still called Impost because it was imposed after the ordinary rate of payement had lasted many years But we do now a dayes understand those things to be impositions which are raised by the command of Princes without the advice of the Common-wealth though as I take it much of that which is now called custome was at the first imposed by Prerogative royall Now whether it be time or consent that makes them just I cannot define were they just because new and not justified yet by time or unjust because they want a generall consent yet is this rule of Aristotle verified in respect of his Majestie Minus timent homines in justum pati à principe quem cultorem Dei putant Yea my Lord they are also the more willingly borne because all the world knows they are no new Invention of the Kings And if those that advised his Majestie to impose them had raised his lands as it was offered them to 20000l more then it was and his wards to asmuch as aforesaid they had done him farre more acceptable service But they had their own ends in refusing the one and accepting the other If the land had been raised they could not have selected the best of it for themselves If the impositions had not been laid some of them could not have their silks other pieces in farme which indeed grieved the subject ten times more then that which his Majestie enjoyeth But certainly they made a great advantage that were the advisers for if any tumult had followed his Majesty ready way had been to have delivered them over to the people COUNS. But think you that the King would have delivered them if any troubles had followed IUST I know not my Lord it was Machiavels counsell to Caesar Borgia to doe it and King H the 8. delivered up Empson and Dudley yea the same King when the great Cardinall Woolsey who governed the King and all his estate had by requiring the sixt part of every mans goods for the King raised a rebellion the King I say disavowed him absolutely that had not the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk appeased the people the Cardinall had sung no more Masse for these are the words of our Story The King then came to Westminster to the Cardinals Palace and assembled there a great Councell in which he protested that his mind was never to aske any thing of his commons which might sound to the breach of his Laws Wherefore he then willed them to know by whose means they were so strictly given forth Now my Lord how the Cardinall would have shifted himself by saying I had the opinion of the Iudges had not the rebellion been appeased I greatly doubt COUNS. But good Sir you blanch my question and answer me by examples I aske you whether or no in any such tumult the people pretending against any one or two great Officers the King should deliver them or defend them IUST My good Lord the people have not stayed for the Kings delivery neither in England nor in France Your Lordship knows how the Chancellour Treasurer and Chief Iustice with many others at severall times have been used by the Rebels And the Marshals Constables and Treasurers in France have been cut in pieces in Charles the sixt his time Now to your Lordships question I say that where any man shall give a King perilous advice as may either cause a Rebellion or draw the peoples love from the King I say that a King shall be advised to banish him But if the King do absolutely command his servant to do any thing displeasing to the Common-wealth and to his own perill there is the King bond in honour to defend him But my good Lord for conclusion there is no man in England that will lay any invention ether grievous or against law upon the Kings Majesty and therefore your Lordships must share it amongst you COUNS. For my part I had no hand in it I think Ingram was be that propounded it to the Treasurer IUST Alas my good Lord every poor waiter in the Custome-house or every promooter might have done it there is no invention in these things To lay impositions and sell the Kings lands are poor and common devices It is true that Ingram and his fellows are odious men and therefore his Majesty pleas'd the people greatly to put him from the Coffership It is better for a Prince to use such a kind of men then to countenance them hangmen are necessary in a common wealth yet in the Netherlands none but a hangmans sonne will marry a hangmans daughter Now my Lord the last gathering which Henry the seventh made was in his twentieth year wherein he had another benevolence both of the Clergy and Laity a part of which taken of the poorer sort he ordained by his testament that it should be restored And for King Henry the eight although he was left in a most plentifull estate yet he wonderfully prest his people with great payments for in the beginning of his time it was infinite that he spent in Masking and Tilting Banquetting and other vanities before he was entred into the most consuming expence of the most fond and fruitlesse warre that ever King undertook In his fourth yeare he had one of the greatest subsedies that ever was granted for besides two fifteens and two dismes he used Davids Law of Capitation or head money and had of every Duke ten marks of every Earl five pounds of every Lord four pounds of every Knight four marks and every man rated at 8l in goods 4. marks and so after the rate yea every man that was valued but at 401 paid 12d and every man and woman above 15. yeares 4d He had also in his sixt yeare divers subsedies granted him In his fourteenth their was a tenth demanded of every mans goods but it was moderated In the Parliament following the Clergie gave the King the half of their spirituall livings for one yeare and of the Laity there was demanded 800000l which could not be leavied in England but it was a marvellous great gift that the king had given him at that time In the Kings seventeenth yeare was the Rebellion before spoken of wherein the King disavowed the Cardinall In his seventeenth yeare he had the tenth and fifteenth given by Parliament which were before that time paid to the Pope And before that also the moneys that the King borrowed in his fifteenth yeare were forgiven him by Parliament in his seventeenth yeare In his 35. yeare a subsedy was granted of 4d the pound of every man worth in goods from 20s to 5l from 5l to 10l and upwards of every pound 2s And all strangers denisens and others doubled this summe strangers not being inhabitants above 16. yeares 4d a head All that had Lands Fees and Annuities from 20. to 5. and so double as they did for goods And the Clergy gave 6d the pound In the thirty seventh yeare a Benevolence was taken not voluntary but rated by
hope to perform what we have undertaken if the diligent care at London to make our strength known to the Spanish King by his Ambassadour have not taught the Spanish King to fortifie all the enterances against us howsoever we must make the adventure and if we perish it shall be no honour for England nor gain for his Majestie to loose among many other an hundred as valiant Gentlemen as England hath in it Of Captain Baylâ—â—s base coming from us at the Canaries see a Letter of Kemishes to Mr cory of the unnatural weather storms rains and winds He hath in the same letter given a touch of the way that hath ever been sailed in fourteen days now hardly performed in fourtie days God I trust will give us comfort in that which is to come In passage to the Canaries I stayed at Gomerah where I took water in peace because the Countrey durst not denie it me I received there of an English race a Present of Oranges Lemmons Quinces Pome-granates without which I could not have lived those I preserved in fresh sands and I have of them yet to my great refreshing Your son had never so good health having no distemper in all the heat under the Line All my servants have escaped but Crab and my Cook yet all have had the sickness Crofts and March and the rest are all well Remember my service to my Lord Carew and Mr Secretarie Winwood I write not to them for I can write of nought but miseries yet of men of sort we have lost our Serjeant Major Captain Pigott and his Lieuetenant Captain Edward Hastings who would have died at home for both his liver spleen and brains were rotten My sons Lieuetenant Payton and my cosin Mr. Hews Mr. Mordant Mr. Gardiner Mr. Hayward Captain Jennings the Merchant Kemish of London and the Master Chyrurgion Mr. Refiner Mr. Moor the Governour of the Barmoudas our Provost Marsh. W. Steed Lieutenant Vescie but to mine inestimable grief Hammon and Talbâ—t By the next I trust you shall hear better of us in Gods hands we were and in him we trust This bearer Captain Alley for his infirmitie of his head I have sent back an honest valiant man he can deliver you all that is past Commend me to my worthy friends at Loathbury Sr John Leigh and Mr. Bowâ—r whose Nephew Knevil is well and to my cosin Blundell and my most devoted and humble service to her Majestie To tell you that I might be here King of the Indiâ—n were a vanitie but my name hath still lived among them here they feed me with fresh meat and all that the Countrey yields all offer to obey me Commend me to poor Carew my son From Galliana in Guiana the 14 of November Sir Raleigh's Letter to Sir Ralph Winwood SIR AS I have not hitherto given you any Account of our proceedings and passages towards the Indes so have I no other subject to write of than of the greatest misfortunes that ever befell any man for whereas for the first All those that Navigate between Cape de Vera and America do passe between fifteen or twentie days at most we found the wind so contrary and which are also contrary to nature so many storms and rains as we spent six weeks in the passage by reason whereof and that in so great heat we wanted water for at the Isle Prano of Cape de vero we lost our Anchours and Cables and our water Casks being driven from the Island with a Huâ—â—â—icano and were like all to have perished Great sicknesse fell amongst us and carried away great numbers of our ablest men both for sea and land The 17 of November we had sight of Guiana and soon after came to Anchour in five degrees at the River Gallianâ— here we staid till the fourth of December landed our sick men set up the Barges and Shallops which were brought out of England in quarters washed our Ships and took in fresh water being sed and cherished by the Indians of my old acquaintance with a great deal of love and respect my self being in the hands of death these 6 weeks and was not able otherwise to move than as I was carried in a chair gave order to 5 small Ships to sail into Orinoque having Captain Kemts for their Conductor towards the Mynes and in those five Ships five Companies of 50 under the command of Captain Parker and Captain North brethren to the Lord Mounteagle and the Lord North valiant Gentlemen and of infinite patience for the labour hunger and heat which they have endured my son had the third Company Captain Thornix of Kent the fourth Company Captain Chidlez by his Lieutenant the fifth but as my Sergeant Major Captain Peggot of the Low Countreys died in the former miserable passage so my Lieutenant Sir Warham S. Letter lay sick without hope of life and the charge conferred on my Nephew George Raleigh who had also served long with infinite commendations but by reason of my absence and of Sir Warhams was not so well obeyed as the Enterprize required As they passed up the River the Spaniard began the War and shot at us both with their Ordinance and Muskets whereupon the Companies were forced to charge them and soon after beat them out of the Town In the Assault my son more desirous of honour than safetie was slain with whom to say truth all the respects of this world have taken end in me And although these five Captains had as weak Companies as ever followed valiant Leaders yet were there amongst them some twentie or thirtie valiant adventurous Gentlemen and of singular courage as of my sons Companie Mr. Knivet Mr. Hammon Mr. Longwirth Mr. Iohn Pleasington his Officers Sir Iohn Hamden Mr. Simon Leak Corporall of the Field Mr. Hammon the elder Brother Mr. Nicholas of Buckingham Mr. Roberts of Kent Mr. Perin Mr. Tresham Mr. Mullinax Mr. Winter and his brother Mr. Wray Mr. Miles Herbart Mr. Bradshavv Capt. Hill and others Sir I have set down the names of these Gentlemen to the end that if his Majestie shall have cause to use their service it may please you to take notice of them for very sufficient Gentlemen The other five Ships staid at Trinidads having no other Port capable for them near Guiana The second Ship was commanded by my Vice Admirall Capt. John Pennington of whom to do him right he is one of the sufficientest Gentlemen for the Sea that England hath The third by Sir Warham S. Leiger an exceeding valiant and worthy Gentleman The fourth by Sr John Fern The fifth by Captain Chidley of Devon With these five Ships I daily attended their Armado of Spain which had they set upon us our force divided the one half in Orinoque an hundred and fiftie miles from us we had not onely been torn in pieces but all those in the River had also perished being of no force at all for the Sea fight for we had resolved to have been burnt by
their sides had the Armado arrived but belike they staid for us at Maâ—gâ—â—t by which they knew we must passe towards the Indies for it pleased his Majestie to value us at so little as to command me upon my Alleageance to set down under my hand the Countrey and the River by which I was to enter it to set down the number of my men and burthen of my Ships and what Ordinance every Ship carried which being known to the Spanish Ambassadour and by him to the King of Spain a dispatch was made and letters sent from Madrid before my departure out of the Thames for his first letter sent by a Barque of Advise was dated the 19 of March 1617. at Madrid which letter I have here inclosed sent to your Honour the rest I reserve not knowing whether they may be intercepted or not The second by the King dated the second of May sent also by a Coronel of Diego de Poloâ—eque Governour of Guiana Elderedo and Trinidado The third by the Bishop of Portricho and delivered to Poâ—oniâ—que the 15 of July at Trinidado And the fourth was sent from the Farmer and Secretary of his Customs in the Indies At the same time by that of the Kings hand sent by the Bishop there was also a Commission for the speedie levying of three hundred souldiers and ten pieces of Ordinance to be sent froÌ„ Portricho for the defence of Guiana an hundred fiftie from Nuevo Rémo de Grando under the command of Captain Anthony Musica and the other hundred and fiftie from Portricho to be conducted by C. Franc. Laudio Now Sir if all that have traded to the Indies since his Majesties time knew that the Spaniards have flayed alive all the poor men which they have taken being but Merchant men what death and cruel torment shall we expect if they conquer us certainly they have hitherto failed grosly being set out thence as we were both for number time and place Lastly to make an Apologie for not working the Myne although I know his Majestie expects whom I am to satisfie so much as my self having lost my son and my estate in the Enterprise yet it is true that the Spaniards took more care to defend the passage leading unto it than they did the Town which by the Kings instructioÌ„s they might easily do the Countreys being Aspera Nemosa But it is true that when Capt. Kemish found the River low and that he could not approach the Banks in most places near the Myne by a Mile and where he found a discent a volley of Muskets come from the woods upon the Boat and slew two Rowers and hurt fix others and shot a valiant Gentleman of Captain Thornix of which wound he languisheth to this day He to wit Kemish following his own advice thought that it was in vain to discover the Myne for he gave me this for an excuse at his return that the Companies of English in the Town of S. Thome were not able to defend it against the daily and nightly assaults of the Spaniards that the passages to the Mynes were thick and unpassable woods and that the Myne being discovered they had no men to work it did not discover it at all for it is true the Spaniards having two gold Mynes near the Town the one possessed by Pedro Rodrigo de Paran the second by Harmian Frotinio the third of silver by Captain Francisco for the want of Negroes to work them for as the Indians cannot be constrained by a Law of Charls the Fifth so the Spaniards will not nor can endure the labour of those Mynes whatsoever the Bragadochio the Spanish Ambassador saith I shall prove under the Proprietors hand by the Custom-Book and the Kings Quinto of which I recovered an Ingot or two I shall also make it appear to any Prince or State that will undertake it how easily those Mynes and five or six more of them may be possessed and the most of them in those parts which never have as yet been attempted by any nor by any passage to them nor ever discovered by the English French or Dutch But at Kemish his return from Orinoque when I rejected his counsel and his course and told him that he had undone me and wounded my credit with the King past recovery he slew himself for I told him that seeing my son was slain I cared not if I had lost an hundred more in opening of the Myne so my credit had been saved for I protest before God had not Capt. Whitney to whom I gave more countenance than to all the Captains of my Fleet run from me at the Granadoes and carried another ship with him of Captain Woldestons I would have left my body at S. Thomes by my sons or have brought with me out of that or other Mynes so much Gold oar as should have satisfied the King I propounded no vain thing what shall become of me I know not I am unpardoned in England and my poor estate consumed and whether any Prince will give me bread or no I know not I desire your Honour to hold me in your good opinino to remember my service to my Lord of Arâ—undel and Pembrook to take some pity on my poor Wife to whom I dare not write for renewing her sorrow for her son and beseech you to give a copie of this to my Lord 〈◊〉 for to a broken mind a sick bodie and weak eyes it is a torment to write many Letters I have found many things of importance for discovering the state and weaknesse of the Indies which if I live I shall here after impart unto your Honour to whom I shall remain a faithfull servant Walter Raleigh Sir Raleigh's Letter sent to his Wife Copied out of his own hand writing I Was loath to write because I know not how to comfort you and God knows I never knew what sorrow meant till now All that I can say to you is that you must obey the will and providence of God and remember that the Queens Majestie bare the losse of Prince Henry with a magnanimous heart and the Ladie Harrington of her son Comfort your heart dearest Bess I shall sorrow for us both I shall for now the lesse because I have not long to sorrow because not long to live I refer you to Mr. Secretarie Winwoods Letter who will give you a copie of it if you send for it therein you shall know what hath passed I have written that Letter for my brains are broken and it is a torment for me to write and especially of misery I have desired Mr. Secretarie to give my Lord Carew a copie of his Letter I have clensed my ship of sick men and sent them home I hope God will send us somewhat before we return You shall hear from me if I live from the New found land where I mean to make clean my ships and revictual for I have Tobacco enough to pay for it The Lord blesse and comfort you that
of the wars in France and the losse of Rochett he was them enforced to consent to the Lords in all they demanded in the tenth of his reigne he fined the City of London at 50000. marks because they had received Lewis of France in the 11. year in the Parliament at Oxford he revoked the great Charter being granted when he was under age and governed by the Earle of Pembroke and the Bishop of Winchester in this 11. year the Earles of Cornewall and Chester Marshall Edward Earle of Pembroke Gilbert Earle of Gloucester Warren Hereford Ferrars and Warwick and others rebelled against the King and constrained him to yeeld unto them in what they demaunded for their particular interest which rebellion being appeased he sayled into France and in his 15. year he had a 15th of the temporality and a disme and a half of the spirituality and withall escuage of every Knights fee. COUNS. But what say you to the Parliament of Westminster in the 16th of the King where notwithstanding the wars of France and his great charge in repulsing the Welsh rebels he was flatly denyed the Subsidy demanded IUST I confesse my Lord that the house excused themselves by reason of their poverty and the Lords taking of Armes in the next year it was manifest that the house was practised aganst the King And was it not so my good Lord think you in our two last Parliaments for in the first even those whom his Majesty trusted most betrayed him in the union and in the second there were other of the great ones ran counter But your Lordship spake of dangers of Parliaments in this my Lord there was a denyall but there was no danger at all but to returne where I left what got the Lords by practizing the house at that time I say that those that brake this staffe upon the King were overturned with the counterbuffe for he resumed all those lands which he had given in his minority he called all his exacting officers to accompt he found them all faulty he examined the corruption of other Magistrates and from all these he drew sufficient money to satisfie his present necessity whereby he not onely spared his people but highly contented them with an act of so great Iustice Yea Hubert Earle of Kent the chief Iustice whom he had most trusted and most advanced was found as false to the King as any one of the rest And for conclusion in the end of that year at the assembly of the States at Lambeth the King had the fortieth part of every mans goods given him freely toward his debts for the people who the same year had refused to give the King any thing when they saw he had squeased those spunges of the Common-wealth they willingly yeelded to give him satisfaction COUNS. But I pray you what became of this Hubert whom the King had favoured above all men betraying his Majesty as he did IUST There were many that perswaded the King to put him to death but he could not be drawn to consent but the King seized upon his estate which was great yet in the end he left him a sufficient portion and gave him his life because he had done great service in former times For this Majesty though he tooke advantage of his vice yet he forgot not to have consideration of his vertue And upon this occasion it was that the King betrayed by those whom he most trusted entertained strangers and gave them their offices and the charge of his Castles and strong places in England COUNS. But the drawing in of those strangers was the cause that Marshall Earle of Pembroke moved war against the King JUST It is true my good Lord but he was soon after slain in Ireland and his whole masculine race ten yeares extinguished though there were five Sons of them and Marshal being dead who was the mover and ring-leader of that war the King pardoned the rest of the Lords that had assisted Marshall COUNS. What reason had the King so to doe JUST Because he was perswaded that they loved his person and only hated those corrupt Counsellors that then bare the greatest sway under him as also because they were the best men of war he had whom if he destroyed having war with the French he had wanted Commanders to have served him COUNS. But what reason had the Lords to take armes JUST Because the King entertained the Poictovins were not they the Kings vassals also Should the Spaniards rebell because the Spanish King trusts to the Neapolitans Fortagues Millanoies and other Nations his vassals seeing those that are governed by the Vice-royes and deputies are in policy to be well entertained to be employed who would otherwise devise how to free themselves whereas being trusted and imployed by their Prince they entertain themselves with the hopes that other the Kings vassals do if the King had called in the Spaniards or other Nations not his Subjects the Nobilitie of England had reason of grief COUNS. But what people did ever serve the King of England more faithfully then the Gascoynes did even to the last of the conquest of that Duchie IUST Your Lordship sayes well and I am of that opinion that if it had pleased the Queen of Eng. to have drawn some of the chief of the Irish Nobilitie into Eng. and by exchange to have made them good free-holders in Eng. she had saved above 2. millions of pounds which were consumed in times of those Rebellions For what held the great Gascoigne firme to the Crown of England of whom the Duke of Espernon married the Inheritrix but his Earldome of Kendall in England whereof the Duke of Espernon in right of his Wife beares the Title to this day And to the same end I take it hath Iames our Soveraign Lord given Lands to divers of the Nobilitie of Scotland And if I were worthy to advise your Lordship I should think that your Lordship should do the King great service to put him in mind to prohibite all the Scottish Nation to alienate and sell away their inheritance here for they selling they not only give cause to the English to complain that the Treasure of England is transported into Scotland but his Majestie is thereby also frustrated of making both Nations one and of assuring the service and obedience of the Scots in future COUNS. You say well for though those of Scotland that are advanced and enriched by the Kings Majesties will no doubt serve him faithfully yet how their heires and successors having no inheritance to lose in England may be seduced is uncertain But let us go on with our Parliament And what say you to the denyall in the 26th year of his reigne even when the King was invited to come into France by the Earle of March who had married his Mother and who promised to assist the King in the conquest of many places lost IUST It is true my good Lord that a subsidie was then denied and the reasons are
Commissioners which because one of the Aldermen refused to pay he was sent for a souldier into Scotland He had also another great subsedy of six shillings the pound of the Clergy and two shillings eight pence of the goods of the Laity and four shillings the pound upon Lands In the second yeare of Edward the sixt the Parliament gave the King an aid of twelve pence the pound of goods of his Naturall subjects and two shillings the pound of strangers and this to continue for three yeares and by the statute of the second and third of Edward the sixt it may appear the same Parliament did also give a second aid as followeth to wit of every Ewe kept in severall pastures 3d of every weather kept as aforesaid 2d of every sheep kept in the Common 1d ob The House gave the King also 8d the pound of every woollen cloath made for the sale throughout England for three years In the third and fourt of the King by reason of the troublesome gathering of the poly money upon sheep and the tax upon cloath this act of subsedy was repeal'd and other relief given the King and in the seventh yeare he had a subsedy and two fifteens In the first yeare of Queen Mary tunnage and poundage were granted In the second yeare a subsedy was given to King Philip and to the Queen she had also a third subsedy in Annis 4. 5. Eliz. Reg Now my Lord for the Parliaments of the late Queens time in which there was nothing new neither head money nor sheep money nor escuage nor any of these kinds of payments was required but onely the ordinary subsedies and those as easily graunted as demanded I shall not need to trouble your Lordship with any of them neither can I inform your Lordship of all the passages and acts which have passed for they are not extant nor printed COUNS. No it were but time lost to speak of the latter and by those that are already remembred we may judge of the rest for those of the greatest importance are publick But I pray you deal freely with me what you think would be done for his Majesty If he should call a Parliament at this time or what would be required at his Majesties hands IUST The first thing that would be required would be the same that was required by the Commons in the thirteenth yeare of Hen. the eight to wit that if any man of the commons house should speak more largely then of duty he ought to do all such offences to be pardoned and that to be of record COUNS. So might every Companion speak of the King what they list IUST No my Lord the reverence which a Vassall oweth to his Soveraigne is alwaies intended for every speech howsoever it must import the good of the King and his estate and so long it may be easily pardoned otherwise not for in Queen Elizabeths time who gave freedome of speech in all Parliaments when Wentworth made those motions that were but supposed dangerous to the Queens estate he was imprisoned in the Tower notwithstanding the priviledge of the house and there died COUNS. What say you to the Scicilian vespers remembred in the last Parliament IUST I say he repented him heartily that used that speech and indeed besides that it was seditious this example held not The French in Scicily usurped that Kingdome they neither kept law nor faith they took away the inheritance of the Inhabitants they took from them their wives and ravished their daughters committing all other insolencies that could be imagined The Kings Majesty is the Naturall Lord of England his Vassals of Scotland obey the English Laws if they break them they are punished without respect Yea his Majesty put one of his Barons to a shamefull death for being consenting onely to the death of a Common Fencer And which of these ever did or durst commit any outrage in England but to say the truth the opinion of packing the last was the cause of the contention and disorder that happened COUNS. Why sir do you not think it best to compound a Parliament of the Kings servants and others that shall in all obey the Kings desires IUST Certainly no for it hath never succeeded well neither on the kings part nor on the subjects as by the Parliament before-remembred your Lordship may gather for from such a composition do arise all jealousies and all contentions It was practized in elder times to the great trouble of the kingdome and to the losse and ruine of many It was of latter time used by King Henry the eight but every way to his disadvantage When the King leaves himself to his people they assure themselves that they are trusted and beloved of their king and there was never any assembly so barborus as not to answer the love and trust of their King Henry the sixt when his estate was in effect utterly overthrown and utterly impoverished at the humble request of his Treasurer made the same known to the House Or other wise using the Treasurers own words He humbly desired the King to take his Staffe that he might save his wardship COUNS. But you know they will presently be in hand with those impositions which the King hath laid by his own Royall Prerogative IUST Perchance not my Lord but rather with those impositions that have been by some of your Lordships laid upon the King which did not some of your Lordships fear more then you do the impositions laid upon the Subjects you would never disswade his Majesty from a Parliament For no man doubted but that his Majesty was advised to lay those impositions by his Councell and for particular things on which they were laid the advice came from petty fellows though now great ones belonging to the Custome-House Now my Lord what prejudice hath his Majesty his Revenue being kept up if the impositions that were laid by the generall Councell of the Kingdome which takes off all grudging and complaint COUNS. Yea Sir but that which is done by the King with the advice of his private or privy Councell is done by the Kings absolute power IUST And by whose power it is done in parliament but by the Kings absolute power Mistake it not my Lord The three Estates do but advise as the privy Councell doth which advice if the King imbrace it becomes the Kings own Act in the one and the Kings Law in the other for without the Kings acceptation both the publick and private advices be but as empty Egg shels and what doth his Majesty lose if some of those things which concerns the poorer sort to be made free again and the Revenue kept up upon that which is superfluous Is it a losse to the King to be beloved of the Commons If it be revenue which the King seeks is it not better to take it of those that laugh then of those that cry Yea if all be conten to pay upon moderation change of the Species Is it
you may bear patiently the death of your valiant son This 22. of March from the Isle of Christophers yours Walter Raleigh Yours Walter Raleigh Post-script I Protest before the Majestie of God That as Sir Francis Drake and Sir John Hawkins died heart broken when they failed of their enterprise I could willingly do the like did I not contend against sorrow for your sake in hope to provide somewhat for you and to comfort and relieve you If I live to return resolve your self that it is the care for you that hath strengthened my heart It is true that Kemish might have gone directly to the Myne and meant it but after my sons death he made them believe he knew not the way and excused himself upon want of water in the River and counter feiting many impediments left it unfound When he came back I told him he had undone me and that my credit was lost for ever he answered That when any son was lost and that he left me so weak that he resolved not to find me alive he had no reason to enrich a companie of Rascals who after my sons death made no account of him He further told me that the English sent up into Guiana could hardly defend the Spanish town of S. Thome which they had taken and therefore for them to passe through thick woods it was impossible and more impossible to have victuall brought them into the Mountains And it is true that the Governour Diego Poloâ—eqe and other four Captains being slain whereof Wat flew one Plessington Waâ—s servant and John of Morocâ—urs one of his men slew other two I say five of them slain in the enterance of the Town the rest went off in a whole bodie and took more care to defend the passages to their Mynes of which they had three within a League of the Town besides a Myne that was about five miles off than they did of the Town it self Yet Kemish at the first was resolved to go to the Myne but when he came to the banck-side to Land and had two of his men slain outright from the bank and six other hurt and Captain Thornix shot in the head of which wound and the accident thereof he hath pined away those twelve weeks Now when Kemish came back and gave me the former Reasons which moved him not to open the Myne the one the death of my son a second the weaknesse of the English and their impossibilities to work and to be victualled a third that it were a folly to discover it for the Spaniards and lastly my weaknesse and being unpardoned and that I rejected all these his Arguments and told him that I must leave him to himself to resolve it to the King and State he shut up himself into his Cabbin and shot himself with a pocket Pistol which broke one of his ribs and finding that he had not prevailed he thrust a long Knife under his short ribs up to the handle and died Thus much I have written to Mr Secretarie to whose Letters I refer you to know the truth I did after the sealing break open the Letter again to let you know in brief the state of that business which I pray you impart to my Lord of Northumberland and Silvanus Scoâ—y For the rest there was never poor man so exposed to slaughter as I was for being commanded upon mine Alleagiance to set down not onely the CouÌ„-trey but the very River by which I was to enter it to name my Ships number men and my Artillerie This now was sent by the Spanish Ambassador to his Master the King of Spain the King wrote his Letters to all parts of the Indies especially to the Governour Palamago of Guiana Elderado and Trinidado of which the first Letter bore date 19 of March 16â—7 at Maâ—rill when I had not yet left the Thames which Letter I have sent ot Mr Secretarie I have also other Letters of the Kings which I reserve and one of the Councels The King also sent a Commission to leave three hundred souldiers out of his Garrisons of â—nie Regno de Granado è Portricho with ten pieces of brasle Ordinance to entertain us he also prepared an Army by sea to set upon us If were too long to tell you how we were preserved if I live I shall make it known my brains are broken and I cannot write much I live yet and I told you why Witney for whom I sold all my Plate at Plymouth and to whom I gave more credit and countenance than to all the Captains of my Fleet ran from me at the Granadoes and Wolleston with him so as I have now but five Ships and out of those I have sent some into my Fly boat a sabble of idle Rascals which I know will not spare to wound me but I care not I am sure there is never a base slave in all the Fleet hath taken the pain and care that I have done that have slept so little and travelled so much my friends will not believe them and for the rest I care not God in heaven blesse you and strengthen your heart Sir Raleigh's Letter to Mr Secretary Winwood SIR SInce the death of Kemish it is contessed by the Serjeant Major and others of his inward friends that he told them that he could have brought them unto the Myne within two hours March from the Riverside but because my son was slain my self unpardoned and not like to live he had no reason to open the Myne either for the Spaniard or for the King they answered that the King though I were not pardoned had granted my heart under the Great Sea He replyed that the grant to me was to no man non Ens in the Law and therefore of no force this discourse they had which I knew not of till after his death but when I was resolved to write unto your Honour he prayed me to joyn with him in excusing his not going to the Myne I answered him I would not do it but if my self could satisfie the King and State that he had reason not to open it I should be glad of it but for my part I must avow that he knew it and that he might with loss have done it other excuses I would not frame he told me that he would wait on me presently and give me better satisfaction but I was no sooner come from him into my Cabbin but I heard a Pistol go over my head and sending to know who shot it word was brought me that Kemish shot it out of his Cabbin window to cleanse it his boy going into his Cabbin found him lying upon his bed with much bloud by him and looking in his face saw him dead the Pistol being but little did but crack his rib but turning him over found a long Knife in his bodie all but the handle Sir I have sent into England with my cosin Harbert a very valiant honest Gentleman divers unworthy persons good for nothing neither by sea