who would have beene as bold to have fought his quarrell and lost so good shipping and so commodious a haven Towne For they were resolv'd to see both consumed with themselves that the victory might be no triumph to the conquerour and the conquer'd might have that comfort in their ruine The proposition was accepted by the King and the Duke of Glocester whose wisdome and valor had wrought him high in the opinion of the King was sent with a generall pardon to the Rebells and authority in the Kings name to receive the Towne the Castle and all the shipping in the harbour But the King who never let any pardon be an impediment to his purpose having them in his power caused the Lawes severely to proceed against them And for the example of the rest Spicing and Quintin tvvo of the chiefe in this rebellion vvere executed at Canterbury and their heads set upon those gates vvhich at their last being at London they so furiously assaulted And that the King might not onely dravv blood but treasure from this businesse a Commission of Oier and Terminer vvas directed to the Lord Deubam and Sir John Fog to inquire against Offenders in the last rebellion and to inflict either corporall or pecuniary punishment But the Commissioners vvho understood both the necessity and intention of the State made rather choyce of the later knovving death vvould but incurre the opinion of cruelty and no way advance the Kings benefit Whereas great fines weaken as much the discontented make the Prince as secure from danger even with the reputation of clemency And that Fauconbridge the first moover of this sedition might have no more priviledge then his complices comming into South-hampton he was apprehended and put to death The inserting of his name in the former pardon though often pleaded by him serving onely to make him suffer the same execution with the rest The punishment of these succeeding so well the King proceeded against others And first against the Arch-bishop of Yorke brother to the Earle of Warwicke who with his spirituall authority had set a glosse of Religion upon all the later attempts And by his working inclin'd the Commons of the North to so constant a resolution for King Henry With him the King tooke order because he found his ambition irregular and sent him to be kept prisoner in the Castle of Guisnes Where deservedly he endured a long restraint never attain'd liberty till death enlarg'd him No man afforded the poore comfort of pitty to his affliction because in his prosperity he had beene insolent and factious The manner of the attachment was according to the custome of the King unfaithfull For having admitted the Arch-bishop after Barnet field not onely into favour but a speciall familiarity as he was hunting with him neere Windsor he promist to come to the More a place in Hartford-shire which was not long before purchaste and built up most commodiously by the Arch-bishop and there to hunt with him with this caution that there might be nothing but a liberall mirth and friendly entertainement With much complacency the Arch-bishop retired to his house joyfull to see the King so free in his affection without memory of former discontents And that the entertainement might not be altogether beneath the Majesty of his person against the Kings comming beside all provision which the shortnesse of the time could make he had gather'd together of his owne and his friends plate and other rich housholdstuffe to the value of twenty thousand pound Next day expecting the presence of the King On the sudden Sir William Par knight and Master Thomas Vaughan entered the house and by vertue of a Commission to that purpose confiscated all those goods to the Kings use Who having arrested his person and sent that to prison seized upon all his estate both temporall and Ecclesiasticall The former forfeited for ever the later during the Archbishops life The crime objected against him was treason for secretly aiding the Earle of Oxford who at that time had fortefied Saint Michaels Mount in Cornewall For the poore Earle seeing the whole Island lost from the house of Lancaster in whose defence he had beene so constant and all the great favourers of the quarrell destroyd having no place of safety to shelter himselfe abroad tooke this corner of the kingdome and endeavour'd to make it good But this was but the enterprize of a desperate man for all his hope this way could be onely to prolong a wretched life without servitude As for liberty he was his owne goaler and his fortresse his prison The whole number of his Souldiers were but seventy scarce enough for his retinue Yet with these he managed his businesse so happily that though besig'd hee revictualled the place and made his defence good some moneths But when Richard Fortescue Esquire of the body to the King and then Sheriffe of the County came downe and by open offer of the Kings free pardon to all the Earles men and secret practising had wrought them to his purpose The Earle was forced to yeeld and with him the Lord Beumount two of the Earles brothers and Thomas Clifford all persons of great name and quality The King receiv'd them to mercy as farre as their lives were concernd But for their estates for now he began to husband his victories to the benefit of his treasury he confiscated them wholly not allowing the disconsolate Countesse any part of her joynture Insomuch that during the life time of King Edward for all that while was the Earle kept prisoner neere Callice in the Castle of Hames she was forced to live upon the curtesie of her friends a kinde of better sort of almes All now were reduced to order except the Earles of Richmond and Pembrooke and them the King labour'd to fetch in For now either his nature was alter'd to a strange mistrust which in his youth had beene so taxed for an uncircumspect confidence or else he began to be govern'd by a Councell of a more wary judgement and whose sight could discerne danger a farre off And certainely who compares the first and last times of the Kings government shall perceive a strange difference in the pollicy unlesse in those affaires wherein he obey'd his owne direction and in them remain'd a taint of his naturall errour Which change of governement may be ascribed to the Duke of Glocester a man whom the conscience of his owne infidelity made jealous of the faith of others who thought no enemy alive and with liberty but full of danger how weake so ever his power or pretence might be and who at this time held the sterne of the Councell while the King at pleasure wanton'd in his Cabin By his advice Commissioners were sent over to the Duke of Brittaine in whose dominions the Earles remained to expostulate the injury of giving entertainement to any evill affected to the state of England Pembrooke having been upon all occasions an open Rebell and Richmond onely
a treatie considering that all our warres in France had rather purchaste fame then treasure to our Kingdome and when our Souldier returnd home their scarres were greater then their spoiles And howsoever we had at staits got possession of the largest territories in France yet still wee retired back againe As if the devine providence had decreed to have our Empire bounded with our Seas Moreover they who affected the happinesse of a Kingdome and loved their owne country desired rather France under a forraigne governour least if in possession of our King England being the lesse both in extent and fertility might be reduc'd to the condition to a Province and live in obedience to a Deputie enriching the greater Kingdome with her tribute Other consirations likewise of the present state of the warres prevail'd to get content for a treatie whereupon with reward the Herauld was dismist a safe conduct granted and the place for the Commissioners appointed in a Village neare Amiens For the King were nominated the Lord Howard Sir Anthony St. Leger and Doctor Morton for the French the bastard of Burbon Admirall of France the Lord Saint Peire and the Bishop of Evereux This at the first meeting brought almost the treaty to a conclusion for on both sides they brought mindes disposed to peace And although the English Commissioners at first demanded the Crowne of France as due to the King by right from which in honour he could not recede and afterward with much apparence of difficultie condescended to be content with Normandy and Guien yet they themselves knew well Princes never use to part with Countries upon treatie before the battaile hath imposed a necessitie to yeeld And indeede the English expected not that Lewys would be frighted out of so important lims of the body of France onely upon the braving of an enemy Soone this first florish of businesses came to more easie termes Edward desired to be gone without losse of honour Lewys to have him gone with as much reputation as he desired Edward had occasion of mony and Lewys was willing to make him a bridge of Gold from Callice to Dâ—ver whereon to carry backe his Army And shortly to both their contents an absolute atonement was made Whereby threescore and fifteene thousand Crownes were to be paid to King Edward before his departure out of France and fifty thousand annually Concerning the annuitie of fiftie thousand Crownes there is much controversie among French and English writers about the name They call it a Pension wea Tribute And certainly the later to speake without partialitie to our selves hath in it much more proprietie of language For a Prince who over-awed by a powerfull Armie mediates by deprecatory massages to divert the battaile and afterward buyes his safetie not onely with a present Summe but an annuall payment cannot have a freer name then tributary And as for pensions they are granted upon petition to the poorer and weaker not upon feare to the mightier But to compare the greater actions of Princes to the customes of Subjects The threescore and fifteene thousand Crownes was the fine King Lewys payd for France and the fiftie thousand annually the rent Onely the farme was too mightie to be set and the tennant too strong and stubborne ever to quit possession to his Landlord Then for establishment of future peace that posteritie might partake in the benefit of this accord it was concluded that the Princesse Elizabeth eldest daughter to King Edward should marry with Charles the Dolphin Son to Lewys And for her present maintenance five thousand Crownes from France to be payd in the Tower of London and after the expiration of nine yeares shee and the Dolphin to be invested in the Dutchy of Guyen And that on the English side there might bee no fraud upon payment of the first summe the Lord Howard and Sir John Cheinie Master of the Horse were to remaine in hostage untill the Army were return'd into England But that the King might not seeme to forget his confederates the Duke of Burgundie and Britaine were comprehended if they would accept the peace The Count S. Paul was abandon'd in this treatie as an efficiall servant and subject to the Crowne being Constable of France and who by his dissimulation and treason had most offended the nature of our King And usually thus to reconcile great Princes lesser are offered up for sacrifice This peace was generally receiv'd by the Army with applause as by people who began to consider no victory before the battaile certaine and in the battaile much hazard Onely the Duke of Glocester who stood aloofe off on the other side for honour frown'd at this accord and exprest much sorrow as compassionating the glory of his nation blemisht in it Hee repeated his jealousie of the worlds opinion which necessarily must laugh at so chargeable a preparation to attempt nothing And scorne either the wisedome or courage of the English when they shall perceive them in so full numbers and so well arm'd to passe the Sea after a defiance sent and challenge to a Crowne to returne backe without drawing a Sword Moreover to forsake the amitie of so constant friends and in extreame necessitie to betray them beguiled by a common dissembler whose shifts and trickes of state like the slights of hand in juglers are discovered and wondred at by those fooles onely whom hee cozens And what carried with it an apparence of most danger to necessitate the Duke of Burgundie to a peace with King Lewys whereby both may hereafter joyne in a common league against us Who by this one act have forfeited all leagues with our ancient confederates and frighted any other Princes from joyning with us With Glocester agreed many of the Army who were either dependant upon him or who had as unquiet thoughts as hee some likewise who having set up the rest of all their fortunes upon this gaine found themselves undone in their hopes because the Princes had drawne statues But most of a discontented humour that maliciously alwayes interprets the actions of Princes to the worst sence But the Duke of Glocester had a further and a more dangerous aime as who by the dishonour of his brother thought his credit receiv'd increast and by how much the King sunke in opinion he should rise And in regard good and quiet men were delighted in the accord he would be had to the wicked and unquiet and adde a luster to his faction by drawing the nations honour to his part But why this peace should endure so hard a censure both at home and abroad is strange and above all why King Lewys should ascribe any honour to himselfe or thinke the advantage on his side For what ecclipse soever the English glory suffered certainly the French by a most servile way purchast safetie They descending beneath the honour of men by mony to wave a battaile wee being onely faultie in not having perform'd more then men For if we consider our selves subject to
and dying bodies the Northerne men began to hope for safety onely in flight Neither did they â—eeld to the prevailing Fortune of the Enemie untill their courages vvere dismayd vvith sight of so many eminent persons slaine before their eyes For the Earles of Northumberland and Westmerland the Lords Beaumont D'acres Gray and Wells with divers others of greatest reputation for Nobility and courage had already falne and in their slaughter taught the survivers what to expect The Dukes of Sommerset and Exeter seeing all things desperate the greater part of the Armie slaine the rest broken and flying poasted to Yorke to carry the fatall newes of this overthrow to the unfortunate King whose vertue yet had a patience greater than his ruine In no battle was ever powred forth so much English Blood for in this and the two precedent dayes were slaine sixe and thirty thousand seven hundred seventy sixe persons all of one nation many neere in alliance some in Blood fatally divided by faction yet all animated with the same zeale to maintaine their Princes right which being so difficult to resolve doubtlesse made the quarrell on either side how ruinous soever to their famelies not unsafe to their Consciences And it is worthy observation that in this so long and cruell conflict betweene the two houses never any stranger of name was present at our battels as if we had disdaind to conquer or perish by other weapons than our owne Kind Henry perceiving how desperate his hopes were in England with the poore remaines of his partie secured himselfe by flight into Scotland And with such hast that before King Edward got to Yorke where he hoped to have surpris'd him dismaid with the late discomsiture nothing was there left but the Citie humbly devoted to the dispose of the Conqueror But on the walls yet remaind the heads of Richard Duke of Yorke and his friends an ignominious spectacle unluckily there standing to inâ—ence him to cruelty For on sight of so barbarous an injurie he gave present command that Thomas Earle of Deâ—â—aâ—â—iâ—â— should be beheaded with three others taken in the former battle that these new heads might râ—leeve them who had stood centinell so long and that his father and friends might not want that busie part of the body to be inclosed with them in the grave An action too much savouring of the ancient Heathen the soules of Christians no way requiring their murders to be revengd or their injuries appear'd with such an offering After this dire oblation he sent part of his Forces to cleere the coast toward Scotland from the dregges of warre where to terrifie that people prone to innovation in King Henries quarrell some examples of severitie were made In the interime he with as glorious triumph and large joy as victory could beget which begot no lesse to him than absolute Soveraignety marcht toward London By the inhabitants whereof who were deepely interessed in his Fortune he was with all the solemnity of a secure gladnesse entertaind To the triumph of his entrance soone succeeded that of his Coronation perform'd with usuall ceremonies but most unusuall congratulations Immediately that no circumstance of Soveraintie might be wanting a Parlament was Summond By which his title might be reconfirm'd his partakers rewarded his enemies punisht And though private respects were his chiefe businesse desiring to disaâ—â—ll all acts made heretofore in prejudice to the house of Yorke and its adherents yet the outward pretention was the safety and quiet of the Realme For he publickly profest his onely care to bee that such wholesome lawes might be enacted as might redresse disorders crept into the state by free licence given to rapin in the former troubles By which apparence of solicitude for quieting the republique he gain'd authority among the wise and created a beleefe in all that his government in peace vvould be as fortunate as his successe in warre Having by his wisedome and providence thus won opinion upon the generality he bestowed his graces on particular persons whom blood in merit rendred deare to him His brothers George and Richard he created Dukes the elder of Clarence the younger of Glocester Iohn Lord Nevill the Earle of Warwickes brother he made Vicount Mountague Henry Bourchier brother to the Archbishop of Canterbury Earle of Essex and William Lord Fauconbrige Earle of Kent He erected divers others to the Title of Barons and honour'd many with Knighthood The conclusion of this great assembly was punishment for John Earle of Oxford Aubery Vere his sonne Sir John Tiddenham Knight William Tirrell and Walter Mountgomery Esquires were without anâ—were convict ofâ— reason and behended A rough proceeding which favord something too much of the Conqueror Bâ—sinesses thus happily setled at home to check the â—udaciousnesse of our transmarin neighbours who had throwrie injuries on our Nation weakned by discord the Earles of Esseâ— and Kent with the Lord Audley were sent with ten thousand souldiers to scowre the narrow Seas who first landing in Britaine tooke the Towne of Conquest and afterward in the Islâ— of Râ—â— pillâ—g'd that little Country and with victory returned By vvhich enâ—erprise though of nâ— signall consequence to his affaires yet King Edward gave the French to understand hoâ—â— unfaâ—â—â— it vvas to â—â—â—â—tate the English govern'd by â—â—â— active Princeâ— vvho might perhaps 〈◊〉 in person appâ—â—â—e abroade for the recovery of â—â—â—ose Provinces nothing but â—â—â—â— dissâ—â—sion â—â—ould have losâ—o As likevvise to tâ—â—rifie all 〈◊〉 states from adhering to King Henry vvho both in câ—â—rage and fortune vvas â—o â—aâ—â—e inferioâ—â— And noâ—â— vvas the prosperitie of Edwardâ—n â—n so full splendor and so darke a cloud hung over the house of Lancaster that Henry Duke of Sommâ—rset and Sir Ralph Percie for â—â—â—â—e the â—â—ineâ— of that family they had â—â— long endeavour'd to support To King Edward the submission of tvvo so eminent persons appear'd vvelcome as a victory and they by his favour were presently restored to full possession both of honour and â—â—tarâ— the same grace promist to any who mighâ—â—â— example should perswade Yet did not the indefatigable Queene loose any thing from her sprit on endeavours Hâ—qlate so sad discomfiture and revolt now of her chiefe adherents able perhaps to 〈◊〉 forâ—â—â—â— not her And having upon full reckoning perceived that she must account of no powre at home she made her addresses to all Princes abroad whom allianee reason of state or compassion of so great a disaster might move to her assistance But as it is in the fate of all women who usurpe on their husbands she had beene â—o happie in mannage of his prosperitie and Towâ— wâ—somuch morâ—â—â—capable to â—â—gole against christ forâ—â—â— and 〈◊〉 in felicityâ— Gâ—â—â— undertakings being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 succesfull in 〈◊〉 whose government 〈◊〉 as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 selfe in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 beene disorderly and 〈◊〉 But certainely how erronious hovvever 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 she â—â—â— now defective onely in thâ—◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not ruled by ours but by a high
resolve for motion He told him how in the North 15000. men had beene in Armes pretending revenge upon the governours of Saint Leonards Hospitall in Yorke for converting the Alemony they receiv'd from the Country every yeare in Corne to their owne use by which they both defrauded the poore and the charitable intention of the owners Whereas indeed the armed multitude moved first by his councell onely awaiting his presence with resolution to runne any hazard of his command And though the Marquesse Mountague rais'd Forces in King Edwards name by which he quieted the commotion and beheaded Robert Huldron their chiefe Captine yet were the people ready upon the first Summons to reassemble and the Marquesse who by such apparence of fidelity had won upon the easie faith of the dull King prepared to bring his forces and joyne in any enterprise he should appoint He showed farther how by this his brothers dissimulation his intelligence held perfect in the Kings Councell and all the resolutions of state might bee without difficultie prevented since no sooner made but discovered The Duke who before held the Earles courage and authority with the people in great estimation now began to wonder at the so cunning mannage of this great businesse Neither could he suspect the successe the Earle having so order'd things that he left little or nothing to â—ortune Whereupon he gave his judgement entirely up to his Fathers in law discretion with whom hee return'd into England openly professing and justifying his resolution to rebellion The vanity of ambition sealing up his eyes so farre that he could not perceive the unnaturalnesse of his revolt and the certaine hazard of ruine in warring against a Prince so great both in armes and Fortune Against their returne the Arch-bishop of Yorke had wrought so diligently to ripen mischiefe that the multitude disperst before were againe in the field bâ—t under Leaders of a farre more eminent name For Henry Sonne to the Lord Fitz Hugh and Henry Nevill sonne to the Lord Latimer the one Nephew the other Cosen german to Warwicke had the conduct of these Forces both gentlemen great in blood and spirit but in regard of their unexperienc'd youth submiting themselves to the directions of Sir John Conyers a Commander bold in courage and sober in advice Their march was not now directed against any petty Towne in the North as before but toward London the head of the Kingdome and the cause of their taking Armes not upon any triviall injury or opression but out of desire of publicke justice by throwing downe a licencious Vsurper and re-investing in the Soveraignty King Henry their lawfull Monarch so injuriously detain'd prisoner in the Tower This pretention carryed with it much of bravery pleased the humor of most of the Northerne men passionately still affected to the line of Lancaster and tooke generally with the Commonalty a beast as prone to unseasonable pitty as to inhumane cruelty and ever defirous to change governement because naturally it can endure none The noyse of these Armes waked King Edward for he now perceiv'd his title to the Crowne for which he imagin'd he had had so cleere a sentence brought againe to tryall and the sword judge He cast his eye about him and found every where the way open to his jealousie and none to security All those Lords from whom he might expect supply being neerâ— to Warwicke in friendship or allianee and the Marquesse Mountague in whose service he had ever found most trust and fortune even brother to his enemie How could he therefore beleeve but notwithstanding all their outward professious of loyaltie privately they might favour Rebellion As for the Queenes kindred of whose faith in regard of their owne interest he remain'd secure he could draw little confidence Their greatnesse so young that it had yet taken no deepe roote in opinion and their Forces onely weake beames shot from the Sunne of the Kings owne power But no consideration in this trouble begot so much scorne and rage in him as the revolâ— of Clarence whose giddie ambition made him rather chuse to become a Word to rough and insolent guardian than to share with his brother a King in the treasures of Fortune The forces of the Rebells hee weighed more by the reputation of their leader Warwicke than by the number though even that grew every day more formidable To prepare against these dangerous motions in his English Rebells he speedily sent to the Earle of Pembrooke commission â—o raise what Welch Forces he could having in this generall suspition of his disloyall subjects most confidence in the valour of the Welch and their naturall hatred against the English name He required the Earle to give battell by the way while himselfe gathered as great an Armie as the present danger and cause in controversie required The Earle joyfull of the command puts suddenly into the field with his valiant brother Sir Richard Herbert having under their conduct seaven thousand men To them soone joyn'd eight hundred bow men led by the Lord Stafford of Southwicke not long before created Earle of Devonshire With these Forces he resoly'd to hinder the Rebells in their journey and having notice by eâ—piallâ—â—â—â—â— they tooke their way by Northumpton against theiâ— hee led the whole body of his Armie Having given order to Sir Richard Herbert with two thousand souldiers to wheele about and charge the enâ—mle in the Rere Sir John Coniers was â—â—â— vigilanâ— to be suâ—pâ—â—â—'d and so carefully had strengthned the Rerewarâ— that the Welchâ—â— â—â— ere â—epuhâ— with losse and forc'd by flight to safery Whereupon he retired to his brother while Coniers upon new instroctions or else fâ—arefull least Pembrooke in the way might gaine some advantage dwerted from his direct course to London and mâ—â—châ— to Warwicke where the Duke of Clarence and the Earle of Warwicke had leviod a mighty Host Pâ—mâ—rooke waites close up on their journey expecting the opportunity â—â—â—â—â—â— to cut off some part of the enemie disorderd oâ— to give battell to the whole Armie But while constant in this pursuite oâ—â—lâ—â—y hee shewed all the parts of a great Commander a small division betweene him and the Lord Stufford ruin'd the whole aâ—tempt For incasnping aâ— Banbury question grew concerning an Inne to which Stafford pretended as having used long to the house but in which Pembrooke in regard of his preheminence as Generall and commodiousnesse of the place was resolvid â—o lodge This so â—â—iâ—iall distaâ—â— if there were no farther treaâ—â—â—â— in iâ— grew so high that Stafford withdrew himselfe and his English Archâ—â—s leaving the Wâ—â—â—â— in Aâ—â—â—â— and number farre inferiour to the enemie which defect neverthelesse was supplyed by their great courage From when the Reâ—â—ells who soone had notice of this unhappie discord gave the Earles Campe next morning a Camisado the Welch entertain'd the charge so stouâ—ly that they â—ooke Sir Henry Nevill the Leader but what savor'd too much of barbarisme most cruelly slew him in cold
game quite lost and made his addresses to the King of England whom he believed to be of the easiest nature and from whom he expected lesse severity because the King had suffered lesse then the others by his dissimulation He therefore first excused the distaste given the English at S. Quintin casting the whole fault upon the unhappy rashnesse of his Souldiers billited in the Towne and the jealousie of the Townesmen Then hee advised him to be wary of giving too much faith to King Lewys who was resolved after the departure of the English army to observe no covenant wherefore his safest course would be to demand Eu and S. Valerie to billet his Souldiers in this Winter which he was secure Lewys his feares durst not deny and by which grant hee would not be necessitated to so sudden a returne Lastly observing the avarice of the Kings disposition in the last treaty hee tendered him the loane of fifty thousand Crownes and promise of all faithfull service in the future But the memory of former unfaithfull passages and desire to enjoy the pleasures of peace defend the King so farre to these new propositions that it ended even in scornefull language of the offerer which drove S. Paul into utter despaire For the King was not to be remooved from his new begunne amity with Lewys which every day by the interchange of favours and by laboring to excell each other in confidence gathered increase For presently upon conclusion of the Articles betweene the Commissioners a truce being made untill the peace were ratified by the oathes of both the Princes the English souldiers had free admission into all the French townes And one day so great number of the army went to make merry in Amiens as might have endangered the surprisall if there had not beene faithfull intentions in King Edward But hee to shew the integrity of his mind and to take away all occasion of jealousie of any underhand designe sent to King Lewys to intreate him to give order for restraint if by entering in so large multitudes the souldier endangered suspicion which Lewys never overcome in Complement refused with many protestations of his confidence onely desiring our King if he disliked the absence of so considerable a part of his Army from the Campe to send some Yoemen of his Crowne to guard the gates in regard he was resolved no French man should stop the passage of the English But our King strained his curtesie much too high when to out-vye King Lewys his favours he offered to give him a catalogue of all the French Noblemen who had conspired with S. Paul in this warre and had given faith to revolt to the English For as in the rule of common justice this discovery could give no better an attribute to the King then that of state Informer so could it not but infinitely prejudice the affaires of England considering it would shut up for ever the passage to all intelligence if this peace should chance to breake hereafter And indeed by so voluntary undertaking that office which an honest minde thinkes it selfe unhappy to be forced to presents his nature to us most ignoble since this treason was onely intentionall and as the state of businesses now stood in France reconciled to the English it no way concerned the safety of his new confederate On the other side King Lewys showed himselfe most affectionate to the English when contrary to the circumspection of his nature hee rejected all the suspicions of his Councell who wisht him to be watchfull that King Edward by pretending this peace did not betray him to a ruinous security When likewise he sent such exceeding plenty of all provision to the English Campe and liberally feasted those so innumerable multitudes who dayly resorted to Amiens But perhaps some state Critickes will interpret the former in him not a good opinion of our faith but a conceit of a dull ignorant honesty in our Nation not quicke to take advantages and the later onely an obsequious way to continue us in our former resolution for peace What ever passion prevaild with him in other curtesies I am confident hee exprest more Noblenesse then in any other action of his life When he refused to destroy the English army having oftentimes so faire opportunity by reason of the many disorders the truce begot While these passages of endearement lasted betweene the two Kings a place convenient for an enterview was found out at Picquigny a Towne three leagues from Amiens standing upon the River Some Commissioners to provide there should be no danger of treason in the place for the King were the Lord Howard and Sir Anthony S. Leger for the French the Lord of Bouchage and Comines In the choyce of which place Comines layes a grosse oversight to our Commissioners For he affirmes by reason of a Marish on both sides the causey on which the King was to come to the Bridge where the meeting was his person might have beene in danger if the French had not meant good faith And if this were true it certainely deserved a signall reprehension in regard the sad experience of those times taught there could not bee too much circumspection at such an enterview But the successe guilty of no infelicity cleered the Commissioners either quite from the fault or from much of the blame At the meeting there was as much interchange of curtesie as could bee betweene two Princes The French King was first at the grate for these two Lions could not without danger of combat meete but at so safe a distance and our King was a Gallant in manage of his body by bending himselfe lower at salutation In which he exprest youthfullnesse and Court ship In their language was much of sweetenesse and endearing and in their behaviour an apparence of a congratulatory joy Each labouring to obtaine the victory in the expressions of a cordiall affection and indeed the maine businesse tooke up lest part of the time Twelve persons of principall name attended on each Prince according to the nature of the Ceremony out-vying each other in the curiosity and riches of their apparell On the English side the Duke of Glocester was absent in regard his presence should not approve what his opinion and sence of honour had heretofore disallowed And that there might bee no fraud nor treason on the English side were foure of the French and on the French foure of the English who watchfully observed every word and gesture So much jealousie waits upon even the most friendly meetings and so suspected is the faith of Princes Eight hundred men at armes attended on the French King on the King of England his whole Army Which set in battell array to the best advantage for the eye afforded a prospect of much delight and bravery to them who at a more unfriendly encounter would have trembled at the sight The Chancellor of England made an Oration congratulatory for the happy accord whereby so much blood was preserv'd in
Any superstition being nourisht in the subject which tended to advance the reputation of their Prince especially when his actions are doubtfull to bee understood The night that ensued the enterview many of the English nobilitie resorted to Amiens the French affabilitie and something too of curiositie inviting them The Lord Howard who was alwayes foremost in his application to King Lewys at Supper whisperd him in the eare that hee conceiv'd his Master might bee perswaded without much scruple to make a journey to Paris where by a friendly entertainement the new begun amitie might be perfected But the wary King had no desire to bid so dangerous a guest to Paris for feare the delicacies of the place might invite him either to a too chargeable continuance there or to such a love of the French aire that it might perswade him to returne hereafter thither though unbidden Hee therefore chid his owne overforward straining a complement and was forc'd to the invention of an excuse to take away discurtesie from denyall of that before ceremoniously he had offerd he answer'd the Lord Howard thereupon suddenly and to the outward judgement seriously that hee was extreame sorry the necessitie of his unsetled state would not afford him licence for so much happinesse being presently to make an expedition against the Duke of Burgundie Who was busie in his preparations against him so that with safetie yet hee could not attend the pleasures of peace Which answer gave but a halfe satisfaction but the Lord Howard was devoted to his affaires and that made the rellish of it better with the King But that the King might neither reape all the benefit not yet beare all the blame of this peace there were few Lords great in opinion of the state but shared proportionably in the bootie Even the scrupulous Duke of Glocester returnd not home without a large present both of Plate and Horses For when hee saw the whole streame of the Armie flow into King Lewys either out of curiositie or in pollicie loath to particularize an enmitie upon himselfe from so potent a Prince he went to him at Amiens where hee found a respect answerable not onely to the greatnesse of his blood but to the extent of his judgement and authoritie But with him King Lewys dealt with more circumspection knowing it impossible to winne ground upon him by any slight or strength of wit The good affection of all the other Lords he bought up according to the ordinary course in Markets As they were worth more in the Kings esteemation so were they at a higher price with him The principall men of name who were in pension as wee find them in History were the Lord Hastings Lord Chamberlaine to the King the Lord Howard Sir John Cheiney Master of the Horse S. Anthony S. Leger and Sir Thomas Montgommery Among these beside the present guifts hee annually distributed sixteene thousand Crownes and exacted from every man an acquittance for the receit Which no man refused but onely the Lord Hastings denying absolutely that ever his hand should be seene among the Kings accounts at Paris but welcom'd still the pension which without that formalitie was continued At how high a rate King Lewys prized his amitie with England by this profate liberalitie a qualitie so contrary to his parcimonious disposition is easily to bee judged But how lawfull it was in the receivers I will not too severely censure For although in this Kings raigne as likewise in the time of Henry the seventh many of the great Counsellors were in pension to Lewys and afterward to his Sonne Charles the eight yet is hard to judge how it could agree with the decorum of their dignitie It being much beneath the honour of a noble mind to owe any part of their revenue to a Prince whose safetie and advantage must never be in the first place of their care In peace it may happily not carry any apparence of disloyaltie because by their good offices they may deserve that way of gratitude but in times of jealousie and especially of enmitie it can no way bee allowed For though the Pensioner give no underhand intelligence prejudical to his Country yet by a certain necessity of gratitude it stops the freedom of advice and renders him however undeserving to the one Rewards are given for forepast merits pensions to retaine in future he therefore who receives a pension obligeth himselfe tacitly to the service of two Masters And oftentimes the second in his thoughts is that Prince to whom hee owes a naturall dutie An extrordinary way of benefit begetting an extraordinary diligence And hence proceeds that maladie in the body of a state which inclines it so totally to one side that all injuries how grosse soever are connived at from one neighbour while from another the least shadow of offence begets mortall warre But if these pensions bee receiv'd with approbation of the King certainly as they are lawfull so likewise are they lesse dangerous for then the state is armed against the advice of such whom they know to leane to one side The crookednesse of counsell being easily discern'd when not boulsterd up with simulation of integritie And questionlesse the distribution of these Crownes like a dangerous poison disperst it in some principall veines of a body infected the whole Court And though perhaps the secret resolutions of the King and state were not betray'd to him yet was his intelligence larger than convenient for so cunning a neighbour Who out of slight and triviall occurrences such as were but Chamber talke could guesse at the most reserv'd counsels Neither would those so apparent affronts offer'd by him afterward have beene so patiently dissembled especially the King knowing him a timerous Prince and who trembled at the very thought of a returne of the English into France had not they whose advice was most listend to passionately excused him in every charge the more zealous statists layd to him But these mischiefes the yeares succeeding were guiltie of for the present the King full of joy and treasure returnd toward Callice And indeed with more then ordinary haste and caution for feare the Duke of Burgundy should attempt any thing upon his retreat But with safetie hee both came thither and sayld to Dover whence in much pompe he directed his journey to London Vpon Black Heath the Lord Major and the Aldermen in Scarlet and five hundred Commoners in murrey receiv'd him and thence with all ostentation of triumph conducted him through the Citie to Westminster And perhaps hee gave order the solemnitie of his returne should bee more glorious to set off the shortnesse of his stay in France and the small or no honour purchast there The vulgar for the most part valuing the glory of the victories according to the information of the Ballad and the glittering of the Pageants The French King who ever affected the substance smild at these huge shadowes and never quarreld with King Edward what pompous titles soever
he assumed in receiving the forementioned sums of money Willing that hee should husband his actions of least worth to the greatest advantage of credit with his people While hee on the contrary in all businesses never heeded what judgement opinion gave and so his ends were effected cared not by what sordid or humble meanes Whereupon presently after the departure of the English notwithstanding the many injuries received from the Duke of Burgundy he came to treatie and suddenly to agreement with him In many points unexpectedly yeelding onely that hee might revenge himselfe upon the Count St. Paul for him hee accounted the Conjurer who by his dissembling charmes had raisd those so many and so tumultuous spirits against the Crowne of France And till hee were destroyed King Lewys conceiv'd it impossible to remaine safe from civill or forraigne warre It was therefore agreed betweene these two Princes that what places had beene wrested away in the former troubles should be immediatly restored and which of the two could first surprize the Count St. Paul should within eight dayes put him to death or deliver him up to the discretion of the other By which agreement the wretched Lord found how inevitable was his ruine And considering the vanitie of any hope that might perswade to defend himselfe against so potent enemies he enterd into discourse with his owne feares to which he might make his addresses with more probabilitie of safetie And knowing the immoveable resolutions of King Lewys and how impossible it was to deceive a Prince so cunning in the Art he resolv'd to make tryall of the Duke Who disdainefully receiv'd the first offers of his service but in the end overcome by importunitie hee granted him safe conduct Relying on which he poasted to him but soone found his ruine by the want of that faith which himselfe had never observ'd For the Duke notwithstanding the safe conduct gave command hee should be imprison'd and not long after deliver'd him up to the French King Who caus'd processe to bee made against him certaine Letters written to King Edward and by him deliver'd to King Lewys being the chiefe articles of accusation by which hee was condemn'd and for which not long after he lost his head Hee imbraced death with much resolution onely somewhat astonisht to meet it upon a Scaffold the manner not the thing it selfe amazing him But the officiousnesse of the King in delivery of those papers to the condemnation of his wives Vncle and a confederate was certainly trecherous and ignoble and makes his memory sound harsh in the eare of any worthy minde And indeede he was on the sudden become so passionate a debtor on a reconcild enemy and so passionate an enemy of his late friends That when he understood of the treatie of peace at Vervins betweene the French King and the Duke hee sent over Sir Thomas Montgomery with instructions if possible to breake it off Who urged that the Duke should not bee admitted to treate of himselfe but onely as mention'd in the King his Masters peace that if the Duke refused to treate in that manner and the King any way suspected his owne strength his Master would the next Summer crosse the Seas and joyne his forces with him Conditionally that halfe the wages of his Army might bee defraid by the French for whose service the warre was to be undertaken and that he might be allowed fiftie thousand crownes annually in respect his losse would amount to the value by reason the English Woolls at Callice could during that time have no vent into the Netherlands To such an over officious friendship did his new malice to Burgundie and the counsaile of King Lewys his great pensioners incline him that hee voluntarily offer'd without respect of glory or hope of profit to fight like a journeyman for a Prince whose growth in power could not bee but most unsafe even to him and dangerous to his kingdome This embassie King Lewys receiv'd with apparence of much content congratulating the felicitie of his owne arts that had brought the King to so obsequious a respect but he no way desired to see him any more in France especially not to pay for his presence whose absence hee had lately bought so deerely Hee therefore return'd many thankes for the offer'd favour but withall shewed how much too late it came in regard the truce was already concluded betweene him and the Duke from which being now sworne to it he could recede neither in honour nor religion But that the world might understand how scrupulous he had beene in preservation of the King of Englands reputation the present truce varyed not in one point from that sworne at Picguinie except onely that the Duke was admitted to article for himselfe apart which indeed was the maine thing the King endeavoured to have prevented since by articling apart the Duke showed his independance and that the English by their armes had no way advanced his businesse But that this answer might indanger no misinterpretation he liberally presented the Embassador and sent over with him the two hostages the Lord Howard and Sir John Chiney For King Lewys continued still in much caution to offend the King least perhaps he and the Duke of Burgundy though now asunder might like a limbe broken and set againe knit the faster Hee was therefore diligent to increase every day new discontents betweene them and to preserve the English in their amity firme upon any termes knowing the Duke by no pollicy ever to be reduced to a perfect friendship And so farre had his cunning and pensions prevailed that nothing was more in the vote of the English then to preserve King Lewys safe in his estate at home and noble in reputation with us But among all the ties which kept the King surest to him the hope of marrying the Dolphin with his Daughter and this way at least to settle the Crowne of France in his Posterity most prevailed Of the reality of which article the French permitted not the smallest occasion to be given for suspicion This intention of entering into warre with the Duke of Burgundy being crost the unquiet Nature of some Princes ever affecting to beget trouble to themselves that the King might feele no perfect rest receives the former jealousie concerning the Earle of Richmond But why the reducing him into this powre should so much perplex the state is beyond reach unlesse it were a divination of future accidents which instructed the Kings feares to expect danger from him who neither in the point of justice nor strength was for the present considerable For if we looke upon his faction at home the civill warres had ruin'd them so low that no person of authority had any relation to him except the Lord Stanley who being Father in law to him might perhaps wish his fortunes well but bore a most faithfull mind to the King in whose especiall favour he continued to the last And if we consider him as his neerenesse in blood
preserve the English in amitie was to keepe them at home Whereupon he frequently entertaind the King with Embassies full of curtesie such as might appeare rather the arguments of a sincere friendship then the forc'd expressions of ceremonie And ever communicated with him his private counsailes requiring his faithfull advice when indeed hee reserv'd his resolutions of any high nature wholly to himselfe all in the conduction of affaires though hee would listen to the opinion of King Edward he still obeyed his owne But this with his other Arts continued his reputation good with the English and purchast that quiet he suspected might by our armes be interrupted And what renderd his securitie the more troubles began betweene us and Scotland which wee may well beleeve hee underhand increast The occasion of them was the evill inclination and ungovernd spirit of James the third who disdaining to listen to the temperate counsailes of sober men obeyed onely his owne judgement which passion threw headlong into rash attempts The freedome of advice by the Lords of that countrey used toward their Princes renderd the speaker hatefull and frequently was rewarded with imprisonment or exile if not with death Among the multitude of them disfavour'd by him Alexander Duke of Albanie the King of Scotlands brother banisht into France resented the injury and endeavor'd revenge So that as hee past through England towards his exile being admitted to the King by all arguments he incenc'd him to a warre Which could not but prove most successefull the hatred of the Commons consider'd against so violent an oppressor And he protested that he knew the King falne into so low esteeme even with those he cherisht and into such hatred with all mankind that if assaulted by the English he would be constrain'd by submission of his Crowne to intreate for safetie This importunitie of the Duke of Albanie soone prevail'd with the King who by many injuries had beene exasperated and had onely waited opportunitie to warre upon Scotland For the boders on the English side had beene often infested and upon complaint no redresse nor reparation of damage Moreover the King having heretofore condiscended upon a motion from King James that his second daughter the Lady Cicilie should marry James Prince of Scotland and upon the agreement paid in a large part of the portion had receiv'd no satisfaction to his expectation The Articles of marriage neither being performed nor yet the money lent upon the bonds of the Provost and Merchants of Edenborough according to covenants repayd Hee was therefore the sooner wonne to undertake the businesse which he committed to the order of the Duke of Glocester who now had no competitor in greatnesse both of judgement and power No Prince of the house of Yorke remaining but such whom the want of yeares or love of ease indisposed to action For the King willing to decline labour waved the expedition and Glocester ambitious to gaine opinion especially with the Souldier most forwardly undertooke it The King desired to live to the best advantage of his pleasure Glocester of his honour And indeed Glocester began now like a cunning Phisition to examine the state of the Kings body which though he found strong and healthfull and by the ordinary reckoning of men likely to continue many yeares yet withall he observed evill symptomes of death in him being overgrowne with fat and both in his diet and lust subject to disorder Disorder a greater enemie to mankind and which hath destroyd more then age the sword or pestilence This Glocester perceiv'd and hence drew poyson which sweld his ambition higher He therefore with much alacritie prepared for the warre and with the title of Lievetenant Generall soone after set forward toward Scotland The Armie consisted of two and twentie thousand five hundred all commanded by men of great authority or experience Of the nobilitie in his retinue went Henry Earle of Northumberland Thomas Lord Stanley Lord Steward of the Kings house the Lords Levell Graistock Fitzhugh Nevill and Scroope of Bolton Of Knights Sir Edward Woodvile brother to the Queene Sir William Par Sir John Elrington Treasurer of the Kings house Sir James Harrington Sir John Middleton Sir John Dichfield and others The particular names of whom I mention onely to show how great a shadow Glocester began to cast toward the Sunset both of the Kings glory and life The Vantguard was led by the Earle of Northumberland the Rereward by the Lord Stanley the Maine battell by the Duke himselfe In whose company was the Duke of Albany Glocester willing perhaps to have him still in sight least if apart with sale of the Army he might purchase his owne peace Their first attempt was upon Barwicke surrendred heretofore by Queene Margaret to gaine a sanctuary for King Henry when expelled England into which partly by terrour of their Forces partly by the suddennesse of their approach they enterd without opposition The towne was soone at their discretion but the Castle the strongest Fort then in the North by the Earle Bothwell was made good against all battery Glocester foreseeing by the strength both of the place and the Commanders resolution that this siege would spend much time committed the charge to the Lord Stanley Sir John Elrington and Sir William Par with foure thousand Souldiers while he with the body of the Army marcht higher into Scotland perswaded as indeed it happend that they might force the King of Scotland either to an inglorious flight or else for safety to locke himselfe up in some strong hold By which they might so imprison him that his release should not bee without a full discharge for all injuries both against England and the Duke of Albany And according to expectation it happend the King upon the first rumour of an enemy inclosing himselfe in the Castle of Edenborough For in his governement having not studyed the safety of his people which is the supreame Law given to Kings he found himselfe now forsaken by them So farre that in opposition to the English against whom the Scots ever shewed a faire resolution no Army now tooke the field the Countrey lying open to the mercy of the invader Glocester therefore burning many townes by the way to strike a terror in the inhabitants marcht directly to Edenborough into which hee entred receiving such presents as the Citizens offerd to him for at the intreatie of the Duke of Albanie he spared the towne from spoile His entry was onely a spectacle of glory the people applauding the mercy of an enemy who presented them with a triumph not a battaile and welcom'd him as a Prince who tooke armes not for pecy or malice but for the safetie of a neighbouring kingdome disorderd and laid waste more by the licence of a tyrant in peace then it could have beene by the hand of war The Lords of Scotland considering the danger of their state and desirous to prevent ruin sent from Hadington to the Duke of Glocester to intreate
part of his armie led by the Lord Fitzwalter had possest it selfe of Ferribrig a passage over the River Aire of great import All they of Lancaster began carefully to looke to their affaires King Henry the Queene and Prince who were by their severall weakenesses unfit for action retired to Yorke there to attend the event of businesses The Armie being committed to the charge of the Duke of Sommerset the Earle of Northumberland and the Lord Clifford Among these it was resolv'd that Ferribrig in regard of the consequence of the place was at any hazard to be recovered and the enterprise left to the undertaking of Clifford who early the next morning least delay might betray his designe to the enemie with a competent number made thither and with such diligence and â—ecrecie hee Marcht that before there was the least suspition of an assault the uncircumspect guard was entred upon and defeated With which tumâ—lt the Lord Fitzwalter and the Bastard of Salisbury suspecting a mutanie among their owne Souldiers role hastily from their beds and comming downe encounterd a remorselesse enemie who denyed all quarter and on the place slew them The losse of this so coÌ„modious passage slaughter of such eminent persons came first to the eare of the Earle of Warwicke who somewhat too much transported with the evill fate of their first attempt posted in all haste to King Edward in whose presence he kil'd his horse and sayd Sir God have mercy on their soules who for love of you in the beginning of your enterprise have lost their lives yet let him flye who will flye by this crosse kissing the hilts of his sword I will stand by him who will stand by me fall backe fall edge Wordt certainely though mingled with a high resolution strangely distemperd and representing so much of danger as might have troubled the courage of the Armie And howsoever partiall history in mentioning the actions of great men will not allow them to participate with the vulgar in the weakenesses incident to humane nature yet every greatest Spirit hath his allay of imbecillitie The most knowing Scholler hath found a period beyond which his curious search could not move the wisest Politician hath discovered where he err'd and blusht at the mistake and the boldest souldier at some time hath soonâ— the Coward tremble in him We may bâ—iâ—ht endâ—vâ—rs raise nature somewhat above her â—râ—iltiâ— but never triumph over her till death And certainely Warwicke was too much â—â—â—â—â— at this accident but soone he setled â—â—â—â—selfe and by his stout compoâ—ment 〈…〉 fied thâ—s â—ainting armie But King Edward whose youth was beauâ—ified with valour and wisdome eveâ— to wonder â—o bâ—â—tly entertaind this sad reportiâ— and to oppose against any feare which might shake the Souldier caus'd immediate Proclamati doâ— to be made That it was lawfull for any man whom the present losse or feare of â—inâ—â—e danger discouragd safely to depart that whosoever should performe the dutie of a Souldier and fight manfully should have a certaine and a most large reward On the contrary to any manâ— who should continue in the Armie and hereafter flye away the severest punishment and liberty for any one to kill such a coward with promise of double pay No man accepted the offer of so contem'd a safety and indeede the body of his Armie consisted of Southerne men whose â—light had perhaps beene as unsafe as the present danger Moreover the example of the valiant perswaded the rest who blushtâ—o appeare single â—â— their feares whereby not being knowne they grew afterward to have equall title with the most daring to a glorious victory The King seeing the Spirit of his Armie so bold and so devoted to his service thought the losse of time might endanger the losse of his designe and thereupon resolv'd with that first convenience to bring his Fortune to the tryall of a battell The Lord Fauconbrige and Sir Walter â—â—â—â—â— in regard the Duke of Norfolke was then disabled by sicknesse had the leading of the vaâ—â—tguard who finding the passage of Forribrigâ—mpossible â—mpossible on the suâ—â—â—n â—o â—â—taine three miles by hand at â—â—stlâ— fâ—â—d paâ—â—â—â—â— Pâ—â—â—â—â—â—â—â—d sonne afâ—â—â— about â—â—â—dingâ—â—â—â— dâ—â—coveâ—â—â— the Lord Cliffâ—â—d whom they suddenly â—yeâ—â—â—â—â—â— and â—â—compast in vaine â—â—boring to retirâ— to the maine battell But hee perceiving no way to lead from his Enemies but through death â—â— with â—iâ— small Forces even to the envie of them who overcâ—me till shot with an aâ—â—ow through the â—â—â—oâ—te he perisht The Lord John Nâ—â—â—â—â— Soâ—â—â—â— in the Earle of Westâ—â—â—land with alâ—â—â—â— shall thâ—se â—â—â—â— forth hâ—â—â— troopes fell there with theiâ— laâ—â—dâ—â— the Lord Cliffâ—rd Who in too milde â— manner payd theâ— the great debt hee owed the murder â—â—â— the young Earle of Râ—tâ—aâ—d Next day being â—alme Sunday early in the morâ—â—â—â— both Armies came in sight A fatall meeting which like the union of the soule with the body â—â—ver paâ—â—â—â—â—â—â— by death The field was betweene Caxton and Tâ—â—tâ—n from the latter of which thiâ— battell afterward tooke name On full Survey of King Hâ—ncâ—â—s host so dreadfull in advantage of â—â—â—â—beâ— Reclamation was made in King Edwardâ—â—â—pe â—â—â—pe â—â—â—â—â—â— quarter should be given nor prisoner taken A â—â—cessary cruelty not to be avoyâ—â—â— but with danger of his owne ruine In regard otherwise the common Souldier might in hope of â—â—â—yle of the ransome of an enemie bee wanting to his duty It was about the houre of nine when the Armies drew neere threescore thousand for Lancaster for Yorke scarce forty thousand onely the presence and courage of King Edward made an equality The Lord Eauconbrige to whom the Van was committed and who was most able for the place when the fight was ready to begin charg'd his Archers soone as they had shot to fall three strides backe and make a stand whereby they might avoyd the arrowes of the Enemie which stratagem happen'd as was expected for the Northerne men with a sudden fury answered the on set and having emptied their quivers hasted to hand blowes But the Arrowes which they had discharged having never reacht them against whom they were shot turnd novv to their annoiance and trouble so far that the splinters of them sticking in the ground pâ—irst and gauld their feet and forc'd them to a confus'd stop In this trouble the Southerne men shot another flight and the vvind conspiring vvith their cunning blevv a tempest of haile and snovv into their faces by vvhich the Vantguard of King Henry led by the Earle of Northumberland and Andrew Trollop gave backe Yet did not the maine battell tremble vvith this motion but as if the enemie had gain'd no advantage continued vvith the first constancie Ten houres victory hung in suspence equall courage on both sides equall hopes in the good equall despaiâ—es in the bad successe vv ch occasion'd so much cruelty in the fight But at length the field staind vvith blood and the earth groaning vvith the burden of so many heapes of dead
〈◊〉 For wiâ—â— the King of Scotland with 〈◊〉 is in the neerest place of safety she lâ—â—â—â—â—er hâ—â—â—â—â—nd to confirme a secure friendship she contracted a neere alliance by promising the young Prince her sonne in marriage to his lister And that this marriage might not seeme a gift but a bargaine shee â—â—â—ght the Lady by 〈◊〉 of Barwicke into the Scotâ—â—ands â—â—â— strongest Fort 〈◊〉 English 〈◊〉 in the North. But the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ever â—â—â—â—â—â—er son their 〈◊〉 and forâ—â— to â—opâ—â—ghaâ—e what otherwise they would with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perswaded to receive With Lewes the Eleventh the French King she prevail'd little though neere to him 〈◊〉 confanguinity for the discontent of his Nobility held him incontinuall suspition Otherwise she had title to promise her selfe large supplies from so potent and politicke a Prince whose interest it must no reasâ—â— have beene by fomenting discord at home to hinder us from any attempt abroad After â—uch 〈◊〉 she obtain'd that he declared himselfe â—â—â— King Henry By prohibiting all favorers of the house of Yorke accesse into the French dominions and opening them to all those of the party of Lancaster A negative kinde of helpe which rather showed there yet was Sanctuary left for Henries unhappie friends than any considerable ayde to be expected Phillip Duke of Burgundie though a mighty Prince and neere allyed to Lancaster whose wives mother was Philippa daughter to John of Gaunt by age and a passionate love to quiet was become altogether unactive Neither had Charles Earle of Charolois his sonne though of a daring Spirit and an affecter of businesse leisure to looke over into our Island being engaged to domestick troubles and suspitious of the designes of the French King With Charolois the Duke of Britaine held a strong confederacie and both of them intelligence with the discontented Lords of France The warre which was afterward so knowne by the name of the Weale-Publique being at that time among them privately in contrivance so that all these neighboring Princes to whom the affaires of England might seeme considerable were wholly taken up with attention to their owne The Emperor Frederick the third was more remote and so cautious from entring into the quarrels of other men that by any Art even with losse he would decline his owne Moreover he justly stood in continuall feare of the growing Fortune of the Turke who having lately subverted the Easterne threatned now ruine to the Westerne Empire and questionlesse had not the great God of Armies miraculously given a stop to his victories Christendome had now beene onely severall Provinces slaved to his tyrannie For pride and emulation had then turn'd our Armes upon our selves and left our bodies naked to the scourge of the common enemie Spaine was far off divided betweene a Christian and Mahometan government each labouring the extirpation of the other so that they had liberty to be Actors in no Tragoedie but their owne And indeede no conflict is so fierce and irreconciliable as when Religion animates to warre and makes it pietie to be cruell To her Father therefore who enjoyed the specious title of King of Sicily Naples and Hierusalem but possession of none of them the afflicted Queene was forc't to make a sad retreate A poore contemptible Lord living now to see his sonne in Law once the greatest Monarch of the Christian world a Prince as meerely titular as himselfe As if it had beene the Fate of these two that the one could say he might have beene the other that once he was a King Leaving therefore forraigne states intentive to their owne designes with her sonne whom to move compassion she had carried up and downe the Queene return'd to Scotland by her long but unsuccesfull labour having gathered together five hundred French a number so small and so unworthy the name of an Armie that it was but a competent retinue for so great a Princesse With these neverthelesse she sayld to Timmouth whence she was repulst by the inhabitants soone as shee landed and forc't againe to put to Sea But there for where may the unfortunate meete with friendship she found the winds her enemies whose unruly force drave her at length disorderly to Barwicke Heere some thinne regiments of Scots resorted to her in company of whom she entred Northumberland her husband 〈◊〉 in the Froâ—â— that the name and presence of King 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 invite the people to their ancient service and 〈◊〉 Authority to the designeâ— Bâ—â— soone thâ—â—e 〈◊〉 her error for hope not compassion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 danger and the Commonalty fate still 〈◊〉 by rising they understood themselves onely 〈◊〉 to shaâ—â— in the Kings misfortune For having upon a just aâ—câ—ouâ—â— discoverd how warâ—â— iâ— oâ—ely necessary to the most desperate and that in the 〈◊〉 it leaves them to nothing but bâ—ggâ—ry and â—â—â—â—â—shment they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the love of 〈◊〉 and every man betookâ— himselfe to industry And for the Nobility the King had â—â—on theâ—â—â—â—thâ—t by the reputation of his fortune or teâ—râ—â— of his courage so that â—â—mâ—maâ—â—o 〈◊〉 to change subjection Onely Hâ—â—â—â—y Duke of Sommerset and Sir Ralph Percie who â—ot long before had forsooke King Hâ—nâ—y in his tempest noâ—â— upon a false hope of fairer weather stâ—â—◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For it is a ridiculous â—â—â—â—ing in Historians to ascribe the action of great men â—â—râ—etually to pollicie since iâ—resolution prevailes equally â—â—â—â—â— them as with the vulgar And why might â—â—â—â— desperation be gâ—t submission in these â—â—â—â— boâ—â—ing Edward and a vaine apparence of a reâ—urâ—e of fortune to King Hentiâ—s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to this lastrevolt Vpon this so weake 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Margaret perceiving 〈◊〉 friendship 〈◊〉 husbands native Country destroy'd it as if an enemie's And â—anting forcâ— to râ—ach the prosperitie of her Competitor â—â—ll â—â—â—elly 〈◊〉 the Common people 〈◊〉 â—itherto beene onely subject to his Fortune bâ—aâ—ing iâ—waâ—dly a 〈◊〉 passionate love to the famely of Lancaster But this oâ—â—rageous carriage of the Armie chang'd absolutely their affections to the Queene Who was questionlesse by necessitie compel'd to things unlawfull whereby to prevent the disbanding of her Forces which were onely payd and kept together by a licencious spoyle To oppose against this attempt which onely betray'd the weaknesse of the Enemie King Edward sent downe the Lord Mountague himselfe staying behind to raise an Armie befitting the greatnesse of his name and present quarrell Giving likewise order that his Navie should guard the Seas to hinder any succours to the Queene from forraigne confederates But this was an unnecessary caution tâ— no state abroad being so desperate as to imbarque itselfe iâ— the broken seat of her Fortune Mountague at Land had a braver occasion to shew his courage who having in the Bishoprick of Durâ—sme gathered convenient Forces marcht directly against King Henry By the way the Lords Hungerford and Rosse and Sir Ralph Percie presented themselves to hinder his farther course but perceiving the good order and courage of his Armie all fled but the
they came to his rescue with a number and resolution farre superiour to those who guarded him With them hee escapes to Yorke and so to Lancaster where the Lord Hastings Lord Chamberlaine had gathered some Forces With this increase of followers hee marcht directly to London his Company growing by the way to such a body as might not unworthily bee termed a Armie Into the Citty hee was receiv'd with accustom'd triumph the affection of the inhabitants ever devoted to his prosperity The occasion of which extraordinary zeale was certainely either a delight to continue him their Prince whom their voyces first inaugurated King or a hope by his re-establishment to recover those vaste summes of money his necessities heretofore had borrowed in the Citty or else a generall affection borne him by the Merchants wives who having according to the uxorious humour of our Nation a command over their husbands urged them on to side with that Prince the beautie of whose personage not the justice of whose title moved them But the Earle of Warwicke soone as he had intelligence of the escape and the fortune which attended it was distracted with a thousand severall imaginations He had just reason to suspect his brother the Arch-bishops faith as corrupted by the Kings perswasions as likewise the weight of his owne reputation in the Kingdome growne lighter by so evill managing so good a fortune He condemned the folly of his too much confidence in having disbanded his Armie and knew the difficulty if not the impossibility suddenly to reinforce it But this was the inward part of him outwardly he descended nothing from the height of his greatnesse and resolution And to secure his former designe hee directed his letters to all the Lords of his Faction and advise them to reasemble for the common safety The solicitation of those good men who heretofore had labourd peace continued still and so effectually endeavord that in fine they brought both parties to agree upon an enterview in Westminster Hall There vvas enterchange of oathes for safety on both sides and nothing but a perfect râ—union of friendship generally expected But no sooner vvas the Earle of Warwicke who came accompanied by the Duke of Clarence wisht to expresse his desires but hee fell into a bold expostulation of injuries And his language sweld to such intemperance so far beyond the limits of that modesty becomes a subjects mouth that the King full of indignation departed the Hall and immediately tooke his journey to Canterbury on the other side the Earle wilde in his anger poasted to Lincolne both making preparation for a second enterview when the sword should both dispute and decide the controversie Who ever perswaded these two great spirits to this meeting err'd grosely in judgement how zealous soever they were in their intention For who could possibly imagine but the thunder of warre should necessarily follow that storme which the recapitulation of injuries must beget since expostulations unlesse there be some apparent mistake or that the one partie by evill fortune be bowed to to an over-low submission may well give a growth to rancor never extirpate it But experience all enterviws coÌ„demnes till by CoÌ„missioners who with more patience can argue all dissentions are reconcil'd And most of all against any betweene a Prince and his subject since a subject hardly containes his language from insolencie when by the disproportionable greatnesse of his fortune he is admitted upon even tearmes to contest with his Soveraigne and a Prince goes downe more than one step from Majestie when he is forc'd to descend so low as to hold parley with a Rebell The King understanding that the greatest part of the Earles Forces were under the conduct of Sir Robert Wells and that by his good discipline they were become expert Souldiers and had done some service against Sir Thomas Burgh sent for Richard Lord Wells his Father that having possession of him he might either withdraw the Sonne from Warwicke or at least take off the edge from his violent proceedings The Lord Wells in obedience to the Kings command with his brother in Law Sir Thomas Dimock addressed his journey toward the Court but having by the way secret notice of the Kings high displeasure and how unsafe his approach would be secured himselfe in Sanctuary But the King resolv'd upon any termes to get him granted a generall pardon and received him with promise of all faire usage Vpon which he came forth and onely at his approach to the Kings presence was advised by letters to recall his sonne from rebellion and himselfe to beare a loyall heart These letters dispatcht with as much authority as a father could challenge he remaind in a kinde of twilight betweene favour and ruine till the messengers returne Who bringing backe no answere from the Sonne in obedience to his fathers command but rather a justification of his enterprise so farre incenst the King that he presently caused the Lord Wells and Dimock to be beheaded An act barbarous and unfaithfull For what just grounds soever the King might have to build suspition on that Wells did not effectually perswade his sonne or that inwardly he wisht better to the affaires of Warwicke yet ought he not to have violated his word And it is a most poore excuse to say a sudden rage was guilty of this mischiefe The report of this execution clouded generally the reputation of the King but in Sir Robert Wells it begot nothing but fury and revenge And indeede rage so far blinded his judgement that contrary to all perswasion and sober direction not attending Warwickes comming who every day was expected he drew out his Forces and charged the Kings Armie Who received him with equall courage and while hope of vengeance transported him too farre inclosed him and with threescore and seaven more tooke him prisoner Vpon the place and in the flight were slaine of the enemie ten thousand on the Kings side onely thirteene hundred They who escapt to make their flight the swifter cast away their coates which gave to this battell the name of Loose-coate field The prisoners immediately were executed Sir Robert Wells having onely in his short delay of death the longer libertie to expresse his hatred against the King and his perfidious crueltie This overthrow forc'd Warwicke to new resolution for his maine Forces by the precipitation of the Commander destroy'd he foresaw that suddenly he could not recover an Armie able to give the King battell and how open to be surprised the least interim would render him Whereupon leisurely for his great Spirit disdain'd any thing that resembled flight he retired to Exetor whence having dismissed the remainder of those troopes attended him he went to Dart-mouth There with many Ladies and a large retinue he tooke ship and directly sayld to Callice While the King no way laboured either by land or sea to impeach their journie either content with the former halfe victory for nothing could have made it perfect but
of the Army and raised a strange murmure both against S. Paul and the Duke Which increast by the difficulties of a tempestuous night with which the English after were troubled For an extraordinary raine fell and made the so open lodging very unpleasing with danger of diseases to the Army The Duke of Burgundy opposed against this discontent with his authority but in vaine For not able to give satisfaction for his owne weakenesse and breach of promise he was more disabled to cleere suspicion from another Whereupon he tooke his leave of the King intreating his and the Armies patience for a while till he brought his Forces to joyne with them and a full account from the Count S. Paul of his Garrisons demeanure at S. Quintin But this his departure compared with the former carriage of things begot yet a stronger doubt of their intentions in the English who being strangers in that place and not having any particular arme in conduct of the businesse but onely a generall resolution to regaine France interpreted these delayes and false play to direct treason And began openly to inveigh against their owne folly in confiding on the promises of such who indevored not the glory of the English name or the Kings title but onely their owne safety For preservation of which under a specious pretext of recovering a Kingdome they had seduced them into a strange Country in hope hereafter to sell them to the French And although this discourse were onely in the mouth of the common Souldier yet did the thoughts of the Commanders participate with the vulgar though not so freely opened For hitherto there had been no assurance given of any reall intention either in Burgundy or Saint Paul The much indignation exprest by the English upon this occasion was thought a strange kinde of rude ignorance and a note even of barbarisme Which censure savoures too much of malice considering it could not be judged blinde presumption induced our Nation to this undertaking the State for it having the fairest appearence of humaine reason and the religion of the strongest oathes And if the unexpected trechery of S. Paul ingendred choller why should this passion be so contemptible since an injury from a friend is ever quicker and sharper to the sence and all nations removed from their owne seates upon dangerous adventures are prone to suspicion And for ignorance in the Art of warre â— see not how by mallice it selfe it can bee obtruded upon the English since their onely misery was too much experience in armes which ever begets knowledge Neither could they be but skillfull even in the militar exercise of the Frecnh few of the Souldiery who were now of any age but their youth had beene bred up and instructed under the command of that great Captain Talbot Earle of Shrewsbury and others Not full twenty yeares expired since we turned our swords upon our selves and gave France liberty to recover breath But this delatory way in the Duke and treachery in the Count prepared the army to a good thought of peace And brought the two confederates into more hatred then an open enemy So that when an Herauld came from King Lewys he was received into the English Campe with much humanity and friendly invited by the Souldier to refresh himselfe with wine and meate till the King who was then at dinner were at leisure to give him audience For Lewys following the instructions of our Herauld soone as he understood King Edward was landed and had heard likewise of some disgusts appearing betweene him and the Duke resolved to send to him and attempt to perswade a peace But so poore was hee in the outward ceremonies of Majesty that no Herauld attended on his Campe whereupon he was enforced to suborne a fellow of whose wit and confidence he had taken some notice to act the part Who having received full instructions from his Master addrest himselfe to the Lords Stanley and Howard and the English Herauld by whose aide being brought to the King â—e hansomely delivered his message The effect of which was To show the great desire the King his Master had to live in perfect amity with all neighbouring Princes but above all with his Majesty of England as who in the extent of Empire and his owne Prowesse was most considerable That he had much reason to believe the present warre had not received the first life in England especially not in the disposition of the King which as he was informed abhorred the unnecessary drawing of Christian blood That they who had first hatcht this quarrell did it onely with their neighbours danger to procure their owne safety and when they had made an advantagious peace to conspire with him who before had beene the common enemy for beating backe their best friend the English That he doubted not but that his Majesty would suddenly finde good ground for suspicion when he should perceive the Duke of Burgundie not able to bring into the field one entire regiment All his Forces having beene utterly broken upon desperate services to which an innate love to the warre had madly engaged him Then he proceeded to excuse his Masters succouring the faction of Lancaster To which he protested he never gave comfort for it selfe but onely for the Earle of Warwickes sake Whom he supported onely to affront Burgundy whose irreconciliable enemy Warwicke had ever profest himselfe And if he had inclined more to favour King Henry he might well excuse it in respect of his neere kindred to him and his wife Queene Margaret and something too in reason of state to oppose Burgundy who pretended to be a friend how false soever he proved to the house of Yorke That if his Majestie would be pleasd to search up to the very head of this businesse hee shall find more streames of assistance to have flowed from Burgundy then from France to King Henry Duke Phillip and this Duke till his marriage with the Princesse Margaret having most passionately labord the supportation of that family to which they were so neare in kindred The conclusion was to desire his Majestie to grant a safe conduct for a hundred horse in whose company should come Embassadours enabled with larger instructions and who should make proposall of such conditions as could not bee rejected by the King or Kingdome of England since they should be for the honour and profit of both Vnlesse it would better stand with his Majesties liking to assigne a place of treatie in some village betweene both armies to which they might joyntly send Commissioners This message delivered in a soft tone expressing much humilitie and ever ascribing to the Kings greatnesse of Spirit and the nations glory together with promise to make overture of conditions both honorable and profitable begot a favorable audience And many of the great Lords who had plentifull revenues at home were as forward as the King to listen to peace and forsake unnecessary dangers abroad Neither did the greatest statists dislike
a suspence of armes and to desire a firme peace in future They there offerd if the occasion of beginning this warre were as it was pretended to give the English full satisfaction So that he could have no colour of continuing in hostilitie but onely a desire to execute his indignation upon a Countrey already sufficiently destroid For concerning the marriage they were prepared when it should please the King of England to accomplish it And for any other injury offered to the English they were ready to make restitution The Duke of Glocester returnd in answer That his comming thither was to right the honour of his Countrey often violated by the Scots and restore the Duke of Albanie unjustly commanded to exile to his native soile and the dignitie of his birth As for the marriage of the Prince of Scotland with the daughter of England he knew not how his brothers resolution stood at the present whereupon hee required repayment of the money lent to their King upon the first agreement And withall a delivery of the Castle of Barwicke up into his hands without which hee protested to come to no accord But the Scottish Lords labourd by all meanes to have avoided the surrender of a place so important by pretending how anciently it ever appertaind to their Crowne by parting with which now they should appeare at too deare and base a price to have purchast peace No argument could prevaile against Glocesters resolution whereupon they yeelded Barwicke with covenant too by no Art hereafter to labour the reduction of it They likewise appointed a day for restitution of all those monies lent by King Edward and promise upon a full discussion to make satisfaction for all damages done the English by any inroade of the Scottish borderers And for the Duke of Albanies provision whose safetie in this expedition was principally pretended a generall pardon for him and his followers was granted together with an obolition of all discontents Whereby he was reinvested in all his former dignities and places and by consent of the nobilitie of Scotland proclaimd Lievetenant of the Kingdome With this Lord the Duke of Glocester endeavor'd a most entire friendship and by all industrie imployd for his advancement in authoritie studied how to make him firme to his purposes if occasion should hereafter present it selfe to require his ayde And questionlesse howsoever the fortunes of these two Dukes accorded not in every point yet there was in their ambitions some kind of sympathy Both being brothers to Kings and both the Kings by the insolencie or licenâ—iousnesse of their actions become obnoxious to a publicke scandall But Albanie had the advantage in a more deserv'd and universall hatred to the King his brother whereby he might not improbably expect to bee King in fact however his brother were in title And Glocester had the start in that the King his brothers ease apparently tended to the shortning of his life and then he remaining the onely Prince of the blood fit to governe was not unlikely to governe as King both in fact and title To the advancement of any such designe a perfect amitie with Scotland Glocester could not but imagine most necessary Haying therefore setled businesses there with all increase of glory to the English name and by consequence to his owne hee return'd to Barwicke which according to the former agreement had beene yeelded to the Lord Stanley Thence in all solemnitie of greatnesse hee came toward London to yeeld an account of his prosperous enterprize By the way permit the honour of this action to bee divulged to the greatest applause whereby to insinuate his reputation into the opinion of the Commons and to show how much more nobly he in this expedition against Scotland had managed the peace for honour of the English nation then his brother had in his undertaking against France Considering that in lieu of a little money which King Edward got from King Lewys he had taken the onely place of strength whereby the Scots might with safetie to themselves have endangerd us And brought them to what conditions he appointed forcing the King to immure himselfe while the English at libertie spoild the Countrey and possest themselves of his capitall Towne of Edenborough And farther by Glocesters flatterers it was urged that if their Generall had but had commission ample enough hee would not have returnd without reduction of the kingdome of Scotland to the Crowne of England Obedience to a superior command fixing so suddaine a period to his actions And certainly in this expedition the Duke of Glocester laid the foundation of all his after atchievements for here having by a free spoile of every towne except onely Edenborough purchast the affection of the common Souldier whose aime in warre is gaine and licence and by sober order and great courage together with a brave zeale ever to bring honour to his side wonne estimation from the nobler sort hee began to imagine himselfe reputed generally onely unhappy in wanting a good title to the kingdome The difference betweene him and his brother the one possest the other deserv'd the Crowne And his thoughts farther flatterd him that it could not prove hereafter difficult upon any hansome occasion to perswade the people who already thought him worthy also to thinke it fit to make him King But these his blacke intentions came not yet to light and indeed they were so monstrous that they would not onely have manifested the uglinesse of their shape had they now appear'd but like imperfect and deformd births beene buried soone as produced Cunningly therefore by simulation of a most serious love to his brother and publiquely ascribing the whole glory of the action to his direction he declin'd suspition Being welcom'd by the King with all the demonstrations of joy who congratulated his owne felicitie in having with so little charge and no losse tamed all the insolency of the Scots and reduced Barwick He therefore to show how much he approved the conditions of the peace went solemnly in procession from Saint Stephens Chappell accompanied with the Queene and a mightie retinue of the greatest Lords into Westminster Hall where in presence of the Earle of Angus the Lord Grey and Sir James Liddall Embassadors extraordinary from Scotland the peace was ratified During the warre with Scotland and after the conclusion of this peace the King discoverd to the people his naturall disposition Which being bountifull and courteous farre from the proud state then in practise with the Tyrants of the East begot a generall affection and made the subject comparing their felicity with the misery of their fathers to blesse the present government The administration likewise of the Lawes being orderly without violence or partialitie caused all the former injustice to be cast either upon the licence of warre or the predominancie of some faction The King absolutely quit in opinion And even from lust which was reputed his bosome sinne toward the later end of his life he was