King James being dead Margaret was married againe to Archihald Douglas Earle of Anguish by whom shee had a Daughter named Margaret which was married afterward to Mathew Steward Earle of Lenâ—x whose Sonne Charles Steward was married to Elizabâ—th Candish Daughter to the present Countesse of Shrewsbury and by her hath left his onely Heire a little Daughter named Arbella of whom you have heard some speech before And this is touching the Line of Scotland descending from the first and eldest Daughter of King Henry the seventh The second Daughter of King Henry the seventh called Mary was twice married also first to the King of France by whom she had no issue and after his death to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke by whom she had two Daughters that is Francis of which the Children of my Lord of Hartford do make their claime and Elenor by whom the issue of the Earle of Darby pretendeth right as shall be declared For that Francis the first Daughter of Charles Brando4 by the Queene of France was married to the Marquesse of Dorset who after Charles Brandons death was made Duke of Suffolke in right of his Wâ—fe and was beheaded in Queene Maries time for his conspiracy with my Lord of Leycesters Father And she had by this man three Daughters that is Jane that was married to my Lord of Leycesters Brother and proclaimed Queene after King Edwards death for which both shee and her husband were executed Katherine the second Dâ—ughter who had two Sonnes yet living by the Earle of Hartford and Mâ—ry the third Dâ—ugter which left no Children The other Daughter of Chaâ—lâ—s Brandon by the Queene of France called Elenor was married to Georgâ— Cliffâ—rd Earle of Cumberland who left a Daughter by her named Maâ—gâ—reâ— married to the Earle of Darby which yet liveth and hath issue And this is the title of the Hâ—use of Suffolke descended from the second Daughter of K. Henry the seventh married as hath been shewed to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke And by this you may see also how many there be who do thinke their titles to be far before that of my Lord of Huntingtonâ— if either râ—ght lâ—w reason or coâ—sideration of home affaires may take place in our Realm or if not yet you cannot but imagine how many great Princes and Potentatâ—s abroad are like to joyne and buckle with Huntingâ—ons Line for the preeminence â—f once the matter fall againe to contention by excluding the Line of King Henry the seventh which God forbid Truly Sir quoth I I well perceive that my Lords turne is not so nigh as I had thought whether he exclude the Line of King Henry or noâ— for if he exclude thâ—t then must he enter the Combat with forraine titlers of the House of Lancaster and if he â—xclude it not then in all apparance of reason and in Law to as you have said the succession of the two Dâ—ughters of King Henâ—y the seventh whiâ—h you distâ—nguâ—sh by the two names of Scotland and Suffolke must needs bee as clearely before him and his Lâ—ne that decended only from Edward the fourth his Brother as the Queenes title that new reigneth is before him For thâ—â—â—oth Scotland Suffolke and her Majesty do hold all by one foundâ—tion which is the union of both Houses and Titles together in King Henry the seventh her Majesties Grandfather That is true quoth the Gentleman and evidenâ— enough in every mans eye and therefore no doubt but as â—hat much is meant â—gâ—inst hâ—r Majesty if oc4â—sion serve â—s against thâ— rest thâ—t hold by the same â—itle Albeit her Mâ—iesti4s state the Lord be praised be such at thi◠〈◊〉 as it is not safâ—y to pretend so much against hâ—r as against the rest whatsoever be meant And that in â—ruth more should be ment agâ—inst her hâ—ghnes theâ— agâ—inst all â—he rest there is this reaâ—on for tâ—at her Majesty by hâ—r present possession letteth more their desires then all the rest â—ogether with their future pretences But as I have said it is not safety for them nor yet good pâ—lâ—cy to declare openly what they meane aâ—ainst her Majesty It is the best way for the pâ—esent to â—hew downe the rest and to leave her Majesty for the last â—low and upshot to their gâ—me For which câ—use they will â—eeme to make great difference at this day betweene her Majesties title and the rest that descend in likewise from King Henrâ— the seventh avowing the one and disallowâ—ng the other Albeit my Lord of Leicesters Father preferred that of Suffolke when 〈◊〉 was before this of her Mâ—jâ—sty and coâ—pelleâ— the whâ—le Realme to sweare thereunto Such is thâ— variable policy of men that serve the time or rather that serve themselves of all times for their purposes I remember quoth I that time of â—he Duke and was present my selfe at some of his Proclamations for that purpose wherein my Lord his Sonne that now liveth â—eing then a doer as I can tell he was I marvile how he can deale so contrary now preferring not onely her Majesties title bâ—fore that of Suffolk whereof I wonder lessâ— because it is more gainfull to him but also another much further of Buâ— you have signified the cause in that the times are changeâ— and other bargaines are in hand of more importance for him Wherefoâ—e leaving this to be considered by others whom it concerneth I beseech you Sir for that I know your worship hath beeene much conversant among their frienâ—s and favourers to tell me what are the barres and lets which they doe alledge why the house of Scoâ—land and Suffolk descendâ—d of king Henry the seventh his daughters should not succeed in the Crowne of England after her Majesty who ended the line of the same king by his son for in my sight the matter appeareth vâ—ry plaine They want not pretences of barres and lets against them all quoth the Gentleman which I will lâ—y downe in order as I have heard them alledged First in the line of Scotland there are three persons as you know that may pretend right that is the Queen and her son by the first marriage of Margaret and Arbella by the second And against the first marriage I heare nothing affirmed but against the two persons proceeding thereof I heare them alledge three stops one for that they are strangers born out of the land consâ—quently incapâ—ble of inheritance within the same another for that by a speciâ—l testament of king H. 8. authorised by 2. severall pâ—rliam thâ—y are excluded 3 for that they are enemies to the religion now among us therefore to be debarred Against the second marriage of Maâ—gâ—ret with Aâ—chibald Douglas whâ—â—eof Aâ—bella is descended they alledge that the said Archibald had a former wife at the time of that marriage which lived long after and so neither that marriage lawfull nor the issue therof legitimate The same barre they have
House of Yorke where it continued with much trouble in two Kings onely untill both Houses were joyned together in King Henry the seventh and his noble issue Hereby wee see how the issue of Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster fourth Son to King Edward the third pretended right to the Crowne by Edmond Crookebacke before the issue of all the other three Sonnes of Edward the third albeit they were the elder Brothers whereof wee will speake more hereafter Now Iohn of Gaunt though hee had many children yet had he foure onely of whom issue remaine two Sonnes and two Daughters The first Son was Henry of Bolingbrooke Duke of Lancaster who tooke the Crowne from King Richard the second his Unkles Sonne as hath beene said and first of all planted the same in the House of Lancaster where it remained in two discents after him that is in his Son Henry the fift and in his Nephew Henry the sixt who was afterward destroyed together with Henry Prince of Wales his onely Sonne and Heire and consequently all that Line of Henry Bolingbâ—ooke extinguished by Edward the fourth of the House of Yorke The other Son of Iohn of Gaunt was Iohn Duke of Somersâ—t by Katherine Sfinsford his third wife which Iohn had issue another Iohn and he Margaret his Daughter and Heire who being married to Edmond Tyder Earle of Richmond had issue Henry Earle of Richmond who after was named King Henry the seventh whose Line yet endureth The two Daughters of John of Gaunt were married to Portugall and Castile that is Philip borne of Blanch Heire to Edmond Crookeback as hath beene said was married to Iohn King of Portugall of whom is descended the King that now possesseth Portugall and the other Princes which have or may make title to the same and Katherin borne of Constanâ—e Heire of Castile was married back againe to Henry King of Castile in Spaine of whom King Philip is also descended So that by this wee see where the remainder of the House of Lancaster resteth if the Line of King Henry the seventh were extinguished and what pretext forraine Princes may have to subdue us if my Lord of Huntington either now or after hâ—r Majesties dayes will open to them the doore by shutting out the rest of King Henries Line and by drawing backe the title to the onely House of Yorke againe which he pretendeth to doe upon this that I will now declare King Edward the third albeit he had many children yet five onely will we speake of at this time Whereof three were elder then Jâ—hn of Gaunt and one yonger The first of the elder was named Edward the blacke Prince who died before his Father leaving one onely Sonne named Richard who afterward being King and named Richard the second was deposed without issue and put to death by his Cosin germain named Henry Bolingbrooke Duke of Lancaster Son to John of Gaunt as hath beene said and so there ended the Line of King Edwards first Sonne King Edwards second Sonne was William of Hatfâ—â—ld that died without issue His third Sonne was Leonell Duke of Clarence whose onely Daughter and Heire called Phâ—â—ip was married to Edmond Mortimer Earle oâ— Marcâ— and after that Anneâ—he â—he Daughter and Heire of Mortimer was married to Richard Plantagiâ—et Duke of Yorke Son and Heire to Edmond of Langâ—â—y the first Duke of Yorkâ— which Edmond was the fift Son of King Edward the third and younger Brother to John of Gaunt And this Edmond of Lanâ—ley may bee called the first beginner of the Hâ—use of Yorke even as Edmond Crookback the beginner of the House of Lancaster This Edmond Langley then having a Sonne named Richard that married Anne Mortimer sole Heire to Leonell Duke of Clarence joyned two Lines and two Titles in one I meane the Line of Leonell and of Edmond Langley who were as hath bin said the third and the fift Sonnes to King Edward the third And for this cause the childe that was borne of this marriage named after his Father Richard Plantaginet Duke of Yorke seeing himselfe strong and the first Line of King Edward the thirds eldest Son to be extinguished in the death of King Richard the second and seeing William of Hatfield the second Sonne dead likewise without issâ—e made demand of the Crowne for the House of Yorke by the title of Leonell the third Sonne of King Edward And albeit hee could not obtaine the same in his dayes for that hee was slaine in a Battell against King Henry the sixt at Wakefield yet his Sonne Edward got the same and was called by the name of King Edward the fourth This King at his death left divers children as namely two Sonnes Edward the fift and his Brother who after were both murdered in the Tower as shall be shewed and also five Daughters to wit Elizabeth Cicily Anne Katherine and Briget Whereof the first was married to Henry the seventh The last became a Nunne and the other three were bestowed upon divers other husbands Hee had alâ—o two Brothers the first was called George Duke of â—larence who afterward upon his deserts as is to be supposed was put to death in Callis by commandement of the King and his attainder allowed by Parliamâ—nt And this man left behinde him a Sonne named Edward Earle of Warwick put to death afterward without issue by King Henry the seventh and a Daughter named Margaret Countessâ— of â—alisâ—ury who was married to a meane Gentleman named Richarâ— Poole by whom she had issue Cardinall Poole that died without marriage and Henry Poole that was attainted and executed â—n King Henry the eight his time as also her selfe was and this Henry Poole left a Daughter married afterward to the Earle of Huntington by whom this Earle that now is maketh title to the Crowne And this is the effect of my Lord of Huntingtons title The second Brother of King Edward the fourth was Richard Duke of Gâ—ocester who after the Kings death caused his two Sonnes to be murdered in the Tower and tooke the Kingdome to himselfe And afterward he being slaine by King Henry the seventh at Bosâ—â—orth-field left no issue behind him Wherefore King Henry the seventh descending as hath bin shewed of the House of Lancaster by John of Gaunts last Sonne and third Wife and taking to Wife Lady â—lizabeth eldest daughter of King Edward the fourth of the House of Yorke joyned most happily the two Families together and made an end of all controversies about the title Now King Henry the seventh had issue three Children of whom remaineth posterity First Henry the eighth of whom is descended our Soveraigne her Majesty that now happily raigneth and is the last that remaineth alive of that first Line Secondly he had two Daughters whereof the first named Margaret was married twice first to James King of Scotland from whom are directly discended the Queene of Scotland that now liveth and her Sonne and
would not a little have trembled Scotland hâ—d bâ—en quiet our compâ—tâ—tors in England would have quâ—kâ—d and for the Pope he might have put up his pipes Oâ—r â—iffâ—rences in religion at home hâ—d been â—ither lâ—ssâ— â—r no gâ—eater thâ—n now thâ—y are for that Moâ—sieur beâ—ng but a moderate Pâ—pist and notâ—ing vâ—hement in hâ—s opâ—niâ—ns was content with veâ—y reasonable conditioâ—s for hâ—msâ—lfe and hâ—s strâ—ngers onâ—ly in use of thâ—ir conscience not unlikely truly but that in time he might by Gods grace and by the great wisdome and vertue of her Mâ—jesty have been brought also to embrace the Gospell as King Ethelbâ—rt an heathen was by noble Qâ—een Bertha his wife the first Christian of our English Princes Unto all which fel city if the Lord in mercy should have added also some issue of their royall bodies as was not impossible when fiâ—st this noble match was movâ—d we then doubtlâ—ssâ— had been the most forâ—unate people under heaven and might hâ—ve beâ—n perhaps the meane to hâ—ve restored thâ— Gospell thâ—oughout all Europe besides as our Brethren of France well coâ—sidered and hoped Of all whâ—ch singular benefits boâ—h present and to come boâ—h in Re and Spâ— his tyrant for his own private lucre fâ—aring lâ—st heâ—eâ—y his ambition might be râ—strained and his treacheâ—y râ—veâ—led hâ—th bereaved the Realme and done what in him lyeth besides to alienate for â—ver and make our mortall enemy this great Prince whâ— souâ—ht the love of hâ—r Mâ—jâ—sty with so muâ—h hâ—nour confidâ—ncâ— as never Prince the like putting twâ—câ— his ownâ— pâ—rson in jâ—opardy of the sâ—â— and to the pâ—rill of his maâ—â—â—â—ons envioâ—s heâ—e in England for her Mâ—jâ—sties sake When yâ—u spâ—ak â—f 〈…〉 Lawyâ—r I cannot but â—â—eaâ—ly b◠〈…〉 thâ—se considâ—rations wâ—ll 〈…〉 â—lso fâ—r some oâ—hâ—r espâ—cially 〈…〉 you will thiâ—ke me 〈…〉 for thâ—t I spâ—â—ke it oâ—â—ly in 〈…〉 and good of my Countrey aâ—d thâ—t is 〈◊〉 Mâ—â—siâ—urs 〈◊〉 wâ—th our noble Princâ—ssâ— â—â—â—ides thâ— hope of issâ—e whâ—ch was the principâ—ll thâ—re wâ—nted not also probabâ—lity that sâ—me 〈◊〉 or lâ—â—tle tâ—lâ—ration in religion between you and us might have been procured in this state as we see that in some other Countries is admitted to their great good Which thing no doubt would have cut off quite all dangers and dealings from forraine Princes would hâ—ve stopped mane devises and plots within the Realme wheras now by this breach with France we stand alone as me seemeth without any great uniâ—ion or friendship abroad and our differences at home grow more vehement and sharp then evâ—r before Upon which two heads as also upon infinit other causes purposâ—s â—râ—fâ—s and pretences there doe ensue daily more deepe dangerous and desperate practises evâ—ry man using either the commodâ—ty or necessity of the time and state for his owne purpose â—specially now when all men presume that her Mâ—jâ—sty by the continuall thwaâ—tinâ—s which have beâ—n â—sed against all her marriage is not like to leave unto the Realme that precious jewell so much and long desired of all Englâ—sh hâ—arts I meane the Royâ—ll heires of hâ—r â—wne body Thwartiâ—gs call you the defeating of all her Mâ—jâ—stiâ—s â—â—st honourâ—ble offâ—r of marriage said the othâ—â— truly in my opinion you should have used anâ—ther word to â—xpâ—essâ— the nature of so wâ—cked a fact wherâ—y â—lone if there were no other this uâ—fortunate man hath dâ—â—e more hurt to thiâ— Câ—mmon weâ—lth â—hâ—n if hâ— hâ—d murdered mâ—ny thoâ—saâ—ds oâ— her sâ—bjects â—r bâ—trâ—yd whole aâ—â—ieâ— to the profâ—ssâ—d 〈…〉 remember well my sâ—lfe foure 〈…〉 pâ—â—pose undâ—â—mined by his meâ—nes the fiâ—st wâ—th the Swethâ—n King the sâ—cond with 〈…〉 of Austrâ—â— tâ—e third wâ—th 〈…〉 France that now reignâ—th and the fourth wâ—â—h thâ— in other and hâ—ire of the said Kingâ—â—mâ— For 〈…〉 maâ—y other secret motions maâ—e by great Potentates to her Majesty for the same purpose but these foure are openly known and therefore I name them Which foure are as well knowne to have been â—ll disturbed by this Daweâ— as they were earnestly pursued by the other And for the first thâ—ee Suters he drove them away by protesting and sweâ—ring that himsâ—lfe wâ—s contracted unto her Majesty wherof hâ—r highnesse was sufficiently advertised by Cardinâ—ll Châ—tâ—lian in the first treâ—ty for France and the Cardinall soone after puâ—ished as is thought by this man with pâ—yâ—on But yet this speech he gâ—ve out then every where among his friends both strangers and others â—hat he forsooth was assuâ—ed to her Majesty and consequently thâ—t all othâ—r Princes must give over their suits for him Whereunto notwithstanding when the Swâ—den would hardly give care this man conferred wiâ—h his Privado to make a most unseemly and â—isloâ—al proof therof for the otheâ—s satisfaction whiâ—h thing I am enforced by duty to passe over with silence for honour to the parties who are touched therein as also I am to concealâ— his said filâ—hy Pâ—ivado â—hough worthy otherwise for his dishonesty to be displâ—yed to the world but my Lord himsâ—lfe I am sure doth well remember bâ—th the man and the matter And albeit there was no wise man at thâ—t time who knowing â—y Lord suspected not the fâ—lsâ—hood and hâ—s arrogant â—ffirmation touching â—his contract with her Mâ—jesty yâ—t some both abâ—oad and at home might doubt thereof perhaps but now of late by hâ—s knowne mâ—rriage with his Minion Dâ—me Lâ—ttice of Essex he hath declâ—red manifestâ—y his owne most impudent and disloyall dealing with his soveraigne in this report For that report quoth the Lawyer I know that it was common and maintained by many for divers yeeres yet did the wiser sort make no account thereof seeing it came onely from himsâ—lf and in his own bâ—hâ—lfe Neither was it credible that her Majesty who refused so noble Knights and Princes as Europe hâ—th not the like would make choice of so meane a peere as Robin Dudley is noble onely in two descentâ— and both of thâ—m stained with the block from which also himselfe was pardoned but the other day being codemned therunto by law for his deserts as appeareth yâ—t in publiâ—k records And for thâ— widow of Essâ—x I marvaile sir quâ—th he how you call her his wife sâ—eing the Canon-law standeth yet in force touching matters of marriage wâ—thin the Realme Oh said the Gentlâ—man laughing you meane for that he procured the poisoning of her husband in his journâ—y from Ireland You must think that Dâ—ctor Dale will dispence in that mattâ—r as he did at his Lordships appointment wâ—th his Italâ—an physiâ—ian Doctor Iulio to have two wives at once at the leâ—stwise the matter was permitted and born out by them both publiquely as all the world knoweth and that against no lâ—sse persons then the Archbishop of Canterbury himsâ—lfe whose overthrew wâ—s principally wrought by thâ—s tyrant for contraâ—ying his will in so beastly a demand But for this controversie whether the marriâ—ge be good
or so I leave it to bâ— tried hereafter between my yong Lord of â—enbighe and Master Philip Sidney whom the same most concerneth for that it is likâ— to deprive him of a goodly inheritance if it take place as some will say that in no reason it can not only in râ—spect of the precedent adultery and murder betweene the parties but also for that my Lord was contracted at least to another Lady before that yet lâ—veth whereof Master Edwâ—â—d Diaâ— and Mâ—ster Edmond Tiney both Courtâ—ers can be witnesses and consumated the same contract by generation of children But thâ—s as I said must be left to be tried hereafter by them who shâ—ll have most interest in the case Onely for the present I must advertise you that you may not take hold so exactly of all my L. doings in wâ—mens affaires neither touching their marriages neither yet thâ—ir hâ—sbands For first his Lordship hath a speciall fortuâ—e that when he dâ—sireth any womans favour then whâ—t person so evâ—r standeth in his way hath the luâ—k to dye quickly for the finishing of his desire As for â—xample when his Lordship was in full hope to marry hâ—r Majâ—sty and his owne wife stood in his light as he supposed he did but send her aside to the house of his servant Forster of Cumner by Oxford where shortly after she had the chance to fall fâ—om a paire of stâ—ires and so to breake her neck but yet wiâ—hout hurting of her hood that stood upon her head But Sir Riâ—hard Varney who by commandement remaâ—ned with her that day alone with one man onâ—ly and hâ—d sent away perforâ—e all her Sâ—rvants from hâ—r to a Market two miles of hâ— I sâ—y wiâ—h his man can tâ—ll how she died whiâ—h man being taken afterward for a fellony in the marâ—hes of Wales and offering to publish the manner of the said murder was made away privily in the prâ—son and Sâ—r Richarâ— himsâ—lf dying abâ—ut the same time in London cried pitioâ—sly â—nd bâ—aâ—phemed God and said to a Gentleman of worship of mine acquâ—intance not long before his death that all the divels in hell did teare him in pieces The wife also of Balâ— Buttleâ— kinsman to my Lord gâ—ve out the whole fact a littâ—e bâ—foâ—e her death Bâ—t to return unto my purpose this was my Lords good fortun to have his wife dye at that time when it was like to turne most to his profit Long after this he fâ—ll in love with the Lady Sheffiâ—ld whom I signified bâ—fore and then also had he the same fortune to have her husband dye quickly with an extreame rheume in his head as it was given out but as others sâ—y of an artificiall caâ—â—rre that stopped his breath The like good chance had he in the death of my Lord of Essex as I have said before and that â—t a time most fortunate for hiâ— purpose for when he was coming home from Ireland with intent to revenge himselfe upon my Lord of Leycester for begetting his wife with â—hilde in his absâ—nce the childe was a dauâ—hter and brought up by the Lady Shandoies W. Knooles his wifâ— my Lord of Ley hearing therof wantâ—d not a friend or two to accompâ—ny the Dâ—puty as among other a couple of the Earles owne servants Crompton if I misse not his name yeoman of his bottles and Llâ—iâ—his â—his Secretary entertained afterwâ—rd by my Lord of Leiâ—ester and so he dyed in the way of an extreame flux caused by an Italian Râ—â—ipe as all his friends are well assured the mâ—ker wheâ—â—of was a Chyâ—urgeon as is belâ—eved that thâ—n was newly come to my Lord from Italy a cunning man and sâ—re in operation with whom if the gâ—od Lady had beene sooner acquainted and â—sed his helpe shâ— should not have needed to sitten so pensive at home and fearefull of her husbands former returne out of the same Countrâ—y but might have spared the yong childe in her bâ—lly which she was enforced to make away cruelly and unnaturally for clearing the house against the good mans arrivall Neithâ—r must you mâ—rvaile though all these died dâ—vers manners of outward diseases for this is the excellenâ—y of the Iâ—â—lian art for which this Chyruâ—gian and Doctor Iulio wâ—re entertained so carefully who can makâ— a mâ—n dye in what manâ—er oâ— shâ—w of siâ—knessâ— you wâ—ll by wâ—ose instructâ—ons â—o doubt but hâ—s Lorâ—ship is now cunning espâ—cially â—dding also to â—hese â—he counsell of his Doctor Bayâ—y a man also noâ— a little studied as he seemeth in his art for I heard him once my selfe in publique Act in Oxford and thâ—t in presence of my Lord of Leicâ—ster if I be not deceived maintain that poyson might so be tempâ—red and given as iâ— should not appeâ—re presently and yet should kill thâ— pâ—rty afâ—erward at what time should be appointed Which aâ—gument belike pleased well his Loâ—dship and thâ—â—efore was chosen to be discussed in his audience if I be not deceived of hâ—s being that dâ—y present So though one dye of a flux and aâ—oâ—her of a catarrâ— yâ—t â—his impâ—râ—eth â—â—ttle to thâ— matter but shewâ—th rathâ—r the great cunning and skill of the Arâ—ificâ—r So Cardinall Chatilian aâ— I hâ—ve saiâ— before having accused my Lâ—rd of Leicester to thâ— Qâ—eens Majesty and after thâ—t pâ—ssiâ—g from Lonâ—on towards France about the marriage died by the way at Canterbury of a burning fever and so proved Doctor Bayâ—ieâ— asserâ—ion â—rue that poyson may be given to kill at a day At this the Lawyer cast up his eyes to heaven and I stood somewhat musing and thinking of that which had beene spoken of the Earle of Essex whose case indeed moved me more then all the rest for that he was â— very noble Gentleman a great advancer of true Religion a Pâ—tron to many Preachers anâ— Students and towards me and some of my friends in pâ—râ—icular he had bâ—ene in some things very benâ—ficiall and therefore I said that it grieved me extreamly to heare or thinke of so unworthy a death contrived by such meanes to so worthy a Peere And so much the more for that it was my chance to come to the understanding of divers particulars concerning that thing both from one Lea an Irish-man Robin â—onnies and others that were present at Pentereis the Merchants house in Dublin upon the Key where the murder was committed The matter was wrought especially by Crompton yeoman of the bottels by the procurement of Lloyd as you haue noted before and there was poysoned at the same time and with the same cup aâ— given of curtesie by the Earle one Mistresse Alâ—s Draykot a goodly Gentlewoman whom the Earle affectioned much who departing thence towards her owne house which was 18. miles off the foresaid Lea accompanying her and waiting upon her she began to fall sick very grievously upon the way and continued with increase of paineâ— and excessive torments by vomiting untill she died which was the
they not all at this day at his disposition are they not all by his procurement in the onely hands of his friends and allyes or of such as by other matches have the same complot and purpose with him In Yorke is president the man that of all other is fittest for that place that is his nearest in affinity his dearest in friendship the head of his faction and open competitor of the Scepter In Barwicke is a Captaine his wives uncle most assured to himselfe and Huntington as one who at convenient time may as much advance their designements as any one man in England In Wales the chiefe authority from the Prince is in his owne brother iâ— law but among the people of naturall affection is in the Earle of Pembrooke who both by marriage of his sisters daughter is made his ally and by dependance is knowne to be wholly at his disposition The West part of England is under Bedford a man wholly devoted to his and the Puritans faction In Ireland was governour of late the principal instrument appointed for their purposes both in respect of his heat and affection toward their designements as also of some secret discontentment which he hath towards her Majesty and the state present for certaine harâ— speeches and ingrate recompences as he pretendeth but indeed for that he is knowne to bee of nature fyrie and impatient of stay from seeing that Commonwealth on foot which the next competitours for their gaine have painted out to him and such others more pleasant then the Terrestriall Paradise it selfe This then is the Hector this is the Ajax appointed for the enterprise when the time shall come This must be forsooth another Râ—câ—ard of Warwicke to gaine the Crowne for Henry the ninth of the House of Yorke as the other Richard did put downe Henry the sixt of the House of Lancaster and placed Edward the fourth from whom Huntington deriveth his title therefore this man is necessarily to be entertained from time to time as we see now he is in some charge and martiall action to the end his experience power and credit may grow the more and he be able at the time to have souldiers at his commandment And for the former charge which held of late in Ireland as this man had not beene called away but for execution of some other secret purpose for advancement of their designements so bee well assured that for the time to come it is to bee furnished againe with a sure and fast friend to Lâ—ycester and to that faction In the I le of Wight I grant that Leycester hath lost a great friend and a trusty servant â—y the death of Captaine Hâ—rsâ—y but yeâ— the matter is supplied by the succession of another no lesse assured unto him then the former or rather more through the band of affinity by his wife The two Ilands of Gersey and Gernsey are in the possession of two friends and most obliged dependents The one by reason he is exceedingly addicted to the Puritan proceedings the other as now being joyned unto him by the marriage of mistris Bâ—sse his wives sister both daughters to Sir Francis or at least to my Lady Knooles and so become a rivall companion and brother who was before though trusty yet but his servant And these are the chiefe Keyes Fortresses and Bulwarkes within without and about the Realm which my Lord of Leycester possessing as hee doth hee may be assured of the body within where notwithstanding as hath beene shewed he wanteth no due preparation for strength having at his disposition besides all aydes and other helpes specified before her Majesties horse and stables by interest of his owne office her Armour Artillery and Munition by the office of his brother the Earle of Warwicke The Tower of London and treasure therein by the dependence of Sir Owin Hopton his sworne servant as ready to rescue and furnish him with the whole if occasion served as one of his predecessours was to receive his Father in King Edwards dayâ—s for the like effect against her Majesty and her Sister And in the City of London it selfe what this man at a pinch could doe by the helpe of some of the principall men and chiefe Leaders and as it were Commanders of â—he Commons there and by the bestirring of Fleeâ—wood his madde Recorder and other such his instruments as also in all other Townes Ports and Cities of importance by such of his owne setting up as hee hath placed there to serve his designements and Justices of peace with other that in most Shires doe weare his livery and are at his appointment the simplest man within the Realme doth consider Whereunto if you 〈◊〉 now his owne forces and furniture which hee hâ—th in Killingworth Castle and oâ—heâ— places as also the forces of Huntington in particular wâ—th their friends followers allies and compartenâ—rs you shall finde that they are not behiâ—de in their preparations For my Lord of Huntingâ—ons forwardnesse in the cause said I there is no man I thinke which maketh doubt mâ—râ—y for â—is private forces albeit they may be very gooâ— for any thiâ—g I â—oe know to the contrary especially at his house within five and twenty miles of Killingworth where one told mee somâ— yeares past thaâ— he had furniture ready for five thousand men yâ—t do â— not think but they are farâ—â—â—â—fâ—riour to my Lord of Leycester who is tâ—ken to have excâ—ssive store and that in divers placâ—s And as for thâ— Castle last mentioned by you there are men of good intelligence and of no small judgement who â—eport that in the same he hath to furnish ten thousand good souldiers of all things necâ—ssaâ—y both for horse and man besides all other muâ—ition armour and artillery whereof great store was brought thither under pretence of triumph wâ—en her Mâ—jesty was there and never as yet carried backe againe and besides the great abundâ—nce of ready coyne there as is said sufficient for any gâ—eat exploit to bee done within the Realme And I know thâ—t the estimation of this place was such among divers many yeares agoe as when at a time her Mâ—jesty lâ—y dangerously sick and like to dye at Hampton Court a certaine Gentleman of the Court came unto my Lord of Huntington and told him that for so much as he tooke his Lord to be next in succession after her Mâ—jesty hee would offer him a meane of great helpe for compassing of his purpose after the decease of her Majeâ—â—y which was the possession of Killingworth Castle for at that time these two Earles were not yet very friends nor confederate together and that being had he shewed to the Earle the great furniture and wealth which theâ—eby he should possesse for pursuit of his purpose The propâ—siâ—ion was well liked and the matter esteemed of great importance and consequently received wiâ—h many thankes But yet afterward her Majesty by
against all the house and Line of Suffolke for first they say that Charlâ—s Bâ—andon Duke of Suffolke had a knowen wife alive wâ—en he married Mary Queen of France and consequently that neither the Lady Frances nor Elenor borne of that marriage can be lawfully borne And this is all I can heaâ—e them say against the succession of the Counâ—esse of Darby descended of Elenor. But against my Lord of Hartfords châ—ldren â—hat came from Franâ—es the eldest daughter I heare them alledge two or three bastardies more besides this of the first marriage For first they affirme that Henry Marquesse Dorset when hee married the Lady Frances had to wife the old Earl of Arundels sister who lived both then and many yeares after and had a provision out of his living to her dying day· wherby that marriage could no way be good Secondly that the lady Katherine daughter to the said Lady Frances by the Marques by whom the Earl of Hartford had his children was lawfully married to the Earle of Pembroke that now liveth and consequently could have no lawfull issue by any other during his life 3ly that the said Katherine waâ— never lawfully married to the said Earl Hartford but bare him those children as his Concubine which â—s they say is defined and registred in the Archb. of Canterburies court upon due examination taken by order of her Majesty that now reigneth and this is in effect so muâ—h as I have heard them all aledge about their affars It is much quoth I that you have said if it may be all proved Marry yet by the way I cannot but smile to heare my Lord of Leyâ—ester allow of so many bastardies now upon the issue of Lady Frances whom in time past when Iane her eldest daughter was married to his brother he advanced in legitimation before both the daughters of king Henry the eight But to the purpose I would gladly know what grounds of verity these allegations have and how far in truth they may stoppe from inheritance for in deed I never heard them so distinctly alledged before Whereto answeâ—ed the Gentleman that our friend thâ— Lâ—wyâ—r could best resoâ—ve that if it pleased hâ—m to spâ—ake without his fee though in some points alledged every other man quoth he that knoweth the state and common government of England may easily give his judgement also And iâ— the case of bastardy if the matter may be proved there is no dâ—fficulty but that no right to inheritance can justly bee pretended as also perhaps in the case of forraine birth though in this I am not so cunning but yet I see by experience that forrainers borne in other lands can hardly come and claime inheritance in England albeit to the contrary I have heard great and long dispâ—tes but such as indeed passed â—y capacity And if it might please our friend here present to expound the thing unto us more clearly I for my part would gladly bestow the hearing and that with attention To this answered the Lawyer I will glâ—dly siâ— tell you my minde in any thing that it shall please you demand and much more in this matter wherein by occasion of often conference I am somewhat perfect The impedâ—ments which these men alledge against the succession of king Henry the 8. his sisters are of two kinds as you see The one knowne and allowed in our law as you have well said if it may be proved and that is bastardy whereby they seek to disable all the whole Line and race of Suffolke as also Arbella of the second and later house of Scotland Whereof it is to small purpâ—se to speak any thing here seeing the whole controversie standeth upon a matter of fact onely to be proved or improved by records and witnesses Onely this I will say that some of these bastardies before named are rife in many mens mouthes and avowed by divers that yet live but let other men looke to this who have most interest therein and may be most damnified by them if they fall out true The other impediments which are alledged onely against the Qâ—eene of Scots and her 〈◊〉 are in number three â—s you recite them thâ—â— is forraine birth king Henries testament and Religion whereof â— am content to say somewhat seeing you desire it albeit there be so much published already in bookes of divers languages beyond the sea as I am informed concerning this matter as more cannot be said But yâ—t so much as I have heard passe among Lawyers my betters in conference of these affaires I will not let to recite unto you with this proviso and protestation alwayes that what I speake I speak by way of recitall of other mens opinions not meaning my selfe to incurre the statute of affirming or avowing any persons title to the crown whatsoever First then touching forraine birth there bee some men in the world that will say that it is a common and generall rule of our law that no stranger at al may inherit any thing by any means within the Land which in truth I take to be spoken without ground in that generall sense For I could never yet come to the sight of any such common or universall rule and I know that divers examples may be alledged in sundry cases to the contrary and by that which is expresly set downe in the seventh 〈◊〉 ninth years of king Ed. the 4. and in the â—lâ—venth â—nd fourteenth of Hen. thâ— 4. it appearâ—â—h plainâ—y that â— stranger mâ—y â—urchase lands in England as also â—â—herit by hâ—s wife if he marry an inheritrix Wherefore this common rule 〈◊〉 to bee restraâ—neâ— from that generality unto proper inheritance only â—n which sense I do easily grant that our common Law hath been of ancient and is at this day that no person born out of the â—llegâ—ance of the king of England whose father mâ—thâ—r were not of the same allegiance at the time of his birth shall be able to have or dâ—maâ—d any heritage within the same allegiance as heire to any person And this rule of our common Lâ—w is gathered in these sâ—lf same words of a statute made in the 25. year of king Ed. the third which indeed is the onely place of effect that can be alledged out of our law against the inheritance of strangers in such sense and cases as we â—re now to treat of And albeit now the commoâ— Law of our Country do runne thus in generall yet will theâ— friends of the Scottish claime affirme that hereby that title is nothing let or hindred at all towâ—rds the Crowne and that for divers manifest and weighty reasons whereof the principâ—ll are these which ensue First it is common and a generall rule of our English lawes that no rule Axâ—ome or Mâ—xima of law be it â—ever so generall can touch or bind the Crown except expresse mention bee made thereof in the same for that the
Scots captived Queen to wife I â—gg'd him on to follow his intent That by this meanes I might abridge his life And she a crowned Queen to stint all strife First finding Scotland lost to England fled Where she in hope of succour lost head O blessed Spirits live yee evermore Iâ— heavenly Sion where your maker reignes And give me leave my fortunes to deplore That am fast fetterd with sins iron chaines Mans most sweet joys are mixt with some foul pains And doâ—h he live of high or low degree In life or death that can from woe be free Ah now my tongue growes weary to recite Such mâ—ssaâ—res as have been here exprest Whose sad remembrance doth afflict my spright Me thinkes I see legions of soules to rest In Abrahams bosome and my selfe opprest The burden of my sinnes doe weigh me downe At me the fiends doe laugh and Angels frowne My crimes I grant were geat and manifold Yet not so heynous as men make report But flattering Parasites are growne so bold That they of Princes matters make a sport To please the humors of the vulgar sort And that poore peevish giddiheaded crue Are prone to credit any tale untrue Let those that live endeavour to live well Left after death like mine their guilt remaine Let no man thinke there is no Heaven or Hell Or with the impious Sadduces maintaine That after death no flesh shall rise againe Let no man trust on Fortunes fickle wheele The guerdon due for â—â—ne I partly feele Know that the Prince of heavenly Saraphins When he 'gainst his Creator did rebell Was tumbled downe for his presumptuous sinne Sathan that once was blest like lightning fell From the highest heaven to the deepest hell And all those Angells that his part did take Have now their portion in the burning lake Of mighty heapes of treasure I could vant For I reapt profit out of every thing I could the Prince and peoples hearts inchant With my faire words and smooth fac'd flâ—ttering And out of drosse pure gold I oft did wring For though the meanes to win be oft unmeet The smell of lucre ever smelleth sweet So I somtimes had very much good hap Great suites of my dread Soveraigne to obtaine Prodigall fortune powr'd down from hâ—r lap Angels of gold as thick as drops in raine Such was my luck to finde the golden veine Likewise with me it seemed nothing strange Both tents and lands oft with my Prince to change I had another way t' inrich my selfe By geting licences for me alone For Wine Oyle Velvet Cloath and such like pelfe By licences to alienation By raising rents and by oppression By claiming Forrests Pastures Commons Woods And forfeiture of lands of life and goods By this strong course also I greatly thrived Jn falling out with my deere Soveraigne For I the Plot so cunningly contrived That reconcilement soone was made againe And by this meanes great gifts I did obtaine For that I might my bags the better fill I beg'd great suites as pledge of new goodwill Besides somtimes I did encrease my store By benefit that I from Oxford tooke Electing heads of houses heretofore I lov'd their money and they lov'd their booke Some poorer though more learned I forsooke For in those daies your charity was cold Little was done for love but much for gold Doubtlesse my Father was a valiant Peere In Edwaâ—d the sixt daies when he was sent Gainst Rebells that did rise in Norfolke shire And after that when he to Scotland went Under the Lord Protectors Regiment By notable exploits against the Sâ—ot Eternall glory to himselfe he got Truly ambition was his greatest fault Which commonly in noble hearts is bred He thought the never could his slate exalt Till the good Dâ—ke of Sumerset was dead Who by my Fathers meanes did lose his head So ill the race of Dudlies could endure The Seymors lives which did their fame obscure When once King Edward 〈◊〉 the butt had shot My Father sayd your Grace shoots neere the mark Thâ— King repli'd but not so neere I wot As when you shot my Vncles head off quite The duke my Father knew the King said right And that he ment this matter to debate If ere hee liv'd to come to mans estate It seemes my Father in times past had been A skillfull Archer though no learned clerke So straâ—ge a chance as this is seldome seen I doe suppose hâ— shot not in the dark That could so quickly hit so faire a mark Nor have I mâ—st my aime nor worse have sped When I shot off the Duke of Norfolks head Now when the Duke of Somerset was dead My Father to the French did Bulloigne sell As pleâ—sâ—d him the King he governed And from the privy counsell did depell Th'earles of Southampton and of Arundell Thus whilst he ruled and controuled all The wise young King extreamly sick did fall Who having languisht long of lâ—fe deprived Not wâ—thout poison as it was suspected The counsell through my Fathers meanes conâ—rived That Suffolks Daugther should be Queen elected Thâ— Sisters of King Edward were rejected My brother Guiâ—forâ— to Iane Gray was wedded Too high preferr'd that was so soone beheaded This Lâ—dy Iane that once was tearmed Queeen Greatâ—r in fame then fortune was put downe Had not King Henries Dâ—ughters living been Mâ—ght for her vertues have deserv'd a â—rowne Fortune at once on her did smile and frowne Her wedding garment for a Princes meet Was quickly changed for a winding sheet For I was iump of Julâ—â—us â—â—sars minde That could 〈◊〉 one supâ—rioâ— Lord endure Nay I to guide my Sâ—veraigne was inclin'd And bring the common people to my lure Accounting that my fortune was obscure And that I lived in a wofull plight If any one eclipst my glorious light The love to reigne makes many men respect Neither their friend their kindâ—ed nor their vow The love to reigne makes many men neglect The duty which to God and man they ow From out this fountaine many mischeifes flow Hâ—reof examples many may be read In Chronicles of th' English Princes dead This humor made King Hâ—râ—old break his oath Made unto William Duke of Normandy This made King Rufus and young Beauclaâ—k both Their elder Brother Robert to defie And Stephen to forget his loialty To Mawa the Empresse and to hold in scorne The faithfull oath which he to her had sworne This made young Henry crowned by his sire Against his Father Warfare to maintaine This made King Iohn the kingdome to aspire Which to his Nephew Arthur did pertaine And him in pâ—ison hardly to retaine And this made Buâ—ingbrook t' usurp the Crowne Putting his lawfull Soveraigne Richard downe This made Edward the fourth at his returne From Burgundy when he to Yorke was come To break the oath which he had lately sworne And rule the Realme in good King Henries roome This made the Tyrant Richard eke to doome His Nephewes death and rid away his wife And so in bloud to end