the veines of both people and so many blessings of peace like to enrich both Kingdomes His congratulation was intermingled with prophesie of future happinesse which would grow stronger by the age of time touching in that upon the marriage of the Dolphin with the Lady Elizabeth of England But the good Bishop of Lincolne for in him was then the office of Chancellor in this showed himselfe a better Orator then Prophet Himselfe living afterward to disprove his owne divination After the Oration ended and the two Kings sworne to the forementioned peace King Lewys something wantonly as who knew how to tune his language best to King Edwards eare invited him to take a journey as farre as Paris where if any of the beauties should make him trespasse upon his chastitie the Cardinall of Burbon a gentle Ghostly father should easily afford him absolution The King in the pleasure of his looke approved the faceciousnesse of the discourse and found no great difficultie in himselfe to admit the offâ—r But King Lewys who never used mirth but as a preparative for something serious having wrought himselfe into the Kings good liking and as he thought facilitated him to grant any request urged that the Duke of Brittaine might not remaine in the protection of the English But that he might be left to his owne defence against the just anger of the French whom hee had so often provoked by open confederacies and secret practises To which the King answered resolutely that hee never would forsake the care of a confederate who had maintaind his faith so constantly And afterward importuned by some great Lords imployd to that negotiation by Lewys hee not onely shewed an apparent distaste to the motion but openly profest that rather then the Duke should be endangerd in his safetie he would forget all other amities and passe the Seas himselfe to his reliefe Which shewed a noble disposition in the King and an advisd judgement For the Duke had beene ever friendly to him in the worst of fortune and in his better a most faithfull neighbour and in this enterprize on France had used no dissimulation nor in the least carriage of businesse betraid that faith at first he promist In the protection therefore of him against the French the King shewed the gratitude of his memory as likewise a polliticke caution that the Crowne of France might not grow too potent by warring with a weaker Prince whose ruine could not but give to it a dangerous addition But this discourse touching the Duke was in private betweene the Kings for Lewys to show the authoritie he had over his greatest Lords had commanded them to retire when hee enterd into this speech And in treating this businesse which so nearely concern'd the pollicie of his intentions he shewed a great art not urging the King so farre as that the deniall might come off with a distaste But smoothly he gave it over when hee perceiv'd him not easily to be remov'd although with some inward difficultie to finde his affection so constant to the Duke of whom hee had resolv'd to make a spoile and to lay the first stone of his mightie building in his destruction Hee presently therefore diverted his discourse againe to ceremony and after some short intercourse of courtship they both at the same minute parted from the grate and tooke horse publickly giving very liberall commendations of each other And how ever enterviewes are generally esteem'd unsafe for Princes in regard the advantage falling of necessitie on the one part throwes a contempt upon the other yet this was both in probabilitie before and after in the successe most fortunate For both Princes though of different complexions had equall preheminences and by severall wayes came to stand upon even ground King Edward had the advantage in youth personage and behaviour which win suddenly upon estimation Lewys in the cunning of wit and authority of his carriage which although slowlier sinke deeper in opinion Edward had a daring courage ever seconded by a propitious fortune Lewys a circumspect judgement which orderd businesses so sure that he left scarce any thing to fortune Edward by his Sword had brought himselfe to the present greatnesse of his state Lewys by his pollicie had setled himselfe in his fathers conquests And indeed so apparent was the equalitie of these Princes that they both dispaired to gaine any thing by opposition which made Lewys at any rate desirous to buy King Edwards returne and Edward willing no more to traffique with Lewys from whom nothing was to be got in the way of bargaine What soever the one did by valour the other likely to undoe by cunning This peace by all conjecture was likely to suffer in opinion at home where by comparing the fortune of the present with that of former expeditions expectation promist it selfe nothing lesse then the entire recovery of France To prevent which the King had happily perhaps judiciously as who foresaw that the successe might end an accord brought over with him many from London for their wealth of most reputation in the Citie These men whom plentie endeard to the love of life soone as hee had resolved to decline the present watre hee causd to be assaulted every houre with new feares Representing to their affrighted minds the horror of a battell the many difficulties of a siege and the certaintie of a timelesse death if not by the Cannon or the Sword yet by the inconveniences of lodging and the weather which the winter comming on was likely to be most tempestious And if beyond hope death were escaped how cruell might bee an imprisonment and how deepe the ransome Then hee gave order that the Enemie should bee reported of farre more danger then indeede hee was and every night false alarums to bee given And for distrust already held of Burgundie and S. Paul hee let it bee augmented in the Army causing rumors to be spread abroad that there was treason in them from the beginning of this enterprise and that now they were prepard to unite their forces with the French to the utter destruction of the English By which frights hee so moulded them to his desires that they writ backe to their friends the impossibilitie of any successe in the present businesse and the great judgement and fortune of the King if he could conclude a peace with advantage of honour The example of this pollicie King Edward bequeath'd to Henry the seventh who left none of his predecessors arts unpractisd that might advance eyther his profit or reputation And so farre this desire of peace and delight in it spread it selfe that when upon the day of the enterview by accident a white pigeon lighted upon the Kings pavilion and there pruned it selfe after a shower of raine the Sunne shining comfortably the Souldiers cryed out it was the Holy Ghost who descended in that forme to show how gratefull the present accord was to heaven Which interpretation pleasd exceedingly the present humour of the King
England shee showed us no face but that of desolation the strength of her spirit eyther broken in the murther of her Son or else shee accounted it a needlesse imployment now to raise her selfe above her sorrowes After some time her Father with the sale of much of that poore estate remained yet in his possession ransomed her whereby she was redeemed to another ayre though not to a freer fortune In addition to her other miseryes she was punisht with a long life which shee spun out sadly and ingloriously living humbly upon the narrow exhibition her Father did steale from himselfe to afford her Her life was much the talke of the present and succeeding times because it concurr'd to the destruction of the house of Lancaster a Family beyond any then in the Christian world both in extent of dominion greatnesse of alliance and glory of action Her death was so obscure for who counts the steps of the unfortunate that it is not left certainely in story when she dyed But King Edward by her misfortunes reckoned his owne felicities and now justly conceived himselfe secure in that Throne he so passionately had endeavoured to sit at ease in But because the Sceane of his fortune had had more changes then any King in England yet except his Competitor he continued still with a most watchfull eye to looke about him And not knowing to how dangerous a growth his enemies might arrive which for the present appeared weake he thought fit to take order with Jasper Earle of Pembrooke who remained in Wales with a power unable to offend the King but able enough considering the nature of the place to defend himselfe Wherefore that without a publicke trouble he might destroy so private a person hee sent Roger Vaughan strong both in kindred and followers with commission by some stratagem to entrap him But the Earle had a discovery of his plot and to deceive the deceiver seemed to give opportunity for execution of the designe by which meanes hee got Vaughan into his possession and presently caused him to be beheaded But knowing this act concurring with the whole progresse of his life in opposition to the King Would bring him to ruine either by open power or secret practise he resolv'd to saile over into Brittaine and under the protection of that state to secure himselfe from the present storme With him he carryed his Nephew Henry Earle of Richmond heire of the Teuthers Family by the Paternall by the materiall side of the house of Sommerset for the civill warre had now destroy'd all those great Dukes who had with losse of their lives shewed their devotion to King Henry and left the inheritance of their honour with a farre more favourable aspect to this young Earle By the Duke of Britanny they were received not onely with promise of safety but with reliefe of pension Him perhaps the consideration of the instability of humane affaires moved to this noble pitty But Peter Landois the sole directour of the Duke and a wicked man perswaded his Master to give them entertainement out of an avaritious hope one day to make a good merchandize for himselfe by sale of them into England Yet could not the King bring his happinesse to that quiet he desired Some few small drops fell upon him after the great tempest For a base Son of William Nevill Earle of Kent commonly known by the name of the Bastard Fauconbrige having bin imployed Vice Admirall by the Earle of Warwicke during the late combustions of the kingdome to hinder all succors which might come frō the Low Countryes to King Edwards aide soone as he understood the Earles death set up for himselfe and fell to trade in open Pyracy His conditions were ignoble as his birth and onely can be said a fit instrument to move the baser multitude to sedition betweene Dover and Callice he robd most and had now got under his command a Navie great enough to worke mischiefe Especially having the chiefe of Callice who had sided lately with the Earle of his confederacy and by that meanes safetie upon all occasions in their harbor Gathering therefore into his retinue many of those who had escaped from the two former overthrowes and presuming upon the affection of the Kentish and Essex men he saild up the River of Thames The intention of his armes divulging to be for the common libertie and the redemption of the King and Queene imprisond by an usurper By which pretence ever powerfull to incline the vulgar to sedition he invited to the quarrell so great a multitude that the number was reckoned seventeene thousand fighting men Most of them the dregs and lees of former rebellions Such who having beene heretofore on King Henries side and wanting courage to make good the undertaking had by flight escapd or else men whom guilt of some enormous disorder had prepared for any attempt because neither could hope to remaine long secure from punishment when once the severe eye of a peaceable government should looke narrowly into their offences With this he marcht to Kingstone hoping there to have crost the River but being debard hee led his Army into S ◠Georges fields and from thence with his Ordinance made some small battery on the Citie And to strike the more terrour in the meane time he causd three thousand of his men to be transported by boate at Saint Katherines to make an assault on the other side at Algate and Bishopsgate Who being set a shore with a courage as desperate as their quarrell offerd to force an entrance but by the Citizens were bravely repulst The Lord Major and Aldermen directed by the great experience of the Earles of Essex and Rivers and the Marquesse Dorset neglecting no part of the best Commanders And so valiantly they pursued the rebels who soone began to shrinke that Fauconbridge with much difficultie recovered his shippes For hee overconfident of successe had commanded them to fall as low as the Downes little fearing he should so soone be forc'd to seeke safetie at Sea And having vainly deluded himselfe and his Souldiers with expectation of great Forces from Wales under the conduct of Jasper Earle of Pembrooke With much danger of being destroyed at Black-heath where for a while hee entrencht he got at length to Sandwich and fortefied the place Few of the Rebels who had any weake hope of pardon following their Generall upon a forc'd retreat The Commons entring thus upon every slight invitation into rebellion when the preservation of King Henry was but mention'd made the King begin to consider how dangerous his life was to the State and that his death would disarme even the hope of his faction for ever reslecting more upon the warres It was therefore resolv'd in King Edwards Cabinet Councell that to take away all title from future insurrections King Henry should be sacrificed For howsoever some either to cleere the memory of the King or by after cruelties guessing at precedent will have this murder to
part of his armie led by the Lord Fitzwalter had possest it selfe of Ferribrig a passage over the River Aire of great import All they of Lancaster began carefully to looke to their affaires King Henry the Queene and Prince who were by their severall weakenesses unfit for action retired to Yorke there to attend the event of businesses The Armie being committed to the charge of the Duke of Sommerset the Earle of Northumberland and the Lord Clifford Among these it was resolv'd that Ferribrig in regard of the consequence of the place was at any hazard to be recovered and the enterprise left to the undertaking of Clifford who early the next morning least delay might betray his designe to the enemie with a competent number made thither and with such diligence and â—ecrecie hee Marcht that before there was the least suspition of an assault the uncircumspect guard was entred upon and defeated With which tumâ—lt the Lord Fitzwalter and the Bastard of Salisbury suspecting a mutanie among their owne Souldiers role hastily from their beds and comming downe encounterd a remorselesse enemie who denyed all quarter and on the place slew them The losse of this so coÌ„modious passage slaughter of such eminent persons came first to the eare of the Earle of Warwicke who somewhat too much transported with the evill fate of their first attempt posted in all haste to King Edward in whose presence he kil'd his horse and sayd Sir God have mercy on their soules who for love of you in the beginning of your enterprise have lost their lives yet let him flye who will flye by this crosse kissing the hilts of his sword I will stand by him who will stand by me fall backe fall edge Wordt certainely though mingled with a high resolution strangely distemperd and representing so much of danger as might have troubled the courage of the Armie And howsoever partiall history in mentioning the actions of great men will not allow them to participate with the vulgar in the weakenesses incident to humane nature yet every greatest Spirit hath his allay of imbecillitie The most knowing Scholler hath found a period beyond which his curious search could not move the wisest Politician hath discovered where he err'd and blusht at the mistake and the boldest souldier at some time hath soonâ— the Coward tremble in him We may bâ—iâ—ht endâ—vâ—rs raise nature somewhat above her â—râ—iltiâ— but never triumph over her till death And certainely Warwicke was too much â—â—â—â—â— at this accident but soone he setled â—â—â—â—selfe and by his stout compoâ—ment 〈…〉 fied thâ—s â—ainting armie But King Edward whose youth was beauâ—ified with valour and wisdome eveâ— to wonder â—o bâ—â—tly entertaind this sad reportiâ— and to oppose against any feare which might shake the Souldier caus'd immediate Proclamati doâ— to be made That it was lawfull for any man whom the present losse or feare of â—inâ—â—e danger discouragd safely to depart that whosoever should performe the dutie of a Souldier and fight manfully should have a certaine and a most large reward On the contrary to any manâ— who should continue in the Armie and hereafter flye away the severest punishment and liberty for any one to kill such a coward with promise of double pay No man accepted the offer of so contem'd a safety and indeede the body of his Armie consisted of Southerne men whose â—light had perhaps beene as unsafe as the present danger Moreover the example of the valiant perswaded the rest who blushtâ—o appeare single â—â— their feares whereby not being knowne they grew afterward to have equall title with the most daring to a glorious victory The King seeing the Spirit of his Armie so bold and so devoted to his service thought the losse of time might endanger the losse of his designe and thereupon resolv'd with that first convenience to bring his Fortune to the tryall of a battell The Lord Fauconbrige and Sir Walter â—â—â—â—â— in regard the Duke of Norfolke was then disabled by sicknesse had the leading of the vaâ—â—tguard who finding the passage of Forribrigâ—mpossible â—mpossible on the suâ—â—â—n â—o â—â—taine three miles by hand at â—â—stlâ— fâ—â—d paâ—â—â—â—â— Pâ—â—â—â—â—â—â—â—d sonne afâ—â—â— about â—â—â—dingâ—â—â—â— dâ—â—coveâ—â—â— the Lord Cliffâ—â—d whom they suddenly â—yeâ—â—â—â—â—â— and â—â—compast in vaine â—â—boring to retirâ— to the maine battell But hee perceiving no way to lead from his Enemies but through death â—â— with â—iâ— small Forces even to the envie of them who overcâ—me till shot with an aâ—â—ow through the â—â—â—oâ—te he perisht The Lord John Nâ—â—â—â—â— Soâ—â—â—â— in the Earle of Westâ—â—â—land with alâ—â—â—â— shall thâ—se â—â—â—â— forth hâ—â—â— troopes fell there with theiâ— laâ—â—dâ—â— the Lord Cliffâ—rd Who in too milde â— manner payd theâ— the great debt hee owed the murder â—â—â— the young Earle of Râ—tâ—aâ—d Next day being â—alme Sunday early in the morâ—â—â—â— both Armies came in sight A fatall meeting which like the union of the soule with the body â—â—ver paâ—â—â—â—â—â—â— by death The field was betweene Caxton and Tâ—â—tâ—n from the latter of which thiâ— battell afterward tooke name On full Survey of King Hâ—ncâ—â—s host so dreadfull in advantage of â—â—â—â—beâ— Reclamation was made in King Edwardâ—â—â—pe â—â—â—pe â—â—â—â—â—â— quarter should be given nor prisoner taken A â—â—cessary cruelty not to be avoyâ—â—â— but with danger of his owne ruine In regard otherwise the common Souldier might in hope of â—â—â—yle of the ransome of an enemie bee wanting to his duty It was about the houre of nine when the Armies drew neere threescore thousand for Lancaster for Yorke scarce forty thousand onely the presence and courage of King Edward made an equality The Lord Eauconbrige to whom the Van was committed and who was most able for the place when the fight was ready to begin charg'd his Archers soone as they had shot to fall three strides backe and make a stand whereby they might avoyd the arrowes of the Enemie which stratagem happen'd as was expected for the Northerne men with a sudden fury answered the on set and having emptied their quivers hasted to hand blowes But the Arrowes which they had discharged having never reacht them against whom they were shot turnd novv to their annoiance and trouble so far that the splinters of them sticking in the ground pâ—irst and gauld their feet and forc'd them to a confus'd stop In this trouble the Southerne men shot another flight and the vvind conspiring vvith their cunning blevv a tempest of haile and snovv into their faces by vvhich the Vantguard of King Henry led by the Earle of Northumberland and Andrew Trollop gave backe Yet did not the maine battell tremble vvith this motion but as if the enemie had gain'd no advantage continued vvith the first constancie Ten houres victory hung in suspence equall courage on both sides equall hopes in the good equall despaiâ—es in the bad successe vv ch occasion'd so much cruelty in the fight But at length the field staind vvith blood and the earth groaning vvith the burden of so many heapes of dead
and dying bodies the Northerne men began to hope for safety onely in flight Neither did they â—eeld to the prevailing Fortune of the Enemie untill their courages vvere dismayd vvith sight of so many eminent persons slaine before their eyes For the Earles of Northumberland and Westmerland the Lords Beaumont D'acres Gray and Wells with divers others of greatest reputation for Nobility and courage had already falne and in their slaughter taught the survivers what to expect The Dukes of Sommerset and Exeter seeing all things desperate the greater part of the Armie slaine the rest broken and flying poasted to Yorke to carry the fatall newes of this overthrow to the unfortunate King whose vertue yet had a patience greater than his ruine In no battle was ever powred forth so much English Blood for in this and the two precedent dayes were slaine sixe and thirty thousand seven hundred seventy sixe persons all of one nation many neere in alliance some in Blood fatally divided by faction yet all animated with the same zeale to maintaine their Princes right which being so difficult to resolve doubtlesse made the quarrell on either side how ruinous soever to their famelies not unsafe to their Consciences And it is worthy observation that in this so long and cruell conflict betweene the two houses never any stranger of name was present at our battels as if we had disdaind to conquer or perish by other weapons than our owne Kind Henry perceiving how desperate his hopes were in England with the poore remaines of his partie secured himselfe by flight into Scotland And with such hast that before King Edward got to Yorke where he hoped to have surpris'd him dismaid with the late discomsiture nothing was there left but the Citie humbly devoted to the dispose of the Conqueror But on the walls yet remaind the heads of Richard Duke of Yorke and his friends an ignominious spectacle unluckily there standing to inâ—ence him to cruelty For on sight of so barbarous an injurie he gave present command that Thomas Earle of Deâ—â—aâ—â—iâ—â— should be beheaded with three others taken in the former battle that these new heads might râ—leeve them who had stood centinell so long and that his father and friends might not want that busie part of the body to be inclosed with them in the grave An action too much savouring of the ancient Heathen the soules of Christians no way requiring their murders to be revengd or their injuries appear'd with such an offering After this dire oblation he sent part of his Forces to cleere the coast toward Scotland from the dregges of warre where to terrifie that people prone to innovation in King Henries quarrell some examples of severitie were made In the interime he with as glorious triumph and large joy as victory could beget which begot no lesse to him than absolute Soveraignety marcht toward London By the inhabitants whereof who were deepely interessed in his Fortune he was with all the solemnity of a secure gladnesse entertaind To the triumph of his entrance soone succeeded that of his Coronation perform'd with usuall ceremonies but most unusuall congratulations Immediately that no circumstance of Soveraintie might be wanting a Parlament was Summond By which his title might be reconfirm'd his partakers rewarded his enemies punisht And though private respects were his chiefe businesse desiring to disaâ—â—ll all acts made heretofore in prejudice to the house of Yorke and its adherents yet the outward pretention was the safety and quiet of the Realme For he publickly profest his onely care to bee that such wholesome lawes might be enacted as might redresse disorders crept into the state by free licence given to rapin in the former troubles By which apparence of solicitude for quieting the republique he gain'd authority among the wise and created a beleefe in all that his government in peace vvould be as fortunate as his successe in warre Having by his wisedome and providence thus won opinion upon the generality he bestowed his graces on particular persons whom blood in merit rendred deare to him His brothers George and Richard he created Dukes the elder of Clarence the younger of Glocester Iohn Lord Nevill the Earle of Warwickes brother he made Vicount Mountague Henry Bourchier brother to the Archbishop of Canterbury Earle of Essex and William Lord Fauconbrige Earle of Kent He erected divers others to the Title of Barons and honour'd many with Knighthood The conclusion of this great assembly was punishment for John Earle of Oxford Aubery Vere his sonne Sir John Tiddenham Knight William Tirrell and Walter Mountgomery Esquires were without anâ—were convict ofâ— reason and behended A rough proceeding which favord something too much of the Conqueror Bâ—sinesses thus happily setled at home to check the â—udaciousnesse of our transmarin neighbours who had throwrie injuries on our Nation weakned by discord the Earles of Esseâ— and Kent with the Lord Audley were sent with ten thousand souldiers to scowre the narrow Seas who first landing in Britaine tooke the Towne of Conquest and afterward in the Islâ— of Râ—â— pillâ—g'd that little Country and with victory returned By vvhich enâ—erprise though of nâ— signall consequence to his affaires yet King Edward gave the French to understand hoâ—â— unfaâ—â—â— it vvas to â—â—â—â—tate the English govern'd by â—â—â— active Princeâ— vvho might perhaps 〈◊〉 in person appâ—â—â—e abroade for the recovery of â—â—â—ose Provinces nothing but â—â—â—â— dissâ—â—sion â—â—ould have losâ—o As likevvise to tâ—â—rifie all 〈◊〉 states from adhering to King Henry vvho both in câ—â—rage and fortune vvas â—o â—aâ—â—e inferioâ—â— And noâ—â— vvas the prosperitie of Edwardâ—n â—n so full splendor and so darke a cloud hung over the house of Lancaster that Henry Duke of Sommâ—rset and Sir Ralph Percie for â—â—â—â—e the â—â—ineâ— of that family they had â—â— long endeavour'd to support To King Edward the submission of tvvo so eminent persons appear'd vvelcome as a victory and they by his favour were presently restored to full possession both of honour and â—â—tarâ— the same grace promist to any who mighâ—â—â— example should perswade Yet did not the indefatigable Queene loose any thing from her sprit on endeavours Hâ—qlate so sad discomfiture and revolt now of her chiefe adherents able perhaps to 〈◊〉 forâ—â—â—â— not her And having upon full reckoning perceived that she must account of no powre at home she made her addresses to all Princes abroad whom allianee reason of state or compassion of so great a disaster might move to her assistance But as it is in the fate of all women who usurpe on their husbands she had beene â—o happie in mannage of his prosperitie and Towâ— wâ—somuch morâ—â—â—capable to â—â—gole against christ forâ—â—â— and 〈◊〉 in felicityâ— Gâ—â—â— undertakings being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 succesfull in 〈◊〉 whose government 〈◊〉 as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 selfe in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 beene disorderly and 〈◊〉 But certainely how erronious hovvever 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 she â—â—â— now defective onely in thâ—◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not ruled by ours but by a high
〈◊〉 For wiâ—â— the King of Scotland with 〈◊〉 is in the neerest place of safety she lâ—â—â—â—â—er hâ—â—â—â—â—nd to confirme a secure friendship she contracted a neere alliance by promising the young Prince her sonne in marriage to his lister And that this marriage might not seeme a gift but a bargaine shee â—â—â—ght the Lady by 〈◊〉 of Barwicke into the Scotâ—â—ands â—â—â— strongest Fort 〈◊〉 English 〈◊〉 in the North. But the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ever â—â—â—â—â—â—er son their 〈◊〉 and forâ—â— to â—opâ—â—ghaâ—e what otherwise they would with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perswaded to receive With Lewes the Eleventh the French King she prevail'd little though neere to him 〈◊〉 confanguinity for the discontent of his Nobility held him incontinuall suspition Otherwise she had title to promise her selfe large supplies from so potent and politicke a Prince whose interest it must no reasâ—â— have beene by fomenting discord at home to hinder us from any attempt abroad After â—uch 〈◊〉 she obtain'd that he declared himselfe â—â—â— King Henry By prohibiting all favorers of the house of Yorke accesse into the French dominions and opening them to all those of the party of Lancaster A negative kinde of helpe which rather showed there yet was Sanctuary left for Henries unhappie friends than any considerable ayde to be expected Phillip Duke of Burgundie though a mighty Prince and neere allyed to Lancaster whose wives mother was Philippa daughter to John of Gaunt by age and a passionate love to quiet was become altogether unactive Neither had Charles Earle of Charolois his sonne though of a daring Spirit and an affecter of businesse leisure to looke over into our Island being engaged to domestick troubles and suspitious of the designes of the French King With Charolois the Duke of Britaine held a strong confederacie and both of them intelligence with the discontented Lords of France The warre which was afterward so knowne by the name of the Weale-Publique being at that time among them privately in contrivance so that all these neighboring Princes to whom the affaires of England might seeme considerable were wholly taken up with attention to their owne The Emperor Frederick the third was more remote and so cautious from entring into the quarrels of other men that by any Art even with losse he would decline his owne Moreover he justly stood in continuall feare of the growing Fortune of the Turke who having lately subverted the Easterne threatned now ruine to the Westerne Empire and questionlesse had not the great God of Armies miraculously given a stop to his victories Christendome had now beene onely severall Provinces slaved to his tyrannie For pride and emulation had then turn'd our Armes upon our selves and left our bodies naked to the scourge of the common enemie Spaine was far off divided betweene a Christian and Mahometan government each labouring the extirpation of the other so that they had liberty to be Actors in no Tragoedie but their owne And indeede no conflict is so fierce and irreconciliable as when Religion animates to warre and makes it pietie to be cruell To her Father therefore who enjoyed the specious title of King of Sicily Naples and Hierusalem but possession of none of them the afflicted Queene was forc't to make a sad retreate A poore contemptible Lord living now to see his sonne in Law once the greatest Monarch of the Christian world a Prince as meerely titular as himselfe As if it had beene the Fate of these two that the one could say he might have beene the other that once he was a King Leaving therefore forraigne states intentive to their owne designes with her sonne whom to move compassion she had carried up and downe the Queene return'd to Scotland by her long but unsuccesfull labour having gathered together five hundred French a number so small and so unworthy the name of an Armie that it was but a competent retinue for so great a Princesse With these neverthelesse she sayld to Timmouth whence she was repulst by the inhabitants soone as shee landed and forc't againe to put to Sea But there for where may the unfortunate meete with friendship she found the winds her enemies whose unruly force drave her at length disorderly to Barwicke Heere some thinne regiments of Scots resorted to her in company of whom she entred Northumberland her husband 〈◊〉 in the Froâ—â— that the name and presence of King 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 invite the people to their ancient service and 〈◊〉 Authority to the designeâ— Bâ—â— soone thâ—â—e 〈◊〉 her error for hope not compassion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 danger and the Commonalty fate still 〈◊〉 by rising they understood themselves onely 〈◊〉 to shaâ—â— in the Kings misfortune For having upon a just aâ—câ—ouâ—â— discoverd how warâ—â— iâ— oâ—ely necessary to the most desperate and that in the 〈◊〉 it leaves them to nothing but bâ—ggâ—ry and â—â—â—â—â—shment they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the love of 〈◊〉 and every man betookâ— himselfe to industry And for the Nobility the King had â—â—on theâ—â—â—â—thâ—t by the reputation of his fortune or teâ—râ—â— of his courage so that â—â—mâ—maâ—â—o 〈◊〉 to change subjection Onely Hâ—â—â—â—y Duke of Sommerset and Sir Ralph Percie who â—ot long before had forsooke King Hâ—nâ—y in his tempest noâ—â— upon a false hope of fairer weather stâ—â—◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For it is a ridiculous â—â—â—â—ing in Historians to ascribe the action of great men â—â—râ—etually to pollicie since iâ—resolution prevailes equally â—â—â—â—â— them as with the vulgar And why might â—â—â—â— desperation be gâ—t submission in these â—â—â—â— boâ—â—ing Edward and a vaine apparence of a reâ—urâ—e of fortune to King Hentiâ—s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to this lastrevolt Vpon this so weake 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Margaret perceiving 〈◊〉 friendship 〈◊〉 husbands native Country destroy'd it as if an enemie's And â—anting forcâ— to râ—ach the prosperitie of her Competitor â—â—ll â—â—â—elly 〈◊〉 the Common people 〈◊〉 â—itherto beene onely subject to his Fortune bâ—aâ—ing iâ—waâ—dly a 〈◊〉 passionate love to the famely of Lancaster But this oâ—â—rageous carriage of the Armie chang'd absolutely their affections to the Queene Who was questionlesse by necessitie compel'd to things unlawfull whereby to prevent the disbanding of her Forces which were onely payd and kept together by a licencious spoyle To oppose against this attempt which onely betray'd the weaknesse of the Enemie King Edward sent downe the Lord Mountague himselfe staying behind to raise an Armie befitting the greatnesse of his name and present quarrell Giving likewise order that his Navie should guard the Seas to hinder any succours to the Queene from forraigne confederates But this was an unnecessary caution tâ— no state abroad being so desperate as to imbarque itselfe iâ— the broken seat of her Fortune Mountague at Land had a braver occasion to shew his courage who having in the Bishoprick of Durâ—sme gathered convenient Forces marcht directly against King Henry By the way the Lords Hungerford and Rosse and Sir Ralph Percie presented themselves to hinder his farther course but perceiving the good order and courage of his Armie all fled but the
valiant Percie Who disdaining to reprive his life beyond his honour or to shew the least weakenesse beneath his name or Spirit fought it out with his 〈◊〉 till overpâ—est with number he and his were all cut to peeces Encourag'd with his successe Mountague attempts without expectation of any farther succour or direction to finish the presenâ— warâ—e and immediately marches to a plaine neere the River Dowell in Hexam-shire where King Henries Armie lay encampt The Campe he suddenly assaults in the night and had taken it without any losse had not the enemie beyond reason gathered themselves into some order and valiantly oppos'd But no courage could withstand the Fortune and spirit of Mountague for the Queenes Campe at length was lost and in it taken the Duke of Sommerset the Lords Hungerford Rosse Moulins and Hussie with Wentworth and Finderne Knights Sommerset on the place lost his head the rest sent to Newcastle to suffer there the same punishment But King Henry and the Queene escap'd at the first on set whose Tragoedy drew not yet nere the last Act. King Edward whose Fortune fought for him even in his absence encounter'd the newes of this victory in his march toward Durisme so that finding the presence of his person and Armie needlesse he return'd toward Yorke Giving command to Warwicke to take in all the Forts and Castles which yet in the North held out On the way he was certified of the apprehension of King Henries person who was surprized as he endeavord by shifting from place to place to have recovered Scotland With the joy of which report King Edward returnd to London whether as yet hee never came but glorious in the accession of some new Triumph The sonne of Sir Edward Talbot of Lanca-shire apprehended King Henry as he sate at dinner at Waddington Hall and forgetting all respect due to so great a Prince like a common malefactor with his legges tyed under the horse belly guarded him up toward London By the way the Earle of Warwick met him who adding indignities to his affliction with the generall reproaches of the people the acclamations they give to the unfortunate led him prisoner to the Tower The onely companions of his present calamity were Doctor Manning Deane of Windsore and Doctor Bedle both of so divine a calling as shewed no misfortune could seperate him from his Pietie The miserable Queene seeing the desolation of her greatnesse her husband imprison'd all her great partakers fled or slaughter'd made againe her retreate into France and with her sonne whose preservation flatter'd her with some hope that one day he might rebuild the now ruin'd house of Lancaster fled to her fathers Court. A most wretched Sanctuary to her feares where she had onely leisure by long sufferance to prepare her minde for future misery But this her dejection rais'd Edward up to an unsuspicious Soveraigntie so that now he began to set strong the disjoynted body of his Kingdome And knowing liberalitie the onely ligament that ties affection to a Prince he resolv'd by attaindor of his enemies to enable himselfe to reward the services of his friends And though hee pretended the gate of mercie ever to stand open to the submission of the Lancastrians yet few or none accepted the favour either distrustfull of his reallitie or feeding their hopes with imagination that the tide of Fortune would not still flow with so impetuous a torrent But King Edward disdaining a faction so contemptible in their ruine should disdaine his clemencie proceeded to punishment The Earledome of Pembrooke an honour heretofore enjoy'd by Jasper Teuther halfe brother to Henry the sixth he bestowed on Sir William Herbert a Knight of Wales both for descent and power most eminent and to whose ayde a great part of the present felicitie was owing To the Lord Mountague whose person and service he equally lov'd he gave the opulent possessions belonging to the family of the Percies But the most open hand cannot satisfie the expectation of great deservers who set so high a price upon their merits that they leave their Princes no power of reward The greatest benefit being received in the degree of a debt not a gift And certainely Mountague and his brother Warwicke had by too much merit even disobleig'd the King what honour soever they were in future to have being so little able to cancell the obligation it could scarce defray the interest And in that way was this title and inheritance accepted which gave the King occasion to distaste whom otherwise he would with passion have embrac'd Whereupon reflecting on the danger of adding power to them who wanted onely will to doe mischiefe and knowing how easily innovation might be resolv'd on when nothing but the conscience was to be perswaded he began seriously to wish the mightinesse of that family hee owed the crowne to in some degree lessend Yet that hee might no way appeare unthankefull to so great deserts he thought fit to weaken their strength and yet to adde to the spender of their title Whereupon he willingly admitted the friends of Percie to interced for restitution both of honor and revenue and soone granted it Rewarding Mountague with the more specious stile of Marquesse But this state-tricke was by the brothers easily understood and accepted with the same brow they would have entertaind an injurie Which the King dissembled and to build his estimation high in the ayre of popular applause endeavord by all the Arts of humble greatnesse to endeare himselfe into the opinion of the multitude His presence was easie to any mans love or curiositie his aspect cleere and smiling his language free and familiar And to the Ladies who have also their share in the motion of states he applyed a generall courtship which used by a Prince and of so amiable a personage made them usually the Idolls of others Idolaters of him Among his Nobility he was so supple in gesture and liberall in affability that he appeard King not in his assumption of state but in their application of duty This to winne outward applause while to settle an inward sence of his wisdome he looked into abuses of Officers and reformed them Neither was there any oppression or mistake in government but what he releiv'd or corrected And that it might appeare how zealously â—ee sought due administration of justice he in person sate three dayes together on his Bench at Westminster Hall which though it little advanced the uncorcupted execution of the lawes yet it serv'd happily for example and created what hee then most courted opinion Thus he grew upon his people at home while abroade the neighbouring states began to decline the danger of his future enmitie who ever measure the power of Princes by that sway and affection they have among their subjects Charles Earle of Charolois a widdower but without heire male heire to a large and opulent territory the seventeene Provinces with the Duchie and County of Burgundie and the greatest part of Picardie being subject
Lady Elizabeth Gray bewitcht him to her love and likewise another precontract with the Lady Edeanor Dutler daughter to the Earle of Shrewsbury and widdow to the Lord of Sudlye I cannot but beleeve all those scandals by some of the tyrants wicked instruments suggested into the mindes of that assembly For had there beene a just exception against this marriage neither George Duke of Clarence nor the Earle of Warwicke in their frequent calumnies against the King being in open rebellion had left it unmention'd But no sooner had King Edward obey'd his â—ancie in taking her to his bed and in that â—asted the forbidden fruite forbidden I meane by politique respects but he saw himselfe naked of friends at home and abroade to oppose against any new arising difficulty But as yet by the braverie of his carriage did he aâ—de an honour to the â—ct Courage and Love either denying himâ— to foresee or to regard the danger Though as soone as the marriage was deâ—â—â—ged hee presently I discern'd another face of men Moâ—â—â—â—iâ—r 〈◊〉 in the Extraordinary for France full of indignation return'd and the Nobility in generall lookâ— discontented or else but forc'd a smile The soâ— higâ— advancement of this one Lady and her children lately beneath so many in fortune begetting an universall envie in the rest But when the Earle of Warwicke understood how mighty an affront by this was given to his imployment he entertain'd none but disdainefull thoughts against his Prince And exprest so bold a discontent that Lewis of France who was quicke to perceive and carefull to â—omentany displeasure which might tend to the disturbance of another Kingdome began to enter into private communication with him For ever after this common injury so they cal'd the errour of love in the King the Earle held a dangerous intelligence in France which after occasion'd so many confusions to our Kingdome Neverthelesse upon his returne he dissembled â—ll discontent and in every circumstance of respect applyed himselfe to applaâ—de the mariage and in particular the excellent peâ—sonage of the Queene The King intâ—rpreted the intentions of the man according to the apparance unwilling perhaps to racke his owne nature so farre till it had confest that his carriage might dissemble danger And in the meane time to raise his wives kindred as neere as possibly to his owne greatnesse hee searchâ— out all meanes for their advancement The Lord Richard Widdevill her Father he created Earle of Rivers and High Constable of England with an annuall Fee of 200 pound out of the Exchequer whom shortly after he made Lord Treasureâ— Her brother Anthony hee created Lord Scales the daughter and heirâ— to which title by the Kings earâ—est sollicitation he not long before had wedded And her sonne Thomaâ— hee rais'd to the honour of Marquesse Dâ—rset for whom he procured in marriage the heire of the Lord Bonvile and Harrington By his owne free gift enobling them with titles and by the industry of his mediation enabling them with possessions to make those titles no scorne to the owners Every unmarried Lord imagin'd the bestowing of these two great heires on the Queenes kindred an injury to his owne hopes And Warwick thought every great office confer'd upon another misplac'd For his many Services begot so great an insolencie that he scarce allowed the King a share in the distribution of his owne Hereupon his thoughts grew dangerous and onely opportunity was wanting to thrust him into action He consider'd the vastnesse of his possessions the greatnesse of his authority among the Commons and the generall dependancies of the men of war upon him and hence concluded it was as easie for him to uncreate as to create a King But hee found the generall humor of the kingdome not yet fully ripe for mischiefe the vulgar enamor'd on the much curtesie of their Prince the Lords neerest to him in blood likeliest to incline to his Faction deare likewise to the King and all of the house of Lancaster who by probability would at first invitement take fire in any combustion of the state exil'd and poore Sedition therefore for the present was but an embrion in his braine which after when time had deliver'd became so vast and bloody a monster Neverthelesse hee was not unmindfull of his designe cherishing unkinde thoughts in any whom he saw distasted at the King and casting forth speeches which might lessen the honour of his publicke and private actions with which discourses as with slow poysons he infected many limbes of the general body Then upon pretention of infirmity and prescription of Pâ—isitions for the change of ayre with licence from the King he retired to his Castle at Warwicke Where his observation was what Lords great in power or treasure resorted to him and with what countenance whether they undervalued the weakenesse of the Kings judgement or hated the advancement of the Queene and her kindred whether they were troubled at any private repulse or open affront or generally at the publicke businesse or whether they repented not the so violent oppression of the family of Lancaster Any discontent making for his purpose which either pointed at the errors of the King pride of the Queene and her kindred or the misgovernment of the state Vpon the affections of the meaner sort begain'd by a profuâ—e hospitality â—â— open kitchen and buttery perswading more with them than any dutie to justice Vpon the good will of the better sort he wonne by bowing his entertainement downe to an endearing familiarity saluting every man curteously by his name and engaging them by triviall benefits And with all sorts by his great service to the Crowne and a carriage Noble both in warre and peace The King though he wanted that vertue of â—owards suspicion began neverthelesse to have the Earle in some jealousie his unusuall retirednesse from the Court and so expencefull purchasing the voyce of the people argued both distaste against his Prince and a hope to maintaine any unlawfull enterpise by Faction But either in pollicie he dissembled his distrust nor having yet any firme ground to build a just accusation or in good nature would ecclips the Earles greatnesse by which himselfe enjoy'd a benefit little lesse thaâ— the Crowne But that the storme threatned from France for incensing King Lewis in the diâ—â—ouâ—â—t marriage of the Lady â—ona might be diverted he made strong confederacies round about him With Henry King of Castle and John King of Arâ—agon that Spaine however far remoâ—e might bâ—e neere in friendship he enter'd into leagâ—â— and upon the conclusion of it granted licence for the transportation of certaine Cotswold sheepe thither a grant that is complain'd of still as a mighty enriching to the Spanish and as great an empoverishing to the English Merchant With Scotland hee made a trucâ— for fifteene yeeres that he invading France or invaded by the French might be secure however not to have that Nation according to their custome upon all advantages enemies at his
resolve for motion He told him how in the North 15000. men had beene in Armes pretending revenge upon the governours of Saint Leonards Hospitall in Yorke for converting the Alemony they receiv'd from the Country every yeare in Corne to their owne use by which they both defrauded the poore and the charitable intention of the owners Whereas indeed the armed multitude moved first by his councell onely awaiting his presence with resolution to runne any hazard of his command And though the Marquesse Mountague rais'd Forces in King Edwards name by which he quieted the commotion and beheaded Robert Huldron their chiefe Captine yet were the people ready upon the first Summons to reassemble and the Marquesse who by such apparence of fidelity had won upon the easie faith of the dull King prepared to bring his forces and joyne in any enterprise he should appoint He showed farther how by this his brothers dissimulation his intelligence held perfect in the Kings Councell and all the resolutions of state might bee without difficultie prevented since no sooner made but discovered The Duke who before held the Earles courage and authority with the people in great estimation now began to wonder at the so cunning mannage of this great businesse Neither could he suspect the successe the Earle having so order'd things that he left little or nothing to â—ortune Whereupon he gave his judgement entirely up to his Fathers in law discretion with whom hee return'd into England openly professing and justifying his resolution to rebellion The vanity of ambition sealing up his eyes so farre that he could not perceive the unnaturalnesse of his revolt and the certaine hazard of ruine in warring against a Prince so great both in armes and Fortune Against their returne the Arch-bishop of Yorke had wrought so diligently to ripen mischiefe that the multitude disperst before were againe in the field bâ—t under Leaders of a farre more eminent name For Henry Sonne to the Lord Fitz Hugh and Henry Nevill sonne to the Lord Latimer the one Nephew the other Cosen german to Warwicke had the conduct of these Forces both gentlemen great in blood and spirit but in regard of their unexperienc'd youth submiting themselves to the directions of Sir John Conyers a Commander bold in courage and sober in advice Their march was not now directed against any petty Towne in the North as before but toward London the head of the Kingdome and the cause of their taking Armes not upon any triviall injury or opression but out of desire of publicke justice by throwing downe a licencious Vsurper and re-investing in the Soveraignty King Henry their lawfull Monarch so injuriously detain'd prisoner in the Tower This pretention carryed with it much of bravery pleased the humor of most of the Northerne men passionately still affected to the line of Lancaster and tooke generally with the Commonalty a beast as prone to unseasonable pitty as to inhumane cruelty and ever defirous to change governement because naturally it can endure none The noyse of these Armes waked King Edward for he now perceiv'd his title to the Crowne for which he imagin'd he had had so cleere a sentence brought againe to tryall and the sword judge He cast his eye about him and found every where the way open to his jealousie and none to security All those Lords from whom he might expect supply being neerâ— to Warwicke in friendship or allianee and the Marquesse Mountague in whose service he had ever found most trust and fortune even brother to his enemie How could he therefore beleeve but notwithstanding all their outward professious of loyaltie privately they might favour Rebellion As for the Queenes kindred of whose faith in regard of their owne interest he remain'd secure he could draw little confidence Their greatnesse so young that it had yet taken no deepe roote in opinion and their Forces onely weake beames shot from the Sunne of the Kings owne power But no consideration in this trouble begot so much scorne and rage in him as the revolâ— of Clarence whose giddie ambition made him rather chuse to become a Word to rough and insolent guardian than to share with his brother a King in the treasures of Fortune The forces of the Rebells hee weighed more by the reputation of their leader Warwicke than by the number though even that grew every day more formidable To prepare against these dangerous motions in his English Rebells he speedily sent to the Earle of Pembrooke commission â—o raise what Welch Forces he could having in this generall suspition of his disloyall subjects most confidence in the valour of the Welch and their naturall hatred against the English name He required the Earle to give battell by the way while himselfe gathered as great an Armie as the present danger and cause in controversie required The Earle joyfull of the command puts suddenly into the field with his valiant brother Sir Richard Herbert having under their conduct seaven thousand men To them soone joyn'd eight hundred bow men led by the Lord Stafford of Southwicke not long before created Earle of Devonshire With these Forces he resoly'd to hinder the Rebells in their journey and having notice by eâ—piallâ—â—â—â—â— they tooke their way by Northumpton against theiâ— hee led the whole body of his Armie Having given order to Sir Richard Herbert with two thousand souldiers to wheele about and charge the enâ—mle in the Rere Sir John Coniers was â—â—â— vigilanâ— to be suâ—pâ—â—â—'d and so carefully had strengthned the Rerewarâ— that the Welchâ—â— â—â— ere â—epuhâ— with losse and forc'd by flight to safery Whereupon he retired to his brother while Coniers upon new instroctions or else fâ—arefull least Pembrooke in the way might gaine some advantage dwerted from his direct course to London and mâ—â—châ— to Warwicke where the Duke of Clarence and the Earle of Warwicke had leviod a mighty Host Pâ—mâ—rooke waites close up on their journey expecting the opportunity â—â—â—â—â—â— to cut off some part of the enemie disorderd oâ— to give battell to the whole Armie But while constant in this pursuite oâ—â—lâ—â—y hee shewed all the parts of a great Commander a small division betweene him and the Lord Stufford ruin'd the whole aâ—tempt For incasnping aâ— Banbury question grew concerning an Inne to which Stafford pretended as having used long to the house but in which Pembrooke in regard of his preheminence as Generall and commodiousnesse of the place was resolvid â—o lodge This so â—â—iâ—iall distaâ—â— if there were no farther treaâ—â—â—â— in iâ— grew so high that Stafford withdrew himselfe and his English Archâ—â—s leaving the Wâ—â—â—â— in Aâ—â—â—â— and number farre inferiour to the enemie which defect neverthelesse was supplyed by their great courage From when the Reâ—â—ells who soone had notice of this unhappie discord gave the Earles Campe next morning a Camisado the Welch entertain'd the charge so stouâ—ly that they â—ooke Sir Henry Nevill the Leader but what savor'd too much of barbarisme most cruelly slew him in cold
blood By which Act they rais'd so feirce an appetite oâ— revenge in the enemie that the next day they gave the Earle battell and the fight was long and cruell Neither â—ad the victory fallen so absolutely to the Northerne men but that John Clopton reâ—ainer to the Earle of Warwicke appearing upon the top of a neighbouring hill with five hundred ragged and disordred men uâ—der Warwickes standard and the Northerne men at their approach crying out a Warwicke a Warwickeâ— made the Welch beleeve all the Rebell Forces were there and that it would be but foolish desperation to fight it out against an enemie fresh and so farre superior in number whereupon they â—â—ed In the battell and the flight five thousand of the Welch were slâ—ine and among the few prisoners the Earle of Pembrooke and Sir Richard Herbert were taken whose heads soone after were sacrific'd upon the Scaffold to the Ghost of Nevill Their valour and brave direction begetting an universall sorrow to the Kings partie in their deaths and even an envie in the conquering Enemie Neither did the Lord Sâ—afford the author of this overthrow escape condigne punishment for by diligent inquiry found in Devonsâ—ire without processe at Bridgewater hee lost his head Having so inconsiderately managed his businesse that he betrayd King Edwards Armie upon a false apprehension of an affront and yet provided not thereby to wâ—nne favour so far with the enemie as by their Armes to protect himselfe from the Kings just indignation This victory added yet a bolder courage to the attempt of Warwicke but into the Northerne multitude it infused a madnesse not to be cured by any councell or direction For immediately some companies of them retired into Northampton shire where associating to them certaine of the most desperate inhabitants no mischiefe was left unacted The name they gave their Commander if such a disorder'd rabble could obey any was Robin Riddisdale and their first assault on Graâ—ton a seate belonging to King Edwards Father-in-Law the Earle Rivers The place their wilde rage soone possest and among the other spoyles violently taken there were the Earle himselfe and Sir John Widdevill his younger Sonne These they prosently led to Northampton and there beheaded without any forme of Law that deform'd body having no eare open to any discourse but to that of blood and fury An envied life and cruell death was the Summe of all those favours confer'd by Fortune on this Lord esteem'd so happie in his owne marriage with Jaquet widdow of John Duke of Bedford and daughter to Peter of Luxenburgh Count St. Paul and in his daughters with the present King For as the assent to these strange heights are ever malign'd so the desent is ruinous and fatall Not any one of seven sonnes which this Lord was Father â—o leaving behind him issue to perpeâ—uate the â—ame some of them likewise extinguishing violently A misery either seldome happening oâ— not observ'd in meaneâ— families This great dâ—lâ—ate and these inâ—olencies â—o beyond the sufferance of a Prince together with the Earle of Warwickes openly professing himselfe head to this vaste body of Rebells strooke an astonishment in the Kings Armie and I will not say feare but strange diffidence in the King himselfe Which inclin'd him to listen to the safer though lesse noble advice of them who perswaded him to end all dissention with the Earle by treaty For in this so universall disease of the Kingdome there was some sound men both of the Clergie and Nobility yet left whom faction did not interesse in mischiefe and who out of experience of past miseries were willing to prevent future By their mediation though the Armies by this time were so neere encampt that they could hardly part without battell were every houre made new overtures of peace and on both sides not un willingly received The Earle of Warwicke whose pretence was that of all Rebels The good of the Kingdome entertain'd these Treaties with a humilâ—ty beneath his nature and late advantages neither appear'd stubborne to bend downe to the lowest submission so provision might bee made for the publique benefit Yet never in all these apparences of a calme did he neglect to prepare himselfe against the roughest storme of warre knowing the best way to bee recoâ—cil'd upon safe termes to an enemie is not to be necessitated to peace But the King of a waâ—en nature apt to receive any impressâ—ons best pleas'd his present humour would not trouble his quiet to believe there might be fallacie in Warwickeâ— pretensions Whereupon imagining that had received perfection which was then but in â—â—itation â—hee neglected the order of warre and began in his Campe to taste the pleasures of Court Which evill discipline observ'd by the Earle hee takes the advantage suddenly sets on the Kings field kills the watch and in the dead of night at Wollny within foure miles of Warwicke surpriseth his person buried in a carelesse sleepe So that hee no sooner waked but found how false his dreame had beene which flatter'd him with peace This so unhappie negligence betray the King to an insulting enemie who up brayded his prisoner in the most insolent termes with ingratitude to his great merits and boasted it was now both in his power and resolution to plaine that mountaine he had rais'd and raise the humbled vally of King Henries fortunes up to the throne he once possest And presently sent away the King prisoner to Middleham Castle in Yorke-shire there to be kept by his brother busie Archbishop of that Sea Not daring to retaine him longer least his Armie might unite and hazzard the recovery of their Prince In this middle and unsafe course of managing his great fortune questionlesse the Earle committed a maine oversight For either by a free delivery with some conditions advantagious for himselfe and friends and what conditions would the King then not have sign'd hee should have cast a perpetuall obligation upon him or else by destroying him have secured his designe from after hazzard knowing that no prison could hold a Prince which would not open to corruption or battery and no brother could have a faith so strong which would not bee in danger to bee weakned either by threates or promises But perhaps this way of pollicie was onely beaten by that time and the proud Earle tooke a glory to keepe the whole Kingdome at his devotion and the two Competitors his Captives for both of them his Fortune had imprison'd But King Edward grew soone weary of the restraint as whom a long practise in the liberty of pleasure had not endued with such a tamenesse as armed King Henry He therefore presently casts his eye about to finde some way so redeeme his person from captivitie and his honour from so darke an errour as by negligence to have beene surprised And having upon pretence of necessary exercise for health obtained licence to hunt in the adjoyning Parke he so contrived with Sir William Stanley and Sir Thomas Burgh that unexpected
two of Holland presently imbarked having in his company the Duke of Glocester the Earle Rivers the Lords Scales and Say and in retinue about one thousand As soone as they were put to Sea the King encounterd dangers great as he had escapt at Land For the Easterlings a people ever famed for Sea affaires and then at enmitie both with France and England had set forth not long before some men of warre Who having descrted these shippes and guessing them to be English made saile after them The King by benefit of the wind got first to the coast of Holland and in regard it was ebbing water cast Anchor so neare the shore the Easterlings being shippes of farre greater burthen could not reach them But the next tide infallibly had exposed them a prize to the enemy had not the Lord Gronteere Lievetenant for the Duke in Holland by meere accident beene at that time at Alquemare a Sea towne close joyning to them He soone as he understood that those three small vessels carried in them the fortune of England commanded the Easterlings to forbeare hostility and licence those passengers a quiet landing And presently himselfe came abord the Kings shippe expressing in the obsequiousnesse of his respects as much ceremony and love as was due to so great a Majestie and the brother in law to his Prince And no sooner had he attended the King ashore and found how unprovided of all things necessary the suddennesse of his flight had made him and his followers but he furnisht him and them according to their quality and want For the Kings escape was so hasty that not onely his apparell and other furniture were lost or left behind but even his treasure So that to defray the charge of his transportation he was necessitated to give the Master of the ship a Gowne furr'd with Martins And remaine beholding to the Lord Gronteere for his expences to the Hâ—ge whether hee was conducted to expect the comming of the Duke Who soone as he had perfect knowledge of the Kings so ruinous successe in England and arrived in Holland as to a Sanctuary began to repent his so neare alhance and cast about how to close with the adverse faction And now indeede his time was to act the most cunning part of subtletie by endeavouring to retaine the good opinion of his brother in Law and yet secure himselfe from hostilitie with the Earle of Warwicke Whereupon before ever hee came to the Hage he dispatcht his Agent to Callice to show the chiefe of the towne that the peace heretofore concluded betweene King Edward and himselfe was no way personall But betweene whatsoever Princes should rule in either dominions and betwixt nation and nation and therefore by no change of King or length of time dissolvable Vpon which consideration hee intreated for loath he was at the same time to wrastle both with France and England that the name of Edward might bee changed into Henry and the former league continue sacred as before The unsetled state of England and the universall desires of the Merchants of the Sâ—aple at Callice soone affected the Dukes purpose For they who had continuall traffique into the Low Countries and vented all their wooll to the subjects of the Duke had beene unabled to pay their usuall tribute to the King if free intercourse had beene denyed Whereupon unwilling to discontent and impoverish so great a body at home and too hastily to run into a dangerous quarrell with a most potent enemy abroad the Earle for the present dissembled his inveterate hatred and recal'd his Souldiers who had spoyld all the Dukes territory bordering upon Callice And that the Duke might make himselfe strong in a faction potent with the present time hee renewed his friendship with the Dukes of Sommerset and Exceter whom hee solicited earnestly to endeare him to King Henry and revive in him the memory of their so neare kindred To acquaint him how zealous himselfe and his father had ever beene for the honour and safetie of the family of Lancaster in which himselfe did so much participate As likewise to promise all the perfect offices of a consederate and neighbour if so bee that his faithfull intentions might receive a true interpretation This did the Dukes voluntarily offer to negotiate Sommerset in respect of propinquity in blood Exceter of those many favours received in the Low Countries during his so miserable exile Both out of an extreame malice to the Earle of Warwicke who had subverted their families and to whose ayde they envied the King should owe his restitution And easily was the Duke brought upon good termes with King Henry his neighberhood and friendship being of so notable consequence and the very apparence of disclayming the adverse partie what secret ayde soever hee afforded being so disadvantageous to any pretence King Edward might have to renew the warre This aspect full of a smiling flattery did the Duke of Burgundy beare to the present fortune of the state While upon King Edward he cast such a supercilious look as the worlds wise men usually doe upon men in adversitie Often sharpely hee reprehended his so great carelesnesse and neglect of wholesome advice which had ruin'd him to this so wretched flight Hee objected the much contempt this misfortune would throw upon his quarrell and how loath friends would bee to adhere to his present necessities since hee knew so ill to manage profperitie Yet remembring that hereafter there might happily be a change in fortune he often chang'd his humour and amid these reprehensions mingled some passionate complements of love Hee protested seriously that hee wisht all happinesse to his affaires to advance which he would neglect no industry yet he desired his pardon if for the present hee dissembled Considering it might at once draw on a warre from his two most dangerous neighbours England and France Against both which nations should he be necessitated to a quarrell hee should be very unable to defend himselfe much lesse to serve another And when a Proclamation was set forth by the Duke prohibiting his subjects any way to ayde the pretences of King Edward or his faction and that it was with much indignation received by the King he protested the intention of it to be onely to betray King Henry to an unsafe security that in the interim he might without suspition levie a greater ayde for his designes King Edward whom a short adversitie had already instructed much appeard to take the false coine of these excuses for currant and by example of the Duke practis'd to dissemble But after this time it was noted that he never bore the Duke so sincere affection as before Princes best maintaining a nere friendship by keeping at large distance jealousie and aemulation take their growth with familiaritie and if eyther be necessitated to demand supply reason of state oftentimes weakens love and roots up good nature To increase King Edwards discontent abroad no newes came from England but what spoke
nothing above the decorum of a subject to aske or a Prince to grant But Warwicke had a spirit too stubborne to bow downe to any conditions which himselfe had not beene the first proposer of and as an injury threw backe all offers of curtesie And now too late he began to curse the error of his indulgency which had added power to these brothers onely for his owne destruction From Edward he could expect no safetie for hee deserv'd it not having canceld all former obligations by his last revolt by which he forc'd him to so hazardous a flight and from George he could not look for a true faith considering for the only apparence of better hopes he had heretofore broke it even with a brother And from both what thought of perfect friendship unlesse and that his nature could never suffer he would fall beneath his former height in which should hee continue suspition would never let him remaine secure from danger That subject scarse never having beene reputed innocent in whose power it was to be nocent Whereupon King Edward by all the charmes of former friendship and promise of future unable to lay the spirit that raged in Warwicke left him obstinate in the prosecution of his owne designes And accompanied with his late reconcild brother and followed by a gallant Army marcht to London Where the Citizens out of conscience of their late oath taken so solemnly to King Henry made some show of resistance but soone the care of their owne safetie absolvd them from that scruple instructing them that oaths by feare retorted lay no obligation upon the soule And with much alacritie they yeelded up their City together with the person of King Henry reserv'd still to be made the sport of fortune For certainly history showes us not an example of any Prince who in so many vicissitudes never met with one fully to his advantage So that justly wee might have condemnd him for unhappy had he not beene endued with such a piety as raisd him above his fortune and united him to God At his entrance into the Citie as generall applause entertaind King Edward all those inhabitants who had covertly wisht happy successe to his affaires now openly expressing their triumph The Queene and those many of the Kings nearest followers who for the space of six moneths had secured themselves in Sanctuary running forth to congratulate their owne in his restitution And even in this generall alacritie concurd the vowes of many Merchants natives and forrainers who before had hated him and supplyed King Henry with money to his destruction For the King out of the easinesse of his naturall disposition and a desire that at this universall triumph there should not be a sad looke so much as among his enemies gave their offences a generall pardon Onely letting them understand that hee knew both the value of his owne mercy and of the greatnesse of their forfeitures their ayding the contrary faction having lost them their estates and liberties and in rigor their lives Neither was this an unhappy pollicy in him to obliege many by the forgiving that the extremity of which had he taken his businesse being then so unsetled might have endangered a mutiny in the City upon the first approach of the enemy Having therefore by his happy fortune comforted his friends and by his clemency wonne upon the affection of the rest and so setled the Town to his obedience that he suspected no danger at his backe he led forth his Army to oppose the Earle of Warwicke who having reunited his scatâ—erd forces by easie marches was come to Saint Aâ—ban The reason of bringing his power so neare London was a confidence hee had his reputation among the inhabitants would draw many to his part or at least so divide them that they should be no advantage to the King But the King jealous of their levitie as who had knowne them how affectionate soever they profitted themselves to his fortune siding still with the prevailer interposed his Army betweene the Citie and the enemy whereby he cut off even the possibilitie of intelligence And that the presence of King Henry might not be the occasion of any tumulâ— in London nor his escape adde such 〈◊〉 Warwicks quarrell oâ— hereafter â—â— danger a fâ—â—â—â—er warre hee â—â— oâ—â— hiâ— to the battaile Where by the poore disâ—â—â—st King what side so â—â—e prevaiâ—â—â— was moâ—â—lly certaine of destruction Vpon a Plaiâ—â— neare â—â—rner 〈◊〉 way betweene London and Saiâ—â— Alban the King pitcht his field The 〈◊〉 commanded by the Duke of Glocester the Rere by the Lord 〈◊〉 â—he maine battaile by himselfe To the common Souldier heeded no incouragement of words the great examples of their Leaders was the best Oratory And noâ—e of them but understood their lives estates and liberties at â—he â—take Their â—â—incâ— if overthrownâ— every day â—oâ—â—â—liloâ— to produce new troubles and new dangers 〈◊〉 a full 〈◊〉 of this warre with 〈◊〉 and triumph On the other side the Earle of Warwicke with as bol◠〈…〉 The right Wing which consisted of Horse he committed to the Earle of Oxford in whose company â—ought the Marquesse Mountague The leâ—â— to the Duke of Exeter and the maine â—arâ—â—â—lâ— which was composed of Bills and Bowes the best sinâ—â—es of oâ—â— English strength to the Duke of Sommerset Hee himselfe giving direction in every quarter And when hee had 〈◊〉 his whole hoste and liked both their order and their courage hee 〈◊〉 away his Horse resolving to figâ—â— oâ— foote and that day to try the uâ—most of his fortune prefâ—â—iâ—g 〈◊〉 his imaginations no meane betweene victory and death Then be lovingly in bear'd â—â— those great Commanders in every of whâ—â— appearid a â—â—solution equall to the cause And having by 〈◊〉 protestations declared their sincere faith and forwardnesse to the present service every man betâ—â—ke himselfe to his severall charge Nothing extraâ—â—dinary to beâ— observed in ordering the field on eitâ—er side but that neither George Duke of Clarence nor the Marquesse Mountague commanded any way in chiefe that day So impossible it was to extirpate that suspition which by their foâ—mer actions had takeâ— roote in their brothers minds It was Faster day in the morning a day too sacred to be profaned with so much blood when both Armies addrest themselves to fight That for the King tooke courage from the justice of their quarrell and the fortune of their Prince That of the Earle from the long experience and noble valour of their Leader and from the pietie of him for whose redemption that day they had brought their lives to the hazard Both fought for their Kings both Kings having beene crown d and by severall Parliamentâ— acknowledged And indeede the question was so subtill that even among Divines it had held long and at that day remained not absolutely decided No marvell then if the common souldier had on both sides the same assurance of truth since if they have any their faith for the most is led by
his posterity by violent deathes was reduced to nothing The large River of his blood divided now into many streames some so small they are hardly observ'd as they flow by Of his brother the Marquesse Mountague little can be cleerely spoken so reserv'd were his imaginations and so obscure his wayes especially to us who looke on him so farre off and with so imperfect a light Neither of himselfe can he afford much to story having never beene but second in any businesse of moment and like some poore gamster seldome or never play'd his own Cards He had certainely as much valour and dissimulation as rendred him both a perfect Souldier and Courtier He never miscarried in any battaile till the last in which he perisht so that indifferently we may ascribe to his good conduct and fortune the prosperity of his successe His affections being divided betweene a King and a brother made him suffer that misfortune that ever attends neutrality Though indeede he may be rather sayd to have beene for both than neither His nature was nothing so stubborne as his brothers which perhaps was bended to plausibility by the dependances of his fortune The comportment of men sâ—ldome swelling to a distastfull pride unlesse from the very cradle flattered with respect without the competition of an equall He abhord peace whose strict rules circumscrib'd him within the narrow limits of his owne revenue and loved warre which called not his expences to accoumpt and equal'd if not elevated him above those great men whom he must have envied in a quiet sâ—ate In a word the dispositions of these two Brothers are bâ—st discovered to us by the King himselfe of whom Warwicke was still either esteemed or hated Mountague loved or pittied The affection which King Edward boreâ— Mountague during life appeared by the good language he alwaies used of him even when in Armes against him which perhaps occasion'd some jealosie of his faith in Warwicke And after death in permitting his and for his sake his brothers bodie the honour of a convenient buriall For after they had both laine two or three dayes bare-fac'd in St Pâ—uls Church exposed a spectacle obnoctious to such passions as the beholders were inclined to either by Nature or Faction they were carryed downe to the Priory of Bisham Where among their Ancestors by the mothers side Earles of Salisbury the two unquiet brothers rest in one Tombe Queen Margaret now when it was too late Landed â—â— Waimouth having in her retinue some few French Forces the warie King Lewis loath to venture much upon an after game of fortune And here when she expected the acclamations of triumph she first received the newes of Warwicke slaine and his Armie defeated Which to her mind prepared then to have some taste of happinesse was so sad a distraction that she knew not which way to direct her resolutions At length desperation forc'd her to the common poore refuge of Sanctuary And in Bewlye in Hampshire a monastery of Cistâ—rcian Monkes she registred her selfe her sonne and followers for persons priviledg'd To her in this ago nie of soule came Edmond Duke of Sommerset who had escap'd from the overthrow at Barnet with his brother the Lord John Bewfort Iohn Courtney Earle of Devonshire brother to Thomas who taken at Towtâ—n field was beheaded at Yorke Iasper Earle of Pâ—mbrooke younger sonne of Owen Tâ—uther by Queene Katherine Dowager John Longsâ—â—other Lord Prior of St. Johns and John Lord Wenlocke who had received his first advancement to honour by his great Services to King Edwaâ—d and â—ow by the folly of his ingratitude had betray â— himselfe to a ruinous Faction These Noble personages greater farre in the reputation of what they had or might have beene than in their present power labour'd what they could by their comfort and presence to raise up the Queene sunck with the weight of her misfortunes They related to her the hopes shee yet might retaine in the amitie with France and authoritie she had in England multitudes yet surviving vvhom if not affection to the title desperation of their owne fortunes and safety of their persons would necessitate to take armes All overthroâ—es rather sowing then taking away the seeds of warre Neither if she lookt in differently upon the last battle had she reason to be disconsolate For if shee reflected on the number of the slaine it was not considerable Or upon the death of the Generall the Earle of Warwicke Shee might receive that losse as a benefit He having beene indeed a cruell enemy but never but an insolent friend Whose fortune had it continued prosperous as it began it might have beene a question whether the â—arle of Marches or his â—surpation would have beene the more insupportable They urged farther the authority Sommerset Devonshire the Lord Prior and Wenlooke had in England and the multitudes Pembrooke might arme in Wales But above all what a confluence of the boldest youth would be to the Prince would hee but take the field and appeare in his owne quarrell Nothing having advanc'd the title of Yorke but Marches presence in all battles or â—oâ—â—d the reputation of Laucaster but King Henries unactive piety and fighting still by Deputies The Souldier thinking it desperation for them to hazard their lives where the Prince whom it concernes timerously refuseth to stake his owne But all these arguments exemplified by the most perswasive Oratory could not recover the sad Queene to a perfect life in her spirit For either so many disasters and falling so thicke together made her despaire successe Or else the soule before a great mischiefe hath a certaine divining knowledge of future accidents And now she beganne to thinke that small time her husband had beene re-invested in the Kingdome was but a lightning before the death of all loveraignety in his Family Yet when she looked upon the Prince hope flatter'd her desires that he might hereafter revive the greatnesse of his blood but then the memory of forepast misfortunes made her a melancholly Prophetesse of future râ—ine Howsoever the objects of her thoughts were dismall shee dissembled them and was as busie in all polliticke contrivances and as forward in setting forth the armie as the most resolute Commander But when she perceived the Lords earnest to have the Prince present in the battle shee violently opposed â—n respect of his youth want of experience and the so mighty venter For if he perisht in this storme even hope it selfe would in him be shipwrack'd She therefore urged earnestly to have him reconvai'd into France where in safety hee might attend the successe of the present enterprise which if unprosperous hee might there râ—maine till by the increase of yeares and powre he might be inabled to fight his owne quarrell But the contrary opinion over-ruled in her all the passions both of a woman and a Mother and hâ—ving alreâ—dy lost so much at this play of fortune shee was perswaded like a desperate gaâ—â—â—â—â—er to haâ—â—rd at one cast the
let him enter a place sacred to our most mercifull God untill hee had granted to all there his mercy by a free pardon But this pardon betrayd them for on the Munday after they were taken out of the Church and all beheaded in the Market place at Teuxbury Among whom of principall note were the Duke of Sommerset and the Lord Prior of Saint Johns and many other Knights of great reputation and fortune By which violation of the Sanctuary he made good the opinion which the world before had conceived of him that Religion never could prevaile so farre upon his conscience as to bee any barre eyther to his pleasures or revenge The Queene halfe dead in her Chariot was taken in the battaile and not long after the Prince vvas brought prisoner to the King by Sir Richard Croft Who taking notice of the Proclamation vvhereby the revvard of a hundred pound by the yeare during life was promist to whosoever should yeeld the Princes body dead or alive up to the King with protestation not to offer any violence to his person if alive brought him unhappily to his death Which when the good Knight afterward found he repented what he had done and openly profest his service abused and his faith deluded For King Edward presently upon the delivery of the Prince caused him to be brought into his presence and intertained him with some demonstration of curtesie Mooved perhaps thereunto by the innocency of his youth compassion of his misfortune or the comelinesse of his person the composition of his body being guilty of no fault but a too feminine beauty At first it was supposed the King might have some charitable intention and resolve happily to have setled him in the Dutchy of Lancaster his Fathers inheritance a patrimony too narrow for a King and something too large for a Subject and thereupon to have enterd discourse with him whereby to make experience whether his spirit would stoope to acknowledge a Superiour He therefore question'd him what madde perswasion had made him enter into so rash an enterprise where the very attempt was rebellion being against his Soveraigne and folly being in opposition to a Prince so farre in power above him He expected an humble answer deprecatory for life or soft and gentle according to the complection either of his fortune or his face But he with a resolution bold as his Grandfather Henry the fifth would have replyed with answerd that to recover his Father miserably opprest and the Crowne violently usurped hee had taken armes Neither could he be reputed to make any unjust claime who desired no more then what had beene possest by Henry the sixt the fift and fourth his Father Grand-father and great Grandfather Kings of England And acknowledged by the approbation not of the Kingdome onely but the world and even by the progenitors of King Edward By the spirit of which language when the King perceived how much his life might threaten danger with a looke full of indignation hee turn'd from him thrusting him disdainfully away with his gantlet Which so mighty rage observ'd and his so distemper'd parting out of the roome The Dukes of Clarence and Glocester the Marquesse Dorset and the Lord Hastings seis'd suddenly upon the Prince and with their poniards most barbarously murthered him â— Of whom wee can make little mention his youth having perform'd nothing worth story though it promist much For under the governement of a Mother the worst education for a Sonne he had beene bred up untill this last sceane of life which hee acted alone and bravely so that posterity hath sence of his misfortune yet and applaudes the justice of the Almighty in punishment of his murtherers For all of them came to violent ends Glocester being executioner of the rest and of him the Earle of Richmond the next surviving kinsman of the butcher'd Prince The severity of which example holds a glasse before the eyes of the wicked and showes them how rotten is all that greatnesse which is not raised upon and maintained by vertue and as the conscience is ever after such a crying sinne inwardly tortured upon the racke of feare so seldome doth the body escape outwardly an exemplary death by violence After this generall defeate of the enemy the death of the Prince and all the great partakers with the house of Lancaster and the surprize of the Queene her selfe the King returned toward London This being the onely compleate victory he ever gain'd from which no man of eminency escaped and no man who might pretend to a competition was now preserved except King Henry and he issuelesse and in prison And to make this triumph resemble something of the Roman the King carryed with him his great captive the most afflicted Queene Margaret A woman most unfortunate to her selfe and most ruinous to this kingdome For after her marriage into England Soone finding her husbands weakenesse safe however in being directed and strengthened by sober councell she never left off inventing new machinations till she wrought him into her sole command with the destruction of his neerest friends So that to make the prospect from her greatnesse larger she broke downe and levelld his strong bullwarkes The Duke of Glocester which might perhaps a little checke her ambitious eye but being taken quite away left her open to every tempest Having therefore by fomenting dissention at home lost except onely Callice all our void territories abroad by the murther of the good Duke her Husbands Vncle shee gave liberty to the house of Yorke to make their just claime to the Crowne and in the end to put her out of that governement shee prepoâ—terously managed In her prosperity shee was rather ambitious then wanton though from the last opinion did not absolutely acquit her Which aspersion certainely was cast upon her by reason of her too intimate familiarity with some of the younger and finer Lords For the more discreete and aged either dislikt her projects or were disliked by her as persons too cautious to consult with a giddy woman Her mighty confidence in the Duke of Suffolke who wrought her marryage with England hath left the largest part of that false suspicion upon his name For who are just to her memory cannot but say beside that she was religious shee was even too busie to thinke of Love matters But perhaps the misfortune of her carriage gave some small occasion of the report Her prosperous fortune presents her to us in the worst colours a factious busie and imperious Queene â—er adverse in the best a most industrious woman to recover what her folly had lost an excellent Wife and a most indulgent Mother And had she never appear'd in action but when misfortune had compell'd her to it she had certainely beene numbred among the best examples of her Sex But now the merits of her later part of life by redeeming the errours of the former serve onely to lâ—vell her with the indifferent The time shee continued a prisoner in
who would have beene as bold to have fought his quarrell and lost so good shipping and so commodious a haven Towne For they were resolv'd to see both consumed with themselves that the victory might be no triumph to the conquerour and the conquer'd might have that comfort in their ruine The proposition was accepted by the King and the Duke of Glocester whose wisdome and valor had wrought him high in the opinion of the King was sent with a generall pardon to the Rebells and authority in the Kings name to receive the Towne the Castle and all the shipping in the harbour But the King who never let any pardon be an impediment to his purpose having them in his power caused the Lawes severely to proceed against them And for the example of the rest Spicing and Quintin tvvo of the chiefe in this rebellion vvere executed at Canterbury and their heads set upon those gates vvhich at their last being at London they so furiously assaulted And that the King might not onely dravv blood but treasure from this businesse a Commission of Oier and Terminer vvas directed to the Lord Deubam and Sir John Fog to inquire against Offenders in the last rebellion and to inflict either corporall or pecuniary punishment But the Commissioners vvho understood both the necessity and intention of the State made rather choyce of the later knovving death vvould but incurre the opinion of cruelty and no way advance the Kings benefit Whereas great fines weaken as much the discontented make the Prince as secure from danger even with the reputation of clemency And that Fauconbridge the first moover of this sedition might have no more priviledge then his complices comming into South-hampton he was apprehended and put to death The inserting of his name in the former pardon though often pleaded by him serving onely to make him suffer the same execution with the rest The punishment of these succeeding so well the King proceeded against others And first against the Arch-bishop of Yorke brother to the Earle of Warwicke who with his spirituall authority had set a glosse of Religion upon all the later attempts And by his working inclin'd the Commons of the North to so constant a resolution for King Henry With him the King tooke order because he found his ambition irregular and sent him to be kept prisoner in the Castle of Guisnes Where deservedly he endured a long restraint never attain'd liberty till death enlarg'd him No man afforded the poore comfort of pitty to his affliction because in his prosperity he had beene insolent and factious The manner of the attachment was according to the custome of the King unfaithfull For having admitted the Arch-bishop after Barnet field not onely into favour but a speciall familiarity as he was hunting with him neere Windsor he promist to come to the More a place in Hartford-shire which was not long before purchaste and built up most commodiously by the Arch-bishop and there to hunt with him with this caution that there might be nothing but a liberall mirth and friendly entertainement With much complacency the Arch-bishop retired to his house joyfull to see the King so free in his affection without memory of former discontents And that the entertainement might not be altogether beneath the Majesty of his person against the Kings comming beside all provision which the shortnesse of the time could make he had gather'd together of his owne and his friends plate and other rich housholdstuffe to the value of twenty thousand pound Next day expecting the presence of the King On the sudden Sir William Par knight and Master Thomas Vaughan entered the house and by vertue of a Commission to that purpose confiscated all those goods to the Kings use Who having arrested his person and sent that to prison seized upon all his estate both temporall and Ecclesiasticall The former forfeited for ever the later during the Archbishops life The crime objected against him was treason for secretly aiding the Earle of Oxford who at that time had fortefied Saint Michaels Mount in Cornewall For the poore Earle seeing the whole Island lost from the house of Lancaster in whose defence he had beene so constant and all the great favourers of the quarrell destroyd having no place of safety to shelter himselfe abroad tooke this corner of the kingdome and endeavour'd to make it good But this was but the enterprize of a desperate man for all his hope this way could be onely to prolong a wretched life without servitude As for liberty he was his owne goaler and his fortresse his prison The whole number of his Souldiers were but seventy scarce enough for his retinue Yet with these he managed his businesse so happily that though besig'd hee revictualled the place and made his defence good some moneths But when Richard Fortescue Esquire of the body to the King and then Sheriffe of the County came downe and by open offer of the Kings free pardon to all the Earles men and secret practising had wrought them to his purpose The Earle was forced to yeeld and with him the Lord Beumount two of the Earles brothers and Thomas Clifford all persons of great name and quality The King receiv'd them to mercy as farre as their lives were concernd But for their estates for now he began to husband his victories to the benefit of his treasury he confiscated them wholly not allowing the disconsolate Countesse any part of her joynture Insomuch that during the life time of King Edward for all that while was the Earle kept prisoner neere Callice in the Castle of Hames she was forced to live upon the curtesie of her friends a kinde of better sort of almes All now were reduced to order except the Earles of Richmond and Pembrooke and them the King labour'd to fetch in For now either his nature was alter'd to a strange mistrust which in his youth had beene so taxed for an uncircumspect confidence or else he began to be govern'd by a Councell of a more wary judgement and whose sight could discerne danger a farre off And certainely who compares the first and last times of the Kings government shall perceive a strange difference in the pollicy unlesse in those affaires wherein he obey'd his owne direction and in them remain'd a taint of his naturall errour Which change of governement may be ascribed to the Duke of Glocester a man whom the conscience of his owne infidelity made jealous of the faith of others who thought no enemy alive and with liberty but full of danger how weake so ever his power or pretence might be and who at this time held the sterne of the Councell while the King at pleasure wanton'd in his Cabin By his advice Commissioners were sent over to the Duke of Brittaine in whose dominions the Earles remained to expostulate the injury of giving entertainement to any evill affected to the state of England Pembrooke having been upon all occasions an open Rebell and Richmond onely
of so weake and inconstant a man as his brother Duke Charles who so often had beene entrapt From both these Princes he received such answer as showed they resolved to prosecute their designe but not to have him suspect it Giving faire protestations of their desire to be over-ruled by the Kings direction But neither of them understood the businesse in that dangerous nature as it was conceived in England For though King Lewys had no Sonne at that time yet was there every day expectation he might have the Queen likely to conceive and Lewys in much health and strength of body And indeed soone after a young Dolphin was borne who succeeded in the kingdome Moreover they considerd the malice betweene the brothers growne to that height that all feare of reconciliation was needlesse And that there was no such certaine way to maintaine a generall dissention in France as by enabling Duke Charles with a power to make good the former contestation Nothing likely to incline him to seeke friendship with his brother but being disabled to continue an enemy The King suspecting the reality of their intentions and resolved upon any termes to prevent the marriage had in his determination to have forgot all former discontents justly conceiv'd against King Lewys in abetting the contrary faction of Lancaster and to have enterd into a particular league with him against the Duke of Burgundy But before he would make the overture he tryed by his Embassadors to know the certaine resolution of the Duke himselfe who had in the marriage of his daughter alwayes held his thoughts apart from the world And in truth the end of his intentions was to keep all neighboring Princes in expectatiō but to conclude with none For at the same time when Duke Charles had so many underhand promises with the selfe same hope did hee entertaine Maximilian Sonne to the Emperour Fredericke the third Nicolas Duke of Calabria and Philibert Duke of Savoy His ambition being to create many dependancies upon himselfe and never to marry her to no man unlesse hee should bee forc'd to it by some evill fate in warre and then he doubted not but by her to worke himselfe safe and honorable conditions Much importuned by the English Embassador to give his resolution and not knowing to what danger the Kings suspition might grow or to what new leagues it might incline him he answered him faithfully that he intended no such neare alliance with Duke Charles And that all those apparences of treatie were onely to retaine him in discord with his brother who otherwise might chance to be reconcild and hazard to destroy that faction which the necessitie of his affaires did inforce him to advance Hee desired therefore the King not to listen to every false suggestion but to believe hee would doe nothing in so materiall a point without much advice and care had for satisfaction of so great a confederat and so neare an allye This so absolute resolution of the Duke tooke away the former jealousie which soone after would howsoever of it selfe have vanisht For Duke Charles not without a strong suspition of practise in King Lewys dyed of poyson and so fixt a period to those many civill wars which had distracted the state of France and to all those busie ambitions which had so much disquieted his owne content At home the King was continually stunge by a swarme of Creditors who during his late troubles had supplyed him with treasure and for whom gratitude did obliege him to provide repaiment He found his Exchequer emptie and a necessitie to desire the Commonaltie to contribute with their purses that many of his best friends might not be ruinated He therefore summond a Parliament to be held at Westminster wherein though the reformation of abuses and enacting Lawes wholsome for the present time was pretended a liberall subsidy was the ayme But in the beginning all those acts which had been heretofore made during the first part of King Edwards government and abrogated by King Henry the last Parliament when for a time he was restored were revived and enacted to continue in full force for ever And whatever other statutes were made by King Henry repealed By vertue of which acts all the Nobilitie who had adherd to the house of Yorke and had beene for that attainted were restored in blood and to their patrimonies and all of the contrary faction found guilty of high treason and their estates confiscated to the King Then for reliefe of the Kings great necessities for all those so mightie fortunes serv'd onely to reward the multitude of his adherents a full subsidy was granted In recompence of which he gave them a generall pardon And indeede by that liberally repaid them For by the late civill warres the laps into treason was so universall that scarce any estate could be safe if licence were given to informers the Cormarants of a Commonweale who swallow much seldome or never grow fat and least of all advance that they most pretend the Kings benefit Some few dayes before the Parliament began Lewys of Bruges a Netherlander Lord of Gruthuse and Prince of Steinhuse came over into England who was receav'd by the King with all the demonstrations of amitie And on the thirteenth of October in the Parliament Chamber created Earle of Winchester receiving with the title the ancient armes of Roger Quincy heretofore Earle of the place with addition of the coate of England in a canton The reason of this so extraordinary favour conferd upon a stranger was the much application of respect hee made to King Edward when by the prevayling fortunes of the Earle of Warwicke he was forc'd to fly for refuge under the protection of the Duke of Burgundy For hee being a noble man of that Country dedicated himselfe totally to comfort the King distracted with his present affliction Soone after him the Parliament being newly ended came Embassadours from the Low-Countries who after the first open audience wherein for the most part passed onely the complement of Princes admitted to the King and some few Lords most intimate to the Kings resolutions spoke to this purpose May it please your M tie VVEe are sent by our great Master the Duke of Burgundie upon an Embassy that may prove strange to the first apprehension and even in it selfe contradictory To congratulate your Majestie the glory of that peace you enjoy and to invite you from it to a new warre But glory is like time everlastingly in motion and when it stops it ends Your Majestie hath by the happy conduct of your power and fortune restored the Kingdome to itselfe That was an act of necessitie For you could not bee your selfe if your great enemies had not beene reduced to nothing Now as great a justice doth invite you and the recovery of a larger Kingdome Which wee know your high spirit cannot refuse to undertake least the world have just reason to suspect you tooke Armes to live not to raigne For if your
title to the Crowne of England be just as man did alwayes allow in judgement and Almightie God hath approved in the successe The same title is good to the Crowne of France Both having beene united into one ever since the usurpation of Philip de Valois The peoples affection to Princes of their owne nation enacted an injurious Law that authoriz'd injustice and confirm'd the Soveraigntie in the heires Male The Female were excluded as if the distinction of kind could make a difference in right and the being borne a woman were to bee borne illigitimate for the Law Salique in a manner bastardizeth the whole Sex Your great Ancestor Edward the third whose name and magnanimity you inherit with his Sword abrogated this Law And call'd the Lawmakers to a severe acacount at Crecie and Poitiers where more veines of France were opened and more blood issued then any time records Considering the small numbers of the English In the later of the two battels John Sonne to Philip of Ualois laboring to make good the pretentions of his Father was taken prisoner and so continued lesse then a free Subject by endeavouring unjustly to be a Soveraigne The little handfull of men with which the English then opposed the vast armies of the French not onely showing the high advantage the Nation hath in courage But the miraculous justice of the Almighty who delights to make the destruction of Vsurpers his owne Worke and not to permit man by his power to rivall heaven in the punishment Your Majesty needes not History to perswade you to the quarrell or example to assure you of the successe The justice of the claime will easily prevaile with you to draw againe your sword which hath beene hitherto almost still unsheathed in vindication of your right And that with so much prosperity that they who admire your valour and direction applaud your fortune But if the nature of man delighted in the felicities of peace should advise your Majesty to satisfie your mind with the triumph of those victories you have already purchast Yet neither a just revenge nor discreet pollicy will admit it For how can England remaine safe from future injuries and acquit her selfe in honour against those who have heretofore affronted her if France where all the late combustions were first conceived remaine unpunished The huge body of the civill Warre lies now a dead trunke wounded to death by your arme but yet Lewys of France the head of that monster though contrary to the ordinary course of Nature retaines still a life and quickens mischiefe hourely against this Kingdome least otherwise his owne be not secure And should your Majesty out of desire to avoid the further effusion of Christian blood permit him to continue in the unjust possession of a Kingdome he would interpret his safety and your mercy to be either a blind ignorance or a degenerate feare And from your lenity draw the boldnesse to prepare new troubles against your quiet And if it be not an over much care in a confederate and an allye to make so narrow a scrutinie into your Majesties affaires Our Master beleeves that this warre will not be unnecessary for the present state of England In regard this way those many evill humours gathered in the body of the Kingdome by the late disorders will be easily purged away or at least diverted Seeing experience teacheth us how impossible it is for a Nation nurst in civill war suddenly to embrace a peace and endure a severe government And should the discontented not vent themselves thus abroad how dangerous it might make the disease at home is easie to be conjectured But all this showes only the justice and necessity of your warre Preparations great enough to oppose a King of France yet we have not toucht upon And that indeed is it our Master gave us in our instructions most to acquaint your Majesty withall As by which it will be most apparent how without any reflection upon his owne occasions he invites you to this undertaking For his Highnesse understands how farre this overture lyes open to a false interpretation considering his enmity with King Lewys did not the circumstance of the businesse show how your Majesty is rather desired to a triumph then a battle Never had France so many enemies so powerfully united and never so few friends if shee may be said to have any For except onely the poore Duke of Lorraine who happily may be a burthen never an aide to any Prince wee can hardly reckon a confederate For so trecherous have beene all King Lewys his arts so dissembling his nature that the world hath concluded it much safer to be at enmity with him then upon the fairest termes His friendship having ruined some his armes never any man In confederacy with our Master and in absolute resolution to invade France are the Duke of Brittaine and the Count Saint Paul Brittaine able of his owne Subjects to bring a powerfull army into the field Saint Paul by his kindred and intelligence to cause a generall revolt of all the nobility from the King And indeed such hath beene the carryage of that polliticke Prince for that epethite his poore shifts have got him that a continuall contempt hath beene throwne by him upon the great Lords and a most neere familiarity enter'd into with the basest people His barber being more acquainted with the affaires of state then the whole body of his Councell This preposterous course of favor hath made the greatest states of the Kingdome scorne their present King and reflect upon your Majesty whose comportment in warre and peace hath beene such as justly makes your triumph in the generall affections of your many friends and utter destruction of your enemies If it may therfore please your Majesty to admit of that greatnesse your high descent hath title to and your Predecessors ' have had possession of The armes of these great Princes are prepared to serve you Our Master first honoured your Majesty as a potent neighbour great in your selfe as in dominion Then by marryage he grew into the neerest degree of correspondence the title of Brothers a ceremony used betweene Princes being of due in alliance between you two Lastly he had the happinesse which Potentates seldome have though with some trouble to your Majesty to enjoy entire familiarity By which those other respects common among persons of like quality and which are often but weake tyes of amity converted into a perfect friendship So that this desire his Highnesse hath to advance your Majesties glory and command proceeds onely from love to the posterity of your person and iust claime With How powerfull forces he will concurre to this great action hath beene of purpose omitted Because the world hath had sufficient testimony how able his Highnesse hath beene to oppose if not oppresse King Lewys without borrowing aid from a confederate He therefore intreates to know your Majesties resolution whether you will passe over and personally make your
of the Army and raised a strange murmure both against S. Paul and the Duke Which increast by the difficulties of a tempestuous night with which the English after were troubled For an extraordinary raine fell and made the so open lodging very unpleasing with danger of diseases to the Army The Duke of Burgundy opposed against this discontent with his authority but in vaine For not able to give satisfaction for his owne weakenesse and breach of promise he was more disabled to cleere suspicion from another Whereupon he tooke his leave of the King intreating his and the Armies patience for a while till he brought his Forces to joyne with them and a full account from the Count S. Paul of his Garrisons demeanure at S. Quintin But this his departure compared with the former carriage of things begot yet a stronger doubt of their intentions in the English who being strangers in that place and not having any particular arme in conduct of the businesse but onely a generall resolution to regaine France interpreted these delayes and false play to direct treason And began openly to inveigh against their owne folly in confiding on the promises of such who indevored not the glory of the English name or the Kings title but onely their owne safety For preservation of which under a specious pretext of recovering a Kingdome they had seduced them into a strange Country in hope hereafter to sell them to the French And although this discourse were onely in the mouth of the common Souldier yet did the thoughts of the Commanders participate with the vulgar though not so freely opened For hitherto there had been no assurance given of any reall intention either in Burgundy or Saint Paul The much indignation exprest by the English upon this occasion was thought a strange kinde of rude ignorance and a note even of barbarisme Which censure savoures too much of malice considering it could not be judged blinde presumption induced our Nation to this undertaking the State for it having the fairest appearence of humaine reason and the religion of the strongest oathes And if the unexpected trechery of S. Paul ingendred choller why should this passion be so contemptible since an injury from a friend is ever quicker and sharper to the sence and all nations removed from their owne seates upon dangerous adventures are prone to suspicion And for ignorance in the Art of warre â— see not how by mallice it selfe it can bee obtruded upon the English since their onely misery was too much experience in armes which ever begets knowledge Neither could they be but skillfull even in the militar exercise of the Frecnh few of the Souldiery who were now of any age but their youth had beene bred up and instructed under the command of that great Captain Talbot Earle of Shrewsbury and others Not full twenty yeares expired since we turned our swords upon our selves and gave France liberty to recover breath But this delatory way in the Duke and treachery in the Count prepared the army to a good thought of peace And brought the two confederates into more hatred then an open enemy So that when an Herauld came from King Lewys he was received into the English Campe with much humanity and friendly invited by the Souldier to refresh himselfe with wine and meate till the King who was then at dinner were at leisure to give him audience For Lewys following the instructions of our Herauld soone as he understood King Edward was landed and had heard likewise of some disgusts appearing betweene him and the Duke resolved to send to him and attempt to perswade a peace But so poore was hee in the outward ceremonies of Majesty that no Herauld attended on his Campe whereupon he was enforced to suborne a fellow of whose wit and confidence he had taken some notice to act the part Who having received full instructions from his Master addrest himselfe to the Lords Stanley and Howard and the English Herauld by whose aide being brought to the King â—e hansomely delivered his message The effect of which was To show the great desire the King his Master had to live in perfect amity with all neighbouring Princes but above all with his Majesty of England as who in the extent of Empire and his owne Prowesse was most considerable That he had much reason to believe the present warre had not received the first life in England especially not in the disposition of the King which as he was informed abhorred the unnecessary drawing of Christian blood That they who had first hatcht this quarrell did it onely with their neighbours danger to procure their owne safety and when they had made an advantagious peace to conspire with him who before had beene the common enemy for beating backe their best friend the English That he doubted not but that his Majesty would suddenly finde good ground for suspicion when he should perceive the Duke of Burgundie not able to bring into the field one entire regiment All his Forces having beene utterly broken upon desperate services to which an innate love to the warre had madly engaged him Then he proceeded to excuse his Masters succouring the faction of Lancaster To which he protested he never gave comfort for it selfe but onely for the Earle of Warwickes sake Whom he supported onely to affront Burgundy whose irreconciliable enemy Warwicke had ever profest himselfe And if he had inclined more to favour King Henry he might well excuse it in respect of his neere kindred to him and his wife Queene Margaret and something too in reason of state to oppose Burgundy who pretended to be a friend how false soever he proved to the house of Yorke That if his Majestie would be pleasd to search up to the very head of this businesse hee shall find more streames of assistance to have flowed from Burgundy then from France to King Henry Duke Phillip and this Duke till his marriage with the Princesse Margaret having most passionately labord the supportation of that family to which they were so neare in kindred The conclusion was to desire his Majestie to grant a safe conduct for a hundred horse in whose company should come Embassadours enabled with larger instructions and who should make proposall of such conditions as could not bee rejected by the King or Kingdome of England since they should be for the honour and profit of both Vnlesse it would better stand with his Majesties liking to assigne a place of treatie in some village betweene both armies to which they might joyntly send Commissioners This message delivered in a soft tone expressing much humilitie and ever ascribing to the Kings greatnesse of Spirit and the nations glory together with promise to make overture of conditions both honorable and profitable begot a favorable audience And many of the great Lords who had plentifull revenues at home were as forward as the King to listen to peace and forsake unnecessary dangers abroad Neither did the greatest statists dislike
Any superstition being nourisht in the subject which tended to advance the reputation of their Prince especially when his actions are doubtfull to bee understood The night that ensued the enterview many of the English nobilitie resorted to Amiens the French affabilitie and something too of curiositie inviting them The Lord Howard who was alwayes foremost in his application to King Lewys at Supper whisperd him in the eare that hee conceiv'd his Master might bee perswaded without much scruple to make a journey to Paris where by a friendly entertainement the new begun amitie might be perfected But the wary King had no desire to bid so dangerous a guest to Paris for feare the delicacies of the place might invite him either to a too chargeable continuance there or to such a love of the French aire that it might perswade him to returne hereafter thither though unbidden Hee therefore chid his owne overforward straining a complement and was forc'd to the invention of an excuse to take away discurtesie from denyall of that before ceremoniously he had offerd he answer'd the Lord Howard thereupon suddenly and to the outward judgement seriously that hee was extreame sorry the necessitie of his unsetled state would not afford him licence for so much happinesse being presently to make an expedition against the Duke of Burgundie Who was busie in his preparations against him so that with safetie yet hee could not attend the pleasures of peace Which answer gave but a halfe satisfaction but the Lord Howard was devoted to his affaires and that made the rellish of it better with the King But that the King might neither reape all the benefit not yet beare all the blame of this peace there were few Lords great in opinion of the state but shared proportionably in the bootie Even the scrupulous Duke of Glocester returnd not home without a large present both of Plate and Horses For when hee saw the whole streame of the Armie flow into King Lewys either out of curiositie or in pollicie loath to particularize an enmitie upon himselfe from so potent a Prince he went to him at Amiens where hee found a respect answerable not onely to the greatnesse of his blood but to the extent of his judgement and authoritie But with him King Lewys dealt with more circumspection knowing it impossible to winne ground upon him by any slight or strength of wit The good affection of all the other Lords he bought up according to the ordinary course in Markets As they were worth more in the Kings esteemation so were they at a higher price with him The principall men of name who were in pension as wee find them in History were the Lord Hastings Lord Chamberlaine to the King the Lord Howard Sir John Cheiney Master of the Horse S. Anthony S. Leger and Sir Thomas Montgommery Among these beside the present guifts hee annually distributed sixteene thousand Crownes and exacted from every man an acquittance for the receit Which no man refused but onely the Lord Hastings denying absolutely that ever his hand should be seene among the Kings accounts at Paris but welcom'd still the pension which without that formalitie was continued At how high a rate King Lewys prized his amitie with England by this profate liberalitie a qualitie so contrary to his parcimonious disposition is easily to bee judged But how lawfull it was in the receivers I will not too severely censure For although in this Kings raigne as likewise in the time of Henry the seventh many of the great Counsellors were in pension to Lewys and afterward to his Sonne Charles the eight yet is hard to judge how it could agree with the decorum of their dignitie It being much beneath the honour of a noble mind to owe any part of their revenue to a Prince whose safetie and advantage must never be in the first place of their care In peace it may happily not carry any apparence of disloyaltie because by their good offices they may deserve that way of gratitude but in times of jealousie and especially of enmitie it can no way bee allowed For though the Pensioner give no underhand intelligence prejudical to his Country yet by a certain necessity of gratitude it stops the freedom of advice and renders him however undeserving to the one Rewards are given for forepast merits pensions to retaine in future he therefore who receives a pension obligeth himselfe tacitly to the service of two Masters And oftentimes the second in his thoughts is that Prince to whom hee owes a naturall dutie An extrordinary way of benefit begetting an extraordinary diligence And hence proceeds that maladie in the body of a state which inclines it so totally to one side that all injuries how grosse soever are connived at from one neighbour while from another the least shadow of offence begets mortall warre But if these pensions bee receiv'd with approbation of the King certainly as they are lawfull so likewise are they lesse dangerous for then the state is armed against the advice of such whom they know to leane to one side The crookednesse of counsell being easily discern'd when not boulsterd up with simulation of integritie And questionlesse the distribution of these Crownes like a dangerous poison disperst it in some principall veines of a body infected the whole Court And though perhaps the secret resolutions of the King and state were not betray'd to him yet was his intelligence larger than convenient for so cunning a neighbour Who out of slight and triviall occurrences such as were but Chamber talke could guesse at the most reserv'd counsels Neither would those so apparent affronts offer'd by him afterward have beene so patiently dissembled especially the King knowing him a timerous Prince and who trembled at the very thought of a returne of the English into France had not they whose advice was most listend to passionately excused him in every charge the more zealous statists layd to him But these mischiefes the yeares succeeding were guiltie of for the present the King full of joy and treasure returnd toward Callice And indeed with more then ordinary haste and caution for feare the Duke of Burgundy should attempt any thing upon his retreat But with safetie hee both came thither and sayld to Dover whence in much pompe he directed his journey to London Vpon Black Heath the Lord Major and the Aldermen in Scarlet and five hundred Commoners in murrey receiv'd him and thence with all ostentation of triumph conducted him through the Citie to Westminster And perhaps hee gave order the solemnitie of his returne should bee more glorious to set off the shortnesse of his stay in France and the small or no honour purchast there The vulgar for the most part valuing the glory of the victories according to the information of the Ballad and the glittering of the Pageants The French King who ever affected the substance smild at these huge shadowes and never quarreld with King Edward what pompous titles soever
preserve the English in amitie was to keepe them at home Whereupon he frequently entertaind the King with Embassies full of curtesie such as might appeare rather the arguments of a sincere friendship then the forc'd expressions of ceremonie And ever communicated with him his private counsailes requiring his faithfull advice when indeed hee reserv'd his resolutions of any high nature wholly to himselfe all in the conduction of affaires though hee would listen to the opinion of King Edward he still obeyed his owne But this with his other Arts continued his reputation good with the English and purchast that quiet he suspected might by our armes be interrupted And what renderd his securitie the more troubles began betweene us and Scotland which wee may well beleeve hee underhand increast The occasion of them was the evill inclination and ungovernd spirit of James the third who disdaining to listen to the temperate counsailes of sober men obeyed onely his owne judgement which passion threw headlong into rash attempts The freedome of advice by the Lords of that countrey used toward their Princes renderd the speaker hatefull and frequently was rewarded with imprisonment or exile if not with death Among the multitude of them disfavour'd by him Alexander Duke of Albanie the King of Scotlands brother banisht into France resented the injury and endeavor'd revenge So that as hee past through England towards his exile being admitted to the King by all arguments he incenc'd him to a warre Which could not but prove most successefull the hatred of the Commons consider'd against so violent an oppressor And he protested that he knew the King falne into so low esteeme even with those he cherisht and into such hatred with all mankind that if assaulted by the English he would be constrain'd by submission of his Crowne to intreate for safetie This importunitie of the Duke of Albanie soone prevail'd with the King who by many injuries had beene exasperated and had onely waited opportunitie to warre upon Scotland For the boders on the English side had beene often infested and upon complaint no redresse nor reparation of damage Moreover the King having heretofore condiscended upon a motion from King James that his second daughter the Lady Cicilie should marry James Prince of Scotland and upon the agreement paid in a large part of the portion had receiv'd no satisfaction to his expectation The Articles of marriage neither being performed nor yet the money lent upon the bonds of the Provost and Merchants of Edenborough according to covenants repayd Hee was therefore the sooner wonne to undertake the businesse which he committed to the order of the Duke of Glocester who now had no competitor in greatnesse both of judgement and power No Prince of the house of Yorke remaining but such whom the want of yeares or love of ease indisposed to action For the King willing to decline labour waved the expedition and Glocester ambitious to gaine opinion especially with the Souldier most forwardly undertooke it The King desired to live to the best advantage of his pleasure Glocester of his honour And indeed Glocester began now like a cunning Phisition to examine the state of the Kings body which though he found strong and healthfull and by the ordinary reckoning of men likely to continue many yeares yet withall he observed evill symptomes of death in him being overgrowne with fat and both in his diet and lust subject to disorder Disorder a greater enemie to mankind and which hath destroyd more then age the sword or pestilence This Glocester perceiv'd and hence drew poyson which sweld his ambition higher He therefore with much alacritie prepared for the warre and with the title of Lievetenant Generall soone after set forward toward Scotland The Armie consisted of two and twentie thousand five hundred all commanded by men of great authority or experience Of the nobilitie in his retinue went Henry Earle of Northumberland Thomas Lord Stanley Lord Steward of the Kings house the Lords Levell Graistock Fitzhugh Nevill and Scroope of Bolton Of Knights Sir Edward Woodvile brother to the Queene Sir William Par Sir John Elrington Treasurer of the Kings house Sir James Harrington Sir John Middleton Sir John Dichfield and others The particular names of whom I mention onely to show how great a shadow Glocester began to cast toward the Sunset both of the Kings glory and life The Vantguard was led by the Earle of Northumberland the Rereward by the Lord Stanley the Maine battell by the Duke himselfe In whose company was the Duke of Albany Glocester willing perhaps to have him still in sight least if apart with sale of the Army he might purchase his owne peace Their first attempt was upon Barwicke surrendred heretofore by Queene Margaret to gaine a sanctuary for King Henry when expelled England into which partly by terrour of their Forces partly by the suddennesse of their approach they enterd without opposition The towne was soone at their discretion but the Castle the strongest Fort then in the North by the Earle Bothwell was made good against all battery Glocester foreseeing by the strength both of the place and the Commanders resolution that this siege would spend much time committed the charge to the Lord Stanley Sir John Elrington and Sir William Par with foure thousand Souldiers while he with the body of the Army marcht higher into Scotland perswaded as indeed it happend that they might force the King of Scotland either to an inglorious flight or else for safety to locke himselfe up in some strong hold By which they might so imprison him that his release should not bee without a full discharge for all injuries both against England and the Duke of Albany And according to expectation it happend the King upon the first rumour of an enemy inclosing himselfe in the Castle of Edenborough For in his governement having not studyed the safety of his people which is the supreame Law given to Kings he found himselfe now forsaken by them So farre that in opposition to the English against whom the Scots ever shewed a faire resolution no Army now tooke the field the Countrey lying open to the mercy of the invader Glocester therefore burning many townes by the way to strike a terror in the inhabitants marcht directly to Edenborough into which hee entred receiving such presents as the Citizens offerd to him for at the intreatie of the Duke of Albanie he spared the towne from spoile His entry was onely a spectacle of glory the people applauding the mercy of an enemy who presented them with a triumph not a battaile and welcom'd him as a Prince who tooke armes not for pecy or malice but for the safetie of a neighbouring kingdome disorderd and laid waste more by the licence of a tyrant in peace then it could have beene by the hand of war The Lords of Scotland considering the danger of their state and desirous to prevent ruin sent from Hadington to the Duke of Glocester to intreate
a suspence of armes and to desire a firme peace in future They there offerd if the occasion of beginning this warre were as it was pretended to give the English full satisfaction So that he could have no colour of continuing in hostilitie but onely a desire to execute his indignation upon a Countrey already sufficiently destroid For concerning the marriage they were prepared when it should please the King of England to accomplish it And for any other injury offered to the English they were ready to make restitution The Duke of Glocester returnd in answer That his comming thither was to right the honour of his Countrey often violated by the Scots and restore the Duke of Albanie unjustly commanded to exile to his native soile and the dignitie of his birth As for the marriage of the Prince of Scotland with the daughter of England he knew not how his brothers resolution stood at the present whereupon hee required repayment of the money lent to their King upon the first agreement And withall a delivery of the Castle of Barwicke up into his hands without which hee protested to come to no accord But the Scottish Lords labourd by all meanes to have avoided the surrender of a place so important by pretending how anciently it ever appertaind to their Crowne by parting with which now they should appeare at too deare and base a price to have purchast peace No argument could prevaile against Glocesters resolution whereupon they yeelded Barwicke with covenant too by no Art hereafter to labour the reduction of it They likewise appointed a day for restitution of all those monies lent by King Edward and promise upon a full discussion to make satisfaction for all damages done the English by any inroade of the Scottish borderers And for the Duke of Albanies provision whose safetie in this expedition was principally pretended a generall pardon for him and his followers was granted together with an obolition of all discontents Whereby he was reinvested in all his former dignities and places and by consent of the nobilitie of Scotland proclaimd Lievetenant of the Kingdome With this Lord the Duke of Glocester endeavor'd a most entire friendship and by all industrie imployd for his advancement in authoritie studied how to make him firme to his purposes if occasion should hereafter present it selfe to require his ayde And questionlesse howsoever the fortunes of these two Dukes accorded not in every point yet there was in their ambitions some kind of sympathy Both being brothers to Kings and both the Kings by the insolencie or licenâ—iousnesse of their actions become obnoxious to a publicke scandall But Albanie had the advantage in a more deserv'd and universall hatred to the King his brother whereby he might not improbably expect to bee King in fact however his brother were in title And Glocester had the start in that the King his brothers ease apparently tended to the shortning of his life and then he remaining the onely Prince of the blood fit to governe was not unlikely to governe as King both in fact and title To the advancement of any such designe a perfect amitie with Scotland Glocester could not but imagine most necessary Haying therefore setled businesses there with all increase of glory to the English name and by consequence to his owne hee return'd to Barwicke which according to the former agreement had beene yeelded to the Lord Stanley Thence in all solemnitie of greatnesse hee came toward London to yeeld an account of his prosperous enterprize By the way permit the honour of this action to bee divulged to the greatest applause whereby to insinuate his reputation into the opinion of the Commons and to show how much more nobly he in this expedition against Scotland had managed the peace for honour of the English nation then his brother had in his undertaking against France Considering that in lieu of a little money which King Edward got from King Lewys he had taken the onely place of strength whereby the Scots might with safetie to themselves have endangerd us And brought them to what conditions he appointed forcing the King to immure himselfe while the English at libertie spoild the Countrey and possest themselves of his capitall Towne of Edenborough And farther by Glocesters flatterers it was urged that if their Generall had but had commission ample enough hee would not have returnd without reduction of the kingdome of Scotland to the Crowne of England Obedience to a superior command fixing so suddaine a period to his actions And certainly in this expedition the Duke of Glocester laid the foundation of all his after atchievements for here having by a free spoile of every towne except onely Edenborough purchast the affection of the common Souldier whose aime in warre is gaine and licence and by sober order and great courage together with a brave zeale ever to bring honour to his side wonne estimation from the nobler sort hee began to imagine himselfe reputed generally onely unhappy in wanting a good title to the kingdome The difference betweene him and his brother the one possest the other deserv'd the Crowne And his thoughts farther flatterd him that it could not prove hereafter difficult upon any hansome occasion to perswade the people who already thought him worthy also to thinke it fit to make him King But these his blacke intentions came not yet to light and indeed they were so monstrous that they would not onely have manifested the uglinesse of their shape had they now appear'd but like imperfect and deformd births beene buried soone as produced Cunningly therefore by simulation of a most serious love to his brother and publiquely ascribing the whole glory of the action to his direction he declin'd suspition Being welcom'd by the King with all the demonstrations of joy who congratulated his owne felicitie in having with so little charge and no losse tamed all the insolency of the Scots and reduced Barwick He therefore to show how much he approved the conditions of the peace went solemnly in procession from Saint Stephens Chappell accompanied with the Queene and a mightie retinue of the greatest Lords into Westminster Hall where in presence of the Earle of Angus the Lord Grey and Sir James Liddall Embassadors extraordinary from Scotland the peace was ratified During the warre with Scotland and after the conclusion of this peace the King discoverd to the people his naturall disposition Which being bountifull and courteous farre from the proud state then in practise with the Tyrants of the East begot a generall affection and made the subject comparing their felicity with the misery of their fathers to blesse the present government The administration likewise of the Lawes being orderly without violence or partialitie caused all the former injustice to be cast either upon the licence of warre or the predominancie of some faction The King absolutely quit in opinion And even from lust which was reputed his bosome sinne toward the later end of his life he was
proceedings in this injurious way if we looke on our selves onely as at home But if wee consider the state of businesses abroad wee may easily discerne his pollicie For now had the French Arts or the change of time quite dissolved all our confederacies and left us to maintaine with our owne armes our owne quarrell Saint Paul was annihilated in whose death expired all the discontents of the factious Nobilitie in France The Duke of Brittaine by an extreame melancholly which scarce was reputed lesse then madnesse was become unfit for government much lesse for any great attempt And being overcharged by the practises and armes of the French in a manner made resignation of his Dutchy to the disposition of some officers easie to be corrupted And Burgundie which in the victories of Henry the fift had so much advanced the English enterprises was by the last league with Maximilian wholly at the devotion of the French So that all they who heretofore had brought us over were now either reduc'd to bee unprofitable for our ayde or else become enemies should wee renew our ancient quarrell Moreover the long ease the King of England had lived in and the pleasures with which hee appeard altogether fascinated render'd him to the world nothing formidable And King Lewys having with so little difficultie hitherto deluded him and retain'd him in a kinde of servile amitie while hee threw injuries thicke upon him was now heightend to a presumption that the English would either connive at this affront or that by some new cunning they might bee appeasd were the indignitie never so much resented And if the worst should happen the French nothing feared the enmitie Considering that King Edward alone would bee unable to prevaile against them seconded by the forces of Maximilian whom his daughter now interessed in the warre These considerations of securitie to doe wrong according to the nature of wicked Princes made King Lewys so boldly attempt it And what was strange in a man so cunning hee left himselfe no excuse for the fact eyther in the way of honour or conscience And scarce in humane pollicie Vnlesse his expectation reacht beyond common reason in thought that Prince Phillip Sonne to Maximilian and the Dutchesse for shee was mother onely to a sonne and a daughter might chance to die and thus by the Lady Margaret all those large countries devolve into the power of France But how slight soever King Lewys his opinion was of the English this breach of faith was no sooner related to King Edward but hee resolved severely to take revenge And calling together all the Counsell and Nobilitie who for the suddennesse could be convoked hee to this purpose made a remonstrance of his wrongs and intentions how to right himselfe My Lords THe injuries I have receiv'd are divulged every where and the eye of the world is fixt upon mee to observe with what countenance I suffer And I must confesse they are of so strange a nature that I remaine rather amazed then enraged Had I dealt with any Prince not civilized by Lawes or inured to commerce I had yet the Religion of so many oathes and the reason of every pollitique circumstance so cleare that I could no way have suspected this foule and foolish breach of faith But in a Christian King and who pretends to be most Christian I have met with so horrid a perjurie and so disgracefull to our Nation that as all mankind must abhorre him as barbarous so in my owne particular I must neglect the principall office of a Prince if I omit to Chastise him Most of you my Lords are witnesses to the solemnitie of his vowes when humbly hee declined ruine to his Kingdome and I to avoide so great a massacre as the warre would have endangerd condescended to end all controversies by accord My clemency is now become my scorne and I reape indignities where I sowed favours For this ungratefull man Prince I must not tearme him who hath by perjury forfeited that sacred title in contempt of all Law both humane and divine denies not onely the marriage of the Dolphin to our daughter which would have proved so great an honour to his blood and securitie to his Kingdome but even the annuall tribute of fiftie thousand Crownes A slender rent for so large a countrey as by our permission hee hath hitherto enjoyed This contumelie I am resolved to punish and I cannot doubt successe Almightie God strengthen still his arme who undertakes a warre for justice In our expeditions heretofore against the French what prosperitie waited upon the English Armes is to the world divulged and yet ambition then appeard the chiefe Counsellor to warre Now beside all that right which led over Edward the third our glorious Ancestor and Henry the fift our Predecessor we seeme to have a deputieship from Heaven to execute the office of the supreame Iudge in chastising the impious When we were last in France an innate feare in this false man forc'd him downe to a sordid purchase of security How low will a wicked conscience which even makes the valiant cowardly to tremble bend him now Now when an implacable resolution for revenge sets a farre sharper edge upon our Swords Now when he hath no hypocrisie left undiscovered nor subterfuge for his former perjurie nor Art to gaine beleefe to new dissimulation Now vvhen our eares shall be deafe to all submission and when our conscience is so well resolved for the necessitie of this war that mercy will be thought a vicious lenitie and the most savage crueltie but an act of justice I neede not repeate how much age hath infirmed him And indeed I thinke it was his dotage committed this so foolish crime nor yet how hated he is renderd abroad by his unfaithfull dealing at home by his severe government The Commonalty sunke downe by his heavie impositions the Nobilitie by his proud neglect exasprated to desire any innovation But we want not advantage in the justice of our cause and valour of our people wee have enough It is confest our confederacies are quite dissolved And I rejoyce in that alone wee shall undertake this great businesse For experience in our last attempt showed that Princes of severall nations however they pretend the same have still severall aimes And oftentimes a confederate is a greater enemy to the prosperitie of a warre then the enemy himselfe Envie begetting more difficultie in a Campe than any opposition from the adverse Armie Our Brother of Bungurdy and Vncle of Saint Paul are both dead How little their amitie advanced us nay how a just jealousie of their secret practises hinder'd our designe then on France you all may well remember And how in our returne toward England wee had more feare to have beene assaulted by their trayterous weapons then by any armes from the enemy But wee will spare their memory they labor'd their owne safetie not our glory This I am secure that as by death they are render'd unprofitable