Security from the Members of the Church of England more than from either Popish or Presbyterian Dissenters That when either of these two last-nam'd take Arms against the King for the Propagation of their Religion they act pursuant both to the Principles and Practice of their Churches but no true Church-of-England man can take Arms against the King in Defence of his Religion Liberty Property or any pretence whatsoever without at the same time renouncing the Principles of his Church or in Dr. Burnet's words turning Renegado and Apostate from it and from the constant Practices of its true Professors to this present Age. And though God has sifted Her and discovered Her unsound Members most of whom were Phanaticks grafted contrary to Nature yet we may perceive by the Remnant He has left that it will end in rendring her more Pure and Glorious after she has past the Refiner's Fire These Considerations have taken me a little out of the Road if it be out of the Road of the present Business I will return to the Author We have seen his Sincerity in the Original Matter of Fact and Mother of all the rest viz. Who were the Aggressors in the late miserable Revolution of Ireland for they were answerable for all that followed Matter◠of Fact set down by this Author at random But there are many other Particulars besides those to which I have spoken wherein the Author shews great variety of prevarication And tho he pretends to so great exactness which any one would believe by his Method yet it is visible that he set down things at random meerly for want of pains to examin them C. 3. S. 12. at the end p. 165. he pretends to compute what the Estates of all the Jacobites in England and Scotland are worth But this may pass more innocently than where it reflects upon any particular Persons Reputation in these Cases it is not only uncharitable but unjust to say any thing at a venture If we know not the thing to be true we are to err on the charitable side and not mention what may reflect upon another but if we do we must be sure to set down our Vouchers so as to leave no umbrage to suspect the Truth This our Author I am afraid has not so punctually observed through all this Book particularly in the Characters which he takes upon him to give of so many persons C. 3. S. 3. he accuses the Judges particularly the Lord Chief Justice Nugent ibid. n 5. p. 61. of down-right Bribery That he went sharer in Causes before him and not only appeared for them on the Bench but also secretly encouraged and fomented them I have heard others say who are no Admirers of that Judge That they are confident this is a rank Slander and Calumny and that no such thing can be proved against him However an Accusation of so heinous a Nature ought not to have been exhibited especially in Print without some Proofs along with it This Nugent says the Author was pitch'd on by K. J. to judge whether the Outlawries against his Father and his Fellow Rebels should be reversed Now I am assur'd That his Father viz. the Earl of Westmeath was not Outlawed which if so this is such another careless Mistake as this Author makes ibid. n. 3. pag. 60. where he calls Felix O Neil a Master of Chancery in King James's time Son of Turlogh O Neil the great Rebel in 41 and Massacrer of the Protestants That Turlogh O Neil was Brother to the Famous Sir Phelom O Neil and was not Father to this Felix O Neil I have been told by Men of Ireland That this Felix O Neil's Father's Name was Phelom and that he was so far from being a bloody Masacrer in 41. that he was civil to the Protestants in those times particularly to 〈…〉 Guilliam Father to Meredith Guilliam now a Major in K. W's Army whom he obliged by his civil Usage of him when he was Prisoner with the Irish and the same Guilliam's Relations do still acknowlege it But as to the Reversing of these Outlawries this Author has not done right to K. J. For upon the Representation made to his Majesty by the Earl of Clarendon then Lord Lieutenant of Ireland of the ill Consequences of the Reversal of these Outlawries particularly the Jealousie it gave of encroaching upon the Acts of Settlement which you will see more at large in King James's Letter of the Third of May 86. to the Earl of Clarendon and his Lordships proceedings thereupon which are hereunto annexed No. 20 His Majesty did not press that matter any farther and so there was a stop put to these Reversals during the Government of my Lord Clarendon in Ireland and for any thing I can hear afterwards till this Revolution So that this seems rather an Imposition upon the K. as there were many by my Lord Tyrconnel and those of his Party than a thing that sprung immediately from the King 's own Breast or that he pitcht upon Judge Nugent on purpose to carry it on violently as this Author sets it out in his Guesses at Random and would have it pass for some mighty Matter To this Class will justly belong what I have before mentioned of this Author 's bold and positive Politicks upon foreign Princes and States and likewise of the P. of W. Fr. League c. which he had from the same Intelligence and avers with the same Assurance By Innendoes wherein his groundless and unjust Reflection upon the E. of Clarendon He has likewise an Art of making many things pass by Innendo's whose Falshood would have appeared if they had been plainly related For Example c. 3 s 12. p. 144. telling of the assurances sent over by King James to Ireland by the Earl of Clarendon Lord Lieutenant and Sir Charles Porter Lord Chancellor he says These Declarations gained belief from the credulous Protestants especially that made by Sir Charles who behaving himself with Courage and Integrity in his Office went a great way to persuade them which being the Ground of their being persuaded by him more especially than by my Lord Clarendon plainly insinuates as if my Lord Clarendon had not behaved himself with Courage and Integrity in his Office there This Author is the first Irish Protestant I have heard give my Lord Clarendon an ill word as to his Government in Ireland On the contrary they all speak exceeding things of him particularly of his Zeal and Pains for Supporting the Protestant Interest in that Kingdom which gain'd their hearts to as great a degree if not more than most Chief Governours had ever been there they never parted with any Chief Governour with so much regret and as I have been told none courted him more when he was there than this Author who was admitted one of his Excellency's Chaplains but now thinks fit that should be forgotten at least kept for a more seasonable Juncture But C 2. S. 4 n. 1. p. 19. he
Account of which he may be deprived of c. And pag. 23. he says of these Principles That they have poisoned the very Springs and Fountains of Government and so deeply tinctur'd Mens Minds that he prays God we may not still live to see the miserable Effects of it Thus Dr. Sherlock even since his Conversion But you may say how does it appear that this Author now sets up these Principles You shall be Judge Pag. 49. he says That it is ill trusting any one any King with such a Power This is in his c. 3. s 1. n. 8. Again c. 1. n. 10. p. 11. he expresses himself in these Words viz. The antient Government with which he the King was intrusted p. 41. he falls upon those who stopt the Bill of Exclusion with this wholsome Advice Never to trust Men of King James's Principles and Religion with a Power that may destroy us Here the King's Power is onely what the People please to trust him with Pag. 57. He says That it is not the King's Money that pays the Soldiers but the Kingdoms and thence it will follow that they are not the King's Soldiers but the Kingdoms 67. He says That every Law is certainly a Compact between the King and the People wherein by a mutual Consent they agree on a Rule by which he is to govern and according to which they oblige themselves to pay him Obedience That therefore the People may as lawfully dispence with their Allegiance to the King 68. as the King dispence with the Execution of a Law That the Subjects have no other Security for their Liberties 77. Properties and Lives except the Interest they have of chusing their own Representatives in Parliament Whereby he will exclude by very much the greatest part of the Nation from having any security for their Lives c. i. e. all but the Electors of Parliament men for none other have any Vote in chusing their own Representatives But the Author makes them amends by giving every one of them a power to dispence with their Allegiance to the King when ever they think that the King dispences with the Execution of any Law He makes them all Popes to dispence with Oaths or any other Duty when they think it reasonable And as he gives them Power over their Oaths of Allegiance so he does over the King's Treasury and Army It is Their Mony Their Army and why should not They command them The King himself acts but by their Commission and by all Rule and Right every Man is accountable to him from whom he has his Commission But now our Author is upon the Rode you shall see how he improves He derives the Eccles Authorily from the People p. 206. he stops at nothing And since he is a granting to the People they shall have all even the Ecclesiastical Authority which is trusted in the Crown shall be derived from the People and transferrable by them to whom they think fit For he makes King James's breach of trust in the Ecclesiastical Authority a provoking temptation to his People to think of transferring it to some other Person This will gratify the Phanaticks as well as Commonwealth-men That even the Ecclesiastical Authority is derived from the People His Interpretation of its not being Lawful upon any Pretence to take Arms against the King c. pag. 221. n. 3. And now to Crown all He gives as large and loose an Interpretation of that famous Principle of the Ch. of England viz. of it s not being Lawful upon any Pretence whatever to take Arms against the King c. as Bradshaw Rutherford Bellarmin or Mariana could desire viz. He says it was only meant That private Men should not take up the Sword or resist the King upon any Pretence that is says he upon any Pretence of private Injury or Wrong done to them in particular Beyond this none of the Republicans Phanaticks and Jesuits in the World could go So that this was no very distinguishing Principle of the Church of England as we us'd to call it But if you will allow the same Parliament which enacted the abovesaid Principle of Non-Resistance to the King c. to understand their own Meaning or think that the declared Sense of the Legislators is the true Sense of the Law then our Author has widely mistaken his Mark and misinterpreted this Law For 12 Car. 2. c. 30. it is declared That neither the Peers nor Commons nor both together nor the People Collectively nor Representatively in Parliament or out of Parliament nor any other Persons whatsoever have any Coercive Power over the Kings of England Now judge whether all this is meant only of Private Men as our Author would make you believe And take Notice that this is not to be taken as a Grant from that Parliament It is a Recognition wherein they declare what was the Law before them And they vouch that this Prerogative of the King to be exempt from all Coercive Power is by the undoubted and fundamental Laws of this Kingdom And that neither Lords nor Commons nor any other Persons not only now have not or hereafter shall not have any such Power over the King but that they never had or ever ought to have such Power I hope our Author will confess That this is somewhat a greater Authority and ought to have greater Weight with us than his single Opinion which he has taken up but of late And to confound that Distinction of the Parliament being Coordinate with the King and making the King but one of the three Estates which would imply their having something to do with the Sword which is the Supreme Power of Government joyntly with the King and therefore in some Cases might restrain him by Force which was the Pretence in 41. to obviate all this the Militia which is the Sword of England is by Act of Parliament put in the Hands of the King alone And it is declared in express Words 13 Car. 2. That the Sword is solely in the King's Power and that neither one nor both Houses of Parliament can or Lawfully may Raise or Levy any War offensive or defensive against his Majesty c. The Title of this Section p. 221. is King James and his Party endeavoured to destroy the Protestant Religion by misrepresenting the Persons and Principles of Protestants But it is not in the Power of Jesuit or any you can imagine to misrepresent the Protestant Principles more than this Author in this same Section as you have seen that is if you will allow that the Protestants did ever represent them Right before And whereas he Objects in the foremention'd Place That by it the abovesaid Principle of Non-Resistance it was never intended to give up the Constitution of the Government or to part with the Liberties and Privileges of the Kingdom The Answer is very easy for by the Judgment of what he calls the Constitution of the Government viz. King and Parliament
Diligence can secure him We know how Absalom stole the Hearts of the People from David his Father And they follow'd him in the simplicity of their Hearts says the Text as many did at first in the Rebellion against Charles the Martyr But I cannot tell if our Author will allow that for an Instance I know not how far his new Principles have carried him It is hard to stop in such a Course Their Repentance is Rare especially of those who are Converted to it from contrary Principles And if there be a visible Motive of Interest it makes their Return still more difficult But to conclude this Point in our Author's Phrase I dare appeal to all the World whether it be more dangerous to exempt the King from the Judgment of the People or to put it in the Power of any Discontented or Ambitious Men to endeavour to disgust the People against the Government and lead them into a Civil War at their Pleasure For that is the true state of the Question We know how many Mahomet has perswaded And by what means False Religions and Seditious Principles have spread through the World No doubt this Author intended his Book should take among the People He knew People could be Impos'd upon and never so much as when they are cajol'd and told fine Stories of their Power Paramount to all Kings and Governors That it is in their hands to pull down one and set up another to bind their Kings in Chains and root up all Governments at their Pleasure for this Argument of our Author's militates equally against all Sorts of Government And he may appeal again to all the World The Question Who shall be Judge apply'd to Parliaments and States Whether it be safer to leave it to the Judgments and Consciences of a whole Nation to determine concerning the Designs of their Governors whether Parliaments or States or to leave it to the Will and Conscience of the Parliaments or States whether they will destroy them And one of these is unavoidable If you say It is not likely that a Parliament or States should design to destroy the People That is another Question Compar'd with Kings But pray tell me Would any Member of the Parliament of States loose so much by the Destruction of the Kingdom as the King Therefore it is less probable that he should Design its Destruction than any of them There may be an Equivalent given to any of them to Betray and Ruin his Country and there are Examples of it in all Ages Jugurtha Brib'd the whole Senate of Rome even when he was at War with them About 20 Years ago the French Faction among the Burghers of Amsterdam were able to Out-vote the other And some believe it is so still How has the allarm of French Pentioners disturb'd our Parliaments But more that of Court Pentioners Who are Free to give our Money the sooner we shall have done but Deaf to Grievances and Miscarriages Was there ever a Parliament Convention or Senate where the major Number was Un bribable Or was there ever a Bribe offer'd to a King to Betray or Sell his Country Deceiv'd he may be or take wrong Measures but it is inconceavable he shou'd Design the Ruin of his Country Therefore whoever you make Judg of the King's Designs must from a stronger Reason be Judg of the Designs of Parliaments and States And this will unhinge all Governments in the World But our Author endeavours to smooth all this by saying in the beginning of this Section Of Fears and Jealousies n. 1. p. 12. That Fears and Jealousies in such a Case ought not to pass for Arguments or be brought in Competition with a certain and plain Duty that is with Obedience to Lawful Governors The Arguments therefore brought by Subjects to prove their Governors design to destroy them ought to be so plain and evident that the Consciences of Mankind cannot but see and be convinc'd of their Truth especially the Generality of the Subjects themselves ought to be fully satisfied and acquiesce in them But all these fine Words leave us just where we were For every Man is Judge still and he is Judge when he himself is satisfied and will acquiesce in the Arguments brought against his Governor And Men that are Deceived do think themselves in the Right else they were not Deceived So that the Rule of Government is still left Loose and Precarious as Uncertain as the Giddy Motions of the Mob And laid open to all the Attempts of Ambitious and Designing Men. Our Author says That Jealousies and Fears in such a Case ought not to pass for Arguments This needs some Explanation For what more can there be of a Governor's Design to destroy us which is the Case in hand besides a Jealousy and Fear of it Till the Action be done we cannot be sure of it not so sure as our Author requires viz. we can have no such Security that ought to be brought in Competition with a certain and plain Duty that is with Obedience to Lawful Governors There is hardly an Action in the World but may be done out of several Designs and none so much as the Actions of Governors and Matters of State And therefore there is nothing so easy as to be Mistaken in these Designs Especially if these Designs be kept as Secrets of State among Princes themselves French League Such was the suppos'd League which K. James was said to have made with K. Lewis of France to Root out all the Protestants not only of England Scotland France and Ireland but all the World over This was so Industriously spread abroad and vouched with such Confidence that it was given out the P. of Orange had procur'd the Original sign'd by both Kings and would produce it in Parliament This was believ'd and clamour'd about by Multitudes of silly People But neither the Prince in his Declaration nor the Convention in their List of Male-administrations against K. James did mention the least tittle of this which would have served more to their purpose than all the rest they had to allege And the might have added that Lord Sunderland in his Letter n. 15. Append. quoted in this Author's Book p 145. protests he never knew of any and that French Ships were offer'd to join with our Fleet and they were refused Nor has it been heard of since from the mouth of any who pretend to common sense or the least knowledg of Affairs till we were Rattl'd with it out of the Pulpit in this Authors Thanksgiving Sermon before the Lords Justices of Ireland Nov. 16. 1690. A League says he Notorious and Remarkable for its Folly and Falshood so contrary to all Sense as well as Faith that the Great Princes concern'd in it are yet asham'd to own it But he knows better Things he understands all their Cabals He tells page 5. 9. 16. of the Sermon How England Holland the Pope and the Emperor might be cully'd and wheedled
proceed We have now seen our Author's Principles and how he has supported them from Reason and Scripture and other Authority I should now shew you how widely these are different from his former Principles but I will leave that till we have occasion to give an Account of him together with others of his Brethren The Matters of Fact related by this Author We will go now to consider his Matters of Fact Errors in Judgment may befall good Men but any wilful Mistake in Matters of Fact is past all Excuse and is not reconcilable to an honest Intention especially where we protest before God as this Aâ—thor does pag 239. That we have not aggravated nor misrepresented any thing against our Adversaries Before I enter upon this Disquisition I desire to obviate an Objection I know will be made as if I were about wholly to vindicate all that the Lord Tyrconnel and other of K. J's Ministers have done in Ireland especially before this Revolution began and which most of any thing brought it on No I am far from it I am sensible that their Carriage in many particulars gave greater occasion to K. J's Enemies than all the other Male-Administrations which were charged upon his Government But after K. J. came in Person into Ireland there was no Act which could properly be called his that was not all Mercy and Goodness to the Protestants and as many of them as do retain the least sense of Gratitude do acknowlege it Of which you will see several Instances in clearing the Matters of Fact which this Author Produces And I must do that Justice even to the Lord Tyrconnel that I have heard several Irish Protestants say That the Objections they had against him were for his Carriage towards them before the beginning of this Revolution but that afterwards he manag'd with Moderation and Prudence and more Favour to the Protestants than they expected And that he was against repealing the Acts of Settlement I cannot say I have examined into every single Matter of Fact which this Author relates I could not have the Opportunity But I am sure I have the most material and by these you will easily judge of his Sincerity in the rest which could not all come to my Knowlege But this I can say That there is not one I have enquired into but I have found it false in whole or in part aggravated or misrepresented so as to alter the whole face of the Story and give it perfectly another Air and Turn Insomuch that though many things he says are true yet he has hardly spoke a true Word that is told it truly and nakedly without a Warp Wh◠〈◊〉 the Aâ—grâ—â—sâ—rs 〈…〉 But let us come to the Test I will begin with that Matter of Fact which is of most Importance that is who were the Aggressors in Ireland in that miserable Destructâ—on which was brought upon that Kingdom and begun Anno 16â—8 Because the Aggressor is not only answerable for the Mischief he does to another but for what hâ— receives himself And this Author positively avers c 3. 〈◊〉 8. n 3. p. 9â— That it was the unanimous Resolution of all the Protestants â—n the Kingdom of Ireland that they would not be the Aggressors and that they held stedfastly to their Resolution And yet in the same Sect. n. 9. p. 104. he tells of those who did not keep to that Resolution and that by way of an Excuse He pleads in behalf of these Protestants That the Shutting up of Derry against the Earl of Antrim's Regiment was all that was done by any Protestant in Ireland in Opposition to the Government till K. J. deserted England except what was done at Eneskillen where they refused to Quarter two Companies sent to them by the Lord Deputy This was modestly worded for they not only refused to quarter them but marched out in Arms against them to the number of 200 Foot and 150 Horse and drove them away before they came near the Town as we are told by Mr. Hamilton in his Actions of the Eneskillen-men p. 3. who was himself one of them and then present in the Action But what does he mean by saying That this was all that was done by the Protestants was not this enough To seize the King's Forts to Enlist and Array Soldiers and march in Arms against the King's Forces Did our Author reflect what Construction the Law puts upon all this Was this keeping stedfastly to their Resolution of not being the Aggressors Was this the so deep a Sense of Loyalty and mighty Veneration to the very Name of Authority which made them abhor any thing that lookt like an Insurrection against the Government as this Author just before in the same Sect. n. 2. expresses it And yet he confesses that this was acting in Opposition to the Government For he says That this was all that was done by any Protestant in Opposition to the Government till K. J. deserted England and yet as above That ALL the Protestants in Ireland held stedfastly to their Resolution of not being the Aggressors But he proposes some Advantage by adding this Qualification That this was all done before K. J. deserted England Here he would bring in the Point of Abdication which he by this supposes did commence upon K. J's going out of England and thereby he would justifie all that was done after that time in Ireland First He has by this yielded the Cause against himself for he confesses that Derry and Eneskillen had opposed the Government in Arms before that time and I will shew you by and by many more Instances besides those of Derry and Eneskillen Secondly This Author will not venture for these Reasons to limit K. J's Abdication to his leaving England for as I have quoted him before p. 14. he avers That K. J. by endeavouring to destroy us in that very Act did Abdicate I will not repeat what I have said before upon that Point of Abdication That even in the Sense this Author and some others take it it ought to be declared by their own Principles in some Convention Parliament or Judicial manner before private Men can lawfully act upon it And the Abdication was not determined in the Convention till February 1688. long before which time the Irish Protestants were in Arms. But take it as this Author here puts it to refer to the time of K. J's going out of England His first leaving Whitehall when he went to Feversham was the 11th of Dec. 88. but he came back to London and did not go out of England till Dec. 23. 88. And it was a good while after before they knew of it in Ireland This therefore can be no excuse for what the Protestants in Ireland had done long before But to come home to our Authors Assertion Was there nothing done by any Protestant in Ireland in opposition to the Government till K. J. deserted England except that of Derry and Eneskillen I am told by persons who say they
inevitably occasion the total Ruin and Destruction of the North. This is his Charge and in his own Words In Answer to which I will not take Advantage of his misquoting this Proclamation which we may suppose for that Reason he forgot to Print among the very many Papers of far less Consequence which fill up his Appendix But we have it Printed in one of the late Irish Protestant Pamphlets called An Apology for the Protestants of Ireland c. and I have annexed it to this that you may see it the Author calls the excepted Persons Twelve whereas in the Proclamation there are but Ten. I lay no great stress upon that difference of Number it will not inhaunce the matter much But it shâ—ws that the Author has not been so exact in his Vouchers as he ought Of which or something worse it is a much greater Proof that in reciting the Causes which that Proclamation names for the Descent of that Army he does not keep to the Words of the Proclamation which instances Particulars this Author could not deny as Breaking of Prisons Discharging of Prisoners Seizing upon his Majesties Arms and Ammunition Imprisoning several of his Majesties Army Disarming and Dismounting them c. But the Author wisely avoids naming any of these least he should be oblig'd to disprove them only says in general as you have heard That the Proclamation charges them with Rebellion Killing Plundering c. Which he manfully denies every Word of it Therefore let us fairly Examine what I have before Quoted our of him And that we may fix his loose and artificial way of Dealing in Generals sliding unperceivably from one Matter to another and huddliug many Things together to distract the Reader I will reduce his Charge to these Heads First That before the Descent of the Army with whom came the Proclamation dated the 7th of March 1688. the Lord Deputy did not so much as summon the Associators in Ulster Secondly I will Examine who those great Robbers were in the North who Plundered the Protestants there And thirdly We will see whether the Northern Associators gave no other Provocation to the Government than to defend themselves against these Robbers For the First We are furnished with a Confutation of him from the very Proclamation he Quotes viz. That of the 7th of March 1688. which mentions a former Proclamation requiring the Associators to disperse and promising them Pardon There was one of this Nature I know not if there were any more dated the 25th of January 1688. which was sign'd by several Protestants of the Council as the Earl of Granard Lord Chief Justice Keting c. Besides this Mr. Osborn was sent down to the North by my Lord Deputy before the March of the Army to use all Perswasions to them to lay down their Arms to tell them the very Day the Army would March and he kept it That though Ten were excepted in the Proclamation yet he would insist but upon Three and if it should appear that they took up Arms meerly for Self-preservation then he would Pardon even the said three Persons also That he demanded no more of them than to deliver up their Arms and serviceable Horses as you may see in Mr Osborn's Letter to the Lord Mazereene of the 9th of March 1688. which I have taken out of the abovesaid Apology for the Protestants in Ireland and affixed to this n. 3. Add to this the offers which my Lord Deputy sent to the Gentlemen in the North by Sir Robert Colvill viz. That if his Country-men would continue Quiet in their respective Habitations they should be only Charg'd with the Incumbrance of two Regiments This is told in the Faithful History p. 10. and this was long before the March of that Army to the North. I have heard of several other Messages and even Arts that my Lord Tyrconnel used to Quiet the Disturbances in the North of which he was at the beginning very Apprehensive and used his utmost Endeavours to appease them as all the Accounts the Irish Protestants have Printed here do with one Consent declare And I have heard some of them say That they dreaded nothing so much as that Tyrconnel durst not send an Army against them and that the Irish would submit without any Opposition and so they would get no Forfeitures so much they overvalued and their Enemies feared the strength of the North though both lived to see themselves mistaken Let this suffice as to the first Point viz. That my Lord Tyrconnel did not forget to summon the North before he sent down the Army against them in March 1688. If repeated Proclamations and Messages may be called Summons As to the second of the great Robbers in the North. We do not speak now of the common Robberies of High-way-men That has always been and will be in all Countries more or less but of such Armed Bands of Robbers as forc'd the whole North to Arm and Regiment themselves and enter into Associations and Confederacies and a formal War to defend themselves against these Robbers who he says were Men intrusted by the Lord Deputy with Arms and Employments so not common Robbers And by the Account of all that came from the North this was so far from being true that the Irish there were in mortal Fear of the Protestants and commonly durst not sleep in their Houses but lay abroad in the Fields least they should fall upon them No Irish were suffered to live in the Country who did not take out Protections from such of the Protestant Gentry as were allowed by the Associators to grant such Protections Nor durst they Travel from their own Houses without Passes The Protestants made them contribute equally at least with themselves in all their new Levies and forced them to work upon their new Fortifications at their Pleasure which they did without grudging and any thing to please those who were absolutely their Masters and in whose hands they reckoned their Lives to lye every moment and many Insults and Threatnings they bore from the Commonality of the Protestants who made full use of their finding themselves at Liberty from all Government and to domineere over those who were intirely at their mercy The Faithful History p. 9. says Amidst those Convulsions Robberies in other Parts the North only remained undisturbed Our Author himself in what I have already quoted says plainly That the Protestants kept the whole Country within their Associations from being Pillaged Where then were these great Robberies he speaks of He may say In other Parts of Ireland But that is not our present subject but only the Condition of the North. And the Author places the Scene there when he says That they the Gentlemen in the North did not attempt any thing upon these Armed Robbers except in their own defence when Invaded and Assaulted by them nor killed any but whom they found actually Robbing So that all this must be in the North where many Witnesses attest and the
the Irish Papists against us How frequently do we hear them tell us That though we continue to Injure them Rob and Destroy them yet they must Trust in us and be True and Faithful to us c. These are the Words of the Doctor 's Letter and I suppose will be thought but an over good Retortion of this Author's Objection viz. of the Spoil and Plunder committed by King James's Army Whose Discipline and good Government the Dr. in that same Letter does commend exceedingly above that of King William's Army And now as to the other Point viz. My Lord Tyrconnel's haste in sending that Army into the North I suppose our Author intends this for Politicks and upon that head without medling with the Goodness or Badness of the Cause I think my Lord Tyrconnel was rather too slow to suffer the Protestants in the North to be Arming Inlisting Associating against the Government actually Assaulting the Kings Forts and Garrisons Disarming his Souldiers and killing some of them at last publickly renouncing the King and proclaiming a Foreign Prince for their King and acting in his Name and by his Commission and all this was a doing and visibly carrying on from September to March which truly in Politicks was rather too long to suffer it to run And if that Army had not gone down when it did against the Associators in the North it wou'd never have been able to reduce them as it did which appears by the Defence a few of them made afterwards at Derry and Eniskillen And therefore I do not see any ground to blame my Lord Tyrconnel for sending that Army so soon considering that he thought it a good Cause in which he was engag'd But especially considering that our Author himself calls him a Fool for not dealing more briskly with the North in time He laughs at the Lord Deputy for leaving Derry so ill guarded as that they were able to seize it It proceeded says this Author c. 3 â— 8. n. 6. p. 103. from his the Lord Deputies own Ignorance or Negligence who had left that Garrison the only one of any considerable Strength in Ulster where most Protestants lived without one Soldier to guard it This is the Thanks be got for giving them that Opportunity which they had and they cry out upon him as a bloody-minded Man because he would not give them longer time then above three Months after their first seizing of Derry for it was so long before he sent the Army against them It was the 7th or 8th of December 88. that the Protestants seized Derry the first time and the Irish Army did not come to Drommore in the North till the 14th of March following tho all that time the Protestants were improving their Opportunity and every day committing Insults upon that small part of the Army only two Regiments which was Quartered among them But as our Author says in the same Page the Lord Deputy bethought himself too late of his Error but could never retrieve it Mr. Boyse's Narrative p. 13. says That my Lord Tyrconnel deferr'd the sending down his Army twenty days after it had been first resolved on in Council I have another Account which confirms all this viz. The Earl of Granard upon his leaving Dublin about the beginning of Feb. 88. to go to Castle Forbes desired a Person who went with him as far as Chappelisard to pretend some Business with my Lord Deputy on purpose to find out whether he designed to send the Army against the North and that Person went to the Lord Deputy that same day and asked him why he would suffer a Rabble in the North to affront the Government seeing a few of the Army would disperse them the Lord Deputy adswered That he was unwilling to ingage in Blood hoping they would of themselves reflect and come to a better temper But that now since General * This was a Son of the Lord Massereen's whose Souldiers assaulted the King's Forces at Tuam Scevington had made the first Rupture by falling upon and killing some of the Souldiers at Tuam he would send with what Expedition he could to Quash the Rebellion and let them blame themselves for the Consequence This I have from that Person himself and yet the Army did not go to the North till the 11th or 12th of the March following But this Author says as above c. 3. § 8. n. 10. that if he had delayed a little longer till King James had come then in all Probability if King James himself appeared amongst them and offered them Terms they would have complied with him at least so far as to submit Quietly to his Government If the Author thinks this I confess he is the first Protestant of Ireland that ever I found of that Opinion And the issue did pretty well prove it For after when the Associators were beaten at Drumore at Colerain at Clady and driven into Derry and Enneskillen and when King James appeared amongst them and offered them what Terms they pleased they value themselves upon refusing all Terms and holding out But may be this Author thinks That if they had beaten King James's Army they would have been better disposed to have received Terms from him But pray The Author's Character of K. J. how does all this agree with the Character which this Author raises of K. J. in this Book Wherein he represents him as a faithless merciless and bigotted Tyrant who designed to destroy all the Protestants and went as far in it as he could and employed Persons most inclined and fitted to do it and that no Trust was to be given to his Word or to his Oath c. And yet this is the Man whom in all probability this Author says the Protestants in Ireland would have submitted to if he had but appeared amongst them and offered them Terms But I must tell the Author That as to K. J. in his own Person there is another Man has given his Character who had more reason to know him than this Author and is at least as good a Judge that is the Lord Danby stil'd at present Lord Marquess of Carmarthen who in the Speech he made to the Gentlemen assembled in Yorkshire Lord Danby's Character of K. J. in the Infancy of this Revolution represented K. J. to them under as fair a Character as could be given of a great Prince and a good Man and that no Nation in the World would be happier in a King if he were but rescued from the evil Counsel of the Priests and Jesuits c. And I never heard any about his Person say but that he was a very good natur'd Man Even his Enemies charge his Miscarriages to his Zeal for Religion A very singular fault in these Times And even as to his Carriage in Ireland K. J. oppâ—â—â— thâ— Act of Attainder 〈◊〉 Repeal of 〈◊〉 Acts of Settlement I have heard not a few of the Protestants confess That they owed their Preservation and Safety
he has not put it in his Appendix Therefore I have annexed it to this No. 15. I will give you a farther Proof of K. James's Zeal to preserve the Acts of Settlement It is well known that the Address of the Lord Chief Justice Keating in behalf of the Purchasers under the Acts of Settlement and Explanation and the Lord Bishop of Meath's Speech set down at large in this Author's Appendix were subsequent to several Conferences K. J. had with several of the Members of the House of Commons and with a Committee of that House in Presence of the Lord Chief Justice Nugent Lord Chief Baron Rice Judge Daily and Attorney-General Neagle and others of the Privy Council where K J. plainly laid before them the Unreasonableness of their Proceedings That it was not proper to enter upon so great a matter as the destroying the said Acts in time of War when all Parties could not be heard and some of the Roman Catholick Judges declared not only to the King but to the said Committee and to several of both Houses of Parliament and of the Privy Council That it was unjust to break the Acts and destroy Purchasers Widows Orphans Merchants and all Traders on pretence to relieve Widows and Orphans And one of the Roman Catholick Judges did reduce this into Writing and shewed it to the Lord Chief Justice Keating who had a Copy of it as appears under his hand and that the Lord Bishop of Meath had the Perusal of it and as I am credibly informed had a Copy of it All which was before the said Address and Speech and though shotter is as full for the Preservation of the Settlement as the said Address and Speech And it appears plainly by what Duke Powis said from the King to the Earl of Granard c. that K. J. did encourage the Protestant Lords of Parliament to oppose the Repeal of the Acts of Sertlement and therefore their appearing in this matter ought by no means to be made an Objection against K. J. but in truth is an Argument of the pains he took to oppose the Repeal and it would be a Scandal to doubt but that these Protestant Lords meant it at that time sincerely for King James's Service which is farther demonstrable from the Loyal zeal which carried the Lord Bishop of Meath so far as to desire leave from K. J. to attend upon his Majesty to the Boyne to assist him against his Enemies But Achish excused David with Commendations of his Fidelity 1 Sam. 29. His Lordship was likewise one of the Lords Spiritual mentioned in the Address of the Parliament of Ireland to K. J. on the 10th of May 89. which was Printed with K. James's Speech and is here annexed No. 1. In this Address they abhor the unnatural Usurpation of the Prince of Orange and the Treason of those who joyned with him in England and Ireland and profess to K. J. with Tongue and Heart That they will ever assert his Rights to his Crown with their Lives and Fortunes against the said Usurper and his Adherents and all other Rebels and Traytors whatsoever These are the Words of the Address as you may see in the Appendix Now whether the Trotestant Bishops for no other sat in that Parliament did enter their Protestation against this Address which was made in their Names or whether they did not give their Votes to it themselves know best If they say that they durst not shew their dissent to it for fear of the Irish who would have called it Treason in them I will not argue now how just an Argument Fear is to justifie publick Lying Pâ—rjury and Treachery But if Fear had so great an impression upon themselves how could they at the same time have so little consideration for K. James's Circumstances as to lay such a load upon him for passing the Acts of Attainder and repeal of the Acts of Settlement when they saw him struggle with all his might against it and that the Irish had so little compassion for him not to name Loyalty that they threatned to lay down their Arms and leave him to his Enemies if he did not then immediately pass these Acts and yet they knew that it was highly prejudicial to his Service and consequently if they had thought aright to their own Interest But they were violent found the King was in their Power and made their Advantage of it to the best of their Understandings It is a Melancholy Story if true which Sir Theobald Butler Solicitor General to K. J. in Ireland tells of the D. of Tyrconnel's sending him to K. J. with a Letter about passing some Lands for the said Duke he imploying Sir Theob in his Business gave him the Letter open to read which Sir Theob says he found worded in terms so Insolent and Imposing as would be unbecoming for one Gentleman to offer to another Sir Theob says he could not but represent to the Duke the strange surprise he was in at his treating the King at such a rate and desired to be excused from being the Messenger to give such a Letter into the King's Hands The Duke smiled upon him and told him he knew how to deal with the King at that time that he must have his Business done and for Theobald's scruple he sealed the Letter and told him now the King cannot suppose you know the Contents only carry it to him as from me Sir Theob did so and says he observed the King narrowly as he read it and that His Majesty did shew great Commotion that he changed Colours and Sighed often yet ordered Tyrconnel's Request or Demand rather to be granted Thus says Sir Theobald Many particulars of the like Insolence of these Irish to K. James might be shewn but I would not detain the Reader what I have said is abundantly sufficient to shew how far it was from his own Inclinations either to suffer or do such things as were thus violently put upon him by the Irish in his Extremity Yet nothing of all this it seems has weighed any thing with these Irish Protestants at least with this Author to have any milder Thoughts of K. J. or to confess to the World what they very well know viz. That King James opposed the Passing of the Act of Attainder and Repeal of the Acts of Settlement all that he could and made use of the Protestants who now accuse him to help him in it And this Truth is so apparent that it forces it self sometimes out of their Mouths who endeavour to conceal it This Author c 3. s 9. n. 12 p. 150. says That K. J. made use of them the Protestant Bishops to moderate by way of Counterpoise the madness of his own Party and yet at another time all the madness of that Party must be charged upon the King And K. J. as this Author in the Heads of his Discourse c 3. s 12. n. 20. division 2. undertakes to prove would not hear the Protestants at the Bar
Numbers of them they could Master I 〈◊〉 the Judgment of the Reader And yet I have heard many Irish Protestants who live in the County of Down and near it say That they have not heard of any Rapes upon the Protestant Women there as this Author speaks even by the Rapparees for that Country being thick planted with Protestants the Rapparees durst not be too bold Which you will easily believe when you find what Opposition they were able to give even to the King's Army But to go on with the Story There was one Henry Hunter a Servant to Sir George Atchison in the County of Ardmagh in the North of Ireland who was made a Captain by the Associators Their Forces being beaten and dispersed at Drommore the 14th of March 1688. this Hunter was taken Prisoner near Antrim from whence he made his Escape about the middle of April following and came into the Barony of Ardes in the County of Down where they had all taken Protections from King James and lived Peaceably there being but one Company quartered in that whole Barony which is almost wholly Scots Protestants viz. Captain Con Mac-Gennis his Company Hunter coming thither got a great Rabble of these poor People to follow him and about the 15th of April 1689. they had a Scuffle with this Company of Captain Mac-Gennis and what other Irish came to their Assistance at Kinnin-Burne two Miles from New-Town Hunter's Rabble routed them stript and wounded many I know not if any kill'd but he drove them out of that Barony This occasioned Lieutenant-Colonel Mark Talbot to march from Carrickfergus with about an hundred Musqueteers the 15th of April to Belfast and the 16th to Newtown But finding the Matter over and some say fearing the Scots who were in great Numbers and rolling about he returned the 17th to Carrickfergus This Commotion gave great Disturbance to the Countrey People leaving their Ploughs and flying to Arms the Wiser sort dreading the Consequence of this wild Uproar after they had taken Protection from the King Sir Robert Maxwell then living in the Castle of Killileagh in the said County of Down and near the Barony of Ardes where this Insurrection began sent one John Stuart an Apothecary in the Town of Down with a Letter to Captain Patrick Savage a Captain in the Regiment of the Lord Iveagh to invite him to bring his Company to quarter in the Town of Killileagh for their Security from the Rabble in this Confusion Accordingly Captain Savage came and finding these People increase after Hunter and fearing he might be surprized quartering with his Men in the open Town he desired Sir Robert to permit him to keep his Guard in the Gate-house or Stables of the Castle Sir Robert was not willing but took two days to consider of it and in these two days he sent one Gawen Irwin twice to Hunter to bring him thither who accordingly came with his Rabble seized Captain Savage and his Lieurenant in their Quarters fell upon the Guard killed three Men and wounded six or seven Captain Savage complained that Sir Robert had betray'd him and Mr. Clulo Episcopal Minister of the place did resent the Barbarity of the Action and apprehending some further mischief to Captain Savage took him to his own House where though a Prisoner he had greater Accommodation and Safety The Lord Iveagh wrote to Sir Robert Maxwell to send him his Captain and Lieutenant whom he kept Prisoners This Letter Hunter took upon him and Sir Robert permitted him to answer and the Answer was That he would fight his Lordship and accordingly marched out against my Lord with what part of his Lordship's Regiment he had near Killileagh and other Countrey-people of the Irish who joined him The Lord Iveagh retired but endeavoured to make a Stand at Ceyle-bridge near the Town of Down Hunter forced his Passage and drove my Lord and his Men over the Strand of Dun-Drum into the upper and Mountainous parts of the County for which his Lordship's Regiment was broke by King James Hunter entred Down Triumphant and used those Pretetestants who would not joyn with him as ill as the Irish committed great Disorders and Irregularities in that Countrey and Governed Arbitrarily during his short Reign For now the Insurrection was come to that Head that it was fit for the Government to take notice of it Major-General Buchan whom this Author calls Bohan was commanded against Hunter he took with him Detachements out of the Duke of Tyrconnel's Regiment of Foot the Earl of Antrim's Regiment of Foot Colonel Cormock O Neil's Regiment of Foot and a Troop of Horse of the Lord Galmâ—y's Regiment and Colonel Cormock O Neil's Troop of Dragoons which he had with his Regiment of Foot and Captain Fitz Gerald's Troop of Dragoons These Forces were then at Carrickfergus Antrim and Lisburn The Major-General marched with the Horse and Dragoons and left the Foot to follow with what Dispatch they could who marched in one day viz. the 30th of April 1689. from Lisburn to Killileagh which is sixteen long Irish Miles they joyned the General about Five at Night who being then within two Miles of the Enemy marched directly upon them Being come within sight of them he sent a Trumpet to them desiring their Leader or some of the Chief of them to speak with him not doubting but upon the gracious Offers he was impowered by His Majesty to make to them he would have been able to bring back these deluded People to their Duty without shedding of Blood on either side But they fired upon the Trumpeter and refused all Parley so they engaged Hunter was beaten and fled and his Party dispersed I cannot learn the exact Number of Hunter's Army or of the Slain Some say he had three or four Thousand Men. Others not above four Hundred which may be reconciled some computing the whole Rabble which followed him others only those that charged in form against Buchan but not those upon the Hills and at greater distance Some who pretend to have viewed the Field and helped to bury the Dead say there were but sixty One of Hunter's Men killed and others say a great many more However that makes nothing to our present Dispute How many were killed in Battle is not the Question But our Author says That Major-General Buchan Massacred five or six Hundred in cold Blood for several Days together The contrary of which appears from these two Matters of Fact known to all the Country First That the Major-General was very Merciful even on the Day of Battle Secondly That he marched off his Men early next Morning and so did not stay to Massacre for several Days together As to the First He stopped Execution as soon as the Enemy were broke and out of Danger of Rallying And tho' several Shot were made against him out of the Castle of Killileagh as he was in pursuit of the Enemy part of Colonel Mark Talbot's Wigg was shot off by a Bullet from the
And therefore to be Lov'd by the People and kept Great and Inviolable as their Greatest Security and Glory The Author's Conclusion Protestation of his Sincerity It is now time to come to a Conclusion If I have not tyred you I am sure I have my self I will therefore Close this Discourse with a small Reflection upon this Authors Conclusion p. 239. Wherein he protests before God That he has not Aggravated or Mis-represented the Proceedings against us out of Favour or Affection to a Party c. By this he would seem as equal to the Irish as to the English to the Papist as to the Protestant For which I must Refer you to what has been already said But if this had been his Principle why would he lay such Loads upon a Popish King for choosing to trust Papists in his Army and even to prefer them to the Protestants Is it not the same reason as for a Protestant Prince to desire a Protestant Army And if in such a Case you could not sind persons so Qualify'd as you desire would you not take the best you could get and give them time and opportunities farther to Accomplish themselves This Author knows very well this was King James's Case with the Irish That there was not a Gentleman among them but was employ'd My Lord Chief Justice Keating in his Letter to Sir John Temple 29. Decemb. 88. sayes The Roman Catholick Nobâ—â—â—â—y and Gentry of the Kingdom are Vniversally concerned in the present Army and in that which is to be rais'd p. 351. of this Authors Book But he King James was forc'd to take in the Scum likewise to make up an Army Yet this Author makes it one of the Heads of his Discourse p. 25. The insufficiency of the persons Employ'd by King James And Improves that to an Argumnnt for his Abdication I am very sensible of the many ill Steps were made in K. James's Government and above all of the Mischievous Consequence of the Lord Tyrconnel's Administration which the most of any one thing brought on the Misfortunes of his Master But when by what means soever things were brought to that pass that K. James was deserted by England and the Protestants in Ireland no Man in his Senses can blame him for making use of the Irish nor my Lord Tyrconnel for Arming Inlisting Arraying them c. In doing whereof considering the great Trust reposed in him no man of Honour or Moral Honesty can truly blame him Says my Lord Chief Justice Keating as inserted by this Author p. 349. And this Author knows very well that Lord Chief Justice Keating was a firm Protestant and a Man of Sense And this Author does Confess p. 101. n. 5. That these new made 〈◊〉 were set on Foot partly on the first Noise of the P. of Orange's descent and partly in the beginning of Decem. 88. Now at this time to hinder K. James to raise an Army of Irish to assist him is the Argument our Author had undertaken and for which he blackens K. James to the utmost He says p. 166. That without any Necessity at all he K. James threw himself upon these People he Encourag'd them he Armed them gave Commissions even to those that had been Torys c. Some such perhaps he might Employ I have known a High-way-Man an Officer in the Army in K. Charles II. time and no Notice taken of it but it was because he could get no better as is said above But to say he had no Necessity at all to raise these Men cannot have common Sence in it unless this Author thinks that at that time the Protestants of Ireland would have Fought for K. James against the P. of Orange and so that he had no need of the Irish If that be our Authors meaning I hope he will Explain himself And likewise whether he does not a little Aggravate the Case which he protest before GOD he does not when he assures us p. 15. That K. James did Prosecute the same if not worse Methods towards the Protestants in Ireland than the K. of France did with the Hugonots in his Dominions Why Was there any Dragooning in Ireland such as we have heard of in France Yes Our Author tells us C. 3. § 8. n. 15. p. 112. This was perfect Dragooning to the Protestants Terrible Dragooning Pray what was this It must raise a Dismal Apprehension in the Reader some Exquisit Torture Protestant Bridles or some-thing like Amboina Parturiunt Montes The whole matter was Disarming the Protestants in Dublin 24. Feb. 88. But what Occasion was there for this Disarming What Reason had the Government to be Apprehensive of these Protestants All the Protestants Generally in Vlster Connoght and Munster in all Ireland except Dublin and other Parts of Linster whom the. Lord Deputy kept in Awe with what Forces he had were then actually in Armes in Opposition to the Government and had enter'd into Associations to carry on their War But may be these Protestants in Dublin were more Loyal than the other Protestants of Ireland What Reason had the Lord Deputy to Suppose that But this Author tells us in the same Section p. 97. That they had a Plot to Seize my Lord Deputy himself and the Castle of Dublin with the Stores Ammunition c. But when was this It was says the Author when the News came that K. James had sent Commissioners to Treat with the P. of Orange This was very early And what if the â—râ—nce had Aâ—cepâ—â—d of a Treaty How did they know but the King and Prince might have Agreed But they were resolv'd to Anticipate all this And not to wait even the Princes Commands They were for Supererogation and to shew Zeal Extraordinary But after all if their Numbers were not Considerable in Proportion to the Kings Army or if they were not well Arm'd the Government might have over look'd their Rashness and let them alone In Answer to this our Author tells in the same Place That they K. Jame's Army were but a Handful to the Protestants there being Men and Arms Enough in Dublin alone to have dealt with them And p. 111. That they the Protestants had Arms enough to make the Papists Afraid and to beat them too if they had had a little Assistance and Encouragement of Authority to Attempt it And they knew how to Supply the want of Authority another way Now let any one Judge in the point of Reason Is there a Man in his Senses that had to do with these People in the Circumstances they and the rest of the Protestants of Ireland stood but would have Disarm'd them if he could And for our Author to Equal this to the French Dragooning is betraying of his Cause It is rendring the whole Suspected To Aggravate things beyond the Truth does not make them more but nothing at all What Notion does this give us of the French Persecution Had that King as much to say against the Hugonots as K. James had against
Christians under the Slavery of the Turk suffer Who would not expect from this Representation to hear of Protestants Gassooted in Ireland Arbitrarily thrown over Precipices Drown'd Tore in Pieces Flead Alive Staking upon the High-Way Mutes and Bowstrings And to take GOD to Witness That this is not Aggravating nor Misrepresenting The Address of the Lord Mayor Aldermen c. of Dublin to King William Printed here Anno. 1690. and Annex'd in the Appendix n. 21. Saith that the Sufferings of the Protestants there under King James Did infinitely surpass an Aegyptian servitude This is as far as words can go This is making King James worse than the Devil himself for the Devil does not Infinitly exceed Pharaoh in Wickedness They were resolved to out-do the Clergy-Addess of their own City spoke by the Bishop of Meath For there he Modestly Confesses to K. William that K. James was able to Crush the Protestants far Worse than he did But Secretary Gorge in his Letter before quoted speaks out and tells in plain English what the Bishop so Gentilely Minc'd The King King James is much avers says the Doctor to all Severity to the Protestants yet clearly sees he can make no Impression of Loyalty on them Notwithstanding as the same Letter tells us He often gave Command to his Officers That in their Engagements with the English they should be Treated as mistaken Subjects and not as obstinate Rebels Yet these were his bitterest Enemies as you have seen And themselves are forc'd to Confess that he used them with less Severity than he might or than they deserved at his hands And after all this to hear them complain of Aegyptian Servitude and cry out upon him as a Tyrant infinitely surpassing Pharaoh the Turk or the French King whom some are made to believe is the Worst of the three is Ridiculous and Wicked it is supposing us all to be Naturals to think to pass such Stuff upon us and this is the most effectual Method to Betray the Cause he pretends to Defend This is Bending a Bow till it breaks to heap up Calumnys and Aggravate them till you make the whole Incredible And the Consequence is not only Dis-believing what Pieces of Truths may be told in this Book of our Authors But if Protestants do own and Countenance it as a True Narrative of the Affairs of Ireland in this Revolution it may bring into Question their true Relations of the Horrible and Bloody Massacre of 41. Mounsieur Clauds Account of the French Persecution And whatever is Written by Protestants It is indeed a discredit to Mankind to all History and will not fail to bring Dis-reputation to whatever Party makes use of it whether Protestant or Papist How has the Legends broken and Ruin'd the Veracity of the Roman Church No Cause is long serv'd by deceit It will one time or other be Discovered Down-right Honesty is the best Policy Let us not be afraid to confess our own Faults nor desire to Enlarge those of our Enemys Humanum est Errare And no doubt there are Errors on both sides But to persist in our Error and to defend it is the Devils part Therefore in the Name of GOD let Truth prevail And let all the People say Amen An Appendix Numb 1. King James's Speech to both Houses of Parliament in Ireland Published by his Majesty's Order May 10. 1689. My Lords and Gentlemen THE exemplary Loyalty which this Nation exprest to Me at a time when others of my Subjects so Undutifully behaved themselves to Me or so basely betrayed Me and your seconding my Deputy as you did in his bold and resolute asserting my Right and preserving this Kingdom for Me and putting it in a posture of Defence made Me resolve to come to you and to venture my Life with you in the Defence of your Liberty and my Right and to my great Satisfaction I have not only found you ready and willing to serve Me but that your Courage has equal'd your Zeal I have always been for Liberty of Conscience and against Invading any Man's Property having still in my Mind the saying of Holy Writ Doe as you would be done by for that is the Law and the Prophets It was this Liberty of Conscience I gave which my Enemies both abroad and at home dreaded especially when they saw that I was resolved to have it established by Law in all my Dominions and made them set themselves up against Me though for different Reasons seeing that if I had once settled it my People in the Opinion of the one would have been too Happy and I in the Opinion of the other too Great This Argument was made use of to persuade their own People to join with them and too many of my own Subjects to use Me as they have done but nothing shall ever persuade Me to change my Mind as to that And wheresoever I am Master I design God willing to establish it by Law and to have no other Test or Distinction but that of Loyalty I expect your Concurrence in so Christian a Work and in making effectual Laws against Profaneness and Debauchery I shall also most readily consent to the making such good and wholsome Laws as may be for the general Good of the Nation the Improvement of Trade and the Relieving such as have been injured by the late Acts of Settlement as far forth as may be consistent with Reason Justice and the publick Good of my People And as I shall do my part to make you happy and rich so I make no doubt of your Assistence by enabling Me to oppose the unjust Designs of my Enemies and to make this Nation flourish And to encourage you the more to it you know with how great Generosity and Kindness the Most Christian King gave a secure Retreat to the Queen my Son and my Self when we were forced out of England and came to seek Protection and Safety in his Dominions how he embraced my Interest and gave such Supplies of all forts as enabled Me to come to you which without his obliging Assistence I could not have done This he did at a time when he had so many and so considerable Enemies to deal with and you see still continues to do I shall conclude as I began and assure you I am as sensible as you can desire Me of the signal Loyalty you have exprest to Me and shall make it my chief Study as it always has been to make you and all my Subjects happy The Parliament of Ireland's Address to the King Most Gracious Sovereign WE Your Majesty's most dutifull and loyal Subjects the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons in Parliament assembled being highly sensible of the great Honor and Happiness we enjoy by Your Royal presence amongst us do most humbly and heartily thank Your sacred Majesty for vouchsafing to come into this your Kingdom of Ireland and for your Grace and Goodness to Your Subjects in calling this Parliament and for Your Majesty's Tender and
no not for one hour and if it shall appear in such Treaty that they took up Arms meerly for Self-preservation then he will Pardon even the said three Persons also but is hopeless that any such thing can be made appear seeing that many of them have already accepted and received Commissions from the Prince of Orange and display his Colours in the field as his Excellency is credibly informed Fourthly If these terms be not immediately agreed to he will with a part of his Army fight them which part he intends shall be at Newry on Monday the 11th of this Instant which will from thence march to Belfast and from thence to Colrain and London-derry as his Excellency intends and that the Countrey Irish not of the Army Men Women and Boys now all Armed with Half-Pikes and Bionets in the Counties of Cavan Monaghan Tyrone London-derry c. will upon the approach of the said part of the Army and resistance thereto made immediately enter upon a Massacre of the British in the said Counties which force and violence of the Rabble his Excellency saith he cannot restrain and fears that it may be greater than in 1641. These are the heads of what I can offer to you from his Excellency's own Mouth but I intend to be at Hills-Borrough to night and there to stay for this night where if you think fit I shall freely discourse with you all the particulars whereof I hope you will give immediate notice to all chiefly concerned in your County and Neighbourhood for gaining of time I have sent this Express that your Lordship may give advertisement by Express to all such as your Lorpship thinks convenient I shall add no farther till I have the honour to see your Lordship Your Lordship 's Obedient Servant Allex. Osborne Numb 4. By the Lords Justices of Ireland a PROCLAMATION Sydney Tho. Coningsby WHereas the Rebels in Conaught and Munster notwithstanding his Majesty's gracious Declaration of Mercy towards them and the many Victories and Successes their Majesties Forces have obtained against them do nevertheless continue obstinate in their Rebellious courses being encouraged thereunto by the Intelligence and Assistance they daily receive from those parts in this Kingdom under their Majesties Obedience and in order thereunto great numbers of them daily flock over into the Quarters of their Majesties Forces and are there received sheltered and entertained by several disaffected People who pretending Submission to their Majesties Authority and receiving Support and Protection under it do nevertheless privately and perfidiously give their utmost Assistance to their Majesties Enemies For the prevention therefore of the like mischiefs for the future We do hereby strictly charge and command all their Majesties Subjects in this Kingdom That on any pretence whatsoever they do not presume to shelter harbour or entertain any of their Majesties Enemies or Rebels or any other Irish Papist whatsoever but such as they know to be under their Majesties Obedience under the penalty of being prosecuted as Rebels and Traitors and of suffering the utmost Severities of the Law And We do also strictly charge and command all their Majesties good Subjects that they do not hold any manner of Correspondence whatsoever with any of their Majesties Enemies or Rebels upon pain of High Treason and as they will answer the contrary at their utmost Peril Given at their Majesties Castle of Dublin the 26th day of September 1690. in the second year of their Majesties Reign John Davis By the Lords Justices of Ireland a PROCLAMATION Sydney Tho. Coningsby WHereas the Wives Children and Families of several persons in this Kingdom who have been killed in actual Rebellion against their Majesties or are now adhering to the Enemies in their Quarters or are fled from the usual places of their Abode continue in that part of this Kingdom which is obedient to their Majesties Government and as we are certainly informed give constant Intelligence to and hold Correspondence with their Majesties said Enemies These are strictly to Will and Command the Wives Children and Servants of all such Persons forthwith to withdraw themselves out of all Places under their Majesties Obedience upon Pain to be proceeded against as Spies and Enemies and all High Sheriffs with the Assistance of the Justices of Peace and Officers of their Majesties Militia are hereby commanded to make immediate Search for such Persons in their several Counties and to apprehend their Persons and to conduct them to the next adjacent County to the River Shannon where they are to give notice to the Sheriff of such next County of the Time and Place where they will be at which Time and Place they are to deliver such Persons as aforesaid by Indenture to the said next Sheriff who is forthwith to receive and in like manner to convey them to the Sheriff of the next County towards the said River and so from Sheriff to Sheriff untill they are removed from all Places under their Majesties Obedience And We hereby command all Mayors Sheriffs Justices of the Peace and other Magistrates whatsoever that they see this our Proclamation executed with Care Speed and Diligence desiring all their Majesties military Officers to be assisting therein And farther we require the said Mayors Sheriffs and other Officers as aforesaid that they take care that such of the said Persons as are not able to provide for themselves be furnished with necessary Provision for their maintenance as they pass through the several Counties and that they receive no Injury but be permitted to carry with them so much of their Goods and Chattels as shall be necessary for their Subsistence in their Journey Given at their Majesties Castle of Dublin the 26th day of September 1690. in the second year of their Majesties reign John Davis By the Lords Justices of Ireland a PROCLAMATION Sydney Tho. Coningsby VVHereas we are daily informed of the constant Correspondence Commerce and Intercourse that is between the Rebels and several Papists pretending to live under their Majesties Protection whose Habitations are adjoining to the Rebels whereby they receive not only Assistance but constant Intelligence of all matters transacted within that part of this Kingdom under their Majesties Obedience For remedy whereof We think fit hereby to Order that no Papist whatsoever shall from or after the Fourteenth day of October next ensuing inhabit or dwell within ten miles of any of their Majesties Frontier Garisons nor within ten miles of the River Shanon but that all such Papists shall forthwith with their Families remove to some other parts of this Kingdom under their Majesties Obedience great part thereof being now waste And We hereby command all Sheriffs Justices of the Peace Mayors and all other Civil Officers whatsoever and We desire all Officers and others of their Majesties Army to be aiding and assisting to convey all such Papists with their Families Goods and Stock to such other place within their Majesties Obedience as they shall think fit to remove unto and We
of me every day told the King that I betraid him that I ruined him by persuading him to make such shamefull Condescentions but most of all by hindring the securing the chief of the disaffected Nobility and Gentry which was proposed as a certain way to break all the Prince's Measures and by advising his Majesty to call a free Parliament and to depend upon that rather than upon foreign Assistence It is true I did give him those Counsels which were called weak to the last moment he suffered me in his Service then I was accused of holding a Correspondence with the Prince and it was every where said amongst them that no better could be expected from a Man so allied to Duke Hamilton and the Marquess of Halifax After this Accusations of High Treason were brought against me which with some other reasons relating to affairs abroad drew the King's displeasure upon me so as to turn me out of all without any Consideration and yet I thought I escaped well expecting nothing less than the loss of my Head as my Lord Middleton can tell and I believe none about the Court thought otherwise nor had it been otherwise if my Disgrace had been deferred a day longer All things being prepared for it I was put out the 27th of October the Roman Catholicks having been two Months working the King up to it without intermission besides the several Attacks they had made upon me before and the unusual assistence they obtained to do what they thought so necessary for the carrying on their Affairs of which they never had greater hope than at that time as may be remembred by any who were then at London But you desired that I would say something to you of Ireland which I will do in very few words but exactly true My Lord Tyrconnel has been so absolute there that I never had the Credit to make an Ensign or keep one in nor to preserve some of my Friends for whom I was much concerned from the least Oppression and Injustice though I endeavoured it to the utmost of my power but yet with care and diligence being upon the place and he absent I diverted the calling a Parliament there which was designed to altar the Acts of Settlement Chief Justice Nugent and Baron Rice were sent over with a draught of an Act for that purpose furnished with all the pressing Arguments could be thought on to persuade the King and I was offered forty thousand pound for my Concurrence which I told the King and shewed him at the same time the injustice of what was proposed to him and the prejudice it would be to that Countrey with so good Success that he resolved not to think of it that year and perhaps never This I was helped in by some Friends particularly my Lord Godolphin who knows it to be true and so do the Judges before named and several others I cannot omit saying something of France there having been so much talk of a League between the two Kings I do protest I never knew of any and if there were such a thing it was carried on by other sort of men last Summer Indeed French Ships were offered to join with our Fleet and they were refused Since the noise of the Prince's Design more Ships were offered and it was agreed how they should be commanded if ever desired I opposed to death the accepting of them as well as any Assistence of Men and can say most truly that I was the principal means of hindering both by the help of some Lords with whom consulted every day and they with me to prevent what we thought would be of great Prejudice if not ruinous to the Nation If the Report is true of Men Ships and Money intended lately for England out of France it was agreed upon since I was out of Business or without my knowledge if it had been otherwise I believe no Body thinks my Disgrace would have happened My greatest misfortune has been to be thought the Promoter of those things I opposed and detested whilst some I could name have been the Inventors and Contrivers of what they have had the art to lay upon others and I was often foolishly willing to bear what my Master would have done though I used all possible Endeavors against it I lie under many other Misfortunes and Afflictions extreme heavy but I hope they have brought me to reflect on the occasion of them the loose negligent and unthinking Life I have hitherto led having been perpetually hurried away from all good Thoughts by Pleasure Idleness the Vanity of the Court or by Business I hope I say that I shall overcome all the Disorders my former Life had brought upon me and that I shall spend the remaining part of it in begging of Almighty God that he will please either to put an end to my Sufferings or to give me strength to bear them one of which he will certainly grant to such as relie on him which I hope I do with the submission that becomes a good Christian I would enlarge on this Subject but that I fear you might think something else to be the reason of it besides a true sense of my Faults and that obliges me to restrain my self at present I believe you will repent in having engaged me to give you this Account but I cannot the doing what you desire of me Numb 16. To the Right Honourable the Lords and to the Gentlemen convened at Westminster IT 's not unknown to your Lordships c. what singular Reports have been published in Print as well as otherwise concerning the Birth of the Prince of Wales importing That the Kingdom had not a fair and usual Assurance of his being born of the Queen For notwithstanding there was an extraordinary Council called Octob. 22. 1688. before whom above forty Persons of Honour and others in close Attendance about the Queen appeared and testified upon Oath their Knowledge concerning the Birth of the Prince of Wales deposing to such Circumstances before at and after the Birth of the said Prince as they knew or conceived material to such an Enquiry as by the Depositions printed and enrolled in the Court of Chancery appears more at large Yet it so happened for Reasons not proper to be here inserted that this Expedient fell short of giving a general Satisfaction People still continuing or at least pretending to be divided in their Judgments about this Matter And since your Lordships c. upon Application are pleased to condescend to Business though of an inferiour nature it 's therefore humbly conceived that a farther Examination into the Birth of the said Prince of Wales will not be unacceptable to your Lordships c. especially if your Lordships c. shall please to consider the following Reasons 1. The Prince of Orange Octob. 10. 1688. has avowed himself dissatisfied about the Birth of the Prince of Wales to that Degree that his Highness has declared The want of sufficient Evidence in this point
of his Majesty's Letters thereunto annexed in favor of the Right Honorable Jennico Ld. Viscount Gormanstowne and James Ld. Viscount Ikerin concerning the Reversion of the Outlawries against their Ancestors and having advised with the rest of his Majesty's Counsel at Law in this Kingdom we humbly offer to your Excellency's Consideration That some time after his late Majesty's happy Restauration we find several Applications were made for the allowing of Writs of Error to be issued in order to the Reversion of Outlawries in High Treason and Attainders upon Account of the late Rebellion which being referred to his Majesty 's then Judges in this Kingdom there were several Debates then had before them whether such Outlawries could be reversed by reason of the Statute made in the 27th Year of Queen Elizabeth in this Kingdom for the Attainder of James Eustace late Viscount Baltinglass and others therein mentioned who had been lawfully and by due course of Law outlawed and attained of Treason and the Statute confirms those Outlawries and Attainders which were past any Error Insufficiency or other Defect in form or Matter in them to the contrary notwithstanding and farther enacts for the time to come that every offender thereafter being lawfully convict of Treason by Verdict or Process of Outlawry according to the due course of the Common Laws or Statutes of this Realm should forfeit all his Lands of any Estate of Inheritance and that every such Attainder according to the course of the common Laws and Statutes of this Realm should be of the same force as if it had been by Act of Parliament and by reason also that since the making of that Statute they did not find that any Outlawry or Attainder for Treason in this Kingdom had been reversed by Writ of Error especially after the death of the Party outlawed and his Lands granted from the Crown to others Whereupon the said Judges having then heard Counsel on both sides did not come to any Resolution or was any thing farther done upon those Applications We do therefore offer to your Excellencies Consideration that many of his Majesty's Subjects in England and in this Kingdom have at this time in their Possession the Lands of divers old Proprietors who in the Year 1641. and after were outlawed for Treason which Lands have been granted to them by Letters Patents upon the late Settlement of this Kingdom some of whose Titles may be weakened or prejudiced as we humbly conceive by the Reversal of such Outlawries and some parts of these two Lords Estates are now as appears by the Petition of Captain Daniel Gahan Sir William Petty and Samuel Green Esq which your Excellency hath referred unto us in their possessions who hold the same by Letters Patents from his Majesty and have thereupon humbly Petitioned your Excellency to take their Case into your Excellency's Consideration That as to such Lands as these two Lords or the Heirs of such other persons who have been so outlawed are in possession of or have been restored unto by virtue of the late Acts of Settlement they are not as we conceive disabled or any ways hindred by such Outlawries from enjoying the same Neither do we conceive that there would be any Inconvenience in restoring these two noble Lords who do well deserve his Majesty's Grace and Favour to their Blood and Honours with a Proviso that they should not thereby be entituled to any Lands out of their Possession which have been granted by Letters Patents to others as might be done by Act of Parliament but upon the reversal of any Outlawries by Writs of Error there can be no restriction in the Judgment which must by Law be general that they shall be restored to whatsoever they lost by reason of such Outlawries But whether upon the whole Matter your Excellency will think fit to issue such Warrants forthwith in order to the reversal of the said Outlawries as by his Majesty's said Letters are directed on behalf the said Lords Viscounts Gormanstowne and Ikerin or will forbear the same till his Majesty's Pleasure herein shall be farther known is humbly submitted to your Excellency's Consideration June 29. 1686. William Domvile Jo. Temple The Extract of my Ld. Clarendon's Letter to the E. of Sunderland July 6. 1686. of so much as relates to the Matter of the Outlawries My Lord AS soon as I had the King's Letters permitting the Lords Gormanstowne and Ikerin to reverse the Outlawries of their Ancestors I acquainted my Lord Chancellour and Mr. Attorney therewith But the Noise of this matter was come before the Letter for some time before Caveats were entered against the granting any such Writs of Reversal by three Persons who by virtue of the Acts of Settlement are in Possession of some Lands the ancient propriety of those Lords I referred the Matter to Mr. Attourney and Mr. Sollicitour for I could doe no less requiring them to call to their Assistence the rest of the King 's learned Counsel several of whom are Roman Catholicks and to report their opinions to me which they have done and I herewith transmit their Report to your Lordship which I beseech you to lay before his Majesty it is a thing of very great Consequence and deserves the most serious Consideration Numb 21. King James his Speech to the Lord Mayor c. upon his quitting of Dublin soon after the Action at the Boyne the 2d of July 1690. Gentlemen I Find all things at present run against Me. In England I had an Army consisting of Men stout and brave enough which would have fought but they proved false and deserted me Here I had an Army that was loyal enough but that they wanted true Courage to stand by me at the critical Minute Gentlemen I am now a second time necessitated to provide for my own Safety and seeing I am now no longer able to to protect you and the rest of my good Subjects the Inhabitants of this City I advise you all to make the best terms you can for your selves and likewise for my menial Servants in regard that I shall now have no occasion to keep such a Court as I have done I desire you all to be kind to the Protestant Inhabitants and not to injure them or this City for though I at present quit it yet I do not quit my Interest in it Numb 22. To the King 's most Excellent Majesty the humble Address of the Lord Mayor Aldermen and Sheriffs of the City and Liberty of Dublin in behalf of themselves and others the Protestant Freemen and Inhabitants thereof THus long great Sir our unparallel'd late Deliverance wrought by the hand of God the first Mover the principal Author of all our Good hath hitherto most justly employed all the Faculties of our Souls in the profound Contemplation of his mysterious and unbounded Providence receiving from us the slender Reward but necessary Sacrifice of our hearty Praise and Thanks but now to you great Sir the next recollected Thought with