King as our Authour words is it gave the King occasion to consider of the generall tendency of the Puritan doctrine in this point unto downright Iudâ—â—sme and thereupon to quicken the reviving of his Fathers Declaration about Lawfull sports in which the signification of his pleasure beareth date the 18. of October in the 9. year of his Reign Anno 1633. A remedy which had been prescribed unseasonably to prevent and perhaps too late to cure the disease if Bradburns Book had been publisht six years before as our Authour makes 〈◊〉 Our Authour secondly relating this very businesse of Bradburnes Book or rather of Barbarous Books as he cals them there fol. 196. must either be confest to speak Vngrammatically or else the coming out of these Barbarous Books must be one chief motive for setting out that Declaration by King Iames Anno. 1618. Thirdly This Bradbuâ—u was not made a Convert by the High Commission Couâ—t bâ—t by a private conference with some Learned Divines to which he had submitted himself and which by Gods blessing so far prevailed with him that he became a Converts and freely conformed himself to the Orthodoxall Doctrine of the Church of England both concerning the Sabbath day and likewise concerning the Lords day So Bishop White relates the Story in his Epistle Dedicatory before his Book to the Aâ—ch-Bishop of Canterbury Anno 1635. Fourthly Whereas our Authour tels us fol. 175. That the Declaration was not 〈◊〉 on the Ministers to publish more proper for a Lay-Officer or a Constable I must needs grant that the publishing of this Declaration was not prest on the Minister by any expresse command of the King But then I would fain know withall how the Bishops could take Order that publication thereof be made in all the Parish Churches of their severall Diocesses according to his 〈◊〉 will and pleasure but by the mouth of the Ministers The Constable and other Lay-Officers whom our Authour thinks more proper for that Employment were not under the Bishopâ— command as to that particular and therefore as he â—ad nâ— Authority so he had no reason to require any such duty from them And as for the Church-Wardens which are more liable to the power and command of the Oâ—dinary it happeneth many times especially in Countrey-Villages that they cannot reade and theâ—efore no such publication of the Kings pleasure to be laid on them The Ministers who had takeâ— an Oath oâ— Canonicall Oâ—edience to their severall and respective Bishops must consequently bâ— the fittest men for that Employment implicitly intended though not explicitly named in the Declaration As many mistakes there are concerning the decay and repair of S. Pauls Church in London For first the high Spire was not burnt down by accident of Lightning in the time of Queen Elizâ—beth as our Authour tels us fol. 176. That vulgar Errour hath been confuted long agoe and no such thing as the burning of Pauls Steeple by Lightning hath for these twenty years and more occurred in the Chronologies of our common Almanacks that dreadfull accident not happening by the hand of Hâ—aven but by the negligence of a Plumber who leaving his pan of Coals there when he went to Dinner was the sole occasion of that mischief Secondly The Commission for the Repair of this Church issued in the time of King Charles came not out in the year 1632. where our Authour placeth it but had past the Seal and was published in Print the year before Anno 1631. Thirdly The Reparation of the Church began not at the West end as our Authour tels us fol. 177. the Quire or Eastern part of the Church being fully finisht before the Western part or the main body of the Chuâ—ch had been undertaken Fourthly The little Church called S. Gregories was not willingly taken down to the ground the Parishioners opposing it very strongly and declaring as much unwillingnesse as they could or durst in that particular and fiftly the Lord Mayor for the time then being was not named Sir Robert 〈◊〉 as our Authour makes it but Sir Robert Ducy advanc'd by â—is â—ajesty to the dâ—gree of a Baronet as by the Commission doth appear so many mistakes in so few linâ—â— are not easily met with in any Author but our present Histâ—â—rian But we proceed Fol. 179. â—he Turkâ— hâ—ve Auxiliâ—ry friendâ—hip of the 〈◊〉 Tartar Chrim from whose Ancestors Tamberlain proceeded â— A Proposition strangely mixt of truth and falshood it being most true that the Turks have Auxiliary Forces from the Tartar Chrim and no less false that Tamberlain dâ—â—cended from him All who have written of that great Prince make him the son of Og or Zain-Cham the Cham of Zagathey a Province some thousands of miles distant from the dwellings of the Tartar-Chrim which Og or Zâ—in-Châ—m was the Grand-childe of another Zâ—in-Cham the third great Cham of the Tartars and he the Grand-childe of Cingis the first great Cham who laid the foundation of that mighty and for a time most terrible Empire Whereas the Chrim-Tartar or the Tartar-Chrim as our Authâ—r calls him derives 〈◊〉 from Lochtan-Cham descended from one Bathu or Roydo a great Commander of the Tartars who during the Reign of Hoccata the second great Cham subdued these Countries But this mistake I shall more easily pardon in our Author then another of like nature touching Vladislaus King of Poland of whom he tells us that being the fâ—urth of that name he succeeded his Brother Sigismund in that Kingdom Vladislaus the fâ—â—rth saith he was after the death of his Brother Sigismund by the consent of the States preferred to the â—hroâ—e fol. 182. In which few words there are two things to be corrected For first Vlâ—dislâ—us who succeeded Sigâ—smund was not his Brother but his Son And secondly he succeeded not by the name of Vladislaus the fourth but of Vladâ—slâ—us the sevenâ—h Adde herein his making of Smolensko a Town of Pâ—land ibâ—d which most of our Geograpâ—ers have placed in Râ—ssia A Town whâ—ch sometime by the chance of War or otherwise hâ—th been in possession of the Pole though properly belonging to the great Duke of Muscovy which can no more entitle it to the name of a Polish Town then Calice may be now said to be an English Colony because once a Colony of the English Nor does our Author speâ—k more properly I will not say more understandingly of the Affairs of Ireland then of those of Poland For first He tells us fol. 185. That the Conquest of it was never perfected till its subjection to King Charls whereas there was no other subjection tendred by that People to King Charls then by those of his other two Kingdoms of England and Scotland Secondly Forgetting what he had said before he tells us fol. 186. That Mountâ—oy made an end of that War in the Reign of King James and yet he says not true in that neither â—or the War was ended by Mountjoy at the Battle of Kingsale by which that great Rebel the Earl
74. But leaving him to stand or fall to his own Master I would fain know what text of Scripture ancient Writer or approved Councel can be brought to justifie Bounds Doctrines which he affirms for ancient truths and consonant to holy Scripture But more particularly where he can shew me any ground for the third Position viz. That there is as great reason why we Christians should take our selves as straightly bound to rest upon the Lords day as the Jewes were upon their Sabbath it being one of the moral Commandements whereof all are of equall authority This if it be a truth is no ancient truth and whensoever it be received and allowed for truth will in conclusion lay as heavy and insupportable Burthens upon the consciences of Gods people as ever were imposed upon the Jewes by the Scribes and Pharisees And secondly I would fain know the meaning of the following words in which it is said that others conceived them grounded on a wrong bottom but because they tended to the manifest advance of Religion it was pity to oppose them I would fain know I say considering that the foundation of the Christian faith is laid on the Doctrine of the Prophets and Apostles Christ himself being the chief corner stone how any thing which is not built upon this foundation but grounded on a wrong bottom as this seemed to be could tend to the manifest advance of the true Religion That it tended to the manifest advance of some Religion I shall easily grant and if our Author mean no otherwise we shall soon agree But sure I am no part of the true Religion was ever grounded upon â—alshood and therefore is 〈◊〉 Doctrine were grounded on so ill â— bottom aâ— they say it was it might â—onâ—â—â— to the advancement of a Faction and mens private 〈◊〉 but to the true Religion it was likely to contribute nothing but disgrace and scandal Lâ—stly I am to minde our Author that he makes Mr. Greenhams Treatise of the Sabbath to be published in pursuance of Bounds opinions which could not be till in or after the year 1595. Whereas he had laid him in his grave above two years before telling us that he died of the Plugue in London Anno 1592. fol. 219. By which it seems that Greenham either writ this Treatise after his decease oâ— else our Author hath done ill in giving the fâ—â—st honour of these new Doctrins unto Dr. Bound In the next place we shall see our Author engage himself in defence of the Calviâ—an Doctrins about Predestâ—ation Grace c. of which he telleth us that Fol. 229. Having much troubled both the Schools and Puâ—pit Archbishop Whitgift out of his Christian care to propogate the truth and suppress the opposite errors 〈◊〉 used a solemn meeting of many grave and learned 〈◊〉 at Lanibâ—th The occasion this The controversâ—â— about Predestination Grace c. had been long 〈◊〉 in the Schools between the Dominicant on the one side and the Francisâ—ans on the other 〈◊〉 the Dominicans grounding their opinion on the Authority of St. Augustin Prosper and some others of the following 〈◊〉 the Franciscans on the general current of the 〈◊〉 Fathers who lived ante motâ— certamina Pelagiana before the rising of the Pelagian Hereâ—ies 〈◊〉 disputes being after taken up in the 〈◊〉 Churches 〈◊〉 moderate Lutherans as they 〈◊〉 them followed the Doctrine of Melanchâ—hon conformable to the 〈…〉 those particulars The others whom they 〈…〉 or rigid Lutherans of whom 〈◊〉 Illyricus was the chief go in the same way with the Dominicans The authority of which last opinion after it had been entertained and publishe in the works of Calvin for his sake found admiâ—â—ance in the Schools and Pulpits of most of the Reformed Churches And having got footing here in England by the preaching of such Divines as had fled to Geneva in Queen Maries time it was defended in the Schools of Cambridge without opposition till Peter Barâ— a French man came and setled there Who being the Lady Margarets Pâ—ofessor in that University and liking better of the Melanchthonian way then that of Calvin defended it openly in the Schools many of parts and qâ—ality being gained unto his opinion Which gave so much displeasure to Dr. Whitaker Dr. Tyndall Mr. Perkins and some other leading men of the contrary judgement that they thought best to use the Argument ab Authoritatâ— to convince their Adversaries and complained thereof to the Archbishop and in the end prevailed with him to call that meeting at Lambeth which our Author speaks of in which some Articles commonly called the Nine Articles of Lambeth were agreed upon and sent down to Cambridge in favour of Dr. Whitaker and his Associates But our Author not content to relate the story of the Quarrel must take upon him also to be a judge in the Controversie He had before commended the Dominicans for their Orthodoxie in these points of Doctrine as they were then in agitation betwixt them and the Iesuits He now proceeds to do the like between the two parties men of great piety and learning appearing in it on both sides disputing the same points in the Church of England honouring the opinion of Dr. Whitaker and his Associates with the name of the truth and branding the other with the Title of the opposite error And yet not thinking that he had declared himself sufficiently in the favour of the Calvinian party he telleth us not long after of these Lambeth Articles fol. 232. that though they wanted the Authority of Provincial Acts yet will they readily be received of all Orthodox Christians for as far as their own purity bears conformity to Gods word Which last words though somewhat perplextly laid down must either intimate their conformity to the word of God or else signifie nothing But whatsoever opinion our Author hath of these Nine Articles certain it is that Queen Elizabeth was much displeased at the making of them and commanded them to be supprest which was done accordingly and with such diligence withall that for long time a Copy of them was not to be met with in that University Nor was King Iames better pleased with them then Queen Elizabeth was Insomuch that when Dr. Renalds mov'd in the Conference of Hampton-Court that the Nine Articles of Lambeth might be superadded to the 39. Articles of the Church of England King Iames upon an information of the true staâ—e of the businesse did absolutely refuse to give way to it But of this more at large elsewhere I only add a Memorandâ—m of our Authors mistake in making Dr. Richard Bancroft Bishop of London to be one of the Bishops which were present at the meeting at Lambeth whereas indeed 〈◊〉 was Richard Fletcher Bishop elect of London and by that name entituled in such Authors as relate this story Dr. Bancroft not being made Bishop of London or of any place else till the year 1597. which was two years after this Assembly Alike mistake relating to this business
Gâ—ng as they from Calvin and Chemnitius and the 〈…〉 â—heir â—ollowers or as all of them differed in that pâ—int 〈◊〉 â—haâ—â—hich D. Hackwell hath â—onâ—est to have 〈…〉 received in Ecclesiasticall History touching S. Georâ—â— being a man and an holy Marâ—yr And secondly â—he Respondentâ—aith â—aith that as he Hâ—ckwellâ—hould â—hould ratâ—er have said our Masters so he magn fies 〈◊〉 Romane Writers especially â—he legendaries that is to say by concurring with them in some â—oints of S. George History in which he findes them secâ—nded by the testimonies of more approved Writers then themselves And if at any time he speaketh favourably of any of the Legendaries as sometimes he doth and for the credit of the cause he was bound to do he did it not in his own words and speaking his own sence of them only but in the words and sence of such ancient and modern Authours as are of most unquestioned credit amongst the Learned Thus speaking of Simeon Metaphrastes he tels us what a high esteem was had of him in the Greek Minâ—logies and what high commendation had been given him by Michael Psellus a man of great Learning in those times and speaking of Iacobus de Voragine he lets the Reader know what had been said of him by Iohanno Gerrard Voscius a man of too great parts for D. Hackwell to contend with sic de câ—teris But whereas D. Hackwell tels his friend in that Letter that the condition of the man that is to say the Respondent was such as his word hardly passeth either for commendation or a slander The Respondent thereunto replyes that he looks no otherwise on those words then as the extravagances of a proud and passionate weaknesse The Respondent stood at that time in as good a condition for reputation and esteem with the generality of the Nation as D. Hackwell could pretend too and would not have refused an encounter with him upon any argument either at the sharp or at the â—mooth as the Pamphleter words it I am soâ—ry to have said thus much but the indignity of the provocation hath enforced me to it for which D. Hackwells Friend is to thank M. Sandâ—rson oâ— condemn himself in publishing those passages in cold blouâ— five and twenty years after they were written which escaped the Doctor in his heats And so I leave my three great Names those Magni nominis Vmbras in the Poets Language with a Tria sunt omnia not looking for a Tria sequunâ—ur tria though the Squire should once again play the School boy and rather fall upon small games then none at all But the Pampâ—leter will not leave the Respondent so The Lord Primate in a Letter to an Honourable friend had accused him of Sophâ—stry and the Pamphleter is resolved to make good the charge assuring us That in the judgement of divers he made it good throughout his book and divers they may be though they be but two Squire Sanderson and D. Bernard which are so many so it follows that they would finde as much work for an Observator as he saith my History will afford him Never was Lillies head so broken as it is by this Squire who is so far from keeping the Rules of Grammar that he hath forgotten his very Accidence he would not else give us two Adjectives viz. which and many which he knows cannot stand by themselves without another word to be added to them for shewing of their sence or signification Substantive I am sure there is none to owne them and therefore we must take his meaning by his gaping only Which though it be not wide enough to speak out doth import thus much That the Errours in the Book called Respondent Petrus are so great and many that they would finde as much work for an Observator as the Pamphleters History It seems that the Respondent Helpers being many in number for he cals them by the Name of his Numerous helpers and all of them as subject unto errour as the Squire himself each of them hath committed one mistake at the least which will affoâ—d as much matter for an Observator as the History doth what work the History hath found for an Observator hath been seen by this time And if ther◠〈◊〉 so many in the Book called Respondet Petrus as he 〈◊〉 there are why hath not he or D Bernard presentâ—d them to the view of the world in so long a time But yet wâ—ll fare the Authour for his wonderfull chaâ—ity who thâ—ugh he meet with many errours and mistakes throughout the book for such Helper on yet is pleased to satisfie himself with instancing in one but such a one in such greâ—t Châ—â—â—cters that he who rides Post the Squire is alwaies in 〈…〉 may reade it without stopping Parturiunt montes You have shewed us the mountain gentle Sir but pray you Where is the mouse Marry sayes he we finde it pag. 63. where he repâ—â—ing a quotation of thâ— Lord Primate in the end of his Letter to D. Twisse â—orrâ—wed from Gregory the Great he had blindely mistaken the copulative And for the Disjunctive Or Had it been so a man of any ordinary candor would have looked upon it as an errour rather of the Presse then the Pen. Bâ—t the Squire who hath a quicker sight quam aut â—qâ—ila 〈◊〉 serpens Epidaurius in the Poets Language hath in this shown himself more blinde then he makes the Respondent for in pag. 63. which the Pamphlâ—ter cites we finde the whole passage to be thus viz. The next Authority is taken from Gregâ—ry the Greâ—t who telleth us that it is the Doctrine of the Preachers of Antichrist qui veniens diem Dominicum Sabbatum ab omni opere faciet custodiri who at his coming shall cause both the Lords day and the Sabbath to be kept or celebrated without doing any manner of work Now let the Sâ—uireâ—who â—who can see further iâ—to a mill-stone then the Râ—spondent and his Helpers are affirmed to do resolve me when he next sets out whether the word in S. Gâ—egory be turned into or by the Râ—spondent and if it be not as it is not what is become of that mistake so grosse and written in such greâ—t characters that any one who rides Post may reade it Our Squiâ—e for this deserves the Spurs and to be made a Knight of the advice then the nature of the offence required What followed upon this Appeal we are informed by both our Authours In the relating of which story from the first to the last M. Sâ—nâ—â—rson hath dealt more ingenuously then the 〈…〉 For fiâ—â—t M. Saâ—dersâ—n telleth us that the occasion of the Diâ—contâ—nts which encreased at Oxon An. 1631. arose from tâ—is â—iz Many 〈◊〉 that the Renovations reducing 〈…〉 times was now no lesse then Innovation 〈…〉 in their Pulpits and 〈◊〉 But M. Fulâ—er according to his wonted manner of reporting all things favourably for the Puritan party will have the occasion to
King Edward having no dominion over them could not impose a Law upon them Not was it probable that he should borrow any of their Lawes or impose them on his natural subjects considering the Antipathy and disaffection betwixt the Nations There were indeed at that time in England three kinds of Lawes The first called Dane-lage or the Danish Lawes prevailing for the most part in the Kingdom of the East-Angles and that of Northumberland secondly Saxon-lage used generally in the Kingdoms of the West-Saxons East-Saxons South-Saxons and that of Kent and thirdly Merceâ—-lage extending over all the Provinces of the Kingdom of Mercia As for the Britans of Cornwal and Cumberland they had no distinct Law for themselves as had those of Wales but were governed by the Lawes of that Nation unto which they were subject By these three sorts of Laws were these Nations governed in their several and respective limits which being afterwards reduced into one body and made common equally to all the subjects did worthily deserve the name of the Common-Law But secondly I dare not give the honour of this action to King Edward the Confessor The great Iustinian in this work was another Edward called for distinctions sake King Edward the elder who began his Reign Anno 900. almost 150 years before this Confessor to whom our Author hath ascribed it But the truth is that these Lawes being suppressed by the Danish Kings who governed either in an arbitrary way or by the Lawes of their own Countrey they were revived and reinforced in the time of this Edward from whence they had the name of Edward the Confessors Lawes and by that name were sued and fought for in the time succeeding of which more hereafter Now as this work may be ascribed to his love to justice so from his piety his successors derive as great a benefit of curing the disease which from thence is called the Kings evill which some impute as our Author tels us to secret and hidden causes Fol. 145. Others ascribe it to the power of fancy and an exalted imagination Amongst which others I may reckon our Author for one He had not else so strongly pleaded in defence thereof But certainly what effect soever the strength of fancy and an exalted imaginationâ— as our Author cals it may produce in those of riper years it can contribute nothing to the cure of children And I have seen some children brought before the King by the hanging sleeves some hanging at their Mothers breasts and others in the armes of their Nurses all touch'd and cur'd without the help of any such fancies or imaginations as our Author speaks of Others lesse charitably condemn this cure as guilty of superstiâ—ion quarrelling at the Circumstances and Ceremonies which are used and this they do Saith he ibid. either displeased at the Collect consisting of the first nine verses of the Gospell of St. John as wholly improper and nothing relating to the occasion c. Our Author tels us more then once lib. 11. 167. of his being a Clerk of the Convocation but I finde by this that he never came so high as to be Clerk of the Closet Which had he been he would not have mistaken the Gospel for a Collect or touched upon that Gospel which is lesse material without insisting on the other which is more pertinent and proper to the work in hand or suffered the displeased party to remain unsatisfied about the sign of the Crosse made by the Royall hands on the place infected as it after followeth when there is no such crossing used in that sacred Ceremony the King only gently drawing both his hands over the sore at the reading of the first Gospel But that both he and others may be satisfied in these particulars I have thought fit to lay down the whole form of prayers and readings used in the healing of that malady in this manner following The form of the Service at the healing of the Kings-evill The first Gospel is exactly the same with that on Ascension day At the touching of every infirm person these words are repeated They shall lay their hands on the sick and they shall recover The second Gospell begins the first of St. Iohn and ends at these words Full of grace and truth At the putting the Angell about their necks were repeated That Light was the true light which lighteth every man that cometh into the world Lord have mercy upon us Christ have mercy upon us Lord have mercy upon us Our Father which art in Heaven hallowed be thy Name c. Min. O Lord save thy servants An. Which put their trust in thee Min. Send unto them help from above An. And evermore mightily defend them Min. Help us O God our Saviour An. And for the glory of thy name sake deliver us be merciful unto us sinners for thy names sake Min. O Lord hear our Prayer An. And let our cry come unto thee The Collect. Almighty God the eternal health of all such as put their trust in thee hear us we beseech thee on the behalf of these thy servants for whom we call for thy merciâ—â—l help that they receiving health may give thanks â—nto thee in thy holy Church through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen The peace of God c. This is the whole form against which nothing is objected but the using of the words before mentioned at the putting on of the Angel the pertinency whereof may appear to any who consider that the Light which was the true Light and lighteth every man which cometh into the world did not shine more visibly at the least moâ—e comfortably upon the people then in the healing of â—o many sick infirm and leprous persons as did from time to time receive the benefit of it But it is time I should proceed Fol. 148. These chose Harald to be King whose Titlâ— to the Crown is not worth our deriving of itâ— much 〈◊〉 his râ—lying on it A Title not so deâ—picable as our Author makes it nor much inferior unto that by which hiâ— Predecessor obtain'd the Kingdom Harald being â—on to Earl Godwin the most potent man of all the Sâ—â—xons by Theyra the natural Daughter of Canutus the fiâ—st was consequently Brother by the whole bloud to Harald Harâ—agar and Brother by the half bloud to Canutus the â—econd the two last Danish Kings of England In which respect being of Saxon Anceâ—â—ry by his Faâ—her and of the Danish Royal bloud by his Mother he might be look'd on as the fittest person in that conjâ—ncture to conâ—ent both Nations But whatsoever his Title was it was undoubtedly better then that of the Norman had either his success been answerable or his sword as good Upon occasion of which Conquest our Author telleth us that Ibid. This was the fifth time wherein the South of this Island was conquered first by Romans secondly by Picts and Scots thirdly by Saxons fourthly by the Danes and fifthlyâ— by the Norman But this I can by no means
had been born between them The world had peopled very slowly and never increased to such vast multitudes in so short a time if Eve had not twinned at least at every birth and that some other children had not intervened between Cain and Abel Not was Cain in relation to the time of his brothers birth to be accounted of as Cain in our Authors sense that is to say a Malefactor an Offender a murtherer of his innocent brother or if we take him in that sense there must be then some scores of persons at the least if not many hundreds and consequently no such Cain amongst the Four Primitive Persons in the beginning of the world as our Author would Fol. 338. Such who are Prelatically affected must acknowledge these new Foundations of the Kings for a worthy work c. So then the Foundation of six Bishopricks with the Capitular Bodies Schools Alms-houses and other Ministers and Officers subservient to them is to be thought a worthy work with reference to the work it self by none but such as are Prelatically affected The Preferment of so many men of Learning the Education of so many children the maintenance of so many Quire-men the relief of so many decay'd and impotent persons the provision made for so many of all sorts who had their being and subsistence in the said Foundations had nothing in it which might Signifie a worthy work unless there be somewhat of a Prelatical perswasion in them who put that value and esteem upon it If any of a contrary judgement do approve the same it is not to be attributed to the worth of the work but to the accidental use which the unhappiness of this Age hath put them to that is to say by selling all the Lands which severally belong'd unto them to supply the present necessities of of the Common-wealth as our Author telleth us Assuredly such as are now founded in Colledges or possest of Tithes have good cause to thank him for this Discourse which by this Rule and Reason are to be approved of by none but those who are interessed and concerned in thâ—m except it be with reference to some subsequent salâ— when the pretended exigencies of the Common-wealth or of any prevailing party in it shall require the sâ—me Fol. 340. It was in those days conceived highly injurious to thrust Monks and Nuns out of House and Home without assigning them any allowance for their subsistence Our Author says very well in this there being few Religious persons thrust out of their Houses except those that suffered by the first act of dissolution who either were not prefer'd in the Church as Wakeman the last Abbot of Tewksbery was by the King made the first Bishop of Glocester or otherwise provided of some liberal pension according to their age wants and quality insomuch as Sir William Weston Lord Prior of the order of St. Iohns had an yearly Pension of a thousand pounds Rawson the Subprior of a thousand Marks some of the Brethren of two hundred pounds per annum and thirty pounds per annum he that had least Not did the King only give them such competent Pensions as might yeeld them a subsistence for the future but furnisht them with ready money beforehand their viaticum or advance money as it were toward their setting up in the world which commonly amounted to a fourth part of their yearly Pension The like honest care to which I finde in our Authors History of Waltham Abbey fol. 8. where he telleth us that the Canons founded there by King Harold were not remov'd thence by King Henry the second notwithstanding the scandalous conversation which was charg'd upon them and Augustinian Fryers brought into their place doneâ— praedictis Canonicis sufficienter provisum fuisset till the said Canons were other ways proâ—ided of sufficient maintenance And this may serve for the instruction I will not say the reproach of the present times in which so many Bishops Deans and Prebendaries no was obnoxious to any such scandalous accusations have been thrust out of their Cathedrals without the allowance of one penny towards their subsistence The like may be said also in the case of the sequestred Clergy For though by an Order of the House of Commons their wivesâ— and children were to enjoy a fifth part of the yearly profits of their Benefices yet the unconscionable Intruders found so many shifts to evade that Order that very few enjoy'd the just benefit of it and they that did found their attendance on the Committee for plundred Ministers so troublesome and chargeable to them that it did hardly quit the cost One man I know particularly who after above twenty Orders pro and conâ— and the riding of above a thousand miles backward and forward besides a chargeable stay in London to attend the business was fain at last to make a private agreement with the adverse party and take a tenth part in stead of a fifth The like may be said also of the late Bill by which the Presbyterian Intruders are setled in the Beneâ—â—ces of the sequeâ—tred Clergy for term of life For though it be thereby provided that the Commissioners for rejecting of scandalous Ministers shall have power to grant a fifth part together with the arrears thereof to the sequestred and eâ—ected Clergy yet is the Bill clog'd with two such circumstances as make it altogether unuseful to some and may make it little beneficial unto all the rest For by the first it is declar'd that no man shall receive any benefit by it who hath either thirty pound per annum in Real or five hundred pounds in Personal Estate by means whereof many who have had some hundreds of pounds yearly to maintain their Families are tyed up to so poor a pittance as will hardly keep their chilâ—ren from begging in the open streets By the other there is such a power given to the Commissioners that not exceeding the fifth part they may give to the poor sequestred Clergy as much and as little as they please under that proportion And one I know particularly in this case also who for an Arrear of twelve years out of a Benefice rented formerly at 250 l. per annum to my certain knowledge could obtain but 3 l. 6 s. 8 d. the first Intruder being still living and possest of that Benefice and no more then 20 Marks par annum for his future subsistence which is but a nineteenth part in stead of a fifth And this I have observ'd the rather that if these pâ—pers should chance to come into the hands of any of those who have the conduct of affairs they would be pleas'd to cause the said Bill to be review'd and make the benefit thereof more certain and extensive then it is at the present Our Author might have sav'd me the greatest part of this Application had he been minded to do the poor Clergy any right as he seldom doth For proof whereof we need but look upon a passage in
read and compared with the Statute he had not needed to have made this Qâ—ere about the true intent and meaning of the Kings Injunction Fol. 386. In the first year of King Edward the sixth it was recommended to the care of the most grave Bishops and others assembled by the King at his Castle at Windfor and when by them compleated set forth in Print 1548. with a Proclamation in the Kings name to give Authority thereunto being also recommended unto every Bishop by especiall Letters from the Lords of the Councel to see the same put in execution And in the next year a penalty was imposed by Act of Parliament on such who should dâ—prave or neglect the use thereof Our Author here mistakes himself and confounds the business making no difference between the whole first Liturgy of King Edward the sixth and a particular form of Administration For the better understanding whereof he may please to know that in the first Parliament of this King there past a Statute Entituled An Act against such as speak against the Sacrament of the Altar and for the receipt thereof in both kindes Upon the coming out whereof the King being no lesse desirous as Fox relates it to have the form of Administration of the Sacrament reduced to the right Rule of the Scriptures and first use of the Primitive Church then he was to establish the same by Authority of his own Regal Lawes appointed certâ—in of the most grave and learned Bishop and others of his Realm to assemble together at his Castle of Windsor there to argue and intreat of this matter and conclude upon and set forth one perfect and uniform Order accoâ—ding to the Rule and use aforesaid which Book was printed and set out March 8. 1548. which is 1547. according to the accompt of the Church of England with a Proclamation of the Kings befoâ—e as by the Book it self appeaâ—â—â— But this Book thus set out and publisht contained nothing but a Form and Order of Adminisâ—ing the Holy Communion under both kinds in pursuâ—nce of the Statute before mentioned and served but as a preamble to the following Liturgy a Bâ—eâ— fast as it were to the Feast insuing The Liturgy came not out till near two years after confirmed in Parliament Anno 2. 3. Edw. 6. cap. 1. and in that Parliament cryed up as made by the immediate aide and inspiration of the holy Ghost Which notwithâ—â—anding some exceptions being taken at it as our Author notes by Calvin abâ—oâ—d and some Zealots at home the Book was brought under a Review much altered in all the parts and offiâ—es of it but whethâ—r â—nto the better or unto the worse let some others judge Fol. 404. At last the great Earl of Warwick deserted his Chaplain in open field to shift for himself Indeed he had higher things in his head then to attend such trifles A man may easily discern a Cat by her claw and we may finde as easily by the scratches of our Authoâ—s pen to what party in the Church he stands most inclined He had before declared for the Dominicans and Rigid Calvinists in some points of Doctâ—ine and now declares himself for the Non-Conformists in point of Ceremony He had not else called the Episcopal Ornaments particularly the Rochet Chimere and Square-cap by the name of trifles such trifles as were not worth the contending for if Resâ—lute Ridley had been pleased to dispense therein The truth is that Hoopers opposition in this particulaâ— gave the first ground to those Combustions in the Church which after followed Calvin extremely stickling for him and writing to his party here to assist him in it And this I take to be the reason why our Author is so favourable in his censure of him fol. 402. and puts such Answers in the mouthes of the Non-Conformist fol. 404. as I can hardly think were so well hammered and accommodated in those early dayes Such as seem rather fitted for the temper and acumen of the present times after a long debating of all particulars and a strict search into all the niceties of the Controversie then to the first beginnings and unpremeditated Agitatious of a new-born Quarrel Fol. 406. Yet this work met afterwards with some Frowns even in the faces of great Clergy-men c. because they concoived these singing Psalms erected in Corrivality and opposition to the reading Psalms which were formerly sung in Cathedral Churches And thoâ—e great Church-men â—ad good reâ—son for what they did wisely foreseeing that the singing of those Psalms so translated in Rythme and Meeter would work some alteration in the executing of the publique Liturgy For though it be exprest in the Title of those singing Psalms that they were set forth and allowed to be sung in all Churches before and after morning and eveniâ—g Prayer and also before and after Sermons yet this allowance seems rather to have been a Connivence then an approbation no such allowance being â—ny wheâ—e found by such as have been most industrious and concerned in the search thereof Secondly whereas â—t was intended that the said Psalms should be only 〈◊〉 before and after morning and evening Prayer and also before and after Sermons which shews they were not to be intermingled in the publique Liturgy in very little time they pâ—evailed so far in most Parish Churches as to thrust the Te Deum the Benedictus the Magnificat and the Nunc dimittis quite out of the Church And thirdly by the practices and endevours of the Puritan party they came to be esteemed the most divine part of Gods publique service the reading Psalms together with the first and second Lessons being heard in many places with a covered head but all men â—itting bare-headed when the Psalm is sung And to that end the Parish Clerk must be taught when he names the Psalm to call upon the people to sing it to the praise and glory of God no such preparatory Exhortation being used at the naming of the Chapters of the dayly Psalms But whereas our Author seems to intimate that the Reading Psalms were formerly sung only in Cathâ—dral Churches he is exceedingly mistaken both in the Rubriâ—ks of the Church and the practice too the Rubricks lâ—â—ving them indifferently to be said or sung according as the Congregation was fitted for it the practice in some Parish Churches within the time of my memory being for it also And this our Author as I think cannot chuse but know if he be but as well studied in the Rules of the Church as in some Popish Legends and old ends of Poetry Fol. 407. Let Adonijah and this Lords example deterr Subjects from medling with the Widows of their Soveraigns lest in the same match they espouse their own danger and destruction I see little reason for this Rule lesse for his examples For first Abishag the Shunamite whom Adonijah desâ—red to have to wife was â—ever marryed unto David and therefore cannot properly be called his Widow And secondly Queen
Fellow of this Colledge whose Book entituled The Religion of Protestants a safe way to Salvation written in deâ—ence of Dr. Potters Book called Charity mistaken commended by our Author Lib. 3. fol. 115. remains unanswered by the Iesuites notwithstanding all their brags beforehand to this very day Which Book though most ridiculously buried with the Author at Arundel get thee gone thou accursed Book c. by Mr. Francis Cheynel the usu fructuary of the rich personage of Peâ—worth shall still survive unto the world in its own just value when the poor three-penny commodities of such a sorry Haberdasher of Small Wares shall be out of credit Of this Pageant see the Pamphet call'd Chillingworthi Novissima printed at London Anno 1644. Fol. 41. But now it is gone let it go it was but a beggerly Town and cost England ten times yearly more then it was worthâ— in keeping thereof Admit it be so yet certainly it was worth the keeping had it cost much more The English while they kept that Town had a dore open into France upon all occasions and therefore it was commonly said that they carried the Keyes of France at their Girdles Sound States-men do not measure the benefit of such Towns and Garrisons as are maintain'd and kept in an Enemies Countrey by the profit which they bring into their Exchequer but by the opportunities they give a Prince to enlarge his Territories Of this kinde was the Town of Barwick situate on the other side of the Tweed upon Scottish ground but Garrison'd and maintain'd with great charge by the Kings of England because it gave him the same advantage against the Scots as Calice did against the French The government of which last Town is by Comines said to be the goodliest Captain ship in the world so great an Eye-sore to the French that Mounsieur de Cordes who liv'd in the time of Lewis the eleventh was used to say that he would be content to lie in Hell seven years together upon condition that Calice were regain'd from the English and finally judged of such importance by the French when they had regain'd it that neither the Agreement made at the Treaty of Cambray nor the desire to free New-haven from the power of the English nor the necessities which Henry the fourth was reduc'd unto could ever prevail upon them to part with it But it is dry meat said the Countrey fellow when he lost the Hare and so let Caliâ—e pass for a Beggerly Town and not worth the keeping because we have no hope to get it ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Ninth Book OF The Church History OF BRITAIN Containing the Reign of Queen Elizabeth THe short Reigns of King Edward the sixth and Queen Mary being briefly past over by our Author he spends the more time in setting out the affairs of the Church under Queen Elizabeth not so much because her Reign was long but because it was a busie Age and full of Faction To which Faction how he stands affected he is not coy to let us see on all occasions giving us in the very first entrance this brief but notable Essay viz. Fol. 51. Idolatry is not to be permitted a moment the first minute is the fittest to abolish it all that have power have right to destroy it by that grand Charter of Religion whereby every one is â—ound to advance Gods glory And if Soveraigns forget no reason but Subjects should remember their duty Our Author speaks this in behalf of some forwardâ— Spirits who not enduring the laâ—inesse of Authority in order to the great work of Reformation fell beforehand to the beating down of superstitious Pictures and Images And though some others condemned their indiscretion herein yet our Author will not but rather gives these Reasons for their justification 1. That the Popish Religion is Idolatry 2. That Idolatry is to be destroyed by all that have power to do it 3. Which is indeed the main that if the Soveraigns do forget there is no reason but Subjects should remember their duty This being our Authors Master-piece and a fair gâ—â—â—ndwork for Seditious and Rebellious for the times ensuing I shall spend a little the more time in the examination of the pâ—opositions as before we had them And 1. It will be hard for our Author to prove that the Romish Religion is Idolatry though possible it is that some of the members of that Church may be proved Idolaters I know well what great pains Dr. Reynolds took in his laborious work entituled De Idololatria Ecclesiae Romanae and I know too that many very learned and moderate men were not thâ—oughly satisfied in his proofs and Arguments That they are worshippers of Images as themselves deny not so no body but themselves can approve them in it But there is a very wide difference betwixt an Image and an Idol betwixt the old Idolateâ—s in the state of Heathenism and those which give religious worship unto Images in some paâ—ts of Chrisâ—endom And this our Author being well stâ—died in Antiquity and not a stranger to the 〈…〉 of the present times cannot chuse but know thoâ—gh zeal to the good cause and the desire of being coâ—stanâ— to himself drew this pâ—â—â—age from him The Châ—istian faith delivered in the hâ—ly Gospels succeeded over the greatest part of the then known woâ—â—d in the place of that Idolatrous worship whiâ—h like a Leprosie had generally overspread the whole face thereof And therefore that the whole Mass of Wickliffes Heâ—erodoxies might be Christned by the name of Gospel our Author thinks it necessary that the Popish Mass and the rest of the Superstitious of that Church should be call'd Idolatry 2. That Idolatry is to be destroyed by all them that have power to do it I shall easily grant But then it must be understood of a lawful power and not permitted to the liberty of unlawful violence Id possumus quod jure possumus was the rule of old and it held good in all attempts for Reformation in the elder times For when the Fabrick of the Jewish Church was out of order and the whole Worship of the Lord either defiled with superstitions or intermingled with Idolatries as it was too often did not Gods servants carry and await his leisure till those who were supreme both in place and power were by him prompted and inflamed to a Reformation How many years had that whole people made an Idol of the Brazen Serpent and burnt â—â—cense to it before it was defaced by King Hâ—zekiah How many more might it have longer stood undefâ—ced untouched by any of the common people had not the King given order to demolish it How many years had the seduced Israelites adored before the Altar of Bethel before it was hewn down and cut in pâ—eces by the good King Iosiah And yet it cannot be denyed but that it was as much in the power of the Iews to destroy that Idol and of the honest and religious Israâ—lites to break down that
why his Children should desire a restitution in bloud not otherwise to be obtained but by Act of Parliament And so without troubling the learned in the Law for our information I hope our Author will be satisfied and save his Fee for other more necessary uses Fol. 72. In the Convocation now sitting the nine and thirty Articles were composed agreeing for the main with those set forth in the Reign of King Edward the sixth though in some particulars allowing more liberty to dissenting judgements This is the active Convocation which before I spake of not setling matters of Religion in the same estate in which they were left by King Edward but altering some Articles expunging others addingsome de novo and fitting the whole body of them unto edification Not leaving any liberty to dissenting Iudgments as our Author would have it but binding men unto the literal and Grammatical sense They had not othewise attained to the end they aimed at which was ad tollendam opinionum dissensionem consensum in vera Religione firmandum that is to say to take away diversity of Opinions and to establish an agreement in the true Religion Which end could never be effected if men were left unto the liberty of dissenting or might have leave to put their own sense upon the Articles But whereas our Author instances in the Article of Christs descent into Hell telling us that Christs preaching unto the Spirits there on which the Article seemed to be grounded in King Edwards Book was left out in this and thereupon inferreth that men are left unto a latitude concerning the cause time manner of his descent I must needs say that he is very much mistaken For first the Church of England hath alwayes constantly maintained a locall Descent though many which would be thought her Children the better to comply with Calvin and some other Divines of forain Nations have deviated in this point from the sense of the Church And secondly the reason why this Convocation left out that passage of Christ preaching to the Spirits in hell was not that men might be left unto a latitude concerning the cause time and manner of his Descent as our Author dreams but because that passage of St. Peter being capable of some other interpretations was not conceived to be a clear and sufficient evidence to prove the Article For which see Bishop Bilsons Survey p. 388 389. Fol. 74. In a word concerning this clause whether the Bishops were faulty in their addition or their opposites in their substraction I leave to more cunning Arithmeticians to decide The Clause here spoken of by our Author is the first Sentence in the twentieth Article entituled De Ecclesiae Authoritate where it is said that the Church hath power to decree Rites and Ceremonies and Authority in Controversies of the Faith Which being charged upon the Bishops as a late addition the better to support their power and maintain their Tyranny the late Archbishop of Canterbury in his Speech in the Star-Chamber Iune the 15 1637. made it appear that the said Clause was in a Printed Book of Articles published in the year 1563. being but very few moneths after they had passed in the Convocation which was on the 29. of Ianuary 1562. in the English account And more then so he shewed unto the Lords a Copy of the twentieth Article exemplified out of the Records and attested by the hands of a publick Notary in which that very Clause was found which had been charged upon the Bishops for an innovation And thus much I can say of mine own knowledge that having occasion to conâ—â—â—t the Records of Convocation I found this controverted Clause verbatim in these following words Habet Ecclesia Ritus statuendo jus in fidei Controversis Authoritatem Which makes me wonder at our Author that having access to those Records and making frequent use of them in this present History he should declare himself unable to decide the doubt whether the addition of this Clause was made by the Bishops or the substraction of it by the opposite party But none so blinde as he that will not see saies the good old proverb But our Author will not so give over He must first have a fling at the Archbishop of Canterbury upon this occasion In the year 1571. the Puritan Faction beginning then to grow very strong the Articles were again Printed both in Latin and English and this Clause left out publisht according to those copies in the Harmony of Confessions Printed at Geneva Anno 1612. and publisht by the same at Oxford though soon after rectified Anno 1636. Now the Archbishop taking notice of the first alteration Anno 1571. declares in his said Speech that it was no hard matter for that opposite Faction to have the Articles Printed and this clause left out considering who they were that then governed businesses and rid the Church almost at their pleasure What says our Author to this Marry saith he I am not so well skilled in Historical Horsemanship as to know whom his Grace designed for the Rider of the Church at that time fol. 74. Strange that a man who undertakes to write an History should professe himself ignorant of the names of those who governed the businesse of the times he writes of But this is only an affected ignorance profest of purpose to preserve the honour of some men whom he beholds as the chief Patrons of the Puritan Faction For aftâ—â—wards this turn being served he can finde out who they were that then governed businesses and rid the Church almost at their pleasure telling us fol. 138 that the Earl of Leicester interpos'd himself Patron-general to the non-subscribers and that he did it at the perswasion of Roger Lord North. Besides which two we finde Sir Francis Knollys to be one of those who gave countenance to the troubles at Frankforâ— at such time as the Faction was there hottest against the Liturgy and other Rites and â—eremonies of the Church of England Who being a meer kinsman of the Queens and a Privy Counsellor made use of all advantages to pursue that project which being 〈◊〉 on foot beyond sea had been driven on here and though Leicester was enough of himself to rid the Church at his pleasure it being fitted with such helps Sir Francis Walsingham and many more of that kind which the times then gave him they drove on the faster till he had almost plung'd all in remedilesse Ruine But our Author hath not done with these Articles yet for he tels us of this Clause that it was Ibid. Omitted in the English and Latin Artiâ—â—â—â—â— set forth 1571 when they were first ratified by Actâ—â— Our â—uthor doth so dream of the power of Parliaments in matters of Religion that he will not suffer any Canon or Act of Convocation to be in sorce or obligatiory to the subject till confirmed by Parliament But I would fain know of him where he finds any Act of Parliament
himself possibly â—an be And therefore I must not by â—â—â—obeying my Pâ—ince commit a certain â—in in preventing a pâ—obable but contingent inconveniency This if it were good Doctâ—ine then when both the Author and the Book weâ—e crâ—ed up even to admiration is not to be reâ—â—â—ted as falâ—e Doctâ—ine now truth being constant to 〈◊〉 not varying nor altering with the change of times Bâ—t oâ—r Author will not sâ—op here he goes on and saith Ibid. Mâ—â—y moderate men are of opinion that this abuse of the Lord-day was a principal procurer of Gods anger 〈◊〉 poured out on this Land in a long and bloudy Civil 〈◊〉 And moderate peâ—haps they may be in apparel 〈…〉 the like civil acts of life and conversation but 〈…〉 moderate enough in this Observation For who hath kâ—â—wn the minde of the Lord or who hath been his Counsâ—ll◠〈…〉 the great Apostle But it is as common with some men of the newest Religions to adscribe 〈…〉 judgements to some special Reasons as 〈…〉 the Key which opens into his Cabinet 〈…〉 as iâ— they were admitted to all 〈…〉 in the 〈…〉 Heaven before that dreadful 〈◊〉 oâ— the year 1562. and 1565. the constant 〈◊〉 of the Chappels in his Majesties Houses most 〈◊〉 the Cathedral and some of the Paâ—ochial Churches and â—inally a Declaration of the King Anno 1633. â—ommending a Conâ—ormity in the Parish Churches to their own Cathedrals They on the other side stood chiefly upon disâ—ontinuâ—nce but urged withall that some Rubâ—â—â—ks in the Common-Prayer-Book seemed to make for them So that the Question being reduced to a matter of â—act that is to say the Table must 〈◊〉 this way or it must stand that way I would fain know how any condescension might be made on either 〈…〉 to an accommodation or what our Moderatâ—â— would have done to at one the differences Suppoâ—e him â—â—tting in the Chair the Arguments on both 〈…〉 â—nd all the Audience full of expectation 〈…〉 would carry it The Moderator Fuller of old Meâ—â—y-Tales then ordinary thus resolves the businesse that he had heard it commended for a great piece of wisdom in Bishop Andrews That wheresoever he was a Parson a Dean or a Bishop he never troubled Parish Colledge or Diocess with pressing other Ceremonies upon them then such which he found used there before his coming thither that King Iames finding the Archbishop of Spalato in a resolution of â—â—eâ—â—ioning all such Leases as had been made by his 〈◊〉 in the Savoy gave him this wise Counsell Relinque res sicut eas invenisti That he should leave things as he found them that the sâ—id King being told by a great person of the invertâ—d situation of a Chappel in Cambridge 〈◊〉 â—nswer that it did not matter how the 〈◊〉 stood so their hearts who go thither were 〈…〉 in Gods service But for his part he liked 〈◊〉 of the Resolution of Dr. Prideaux when wearied with the Businesses of the Councel-Table and the High Commission But as he was soon hot so he was soon cool'd And so much is observed by Sir Edward Deering though his greatest adversary and the first that threw dirt in his face in the late long Parliament who telleth us of him that the roughness of his uncourtly Nature sent most men discontented from him 〈◊〉 so that he would often of himself â—inde wayes and means to sweeten many of them again when they least looked for it In this more modest then our Author who gives us nothing of this Pâ—elate but his wants and weaknesses But of this Reverend Prelate he will give cause to speak more hereafter Let us now on unto another of a different judgement his proâ—est enemy Mr. Prin of whom thus our Author Fol. â—57 Mr. William Prinne was borne about Bath in Glocestershire c. and began with the writing of some Orthodox books In this story of Mr. Prinne and his suffeâ—ings our Author runs into many errors which either his love unto the Man or zeal to the good cause or carelesness of what he writes have brought upon him For first Bath is not in Glostershire but a chief City in the County of Somerset Secondly though I look on Mr. Prinne so far forth as I am able to judge by some Books of his not long since published as a man of a far more moderate spirit then I have done formerly yet can I not think his first Books to have been so Orthodox as our Author makes them For not to say any thing of his Perpetuity his Books entituled Lame Giles his Haltings Cozens Cozening Devotions and his Appendix to another have many things repugnant to the Rules and Canons of the Church of England No 〈◊〉 Champion against bowing at the name of Iesus nor greater enemy to some Ceremonies here by Law 〈◊〉 In whicâ— paâ—â—iculars iâ— our Author tâ—iâ—k him to be Orthodox he declares himself to be no true Son of the Church of England Thirdly the Book called Histrio-Mastix was not writ by Mr. Prinne about three years before his 〈…〉 as our Author telleth us for then it must be wâ—it or publisht Anno 1634. whereas indeed that Book was published in Print about the latter end of 1632. and the Author censur'd in Sâ—ar-Chamber for some pâ—ssâ—ges in iâ— abouâ— the latter end of the year 1633. Otheâ—wise had it been as our Author telleth us the punishment 〈…〉 the offence and he must suffer for â— Book which was not publisht at that â—ime and peâ—haps not wâ—itten But our Author hâ—th a special facâ—lty in this kinde which few writers 〈◊〉 For â—s he post-dateth this Histrio-Mastix by making it come into the 〈…〉 after it did so he ante 〈◊〉 a Book of Dâ— White then Lord Bishop of Ely which he makes to be publisht two yeaâ—s sooner then indeed it wâ—s Thâ—t book of his entituled A Treatise of the Sabbath came noâ—â—ut â—ill Michaelmas Anno 1635. though placed by ouâ— Authoâ— as then written Anno 1633. for which see fol. 144. Next unto Mr. Prinne in the coâ—â—se of his Censure comes the Bishop of Lincoln the 〈◊〉 whereof we have in our Author who having left a 〈…〉 somewhat which he thinks not â—it to make known to all gives some occasion to suspect that the matter was far woâ—se on the Bishops side then perhaps it was And therefore to prevent all further misconstructions in thi◠〈◊〉 I will lay down the story as I finde it thus viz. The Bishops purgation depending chiefly upon the testimony of one Prideon it hapned â—hat the 〈◊〉 after one Elizabeth Heaâ—on was delivered of a base childe and laid to this Prideon The Bishop finding his great witness charged with such a load of filth 〈…〉 would invalidate all his 〈…〉 valid the Bishop could easily prognosticate his own ruine therefore he bestirs himself amain and though by order of the Justices at the publick Session at Lincoln Prideon was charged as the reputed father the Bishop by his two Agents Powel and Owen
with a windy c. a cheveral word which might be stretched as men would measure it Of this c. which has made so much noise in the world I shall now say nothing Somewhat is here subjoyn'd by our Author in 〈◊〉 thereof the rest made up by the Observator Only I shall make bold to ask him why he observ'd not this c. when the Oath was first under consideration or why he signified not his dissent when it came to the vote and shewed some reasons which might move him to object against it It had been fitter for a wise and judicious man to signifie his dislike of any thing when it might be mended then to joyn with others in condemning it when it was past remedy But Mala mâ—ns malus animus as the saying is The Convocation had no ill intent in it when they passed it so though some few out of their perverseness and corrupt affections were willing to put their own sense on it and spoil an honest-meaning Text with a factious Gloss. But let us follow our Author as he leads the way and we shall finde that Ibid. Some Bishops were very forward in pressing this Oath even before the time thereof For whereas a liberty was allowed to all to deliberate thereon until the Feast of Michael the Arch-angel some presently pressed the Ministers of their Diocesses for the taking thereof It seems by this that our Author was so far from taking notice of any thing done in the Convocation when the Canon for the Oath was framed that he never so much as looked into the Canon it self since the Book came out He had not else dâ—eamt of a liberty of Deliberation till the Feast of St. Michael the Arch-angel which I am sure the Canon gives not The Synod did indeed decree that all Archbishop and Bishops and all other Priests and Deacons in places exempt or not exempt should before the second day of November next ensuing take the following Oath against all innovation of Doctrine or Discipline By which we see that the Oath was to be given and taken before the second of November but no such thing as Liberty of Deliberation till the Feast of St. Michael And therefore if some Bishops did press the Clergy of their several and respective Diocesses assoon as they returned home from the Convocation they might well doe it by the Canon without making any such Essay of their Activity if providence as our Author most wisely words it had not prevented them If any of the Bishops did require their Clergy to take the Oath upon their knees as he says they did though it be more then was directed by the Canon yet I conceive that no wise man would scruple at it considering the gravity and greatness of the business which he was about But then Ibid. The Exception of Exceptions was because they were generally condemned as illegally passed to the prejudice of the fundamental Liberty of the Subject whereof we shall hear enough in the next Parliament Not generally condemned either as illegally passed or as tending to prejudice of the Subjects Rights I am sure of that Scarse so much as condemned by any for those respects but by such whom it concern'd for carrying on of their Designs to weaken the Authority of the Church and advance their own But because our Author tells us that we shall finde enough of this in the following Parliament we are to follow him to that Parliament for our satisfaction And there we finde that Mr. Maynard made a Speech in the Committee of Lords against the Canons made by the Bishops in the last Convocation in which he endeavoured to prove that the Clergy had no power to make Canons without common consent in Parliament because in the Saxon times Laws and Constitutions Ecclesiastical had the confirmation of Peers and sometimes of the People to which great Councels our Parliaments do succeed Which Argument if it be of force to prove That the Clergy can make no Canons without consent of the Peers and people in Parliament it must prove also that the Peers and People can make no Statutes without consent of the Clergy in their Convocation My reason is because such Councels in the times of the Saxons were mixt Assemblies consisting as well of Laicks as of Ecclesâ—asticks and the matters there concluded on of a mixt nature also Laws being passed as commonly in them in order to the good governance of the Common-wealth as Canons for the Regulating such things as concern'd Religion But these great Councels of the Saxons being divided into two parts in the times ensuing the Clergy did their work by themselves without any confirmation from the King or Parliament till the submission of the Clergy to King Henry the eighth And if the Parliaments did succeed in the place of those great Councels as he sayes they did it was because that antiently the Procurators of the Clergy not the Bishops only had their place in Parliament though neither Peers nor People voted in the Convocations Which being so it is not much to be admired that there was some checking as is said in the second Argument about the disuse of the general making of such Church Laws But checking or repining at the proceeding of any superior Court makes not the Acts thereof illegal For if it did the Acts of Parliaments themselves would be reputed of no force or illegally made because the Clergy for a long time have checkt and think they have good cause to check for theiâ— being excluded Which checking of the Commons apâ—ears not only in thosâ— antiâ—nt Authors which the Gentleman cited but in the Remonstrance tendred by them to King Henry the Eighth exemplified at large in these Animadversions lib. 3. n. 61. But because this being a Record of the Convocation may not come within the walk of a common Lawyer I shall put him in minde of that memorable passage in the Parliament 51. Edw. 3. which in brief was this The Commons fâ—nding themselves aggrieved as well with certain Constitutions made by the Clergy in their Synods as with some Laws or Ordinances which were lately passed more to the advantage of the Clergy then the common people put in a Bill to this effect viz. That no Act nor Ordinâ—nce should from thenceforth be made or granted on the Petition of the said Clergy without the consent of the Commons and that the said Commons should not be bound in times to come by any Constitutions made by the Clergy of this Realm for their own advantage to which the Commons of this Realm had not given consent The reason of which is this and 't is worth the marking Car eux ne veulent estre obligez a nul de vos Estatuz ne Ordinances faitz sanz leur Assent because the said Clergy did not think themselves bound as indeed they were not in those times by any Statute Act or Ordinance made without their Assent in the Court of Parliament
But I must needs say that I am not satisfied in the arguments which are brought to prove it Wilson in his unworthy History of the Reign of King Iames makeâ— him to be Eunuchus ab utero an Eunuch from his Mothers womb The Author of the Pamphlet called the Observator observed conceives that Wilson went too far in this expression and rather thinks that he contracted some impotency by falling on a stake when he was a Boy fol. 10. Our Author here seems to incline unto this last assuring us from such who knew the Privacies and casualtiâ—s of his infancy that this Archbishop was but one degree remov'd from a Misogynist though to palliate his infirmity to nâ—ble Females he was most compleat in his Courtly Addresses But first the falsity and frivolousness of these Deâ—ences leave the poor man under a worse suspicion then they â—ounâ— him in His manly countenance together with his masculine voyce shewed plainly that he was no Eunuch and the agreeableness of his conversation with the female Sex did as plainly shew that he was no Misogynist or woman-hater And secondly admitting these surmises to be true and real they rather serve to evidence his impotency then to prove his chastity it being no chastity in that man to abstain from women who either by casualty or by nature is disabled from such copulations The vertue of chastity consisteth rather in the integrity of the soul then the mutiâ—ation of the body and therefore more to be ascrib'd to those pious men Qui salvis â—oâ—lis foemiâ—am vident in Tertullians language then to the old Philosopher who put out his eyes to avoid temptations of that nature So that if this be all which they have to say for the Bishops chastity these Advocates had shewed more wisdom in saying nothing then speaking so little to the purpose Ibid. Envy it self cannot deny but that whither soever he went he might be traced by the foot-steps of his benefaction Amongst which benefactions it was none of the least that in both the Universities he had so many Pensioners more as it was commonly given out then all the Noble-men and Bishops in the Land together some of which receiv'd twenty Nobles some ten pounds and other twenty Marks per annum And yet it may be said without envy that none of all these Pensions came out of his own purse but were laid as Rent-charges upon such Benefices as were in his disposing either as Lord Keeper or Bishop of Lincoln and assign'd over to such Scholars in each University as applyed themselves to him And because I would not be thought to say this without Book I have both seen and had in my keeping till of late if I have it not still an Acquittance made unto a Minister in discharge of the payment of a Pension of twenty Nobles per annum to one who was then a Student in Christ-Church The names of the parties I forbear he that receiv'd it and he for whom it was receiv'd and perhaps he that paid it too being still alive And possible enough it is that this Pensioning of so many Scholars had not been past over in silence by our Author if he had not known the whole truth as well as the truth Ibid. Much he expended on the Repair of Westminster Abbey-Church c The Library at Westminster was the effect of his bounty This though it be true in part yet we cannot say of it that it is either the whole truth or nothing but the truth For the plain truth is that neither the charge of repairing that Church nor â—urnishing that Library came out of his own private Coffers but the Churches rents For at such time as he was made Lord Keeper of the great Seal he caused it to be signified unto the Prebendaries of that Church how inconvenient it would be both to him and them to keep up the Commons of the Colledge and gaind so farre upon them that they pass'd over to him all the rents of that Church upon condition that he should pay the annual pensions of the Prebendaries School-masters Quire-men and inferiour Officers and maintain the Commons of the Scholars The rest amounting to a great yearly value was left wholly to him upon his honourable word and promise to expend the same for the good and honour of that Church The surplusage of which expenses receiv'd by him for four years and upwards amounted unto more than had been laid out by him on the Church and Library as was offered to be proved before the Lords Commissioners at the visitation Anno. 1635. And as for the Library at St. Iohns it might possibly cost him more wit than money many books being dayly sent in to him upon the intimation of his purpose of founding the two Libraries by such as had either suits in Court or business in Chancery or any ways depended on him or expected any favours from him either as Bishop of Lincoln or Dean of Westminster Fol. 228. He hated Popery with a perfect hatred But Wiâ—son in his History of great Britain sings another song whether in tune or out of tune they can best tell who liv'd most neere those times and had opportunities to observe him There is a muâ—tering of some strange offer which he made to K. Iames at such time as the Prince was in Spain and the Court seemed in common apprehension to warp towards Popery which declared no such â—erfect hatred as our Author speaks of unto that Religion Nor was he coy of telling such whom he admitted unto privacies with him that in the time of his greatness at Court he was accounted for the Head of the Catholick Party not sparing to declare what free and frequent accesses he gave the principal Sticklers in that cause both Priests and Iesuits and the special services which he did them And it must be somewhat more than strange if all this be true that he should hate Popery with a perfect â—atred yet not more strange then that he should so stickle in the preferment of Dr. Theodore Price to the Arch-Bishoprick of Armagh in Ireland who died a profest Catholick reconciled to the Church of Rome as our Authour hath it fol. 226. But if there be no more truth in the Bishop of Lincolns hating Popery then in Dr. Prices dying a professâ—d Papist there is no credit to be given at all to that part of the Character Dr. Price though once a great Favourite of this Bishop and by him continued Sub-Dean of Westminster many years together was at the last suppos'd to be better affected to Bishop Laud than to Bishop Williams Bishop Laud having lately appeared a Suitor for him for the Bishoprick of St. Asoph And therefore that two Birds might be kild with the same bolt no sooner was Dr. Price deceased but the Bishop of Lincoln being then at Westminster cals the Prebendâ— together tels them that he had been with Mr. Sub-Deane before his death that he left him in very doubtful
Seas and a Westâ—country Gentleman whose name I call not now to minde of the Western parts Our Author may be good for land service but we have some cause to fear by this experiment that if he should put forth to Sea he would easily fall into Scylla by avoiding Charybdis Fol. 18. This Gentleman was second Son of Thomas Cecil Earl of Exeter c. Our Author speaks this of Sr. Edward Cecil created by King Charles in the first year of his Reign Lord Cecil of Putney and Viscount Wimbleton and by the King made Commander General of his first Fleet against the Spaniards concerning whom he falls into several Errours For first Sr Edward Cecil was not the second but the third son of Thomas Earl of Exeter the second Son being Sr. Richard Cecil of Walkerly in the County of Rutland the Father of that David Cecil who succeeded in the Earldom of Exeter after the death of Earl William eldest Son of Thomas aforesaid Secondly this Sr. Edward Cecil was not of a Colonel made General of the English forces in the unhappy war of the Palatinate He was indeed made General of the English forces in the war of Cleve Anno 1610. the power which his Uncle Sr. Robert Cecil Earl of Salisbury had with King Iames advancing him to that imployment But that he was not General of the English forces in the Palatinate war I am very confident Sr. Horace Vere one of a more noble extraction and a far better Souldier being chief Commander in that service of the English forces Thirdly admitting this for true yet could not the mis-effects of that war be charged on him or any other of the English Commanders the English forces being inconsiderable for their number in reference to those which were raised for that war by the German Princes all of them under the Command of the Marquesse of Oâ—alsback as their Generalissimo to whose either cowardize or infidelity the mis-effects of that war as our Author calls them were imputed commonly And fourthly it was not 27. years since his imployment there when he was called home to be Commander of this fleet there being not above five years from the beginning of the war in the Palatinate and his calling home and not above fifteen from his being made General of the English in the war of Cleveland Fol. 24. Dr. Williams outed of the Seal but kept his Bishoprick of Lincoln and the Deanry of Westminster which indeed he had for his life Our Author is as much out in this as in that before for though the Deanry of Westminster was given at first to Dr. Williams for terme of Life yet when he was made Bishop of Lincoln that Deanry fell again to the King and by the king was regranted to him to be holden in Commendam with that Bishoprick After which being made Arch-Bishop of York in the year 1641. he obtained it in Commendam for three years onely which term expired he was a Sutor to the King at Oxford for a longer term and on denial of that Suit retired into Wales and openly betook himself to the Parliament-party concerning which consult our Author in the latter part of his History Nor did he only keep the Bishoprick of Lincoln and the Deanry of Westminster but also a Residenciaries place in the Church of Lincoln the Prebend of Asgarve and Parsonage of Walgrove so that he was a whole Diocesse within himself as bing Parson Prebend Dignitary Dean and Bishop and all five in one Fol. 25. All setled and reposed the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury presented his Majesty to the Lords and Commons East West North and South asking them if they did consent to the Coronation of K. Charles their lawful Soveraign Our Author takes this whole Narrative of the pomp and order of the Kings Coronation out of the Church History of Britain endeavoured and but endeavoured by Mr. Fuller of Walthamâ— and takes it all upon his credit without so much as startling at that dangerous passage which is now before us That Author and this also following him conceive the peoples consent so necessary to the Coronation of the King that it was askt no less then four times by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury before he could proceed any further in that solemnity But if we look into the form used in the Coronation of King Edward the sixth we shall finde it thus viz. That being carried by 〈◊〉 noble Courâ—iers in another Chair unto the four sides of the Stage he was by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury declared unto the People standing round about both by Gods and Mans Laws to be the right and lawful King of England France and Ireland and proclaimed that day to be Crowned Coâ—secrated and Anoiâ—ted unto whom he demanded whether they would obey anâ— serve or not By whom it was again with a loudâ—ery answered God save the King and ever live his Majesty And in the Coronation of King Iames more briefly thus The King is shewed to the people and they are required to make acknowledgement of their Allegiance to his Majesty by the Arch-Bishop which they do by Acclamations Which being so it cannot possibly be supposed that instead of requiring the peoples obedience to the Kings Authority the Arch-Bishop shouâ—d crave their consent to his Coronation as if the Coronation were not strong and valid nor his succession good in Law without their consent But though our Author follow Mr. Fuller in one Error yet he â—orrects him in another though in so doing he require some correction also Master Fuller tells us that the Kings Traâ—â— was held up by the Lord Compton as belonging to the Robes and the Lord Vicount Dorchester lib. 11. fol. 122. Mr. Sanderson knowing that there was no such man then being as a Viscount Dorchester must play the Critick on the Text and instead of Viscount Dorchester gives us Viscount Doncaster whom he makes Master of the Wardrobe and both true alike fol. â— 5. The Master of the Wardrobe at that time was the Earl of Dâ—â—bâ—gh and the Lord Viscount Doncaster now Earl of Carstile was then too yong to perform any Service in this solemnity which had he done Mr. Fuller who hath some dependence on him would not have robb'd him of the honor of performing that service which none but persons of place and merit could pretend unto Fol. 25. The Sermon being done the Arch-Bishop invested in a rich Cope goeâ—h to the King kneeling upon Cushions at the Communion Table and asks his willingness to take the Oath usually taken by his Predecessors c. The form and maner of w h Oath as having afforded much matter of discourse in these latter times I will first subjoyn and afterwards observe what descants have been made upon it The form and maner of the Oath as followeth Sir says the Arch-Bishop will you grant and keep and by your Oath confirm to the People of England the Laws and Customs to them granted by the Kings of England your Lawful and
if the Squire had markt it well he might have found that the Respondeâ—t did not confesse himself to be guilty of publishing any mistaken intelligence in saying that the Articles of Ireland were abrogated and those or England setled in the place thereof but for saying that this alteration was confirmed in the Parliament of that Kingdome Anno 1634. were as it was not done in Parliament but in Convocation For which mistake as the Resâ—ondent hath observed in the place before-cited though it be only in the circumstance not in the substance of the Fact he stands accused by the Lord Primate of no lesse then 〈◊〉 and that by M. Sâ—nderson is thought to be but a gentle pennance for so presumptuous an assertion An 〈◊〉 which hath no presumption in it if you mark it well For if it can be proved as the Respondent answereth in his Appendix pag. 88. that the Articles of Ireland were called in and those of England were received in their place then whether it were done by Parliament or Convocation is not much materiall And for the proof of this that the Aâ—ticles of Ireland were repealed and the Articles of the Church of England as in the way of a super-induction were setled in the place thereof there hath been so much offered in the Book called The Observator Rescued and in that called The Respondit Petrus as may satisfie any rationall and impaâ—tiall Reader So that the Squire might very well have saved the labour of taxing the Respondent for want of ingenuity which he makes to be a great rarity in him and much more in defaming a whole Nation with a matter of truth in saying the Articles of the Church of England were not only appâ—oved but revived in the Church of Ireland and consequently by that reception they were virtually at the least if not also formally substituted in the place thereof Against which though the Lord Primate have said something he hath proved just nothing and both the Doctor and the Squire prove as little as he And here again I do desire that this reverend Prelate may not have his Name tost like a Tennis ball between two Rackets but that he may be suffered to rest with quiet in his grave for the time to come Et placida compostâ—â— morte quiesâ—aâ— as the Poet hath it But were the Respondent guilty of no other crime then by trespassing on the reverend name and living â—ame of this deceased but learned Prelate to shew his malice to the dead there had not needed any thing to be added to his justification The Panmâ—phleter will not suffer him to go â—ff so quietly and therefore tels us that it is no news for D. Heylin to be a disturber of pious and 〈◊〉 men while they are living It seems by this that D. Heylyn is a man of a troublesome nature neither in charity with the dead noâ— at peace with the living I specially if they come under the name and notion of emiâ—nent and pious men but though it be no news in the judgement of Squire Sanderson yet I can confidently say that it is Novum crimen anie hoc tempus in auditum a crime which never was charged before upon D. Heylin who hath hitherto appeared an Advocate for the dead and living as often as they have come under the unjust censures of some modern Writers And this the former Observations together with these Animadversions and Advertisements when he hath any grounds of truth to proceed upon do most clearly evidence Against which Declaration the Squire is able to instance only in one particular whereas indeed he hath but one particular to make instance in his instancing in no more but that particular being not so much an argument of his super-abundant charity towards the Respondent as of his little store of matter wherewithall to charge him And yet this one and onely instance touching D. Prideaux hath so little truth in it that it is only one degree removed from a sâ—ander For first omitting that D. Heylin took his degree An. 1633. and not in 1635. as the Pamphleter makes it the said Doctor never scandalized him at Court to the late King being then at Woodstock the said Doctor never making any such information to the King against D. Prideaux either at Woodstock or elsewhere Secondly The said Doctor never made any such information to any other person or persons if every thing which is delivered in the way of discourse may not be brought within the compasse of an information by whom it might be carried to his Majesties ear And for the proof hereof since I cannot raise men from the dead to bear witnesse to it I shall only say First That the Squire himself doth seem to give no credit to that Paper For if he did it would have found some place in that part of his History where it might properly have been inserted as well as he hath told us of the whole Story of some bustles in Oxon Anno 1631. occasioned by M. Thorne of Balâ—ol Colledge and M. Ford 〈◊〉 Magdaline Hall in which D. Prideaux was concerned and for which he received a check from the King at Woodstock In relating whereof though the name of D. Prideaux be not mentioned but couched only under the generall name of other of their partakers who received a check yet M. Fâ—ller from whom he borrowed the whole relation is more punctual in it and reports it thus viz. 1. The Preachers complained of were expelled the Vniuersâ—y 2. The Proctors were deprived of their places for accepting their appeal 3. D. Prideaux and D. Wilkinson were throughly checkt for engagiâ—g in their behalf The former of these two Doctors ingenâ—â—â—â—◠〈◊〉 to the King that Nemo motalium omnibâ—s hoâ—is sapit which wrought more on his Maâ—esties affectioâ—s 〈◊〉 if he had harangued it with a long Oration in his own 〈◊〉 Church-Hist lib. 11. fol. 141. 142. The Respondent hereupon inferreth That if M Sanderson had then given so much credit to that paper in publishing whereof he ascribeth so much merit to himself as he now seems to do he would have given it some place in his History to shew with what credit D Prideaux came off from that â—econd encounter at Woodstock and what discredit the Respondent got by his false Information And secondly The Respondent saith that he was then one of his Majestâ—es Chaplains in ordinary for the Moneth of August preaching before him at Oâ—t lands on Sunday the 18 of that Moneth and officiating the Divine Service of the Church in the great Hall of Woodstock-Mannor on the Sunday following during which intervall either upon the Thursday or Friday this businesse of D. Prideaux was in agitation to which there is no question but he had been called if he had been so much concerned in the information as the Pamphlet makes him And if he had been called to iâ— it is not probable that the Doctor had gone
and Wife to Roger Mortimer Earl of March from whom the House of York laid their claim to the Diadem But our Author is as good at the Pedigree of the House of the Beauforts as of that of Mortimer telling us That Cardinal Beaufort was not onely great Uncle to King Henry the sixth but Son to John of Gaunt and his Brother Cardinal of York The first two parts whereof are true but the last as false Cardinal Beaufort I am sure had no such Brother as our Author gives him for so he must be understood though the Grammar of the words will not bear so much sense namely a Cardinal of York unless it were King Henry the fourth whom Iohn of Gaunt had by Blanch of Lancaster his first Wife Iohn Earl of Somerset or Thomas Duke of Excester which two together with this Cardinal Beaufort he had by his last Wife Katherine Swinfort More Sons then these none of our Heralds or Historians give to Iohn of Gaunt and therefore no such Brother as a Cardinal of York to be found out any where for this Cardinal Beaufort except onely in our Authors Dreams Fol. 419. That in Anno 37. of Henry the eighth Letters Patents were granted to Lay-men to exercise all maner of Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction as the Kings Officers not the Bishops These are the words of Mr. Thomas in his Invective against the Bishops before mentioned and these our Author swallows without chewing not searching whether Mr. Thomas had rightly given the sense of that Act of Parliament or not but telling his in his gloss upon it That no Reason or Iustice are to be deduc'd from that Kings Actions more like an Atheist then a Christian either Ecclesiastical or Temporal But by the leave of good Mr. Thomas there can be no such matter gathered from that Statute of King Henry the eighth viz. That Letters Patents were granted to Lay-men to exercise all maner of Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction as the Kings Officers not the Bishops Before this time no man could be admitted to the Office of a Chancellor Vicar-General Commissary or Official in any Ecclesiastical Court or exercise any Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction except he were a single person and in Holy Orders To take away which curb and thereby to give the better incouragement to Students in the Civil Laws it was Enacted by this Statute that all such Ecclesiastical Officers whether made by the Kings Letters Patents as in the case of Sir Thomas Cromwel the Kings Vicar General or by any Arch-Bishop Bishop or Arch-Deacon within this Realm might from thencforth lawfully execute and exercise all maner of Iurisdiction commonly called Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction and all Censures and Coercions appertaining or in any wise belonging unto the same albeit such person or persons be Lay married or unmarried so that they be Doctors of the Civil Law lawfully created and made in any Vniversity Out of which premises if Mr. Thomas can conclude that such Lay-men so quallified to exercise Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction were the Kings Officers and not the Bishops he must have some new piece of Sandersons Logick which never was read in any of the Universities in which those lay persons did receive the Degree of Doctors Fol. 419. She was the right Heir apparent to her Brother and the onely right Issue to the Crown begotten no donbt in lawful Matrimony I dare not take upon me to dispute of Titles to the Crown but I dare take upon me to tell our Author that there was some doubt made by the most learned men of that time whether Queen Mary of whom he speaks were begotten and born in lawful Marriage All the Bishops in this Realm by a publick Writing under their Hands and Seals declared the Marriage of King Henry the eighth with Queen Maries Mother to be unlawful and so did the most eminent Divines in both the Universities as also in the Cathedrals Monasteries and other Conventual Bodies within this Realm The like declared also by several Universities in France and Italy under their publick Seals And so it was declared finally by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons assembled in â— full and free Parliament in which it was pronounced That the Marriage between the King and the Lady Katherine of Spain the Relict of his Brother was null and void to that it seems there was some doubting in this case though our Author makes no doubt of it at all Nor is it very certain neither that Queen Mary was the right Heir apparent to her Brother For if the Law of the Crown diffâ—r not from the Law of the Land in this particular which I leave unto our learned Lawyers she could not be the Heir to her Brother King Edward the sixth as being born of another Venter and consequently his Sister by the half blood onely Now as he makes no doubt of Queen Maries Title to the Crown so he makes the Title of Queen Elizabeth to be subject unto some dispute which all the Estates of the Realm convened in her first Parliament declared in the way of Recognition to be past disputing But I leave these inviduous Arguments and proceed to some other Fol. 429. Doctor Wren Bishop of Ely and Dean of the Kings Chappel had been accused of Misdemeanors in his Diocess amounting to Treason And being committed to the Tower there he hath lain ever since But fitst no misdemeanors how great soever can amount to a Treason nor ever was it so adjudged but onely in the Case of the Earl of Strafford Secondly There was no Evidence taken upon Oath to prove any of the misdemeanors which were charged upon him our Author confessing that after he had been Voted in the House of Commons unworthy and unfit to hold and exercise any Office or Dignity in Churh or Commonwealth there was no further speech of him or his Crimes Thirdly He was not committed to the Tower for any misdemeaners charged against him by those of his Diocess but for subscribing to the Protestation with the rest of the Bishops in the end of Dâ—cember 1641. who were committed at the same time also Fourthly He hath not remain'd there ever since his commitment neither but was discharged with the other Bishops about the end of February then next followâ—ng and about three or four Moneths after brought back again Anno 1642. without any Accusation brought against him either then or since Fol. 430. And then they adjourned until the twentieth of October and a standing Committee of the House of Commons consisting of fifty Members appointed during the Recess Of this Committee Mr. Iohn Pim was the principal Man without whom all the rest were Ciphers of no signification And by him there issued out an Order against Innovasions extended and intended also for taking down the Rails before the Communion-Table levelling the ground on which the said Table stood and placing the said Table in the middle of the Church or Chancell In which it is to be admired how eagerly this Order was pursued by
the Church-Wardens generally in all the Parishes of the Kingdom notwithstanding they were told that the Lords had never given their consent unto it and that it would be safest for them to suspend their proceedings till the Parliament was again assembled But so mighty was the name of Pym that none of them durst refuse Obedience unto his Commands Nor did the Lords ever endeavour to retrench this Order but suffered their Authority and priviledge to be torn from them peece-meal by the House of Commons as formerly in imposing the Protestation of the third of May so now in this great Alteration in the face of the Church Fol. 432. The late Irish Army raised for the Assistance of the Kings Service against the Scots was disbanded and all their armes brought into Dublin This though our Authour reckoneth not amongst the grounds and reasons of the Irish Rebellion yet was it really one of the chief encouragements to it For when the King was prest by the Commons in Parliament for the disbanding of that Army a Suit was made unto him by the Embassadour of Spain that he might have leave to List three or four thousand of them for his Masters Service in the wars The like Suit was made also by the Embassadour of France and the King readily condescended to their severall motions and gave order in it accordingly But the Commons never thinking themselves safe as long as any of that Army had a sword in his hand never left importuning the King whom they had then brought to the condition of denying nothing which they asked till they had made him eat his word and revoke those Orders to his great dishonour Which so exasperated that Army consisting of 10000 Foot and 1500 Horse that it was no hard matter for those who had the managing of the Plot to make sure of them And then considering that the Scots by raising of an Army had gain'd from the King an Abolition of the Episcopall Order the reâ—cinding of his own and his Fathers Acts about the reducing of that Church to some Uniformity with this and setled their Kirk in such a way as best pleased their own humours why might not the Irish Papists hope that by the help of such an Army ready raised to their hands or easily drawn together though disperst at that present they might obtain the like indulgences and grants for their Religion Tantum Religio potuit suadere Malorum as true on the one side as the other Fol. 443. The next Morning the Vpper house sent them down to the House of Commons by the Lord Marshal Privy Seal c. the Lords Goring and Wilmot Our Authour speaks this of the first Letter sent from Ireland touching that Rebellion but is mistaken in the last man whom he makes to be sent down with these Letters The Lord Wilmot at that time was no Peer of England and therefore had no place in the English Parliaments The honour of an English Baron being first conferred on his Son the Lord Henry Wilmot by Letters Patents bearing date 29. of Iune Anno 1643. And as I am sure that the Lord Wilmot was not of that number so I am doubtfull whether the Lord Marshall were or not Our Authour not long before tels us that his Office of Lord High Steward was like to be begg'd from him in regard of his Absence which is to be understood of his absence out of the Realm and if he were then absent out of the Realm he could not now be present in the House of Peers Either not absent then or not present now is a thing past questioning Fol. 462. The King returns from Scotland magnificently â—easted by the City of London But while the Citizens at one end of the Town were at their Hosanna some of the Commons at the other end were as busie at their Crucifige intent on hammering a Remonstrance which they entitled A Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom in which they ript up all the actions which they had complained of in the King and sum'd up all those services which they had done for the common people The whole so framed that it served for a pair of Bellows to blow that fire which afterwards flamed out and consumed the greatest part of the Kingdom In the presenting whereof to the King at his coming from Scotland though the Lords refused to joyn with them in it yet was it presented to the King by some of their Members an Order made for the publishing and dispersing of it and the Lords brought at last to justifie what they had condemned Nor did the Citizens continue long in their good Affections For though they gave him Rost-meat now yet they beat him with the Spit in the Christmas following of which our Authour tels us saying Fol. 471. The loose people of the City and the Mechanick sort of Prentices were encouraged by the Ministers and Lecturers and other Incendiaries in tumultuous manner to come down to Westminster and by the way at Whitehall to be insolent in words and actions And insolent they were indeed both in words and actions some of them crying out as they past by that the King was not fit to live others that the Prince would govern better all of them with one voice that they would have no Porters lodge between them and the King but would come at him when they pleased using some other threatning words as if they meant to break open the Gates But so it happened that some of the Officers of the Kings late Army being come to the Court some of them to receive the Arrears of their pay and others to know the Kings Commands before they returned into the Low Countries to their severall Charges and observing the unsufferable Insolencies of this Rascal Rabble sallied upon them with drawn swords in which scuffle some of that tumultuous Rabble were slightly hurt and others dangerously wounded To these men being profest Souldiers was the Name of Cavaliers first given communicated afterwards to all the Kings party and Adherenâ—s though never in Arms or otherwise appearing for him then in the Loyalty of their Affections Fol. 477. This fell out as many would have it a lâ—â—â—ing case to their confusion How so Because saith he at a conference desired by the Lords with the House of Commons they were told by the Lord Keeper that this Petition and Protestation of the twelve Bishops was extending to the deep intrenching upon the fundamentall priviledges and beings of Parliaments c. Upon which Declaration the Bishops were voted to be guilty of High Treason committed first to the custody of the black rod and from thence to the Tower But first the Authour is to know that the Lord Keeper at that time was not altogether so rectus in Curia as might have been wished and therefore having received that Petition and Protestation from the hands of the King to whom in the first place it was addressed he communicated it privately to such of both