A MEMORIAL Humbly Presented to the Right Honorable The Lord Chief Justice OF THE KING'S-BENCH In Behalf of the HOSPITALLER AND HIS FRIENDS LONDON Printed in the Year 1690. To the Right Honorable Sir JOHN HOLT Knight Lord Chief Justice OF THE KING'S-BENCH My Lord THis Discourse which was intended to be spoken to your Lordship in our common Defence containing a full and clear Representation of our Case I do most humbly beseech your Lordship of your love to Justice to accept and consider at your leisure on our behalfs I had not been so hardy to take the part of an Advocate upon me but that I knew nothing when I began to write this and till I had well nigh finish'd it of the other Side 's appearing by their Counsel against us and then it was not for me to pretend to enter the Lists with Men so used to Pleading and so particularly Eminent and Learned in their Possession as they are however having written it at first to satisfie my self and others as well as I could in the true Merits of the Cause we were ingaged in I have presumed so far at this juncture wherein our Affairs are hastening to their Crisis as to publish and expose it to the open view of the World because it may be there may be some things in it which even the ablest Practiser of the Long-Robe distracted by so many Avocations and full of other Thoughts and Business might have omitted These Two things I humbly conceive to be very plain in it First That the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the City of London cannot restore the Ejected whether Governors or Officers without as plain and manifest a Dispensing Power as that which even the late King assumed to himself for if the Court of Aldermen may put out those at pleasure whom the King by virtue of a Power given him by an express Act of Parliament hath put into their respective Places and if they may restore those whom he by the same Authority hath legally ejected what is this but at pleasure to dispense with the Act it self and to render such a Provision in the King's behalf as vain and fruitless as if it had never been made What is it else but for the Court of Aldermen to challenge that exorbitant Privilege as it 's due which is deny'd and barr'd by an express Act of Parliament even to Kings themselves and all this for Causes so just and weighty from the foresight of the Mischiefs which such a Power may produce and from the Experience of those which it actually hath that they carry their own Sanction included in themselves though no Act of Parliament to forbid or foreclose the Exercise of a Power so Arbitrary and Boundless in it self and in its Consequences so pernicious and destructive had ever been enacted And whether a Court comparatively Inferior however otherwise deserving a due Reverence and Respect from us ought to be allowed to trample upon the just Authority of Kings and to disappoint the true meaning and intention of the High Court of Parliament it self by any Order of theirs is a thing that may deserve your Lordship's Consideration and I doubt not my Lord but you will certainly consider it to our advantage and for the restraining of a dangerous Power which may dispense with the whole Statute Book or with what part or parcel of it pleaseth as well as with any one Law I know there are many very worthy Gentlemen in the Court of Adermen that abhor the very thoughts of arrogating and assuming thus much to themselves many that are well satisfied with the necessary Regulations made in the Reign of King Charles II. in which they themselves were instrumental being thereunto commissionated under the Broad Seal of England and that it is only those who are in truth no Aldermen that would be more than such if they knew how The other thing which to the best of my understanding is every whit as clear as the former is that if the Mayor or Court of Aldermen's Power though it had been a legal Court of Aldermen which the Act of Parliament hath declared at that time it was not may over-rule the King 's in our Case then I cannot see that the Hospitals are his in any sense his Power and Prerogative in them will be utterly destroyed and he cannot so much as send a sick Seaman or Soldier into any of these Houses without first asking leave of the City which although it may be especially in the present Circumstances they would not deny him yet it is infinitely beneath the Majesty of Princes to acknowledge or submit to a precarious Dependence wherever it can be proved they have a Right even a private Person where he can make out his Title would disdain to aceept of his own upon these terms by holding it only duâ—ante beneplacito by an uncertain capricious and revocable Grant from another and therefore it concerns all that love the Monarchy of England and much more all those that are under more particular Obligations to maintain and assert it to see that its Honor and just Prerogative do not suffer in so important a Branch as this which concerns the Royal Hospitals is through the Mistakes and Encroachments of a few Men that aim at a Power which they can never prove in the present Circumstances to be their due It is not their due in our Circumstances who were put in by the King by whom the very Persons whom they will needs restore were ejected nor in theirs neither if it be true that a certain Gentleman who takes much upon him neither is nor ever was since the avoidance of the Charter a legal Magistrate of this Renowned City and that several Assessors in the Court of Aldermen have as little right to the Bench as he hath to the Chair a Controversie which in my small Opinion the Parliament hath determined already or if they have not yet done it so clearly as might be wished yet in a short time it may be hoped they will In the mean while I cannot forbear saying That I never saw less good Manners less Decency or less Modesty in the Management of a Cause than I have done in this our Adversaries have confess'd by an obstinate and stubborn silence after so many fair Challenges and repeated Provocations notwithstanding all the Mercenary Pens that are always at their Service that they have nothing to say for themselves and that both in Law and Equity it is a very plain Case against them but yet still they have a Confidence not in their Cause which they know to be very bad but in their Power which they persuade themselves is greater than the Power of Truth that is proof against all this they are resolved upon their own Conclusion and leave our naked Premises to shift for themselves Poor Premises so destitute and so friendless that even Hospitals refuse them Entertainment Nay not only so but when the Lords of the Council have
visit at all he shall have no Power either to put in or out even though never so great Abuses be committed without the Consent of the ordinary Trustees and till they shall approve of the Reasons of his so doing which is effectually to take the power of Visitation out of his Hands and to make the Act of Parliament and the Reservation in King Edward's Grant both of them very vain and insignificant things Besides It is an Opinion which the most Eminent and Learned Lawyers of this Nation have owned and espoused under there respective Hands and which we are ready to produce that the Officers and Servants of St. Thomas Hospital are not Charter-Officers but Servants ef such a nature that they may be turned out or put in at pleasure by the Court of Aldermen or the Governors acting under them even without a Reason as Masters of Families may do with their hired Servants or Shop-keepers with their Journeymen or Merchants with their Factors with whom they have not contracted for any length of time but may keep them in their Service or dismiss them from it as they please themselves Now if this be the Power of the ordinary Governors and Trustees themselves then the King who hath always a Power and Right of Visitation Paramount and Superior to any that they can pretend to may much more do the same and cannot be accountable to any for so doing any more than nor indeed so much as the ordinary Feoffees because he acts by an Authority Superior to theirs and because the last Appeal beyond which there is no remedy is lodged in him Let us suppose if your Lordship pleaseth what hath already been unquestionably proved that the King in this business acted not only by virtue of that highly rational and prudent Trust that was reposed in him by the Grant of King Edward but also by virtue of that very Power which was given him by an Act of Parliament never yet repealed either in whole or in part In this Case my Lord with your Lordship's good leave it is very plain that when upon a Visitation the King displaceth some Officers and placeth others in their stead if upon the dissolution of the Commission which may be done the next moment after the Regulation is made the ordinary Trustees shall be invested with a power of turning the Tables upon him of putting out those whom he put in and putting in those whom he put out which is our present Case and it is that wherein the chief Pinch of the Controversie lies then this Provision in the Act of Parliament is altogether vain the King's Authority is rendred useless and contemptible and the Lord Mayor and Commonalty of the City of London are effectually furnished with a Dispensing Power For he or they that may dispence with one Statute may do the same by another and in Consequence by all they being only so many several Exercises of one and the same absolute and uncontrolable Right so that this is not only to submit to a Power which we pretend to disclaim but it is to take the Scepter out of the King's Hands and to put it into those of the City to change the Form of Government from a Monarchy to a Commonwealth or rather to make the Lord Mayor of London for the time being to be the King of England in the most absolute and arbitrary Sense For dispensare boc est lege solvere is solus potest qui ferendae abrogandaeque legis potestatem habet they are the words of Grotius he only can dispense with a Law that hath a Power of making or annulling it and the same is the Opinion of Vasquez Suarez Pufendorf and others and of that Right Reverend and Learned Author himself by whom these Opinions are collected and set down in his admirable Discourse concerning the illegality of the late Ecclesiastical Commission p. 33. And my Lord Chief Baron Atkins in his accurate Enquiry into the Power of Dispensing with Penal Statutes p. 23 24 endeavors to prove by several Instances of temporary Dispensations with the Statute of Provisors and other Statutes That the Power of Dispensing with Acts of Parliament is no where else but where the Legislative Power is and that the Kings of England have sometimes accepted it from them in some particular Cases and for some limited time and with divers Restrictions which is a full acknowledgment saith he that it belongs only to the Legislative Power to dispense with Laws And this my Lord is plainly the Reason of the thing for every Law includes an Obligation otherwise it is no Law because it does not bind and no Obligation can be taken off but by a Power either equal or superior to that which made it Now if the Lord Mayor and Commonalty of the City of London may not only eject out of the Royal Hospitals those whom the King hath placed there but also restore those very Men whom he hath discarded notwithstanding the Act of Parliament gives him a Power without Appeal to visit and redress that is it gives him the same power over the Officers of such Houses that Masters of Families have over their Domesticks who may keep their Servants or turn them out of doors without giving a Reason then is that very Dispensing Power admitted and allowed in the Corporation of London which is deny'd to the King and in this particular Instance they do not only barely contend with the Law but they justle the King out of his undoubted Prerogative and unquestionable Right and bring both Him and the Parliament under their Girdle so that Now those eminent Promises do hasten to accomplishment as a late Author expresses it in a Sermon printed to justifie and affirm the execrable Murther of King Charles I. For binding of Kings in chains and Nobles with fetters of Iron for disobeying of Kings and Parliaments together such honor have all his Saints But my Lord you are always of Council for the King so far at least as not to suffer his Prerogative Royal to be unjustly invaded and therefore we rest assured that your Lordship will determine nothing as well for that Reason as out of a wise and honorable Sense of the great Equity and Justice of our Cause that shall in its Consequence affect the Government as it is now happily Establish'd or in any wise tend to the diminution of their Majesties just and clear Prerogative or to the Disinherison of the Imperial Crown of this Realm and that your Lordship will remember that the Declaration of the Lords and Commons Assembled at Westminster which was presented to their present Majesties the then Prince and Princess of Orange and which in every part of it hath been since confirmed by an Act of Parliament Entituled An Act declaring the Rights and Liberties of the Subject and settling the Succession of the Crown Which said Declaration and Act thereupon ensuing have pronounced all suspending of Laws and all dispensing with them without
ought to be commissionated by a new Order before they act as Governors If then the Governors which were ejected could not be restored without a new Order of the Court of Aldermen the same must be granted likewise of the Officers too because they both acted by the same Authority they were both ejected by the same and it is the same that must restore them both and accordingly it must be confessed my Lord that they were both of them restored by the Court of Aldermen commonly so called but the question is whether that were a legal Court of Aldermen or no and to this I answer that it was not then in the express Judgment of the Act of Parliament it self neither is it to this very day and I am so well persuaded that this is effectually proved in a Paper lately published and Entituled Considerations upon the Act of Parliament for reversing the Judgment in a quo Warranto against the City of London that when I see that Paper substantially answered which I do particularly challenge the Defendant's Council to do I will be content not only to lose my Place and my Arrears but to suffer any other Punishment or Disgrace and I hope the Parliament when they meet will not only excuse but justifie the Author of it as well for the clearness and convincingness of the thing it self as that it tends to vindicate and assert the Honor and Reputation of that August Assembly and to the Publick Good of the Nation But let that be as it will there are several worthy Gentlemen that have put in their Claims as well to the Chair it self as to their respective Seats in the Court of Aldermen which during the avoidance of the Charter they relinquish'd Now if there were nothing else but this to be considered it is impossible to determine in favor of the Defendants till it be first determin'd in a judicial way as it now lies before your Lordship in the King's-Bench or by the Parliament it self who are the best Expositors of their own Sense and Meaning whether this be a legal Court of Aldermen or no for I suppose it will be confess'd on all sides that without the legality of the Court of Aldermen be first of all admitted there can be no legal Governors or Officers by their appointment though we say they would have been illegal though the Court of Aldermen had been never so legal because they cannot by an inferior and delegated Power reverse the legal Act of the Supreme and the Act of Parliament Confirms none of their Acts but such as would have been legal had the Authority been so and not otherwise and such as could not without iniquity and inconvenience be repealed as will appear to any Man who shall peruse it so that I think upon the whole matter there never was a more weak and shamefully defenceless Cause from the Creation of the World to this very moment in which I am speaking nor will be again from this very moment till the last Trumpet shall Sound a Resurrection at the Consummation of all things The second thing which I intend to speak to and with which I shall conclude shall be their Majesties gracious Declaration of the Twenty Third of May in the Year 1689 and in the First Year of their most glorious and happy Reign for Encouragement of Officers Seamen and Mariners employ'd in the present Service In the last Clause of which it is provided in these Words That the Moyety of our Hospitals in England employed for the Cure of wounded and sick People be reserved during the time of War at Sea for such as shall be wounded in the Service of the Navy as they shall become void from and after the First Day of June next 1689. Where we see not only that their Majesties claim a Propriety in the said Hospitals by calling them our Hospitals but as such by virtue of their Proprietary Power it being of the liberty of Proprietors to do what they will with their own they appoint that one Moyety thereof should be reserved for the Sick Maim'd and Wounded in their particular Service which without a legal Propriety they could no more do than by Law they could quarter Soldiers upon private Houses without the consent of the owners If these Houses be the City's and not the King 's then the King cannot quarter Soldiers upon them and much less Maintain and Cure them out of their Revenues without the consent of the City but this Order asks no leave of the Lord Mayor or Court of Aldermen or of the Citizens and Commonalty of the City but relies wholly upon its own Authority and appoints a Moyety to be reserved as their Majesties due whenever they please to claim it and they might have claimed more if they had so pleased and may do it as often as occasion shall require so that all the question is whether this Order be legal or no for upon Supposition that it is then the Hospital is the King 's and not the City's otherwise than by way of Trust and Delegation but yet so as that the King may at all times command to be done therein so the Intention of the Charity which was for sick and wounded People be not infringed whatsoever he thinks for his Service that the Lords of the Council were of Opinion it was legal is plain because they caused it to be Printed by an Order of the same date which is Printed together with it and I dare say it will be granted to be a much greater Exercise of Regal and Visitatorial Power to exhaust and spend the whole Revenue of the same upon Persons of their Majesties particular appointment than to appoint a few Officers and Tenders to look after them which is all that we pretend to the Gross and Substance of those great Charities being consumed upon the Patients whose Servants and the King 's we are Thus my Lord I have undertook to defend the Rights and Prerogatives of this Imperial Crown so far as this Caâ—e is concerned against those that at the Hospital Charge and out of the King 's proper Revenue are come hither to defeat and overthrow it an Attempt so Loyal that it may deserve to be considered even though in your Lordship's Judgment I should not have proved all that I pretend to do which yet I humbly hope I have done I have made it a part of my Business to evince as well as I could upon what very just and reasonable Grounds the Regulations in the time of the late King Charles II. were made and that it was not only the Monarchy and the Prerogative but the Honor and Interest of the Church of England that was concerned in them My Lord Unity is necessary in all Places for the due Administration and Management of Affairs but no where more than in such an House as this where not only the credit of so Magnificent and Princely a Bequest but even the Lives of the Patients and the
Governors will always abuse their Trust in favor of that Interest and party to which they belong and they will think themselves bound to contravene and disappoint this Provision of King Edward even for Conscience sake to propagate and encourage that which they esteem the only true Profession of the Gospel and to discourage that Formality and Superstition of ours which they so loudly and so passionately and in their own Thoughts so deservedly complain of nay if we add Experience to Reason and conjecture we know by long Experience that they have always acted according to these measures Fourthly They dispense with the qualifying Act of the 25 Car. 2. as I have proved sufficiently in the following Papers it is Sir Edward Hales his Case the Bishop of Oxford's Case the Charter House Case and the whole Magdalen College Case as exactly as any thing can be only with this Aggravation which makes it so much the worse that it is a Power exercised by Subjects not by Kings by Subjects in contempt of the just Power and Prerogative of their Prince by Subjects in derogation to the standing Laws of the Realm and in defiance both of King and Parliament together Fifthly and lastly They dispense with the late Act for reversing the Judgment in a quo Warranto c. for by that Act or I am much mistaken after having very seriously considered it the present Lord Mayor commonly so call'd and several of his Collegues and Assessors upon the Bench are declared not to be and never to have been legal and rightful Lord Mayor and Aldermen of this City so that the Governors and Officers pretending to be restored holding by no other Authority but theirs and there not being a Majority in that Court without them There is nothing more certain than that they hold by nothing which is hardly so good as a drowning Man by a Reed and yet he must drown for all that For my part I must be frank and clear with your Lordship and the World that it seems to me a great Scandal to the Government it casts a Blemish of Dishonor and Reproach of Weakness and Infirmity upon the Supreme Power◠when its Enemies such as are at least virtually and consequentally if not actually so shall be suffered to swagger and domineer with the blustring Title of Governors to which they have no Title though they behave themselves of all Men the most imperiously and proudly under the lofty Imaginations that it puts into their weak Heads in a place where the King hath a legal and rightful Visitation and it is a further dishonor in this Case where they can make out no Title to so proud a Word that his Friends and Servants shall be affronted and curb'd after having had the Improvements of a polite and liberal Education by every little thing that hath neither Parts nor Breeding merely because it presumes to call it self a Governor though it knows not how to govern it self and is hardly qualified to be Governor of Jack Strawe's Castle but yet is 〈◊〉 as full and as big swell'd with the title as if it were indeed the Governor of some mighty Fortress that had a powerful Garison at its Devotion and the Country for twenty or thirty Miles round under Military Contribution and if the King of the Country by whose only Power and Authority he acts should pretend to visit or call him to an account he could immediately set him and his Army under Water and so farewell to Pharaoh and his Host for all are Aegyptians to the Dissenters and Commonwealths-men but themselves they are the only true Israelites when all is done and they make no bones of stealing this Crown Jewel of a Prerogative to visit from an Aegyptian King or indeed any King whatsoever for no King comes amiss they love them all and their Prerogative so well My Lord I do humbly propose it to your Lordship's Consideration that it is not only a dishonor to their Majesties that any of their Charities should be wholly managed by Men of a Republican Principle and Party but that the Peace of this Housecan never be secured unless we be all of a Mind as well the Governors as the Officers and Servants true and hearty Communicants of the Establish'd Church and such as have given such proofs of Conformity and Steadiness to the Government both in Church and State as the Law requires then and not before it is that we may expect to see happy Days if it be possible in a miserable Place and in the midst of Sickness and Diseases not till then it is that the Affairs of this House disturbed by mutual Animosities and intestine Broils will go on with an even and successful Pace to the Credit of the Government and to the utmost Advantage of the Sick and Wounded My Lord I humbly beg your Lordship's Pardon for this very long this unexpectedly long preliminary Address I shall add but two things more and that very briefly and so conclude My Lord What are these Gentlemen that will needs make themselves Parties and will needs be Defendants in this Cause against us The Plaintiffs certainly know best who it is by whom they are aggrieved and they complain of none but of Sir T. P. the pretended Lord Mayor and those of his Brethren that have concurred with him for the displacing of those whom K. Charles II. by an undoubted Prerogative inherent in the Crown sent hither and for the restoring of those whom he by the same Right hath ejected I have nothing to say to Hughes as to the Money that hath been paid him but I must expect my Satisfaction from those by whose Order it was done and they if any are the Defendants in this Cause And here there are two Points to be insisted upon first Whether the Court of Aldermen at the passing of those Orders were a legal Court or Whether it be so or no to this very day till it be purged of those that have nothing to do to sit there and till the Number be filled up by those that are better qualified to take the Stile and Dignity of Aldermen upon them Secondly The King's Power of Visitation being acknowledged as we are ready to prove it undeniably if it be disputed whether even a legal Court of Aldermen can rescind the legal Act of the King in an Affair that lies so plainly and so properly within his Royal Cognizance and Visitation But as for these Gentlemen that call themselves Governors and will by all means be Parties under that Name and Notion who are they Are they not all or the much greatest part of them the very same Men that were ejected by K. Charles II. so that their Title to the Stile and Office of Governors of this House is a thing every whit as much disputed and for the same Reason as that of any of the Officers pretending to be restored How then comes it to pass that they so confidently presume to act as the Delegates or
consent of Parliament to be illegal I say I know your Lordship will consider that the same Authority that deny'd this Power of Dispensing to the King and Queen themselves upon Experience of the Mischiefs and Calamities it produced in the late unhappy Reign would much less have granted the same extravagant inordinate and inconvenient Privilege to Subjects nay they would never have thought of it without Indignation and Scorn and I leave it with your Lordship to determine as you shall see cause whether the Mayor and Commonalty of London's restoring those to their respective Places whom the King hath legally ejected by virtue of a Clause in an express Act of Parliament vesting him with such a Right be not a plain Instance of a Dispensing Power by rendering this Clause altogether insignificant and useless and whether it be not so much the more criminal for being exercised not by the King but by Subjects and those not of the first Rank and Quality neither in contempt both of King and Parliament together And my Lord I beg leave to propound this further Question to your Lordship whether the Restitution of the ejected Officers by the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen do destroy and evacuate the King's Right of Visitation or no For upon Supposition that it doth they are not only furnisht with a Power of suspending Laws and of dispensing with them but likewise of abrogating rescinding and repealing them too which is to make them every whit as absolute as the most comprehensive enlarged and unconfined notion of Arbitrary Government it self can be If it doth not then as they immediately upon the Dissolution of the Commission which as I have said may be done the next moment after the Regulation is made as they may immediately restore those whom the King hath ejected so may the King the very next minute by a new Commission eject those whom they have restored and thus there will be a circle of Appeals and Controversies will be endless Confusion unavoidable as long as such a changeable and uncertain State of things shall continue it is therefore humbly left to your Lordship whether you think it more reasonable to determine for the King and Queen and for the Lords and Commons who have given them this power of visiting and redressing as they shall find cause or for a few mistaken Men who whatever right of Government in ordinary cases they have yet have none at all in Derogation to the King's Prerogative and in Opposition to such a particular and special Visitation as is by this Act of Parliament provided for All this hath been said may it please your Lordship upon occasion of the first Head proposed to be insisted upon that the King is not bound to give an Account of the Reasons why he visits and that tho the Ejectment of the Gentlemen concerned had been never so Arbitrary yet it is good in Law the Law gives the King an Arbitrary and Despotical Power in these Cases so he do not substitute in the room of those ejected such other Persons as are not duly qualified by Law or are otherwise grosly and notoriously incapable of their respective Employments and this I hope it hath been sufficiently proved that he may do to call him to a strict Account for the Reasons and Causes of his Visitation besides that the Act of Parliament is general and without any reserve being in effect to take the power of Visitation out of his Hands for he that cannot visit but when others please hath no power or right of Visitation that is properly his own I come now to the second thing to be insisted upon supposing the King were accountable for what he did as in very truth he is not yet that there are sufficient Reasons to be given My Lord The order of Council referring the Consideration of this Matter to your Lordship sets forth as a part of the Matter of our Petition that they that claim against us were ejected by his late Majesty for not being legally qualified and so they undoubtedly were if the Act of Parliament of the 25th of that King for preventing of Dangers which may happen from Popish Recusants were a good Law and were then in full force and virtue for by that Act it is expresly enjoin'd That all that receive any Salary Fee or Wages by reason of any Patent or Grant from his Majesty or shall have Command or Place of Trust from or under his Majesty or from any of his Majesties Predecessors or by his or their Authority or by Authority derived from him or them shall undergo the Tests and make the Subscriptions therein mentioned which it is needless to recite they are so well known to all that are here present Now my Lord our Salaries are paid us by virtue of a Grant from their Majesties Royal Predecessor King Edward VI and by Authority derived from him as all other Affairs and Matters relating to the House are transacted by and under the Influence of the same Royal Grant and by Authority derived from it Nothing therefore can be more plain than that the Officers of this House receiving Wages and Salaries from the King or at least from his Royal Predecessor King Edward VI. and by Authority derived from him were obliged by the plain and express Letter of that Act without any remote Consequences or far-fetch'd Interpretations to undergo the Tests and Tryals of Protestancy and Loyalty therein enjoin'd But if a Dissenter cannot take the Oath of Supremacy which was then enjoin'd nor receive the Sacrament according to the manner and usage of the Church of England then by this Act he is precluded from receiving any Wages or Salary from the King or from any of his Royal Predecessors or by his or their Authority or by Authority derived from him or them and this upon Examination will be found to have been the Case of most if not all of those that were at that time ejected and if any Man did comply to serve a turn with these Tests which I cannot tell that any one Man did continuing still a Dissenter and a Separatist from the Church of England or an half-faced Conformist and a frequenter of both Communions as if it were indifferent to him what Religion he was of as some such there have been yet this did by no means come up to the Intention of that Act which the better to discourage and disappoint all Popish Designs would allow the King to trust or reward none for any Service in his disposal but such as were hearty and entire Conformists to the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England Again all Places within the King's Visitation are by a very natural and easie Interpretation within the King's Pay for the King is supposed to employ those whom he may eject out of their Employments when he pleaseth and to pay those whose Salaries he may stop as well without as with a Reason it is clear therefore upon this Account also That