereby deserved that their perseverance should triumph over their adversity It is not known precisely whether the Duke of Burgundy was touched with it or if the need he had of the Croys to get into the possession of Guelderland which was then made over to him by an abused * Uric Duke of Guelders Father in prejudice of his own Son †Adolphe obliged him to be reconciled to them but it is certain they were honourably re-established that they had great interests with the chief men of the Dutchy of Guelders that they contributed much to engage them mildly under the Dominion of the House of Burgundy and that if the change was introduced almost without effusion of bloud Charles the Terrible was obliged to the Croys for it They lived with him afterward in such a manner that if they gained not his friendship yet they prevented the remains of aversion that he might have concealed in his heart from breaking out against them and after he was killed before Nancy they again advanced to the chief place of favour in the Court of Mary of Burgundy his Heiress They had disposed her to the Marriage of the Dauphin of France though she was already twenty years old and the Dauphin but six and their gratitude to Louis the Eleventh was so sincere that they omitted nothing which might serve to persuade him by that Alliance to unite the Low Countries to his Family The blindness and obstinacy of that Prince in refusing the greatest advantage that could ever happen to him amazed them the more that they perceived him with extreme earnestness courting others incomparably of far less importance Nevertheless they were not thereby discouraged from obliging France but managed so well the credit which they had with their Princess Mary of Burgundy that she consented to marry Charles Count of Angoulesm who was afterwards the Father of Francis the First They supposed that if the irreconcilable hatred which Louis the Eleventh bore to the House of Burgundy so far transported him as not to admit of the Princess who inherited it into his Family yet it would not carry him so far as to suffer the Low Countries to go out of the Royal Family of France But they had no comfort remaining when they understood that his most Christian Majesty looked upon an Alliance of a Prince of his bloud with the Heiress of Burgundy as the greatest misfortune that threatned France by reason of the Interests that he might have and of the Civil Wars he might raise therein when he had a mind to it They admired Divine Providence in the limits that it sets to Monarchies and in the obstacles it raises against their growth and greatness and so thwarted no more the Marriage of Mary of Burgundy with Maximilian of Austria They negotiated for Philip of Austria their Son a Treaty * It is in the French King's Library with the Duke of Cleve which confirmed the Union of Guelderland with the Low Countries and their Affairs were in that posture when William de Croy Lord of Chievres third Son of Philip de Croy began by his rare qualities to signalize himself in
be acteâ— than one was aware of and the Chaplain only accepted it for fear of losing his place He went and fell on his knees before Ximenes and begg'd his pardon for the injury that he was constrained to do him Having used that caution he repeated word for word all that he was charged to tell him and the Cardinal who no less admired the simplicity than the blind obedience of the Church-man heard him as peaceably as if he had been speaking verses to his praise He did not interrupt him changed neither countenance nor posture and replied only two things with as moderate a tone as if what he had heard had been altogether indifferent to him first That a Priest as he was ought not to have undertaken a Commission so mis-becoming his character and next that he should make hast back again to the Duke and that he would find him sorry for the impertinent words that he had put into his mouth It is not known what ground there was for the prophecy but it is certain it proved true In the relation of that quarrel The Duke whose passion had hindred him from reflecting upon the command that he had given to his Chaplain judged it ridiculous so soon as it was over He chid those that were then about him for having suffered him to do it and hardly forbore punishing his Chaplain at his return for having so readily and faithfully obeyed him He sent him back immediately to make an Apology to Ximenes who still remembring the obligation that he had to the Duke for having refused to engage in the interests of Pedro Giron consented that the Constable of Castille should interpose for an accommodation It was no hard matter for the Constable to conclude it seeing both parties desired it with equal earnestness But just as the Articles were finished a circumstance intervened that was within an Ace of breaking it up in an irreparable manner The Cardinal and Duke had their interview at Fon-Carrallio where the two parties and Mediator judged it not fit to bring almost any body along with them to the end they might confer together with greater freedom The Cardinal had even concealed the matter from Don Juan de Spinosa Captain of his Guards who coming to know of it by another way thought that his place obliged him to go and Guard him at least upon his return since he would not be attended when he went. He caused his Troop to mount on Horse-back and arrived with it at Fon-Carrallio about the end of the interview The Duke and Constable no sooner heard the Neighing of the Horses and the Trumpet that sounded before the Troop but they imagined that Ximenes dealt treacherously with them and had ordered Forces to come and seize their persons They openly resented it and Ximenes who knew himself to be innocent fell a laughing at their panick fear He lookt out at the window perceived Spinosa made him a sign to come to him sharply reproved him for his unseasonable diligence threatned to turn him out if he did the â—ike again and sending him presently â—ack as fast as he came he returned some time after with the Duke and Constable He came not off so soon nor so easily â—n another clashing that he had with the Count of Vregna seeing in all appearance the poison that was given him proceeded from that There was a cause depending betwixt the Count and Quichada for the property of Villa fraâ—re near Vailladolid and the Count who was more powerful and of greater quaâ—ity than the other had by his own Authority put himself into possession of the controverted Estate So he pleaded with a full hand and Quichada who had the better title demanded that the Estate might be put into sequestration The Council of Spain granted the petition and Ximenes sent a Messenger and Serjeants to take up the Rent of Villa-fratre These inferiour Officers of Justice were abused in the execution of their Commission by the Son of the Count of Vregna assisted by his Friends whâ— were the Sons of the Constable Admiral and of the Duke of Albuquerquâ— The Messenger on whom blows had not been spared complained of it to the Court of Vailladolid which forthwith ordered the Militia of the Country to gâ— and be assistant to the Officers of Justice The Bishop of Malaga President of that Court went to command them and the Constable of Castille who saw his Son for company-sake engaged in an ugly business went himself to take it up aâ— Villa-fratre where the young Lords fortified themselves with their Fathers Vassals whom they had called to their assistance His Authority over his Son his perswasions to the other Lords hiâ— Prayers importunities and menaces prevailed upon them at length to comâ— out of the place and to leave the Bishoâ— in full liberty of executing the Sentence of the Court whereof he was Commissary and seeing that Prelate was a moderate man he stopt there that is to say there was no prosecution on his part against the young men who had beaten the Messenger and the Serjeants It is to be believed that if Ximenes had been of his humour there would have been no more of the matter But there was not in all the world two men of a more different temper though otherwise they were intimate friends Ximenes thought there could not be a more enormous fault in Politicks than any way or for any cause whasoever to connive at attempts against the Sovereign Power and in such a case never made any distinction betwixt high and low conditions The Bishop on the contrary was possessed with an opinion that there was flesh and bloud in actions against Sovereignty as well as in others and that though the consequence of the former required a greater severity to be used against them than against the latter yet it followed not from thence that pity and mercy should be absolutely banished from them So Ximenes ordered all those who had resisted Justice to be apprehended and sent the Alcaide Sarmiento to prosecute them with orders neither to make an end of nor desist in the Suit until the Criminals were brought to exemplary punishment and Villa-fratre which had served them for a place of retreat demolished By that means all the high Nobility were attacked because there was not a Lord in all Castille who was not related either in bloud or affinity to these four young Lords or at least who aspired not to be so And indeed the Criminals fearing to be apprehended in the Field or in the Castles of their Fathers returned to Villa-fratre which they defended stoutly enough But Sarmiento laid a formal Siege to them and in process of time reduced them to great extremities He bore with all the railleries that they put upon Him and Ximenes whose Images they dragg'd about the Streets and put them so hard to it that they were come to the last bit of Bread when finding by chance a quarter in the Lines worse guarded than