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A67908 The history of the troubles and tryal of the Most Reverend Father in God and blessed martyr, William Laud, Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury. vol. 1 wrote by himself during his imprisonment in the Tower ; to which is prefixed the diary of his own life, faithfully and entirely published from the original copy ; and subjoined, a supplement to the preceding history, the Arch-Bishop's last will, his large answer to the Lord Say's speech concerning liturgies, his annual accounts of his province delivered to the king, and some other things relating to the history. Laud, William, 1573-1645.; Wharton, Henry, 1664-1695.; Prynne, William, 1600-1669. Rome's masterpiece. 1695 (1695) Wing L586; Wing H2188; ESTC R354 691,871 692

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not by Reports April 30. Sunday I Preached before the King at White-Hall May 1. Munday The Earl of Bristol was accused in Parliament of High Treason by the King's Attorney Sir Robert Heath the Earl then and there preferred 12. Articles against the Duke of Buckingham and therein charged him with the same Crime and other Articles also against the Lord Conway Secretary of State The Earl of Bristol was committed to the Custody of James Maxwell the Officer in Ordinary of the House of Peers May 4. Thursday Arthur Lake Bishop of Bath and Wells Died at London May 8. Munday At Two a Clock in the Afternoon the House of Commons brought up to the House of Peers a Charge against the Duke of Buckingham consisting of 13. Articles May 11. Thursday King Charles came into the Parliament House and made a short Speech to the Lords concerning preserving the Honour of the Nobility against the vile and malicious Calumnies of those in the House of Commons who had accused the Duke c. They were Eight who in this matter chiefly appeared The Prologue Sir Dudly Digges the Epilogue John Elliot were this day by the King's Command committed to the Tower They were both dismissed thence within few days May 25. Thursday The Earl of Arundel not being sent back to the House nor the Cause of his detainment made known the House of Peers began to be jealous of the breach of their Priviledges and resolved to Adjourn the House to the next day On which day May 26. They Adjourned again to June 2. resolving to do nothing until the Earl should be set free or at least a Cause given c. May 25. On which day these Troubles first began was the Feast of Pope Vrban and at this time Vrban VIII sitteth in the Papal Chair to whom and to the Spaniard if they who most desire it would do any acceptable service I do not see what they could better devise in that kind than to divide thus into Parties the great Council of the Kingdom June 15. Thursday After many Debates and Struglings private Malice against the Duke of Buckingham prevailed and stopped all publick Business Nothing was done but the Parliament was dissolved Junij 20. Tuesday His Majesty King Charles named me to be Bishop of Bath and Wells And at the same time commanded me to prepare a Sermon for the Publick Fast which he had by Proclamation appointed to be kept on the 5th of July following July 5. A Solemn Fast appointed partly upon account of the Pestilence yet raging in many Parts of the Kingdom partly on account of the Danger of Enemies threatning us I Preached this day before the King and Nobility at White-Hall It was Wednesday July 8. The King commanded me to Print and Publish the Sermon It was Saturday July 16. Sunday I presented that Sermon which was now Printed to his Majesty and returned July 26. Wednesday The King signed the Conge d' Eslire empowering the Dean and Chapter to elect me Bishop of Bath and Wells July 24. Thursday In the Morning Dr. Feild Bishop of Landaff brought to me 〈◊〉 Letters from the most Illustrious Duke of Buchingham The Letters were open and wrote partly in Characters The Duke sent them to me that I should consult one Named Swadlinge mentioned in those Letters as one who could read the Characters I was also named in them as to whom that Swadling was known having been educated in S. John's Colledge in Oxford at what time I was President of that Colledge Aug. 1. Thomas Swadlinge came to me whom from his leaving the Colledge to that day for almost 8. Years I had not once seen He bestowing some pains at length read the Characters and Aug. 4. Friday I and he went to the Duke He read them They were certain malicious things The Duke as was fit despised them We returned Aug. 16. I was elected Bishop of Bath and Wells being Wednesday the Letter D. Aug. 25. Friday Two Robin-red-breasts flew together through the Door into my Study as if one pursued the other That sudden motion almost startled me I was then preparing a Sermon on Ephes. 4. 30. and Studying Septemb. 14. Thursday Evening the Duke of Buckingham willed me to form certain Instructions partly Political partly Ecclesiastical in the Cause of the King of Denmark a little before brought into great streights by General Tilly to be sent through all Parishes Certain heads were delivered to me He would have them made ready by Saturday following Sept. 16. I made them ready and brought them at the appointed hour I read them to the Duke He brought me to the King I being so commanded read them again Each of them approved them Sept. 17. Sunday They were read having been left with the Duke before the Lords of the Privy-Council and were thanks be to God approved by them all Sept. 18. Munday My election to the Bishoprick of Bath and Wells was confirmed Sept. 19. Tuesday At Theobalds I swore Homage to his Majesty who there presently restored me to the Temporalties from the death of my Predecessor What passed between me and the Lord Conway Principal Secretary to the King in our return Sept. 21. Munday about four a Clock in the Morning Died Lancelot Andrews the most worthy Bishop of Winchester the great Light of the Christian World Sept. 30. Saturday The Duke of Buckingham signified to me the King's Resolution that I should succeed the Bishop of Winchester in the Office of Dean of the Chappel-Royal Octob. 2. Munday The Duke related to me what the King had farther resolved concerning me in case the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury should die c. Octob. 3. Tuesday I went to Court which was then at Hampton-Court There I returned Thanks to the King for the Deanry of the Chappel then granted to me I returned to London Octob. 6. I took the Oath belonging to the Dean of the Chappel in the Vestry before the Right Honourable Philip Earl of Montgomery Lord Chamberlain Stephen Boughton the Sub-Dean Administring it It was Friday Novemb. 14. Or thereabout taking occasion from the abrupt both beginning and ending of Publick Prayer on the fifth of November I desired his Majesty King Charles that he would please to be present at Prayers as well as Sermon every Sunday and that at whatsoever part of the Prayers he came the Priest then Officiating might proceed to the end of the Prayers The most Religious King not only assented to this Request but also gave me thanks This had not before been done from the beginning of K. James's Reign to this day Now thanks be to God it obtaineth Decemb. 21. I dreamed of the burial of I know not whom and that I stood by the Grave I awaked sad Decemb. 25. Christmas-day Munday I Preached my first Sermon as Dean of the Chappel-Royal at White-Hall upon S. John 1 14. part 1. Januar. 5. Epiphany-Eve and Friday In the Night I dreamed that my Mother long since dead stood by my
Two Hundred And the Arms I bought of my Predecessor's Executors only some I was forced to mend the Fashion of Arms being changed He left to defend that large House but six Swords six Carbines three Halberds and two half Pikes Though the Order formerly made by the Lords required necessary defence for the House should be left But it seems Captain Royden's Order now given was stricter for he was towards me and my House very Civil in all things This day Sept. 1. 1642. the Bishops were Voted down in the House of Commons And that Night there was great Ringing and Bonfires in the City which I conceive was cunningly ordered to be done by Alderman Pennington the new Lord Mayor chosen in the room of Sir Richard Gurney who was then in the Tower and put out of his Office by the Parliament And my Mind gives me that if Bishops do go down the City will not have cause to joy in it About this time the Cathedral Church of Canterbury was grosly Prophaned yet far worse afterward All-Hallows Bredstreet was now fallen void and in my Gift and September 9. there came an Order from the House of Peers for me to give it But having Six Months Respite by Law I delayed it for that time which created me much trouble from the Parishioners who often sollicited me About the Tenth of this Month the Bishops were Voted down in the Vpper House So it seems I must live to see my Calling fall before me Upon Saturday Octob. 15. it was Resolved upon the Question That all Rents and Profits of all Arch-Bishops Bishops Deans and Chapters and other Delinquents should be Sequestred for the Use and Service of the Common-Wealth According to which Ordinance all the Profits of my Arch-Bishoprick were taken away from me and not one Penny allowed me for Maintenance Nay whereas this Order was not made till a full Fortnight after Michaelmas yet so hard a hand was carried over me as that my Rents due at Michaelmas were seized on to the use of the Parliament By which means my Estate was as good as Sequestred almost from our Lady-day before more than two parts of three of the Rents being payable only at Michaelmas An Order came from the House Octob. 24. that no Prisoner should keep above two Servants nor speak with any Man but in the presence and hearing of his Warder My Case for the former Branch of this Order differ'd from all other Prisoners For they lay in several Warders Houses in which they might be fitted by the Servants of the House for Ordering their Dyet but I was in a Prison-lodging void of all Comfort and Company And therefore upon Octob. 27. which was the very next day after the Order was shewed to me I humbly besought the Lords for a Cook and Butler beside the Two which were to attend me in my Prison by Reason of my Age and Infirmities which though with difficulty yet I humbly thank their Lordships was granted me Octob. 28. On Wednesday Novemb. 2. I Dreamed that Night that the Church was undone and that I went to St Johns in Oxford where I found the Roof off from some part of the College and the Walls ready to fall down God be merciful Upon Wednesday Novemb. 9. about Five of the Clock in the Morning Captain Brown and his Company entred my House at Lambeth to keep it for Publick Service Hereupon I Petitioned the Lords the same day for the safety of the Library of my own Study and of such Goods as were in my House All which was very Honourably granted unto me by a full Order of the Lords that very day with a strict Charge that they which were there employed in the Publick Service should take special care that all the fore-named things should be preserved in safety Either this day or the day before Mr Holland and Mr Ashurst two of the House of Commons came accompanied with some Musketeers and entred my House and searched for Mony and took away Seventy and Eight Pound from my Receiver Mr Walter Dobson and said it was for the Maintenance of the Kings Children God of his Mercy look favourably upon the King and bless his Children from needing any such poor Maintenance Novemb. 16. Wednesday an Order forbidding the Prisoners Men to speak one with another but in the presence of the Warder and to bar them the liberty of the Tower Only this Order was so far inlarged Novemb. 22. that any of them might go out of the Tower to buy Provision or other Necessaries On the 24th of this Month the Souldiers at Lambeth-House brake open the Chappel-doors and offer'd violence to the Organ but before much hurt was done the Captain heard of it and stayed them Upon the Death of Sir Charles Caesar the Mastership of the Faculties fell into my gift but I could not dispose of it by Reason of the Order of Parliament of Octob. 23. 1641. but with their Approbation Therefore I Petitioned the Lords that I might give it to 〈◊〉 Aylet or Dr Heath both then Attendants in that Honourable House well knowing it would be in vain to Name any other And the Lords sent me an Order to give it to 〈◊〉 Aylet and I did it accordingly The Vicaridge of Horsham in Sussex was in my gift and fell void At the intreaty of Sir John Conniers then Lieutenant of the Tower I Petitioned the House that I might give it to Mr. Conniers the Lecturer at Bow But before my Petition came to be delivered the House had made an Order against him upon complaint from Horsham of his disordered Life so busie were that Party of Men to complain of all Men who were not theirs in Faction and such ready admittance had both they and their Complaints in both Houses For my part the Man was a Stranger to me and inquiring after him as well as a poor Prisoner could I heard no ill of him for his Life Nevertheless hearing how the Lords were possessed against him I forbare the sending of that Petition and sent another for my own Chaplain 〈◊〉 William Brackstone But he was refused yet no exception taken against him for Life or Learning nor indeed could any be Upon the 〈◊〉 of the same Month 〈◊〉 Layton came with a Warrant from the Honourable House of Commons for the Keys of my House at Lambeth to be delivered to him that Prisoners might be brought thither I referred my self to God that nothing might trouble me But then I saw it evident that all that could should be done to break my patience Had it not been so some body else might have been sent to Lambeth and not Layton who had been Censured in the Star-Chamber to lose his Ears for a base and a most virulent Libel against Bishops and the Church-Government Established by Law In which Book of his were many things which in some Times might have cost him dearer
the ancient Manner might be observed by his Majesties Command went together to him The King viewed all the Regalia Put on St. Edward's Tunicks Commanded me to read the Rubricks of direction All being read we carried back the Regalia to the Church of Westminster and laid them up in their place Febr. 2. Thursday and Candlemas day His Majesty King Charles was Crowned I then officiated in the place of the Dean of Westminster The King entred the Abby-Church a little before Ten a Clock and it was past Three before he went out of it It was a very Bright Sun-shining Day The Solemnity being ended in the great Hall at Westminster when the King delivered into my hands the Regalia which are kept in the Abby-Church of Westminster he did which had not before been done deliver to me the Sword called Curtana and two others which had been carried before the King that day to be Kept in the Church together with the other Regalia I returned and Offered them Solemnly at the Altar in the Name of the King and laid them up with the rest In so great a Ceremony and amidst an incredible concourse of People nothing was lost or broke or disordered The Theatre was clear and free for the King the Peers and the Business in hand and I heard some of the Nobility saying to the King in their return that they never had seen any Solemnity although much less performed with so little Noise and so great Order Febr. 6. Monday I Preached before King Charles and the House of Peers at the opening of the Parliament Febr. 11. Saturday At the desire of the Earl of Warwick a Conference was held concerning the Cause of Richard Montague in the Duke of Buckingham's House between Dr. Morton and Dr. Preston on the one side and Dr. White on the other Febr. 17. Friday The foresaid Conference was renewed in the same place many of the Nobility being present Febr. 21. Shrove-Tuesday the Duke of Buckingham sent for me to come to him and then gave me in Command that c. Febr. 23. Thursday I sought the Duke at Chelsey There I first saw his Son and Heir Charles lately born I found not the Duke Returning I found his Servant who was seeking me I went immediately with him and found the Duke at Court I related to him what I had done Febr. 24. Friday and S. Matthias's Day I was with the Duke in his own House almost Three Hours where with his own hand c. he commanded me to add somewhat I did so and brought it to him next Day Febr. 25. Febr. 26. First Sunday in Lent in the Evening I presented to his Majesty King Charles my Sermon which I had Preached at the opening of the Parliament being now Printed by his Majesties Command Feb. 27. Munday The Danger which hapened to King Charles from his Horse which having broken the two Girts of the Saddle and the Saddle together with the Rider fallen under his Belly stood trembling until the King having received no hurt c. March 1. Wednesday and the Festival of S David a Clamour arose in the House of Commons against the Duke of Buckingham more particularly for stopping a Ship called The St Peter of Newhaven after Sentence pronounced From that day there were perpetual Heats in the House March 6. I resigned the Parsonage of Ibstock which I held in Commendam March 11. Dr. Turner a Physician offered in the House Seven Queries against the Duke of Buckingham yet grounded upon no other Foundation than what he received from publick Fame as himself confessed It was then Saturday March 16 Thursday a certain Dutchman Named John Oventrout proposed to shew a way how the West-Indies might shake off the Yoke of Spain and put themselves under the Subjection of our King Charles The Matter was referred to be disclosed to the Earl of Totnes the Lord Conway Principal Secretary and because he said that his Stratagem did depend in a great measure upon Religion I was added to them The Old Man proposed somewhat about the taking of Arica Yet shewed not to us any Method how it might be taken unless it were that he would have the Minds of the Inhabitants to be divided in the Cause of Religion by sending in among them the Catechism of Heidelberg We dismissed the Man and returned not a whit the wiser Anno 1626. Martij 26. Die Solis Misit me ad Regem D. B. Ibi certiorem feci Regem de duobus negotijs quae c. Gratias egit Rex Serenissimus Martij 29. Rex Carolus utramque Domum Parliamenti alloquitur praecipuè verò Inferiorem per se per Honoratissimum Dominum Custodem Magni Sigilli in Palatio de White-Hall In multis Domum Inferiorem reprehendit Multa etiam adjecit de Duce Buckinghamiae c. In Convocatione illo Die habitâ multa agitata sunt de Concione quam habuit Gabr. Goodman Episcopus Glocestr coram Rege Die Solis praecedente Dominicâ 5. Quadragesimae April 5. Die Mercurij Manè misit Rex ut Episcopi Norwicensis Lichfeldensis Menevensis nosmetipsos coram sisteremus Adsumus ego Litchfeldensis Norwicensis Rus abijt Accipimus Mandata Regis circa c. Redimus April 12. Die Mercurij Hor. 9. ante Meridiem convenimus Archiepiscopus Cant. Episcopi Winton Dunelm Meneven jussi à Rege consulere de Concione quam habuit coram Majestate Regiâ Episcopus Glocestrensis Dr. Goodman Dom. 5. Quadrag ultimò elapsâ Consulimus Responsum damus Regi quaedam minus cautè dicta falsò nihil Nec innovatum quidquam ab eo in Ecclesiâ Anglicanâ Optimum fore si iterum tempore à seipso electo iterum Concionem haberet ostenderet quomodò in quibus malè acoeptus intellectusque fuit ab Auditoribus Eâ nocte post horam nonam Regi renuntiavi quae in Mandatis accepi die 5. April alia eo spectantia inter caetera de Impropriationibus reddendis Multa gratissimè Rex ego quùm prius disserui de modo April 14. In Febrem incidit Dux Buckinghamiae Dies erat Veneris April 19. Die Mercurij Petitio Joh. Digbye Comitis Bristoliensis contra Ducem Buckinghamiae lecta est in Domo Superiori Parlamenti Acris illa quae perniciem minatur alteri partium April 20. Die Veneris Retulit Cognitionem totius negotij etiam Petitionis Comitis Bristoliensis Domui Parlamenti Rex Carolus April 21. Dies erat Sabbati Misit Dux Buckinghamius ut ad se venirem Ibi audivi quid Primicerius Regius Dom. Joh. Cocus contra me suggessit Thesaurario Angliae ille Duci Domine miserere Servi tui April 22. Die Solis Misit Rex ut omnes Episcopi cum ipso essemus Horâ quartâ pomeridianâ Adsumus 14. numero Reprehendit quòd in causis Ecclesiae hoc tempore Parlamenti silemus non notum facimus ei quid Vtile vel Inutile foret
made them Traytors Septemb. 1. Thursday Bishops Voted down and Deans and Chapters in the Lower House That Night Bonfires and Ringing all over the City Ordered cunningly by Pennington the new Lord Mayor About this time ante ult Aug. the Cathedral of Canterbury grosly Profaned Septemb. 9. Friday An Order from the House about the giving of Alhallows-Bread-street The Earl of Essex set forward towards the King Septemb. 10. Voted down in the upper House Dubitatur Octob. 15. Saturday Resolved upon the question that the Fines Rents and Profits of Arch-Bishops Bishops Deans and Chapters and of such notorious Delinquents who have taken up Arms against the Parliament or have been active in the Commission of Array shall be sequestred for the use and service of the Common-wealth Octob. 23. Sunday Keinton Field Octob. 24. Munday An Order from the House to keep but Two Servants speak with no Prisoner or other Person but in the presence of my Warder this common to other Prisoners Octob. 26. Wednesday Mr. Cook 's Relation to me of some Resolutions taken in the City c. Octob. 27. The Order of Octob. 24. not shewn me till Octob. 26. and I sent a Petition to the House for a Cook and a Butler Thursday October 28. This Order revoked Friday And this granted me Novemb. 2. Wednesday Night I Dreamed the Parliament was removed to Oxford the Church undone Some old Courtiers came in to see me and jeared I went to St. John's and there I found the Roof off from some parts of the Colledge and the Walls cleft and ready to fall down God be Merciful Novemb. 8. Seventy Eight Pounds of my Rents taken from my Controuler by Mr. Holland and Mr. Ashurst which they said was for Maintenance of the King's Children Novemb. 9. Wednesday Morning Five of the Clock Captain Brown and his Company entred my House at Lambeth to keep it for Publick Service and they made of it The Lords upon my Petition to them deny'd they knew of any such Order and so did the Committee yet such an Order there was and divers Lords hands to it but upon my Petition they made an Order that my Books should be secured and my Goods Novemb. 10. Some Lords went to the King about an Accommodation Novemb. 12. Saturday A Fight about Brainford Many slain of the Parliaments Forces and some taken Prisoners Such as would not serve the King were sent back with an Oath given them The Fight is said to begin casually about billotting Since this Voted in the House for no Accommodation but to go on and take all advantages Novemb. 16. Wednesday An Order to barr all Prisoners Men from speaking one with another or any other but in presence of the Warder nor go out without the Lieutenants leave And to barr them the Liberty of the Tower Novemb. 22. Tuesday Ordered That any one of them may go out to buy Provision Novemb. 24. Thursday The Souldiers at Lambeth House brake open the Chappel door and offered violence to the Organ but before much hurt was done the Captains heard of it and stayed them Decemb. 2. Friday Some of the King's Forces taken at Farnham About an hundred of them brought in Carts to London Ten Carts full their Legs bound They were sufficiently railed upon in the Streets Decemb. 19. Munday My Petition for Mr Coniers to have the Vicaridge of Horsham Before it came to be delivered the House had made an Order against him upon complaint from Horsham of his disorderly Life So Decemb. 21. St. Thomas's day I petitioned for my Chaplain Mr. William Brackstone Refused yet no Exception taken That day in the Morning my young dun 〈◊〉 were taken away by Warrant under the Hands of Sir John Evelyn Mr. Pim and Mr Martin Decemb. 23. Thursday Dr. Layton came with a Warrant from the House of Commons for the Keys of my House to be delivered to him and more Prisoners to be brought thither c. January 5. A final Order from both Houses for setling of Lambeth Prison c. Thursday All my Wood and Coals spent or to be spent there not reserving in the Order that I shall have any for my own use nor would that Motion be hearkned to January 6. Friday Epiphany Earl of Manchester's Letter from the House to give All-Hallowes-Bredstreet to Mr. Seaman January 26. Thursday The Bill passed the Lords House for Abolishing Episcopacy c. Feb. 3. Friday Dr. Heath came to perswade me to give Chartham to Mr. Corbet c. Febr. 14. Tuesday I received a Letter from his Majesty dated January 17. to give Chartham to Mr Reddinge or lapse it to him That Afternoon the Earl of Warwick came to me and brought me an Order of the House to give it to one Mr Culmer This Order bare date Febr 4 Febr. 25 Saturday Mr Culmer came to me about it I told him I had given my Lord my Answer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thursday St Cedd's day The Lord Brooke shot in the left Eye and killed in the place at Lichfeild going to give the Onset upon the Close of the Church he having ever been fierce against Bishops and Cathedrals His Bever up and armed to the Knees so that a Musket at that distance could have done him but little harm Thus was his Eye put out who about two Years since said he hoped to live to see at St Pauls not one Stone left upon another March 10. Friday This Night preceeding I dreamed a Warrant was come to free me and that I spake with the Lieutenant that my Warder might keep the Keys of my Lodging till I had got some place for my self and my Stuff since I could not go to Lambeth I waked and slept again and had the very same Dream a second time March 20. Munday The Lord of Northumberland Mr Pierpoint Sir John Holland Sir William Ermin and Mr Whitlock went from both Houses to Treat of Peace with his Majesty God of his Mercy bless it and us March 24. Friday One Mr Foord told me he is a Suffolk Man that there was a Plot to send me and Bishop Wrenn as Delinquents to New-England within fourteen days And that Wells a Minister that came thence offered wagers of it The Meeting was at Mr Barks a Merchant's House in Friday-street being this Foord's Son-in-Law I never saw Mr Foord before Anno 1643. March 28. Tuesday Another Order from the Lords to give Chartham to one Mr Edward Hudson My Answer as before April 11. Tuesday Another Order for the same and very peremptory This came to me April 12. whereupon I petitioned the House Thursday April 13. My former Answer being wilfully mistaken by Hudson That present day another Order very quick which was brought to me Friday April 14. I Petitioned the House again the same day with great submission but could not disobey the King April 12. Another peremptory Order to Collate Chartham on Mr Edw Corbet brought to me Saturday April 22. April 24. Munday I gave my Answer as before but in
after came another Ordinance requiring me by vertue of the said Ordinance to give Chartham to Mr. Corbet This Order was not brought to me till Friday May 26. Then it was brought unto me by Mr. Corbet himself and Sir John Corbet a Parliament Man came with him Now upon the Tuesday before I had sent an humble Petition to the Lords for Maintenance The Prayer of which Petition was as follows Humbly prayeth that your Lordships will take his sad condition into your Honourable Consideration that somewhat may be allowed him out of his Estate to supply the Necessities of life assuring himself that in Honour and Justice you will not suffer him either to beg or starve And your Petitioner shall ever pray c. The Answer which this Petition had in the Lords House was Let him give Chartham as is Ordered and then We will consider of Maintenance So my Petition was sent down to the House of Commons To the last forenamed Order I gave my former Answer and humbly Petitioned the Lords accordingly May 27. following So they departed and as they went down the Hill together Sir John was over-heard to say to Mr. Corbet thus The Archbishop hath Petitioned the Lords for Maintenance and they have sent his Petition to the Commons And since he will not give you the Benefice I 'll warrant you he shall have no Maintenance And so accordingly my Petition was rejected in the House of Commons CAP. XVIII THis was Wednesday the last of May It was the Fast-Day A Search came betimes in the Morning into the Tower upon all the Prisoners for Letters and other Papers But I have some Reasons to think the Search had a special aim at me First because following me thus close about Chartham as they did I conceive they 〈◊〉 desirous to see whether I had any such Letter from the King as I pretended If I had not they had advantage against me for my Falshood if I had they meant to see what Secret passed from his Majesty to me Secondly because I had lately Petitioned for Maintenance and by this Search they might see what I had by me And he that searched my Chamber told me upon occasion that he was to take all Papers which might discover Delinquents Estates Thirdly because all other Prisoners had their Papers re-delivered them before the Searchers went from the Tower except some few Verses of Sir Edward Hern's But mine were carried to the Committee yet with promise that I should have them again within two or three Days Fourthly because as Layton was put into Lambeth-House so my implacable Enemy Mr. Pryn was picked out as a Man whose Malice might be trusted to make the search upon me And he did it exactly The manner of the Search upon me was thus Mr. Pryn came into the Tower with other Searchers so soon as the Gates were open Other Men went to other Prisoners he made haste to my Lodging Commanded the Warder to open my Doors left two Musketeers Centinels below that no Man might go in or out and one at the Stair-head with three other which had their Muskets ready Cocked he came into my Chamber and found me in Bed as were also my Servants in theirs I presently thought upon my Blessed Saviour when Judas led in the Swords and Staves about him Mr. Pryn seeing me safe in Bed falls first to my Pockets to rifle them and by that time my two Servants came running in half ready I demanded the sight of his Warrant he shewed it me and therein was Expressed that he should search my Pockets The Warrant came from the Close Committee and the Hands that were to it were these E. Manchester W. Saye and Seale Wharton H. Vane Gilbert Gerard and John Pim. Did they remember when they gave this Warrant how odious it was to Parliaments and 〈◊〉 of themselves to have the Pockets of Men searched When my Pockets had been sufficiently ransacked I rose and got my Cloaths about me and so half ready with my Gown upon my Shoulders he held me in the search till past Nine of the Clock in the Morning He took from me Twenty and One Bundles of Papers which I had prepared for my Defence the two Letters before named which came to me from his Gracious Majesty about Chartham and my other Benefices the Scottish Service-Book with such Directions as accompanied it a little Book or Diary containing all the Occurrences of my Life and my Book of Private Devotions both these last written through with my own Hand Nor could I get him to leave this last but he must needs see what passed between God and me A thing I think scarce ever offer'd to any Christian. The last place which he rifled was a Trunk which stood by my Bed-side In that he found nothing but about Forty Pound in Money for my necessary Expences which he meddled not with and a Bundle of some Gloves This Bundle he was so careful to open as that he caused each Glove to be looked into upon this I tender'd him one pair of the Gloves which he refusing I told him he might take them and fear no Bribe for he had already done me all the Mischief he could and I asked no Favour of him So he thanked me took the Gloves bound up my Papers left two Centinels at my Door which were not dismissed till the next Day Noon and went his way I was somewhat troubled to see my self used in this manner but knew no help but in God and the Patience which he had given me And how his Gracious Providence over me and his Goodness to me wrought upon all this I shall in the End discover and will magnisie however it succeed with me CAP. XIX UPon my last Answer to the House concerning Chartham there came out an Ordinance against me to take all my Temporalities into the Parliament's hands that so they might give not only Chartham but all things else which fell into my Gift And because it is an Ordinance of a great Power and Extent I shall set it down as it was Printed and Published Junij 10. being Saturday Whereas by an Ordinance of the Lords and Commons in this present Parliament of the 17. of May 1643. the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury is required from time to time until his Tryal to Collate such fit Persons unto any Ecclesiastical Preferment in his Patronage as shall by both Houses be Nominated unto him and in pursuance of the said Ordinance another Ordinance of the Lords and Commons past the 20th of the same Month requiring the said Arch-Bishop to Collate upon Ed. Corbet Fellow of Merton Colledge in the University of Oxford the Rectory of Chartham in the County of Kent void by the Death of Dr. Bargrave the last Incumbent and whereas the said Arch-Bishop refuseth Obedience to the said Ordinance It is therefore Ordered and be it so Ordained by the Lords and Commons in Parliament that all the Temporalities
Widow and her Children And as himself confesses His Majesty being informed that Mrs. Burrill was Sister to the Reverend Prelate Bishop Andrews being then dead should say that he would not have granted it to Mr. Smith had he known so much This was an Honourable Memory of his faithful Servant her Worthy Brother But whatsoever was done in this business was by Order of the Council-Board and not by me As was also the 250 l. which he says was paid in to Sir William Beecher by way of deposite as I conceive In which if he had any hard Measure the Law was open for his Right And in the whole business he is single and in his own Cause The next Charge was Sir Jo Corbett's which because it is expressed at large in the Article before recited I shall not here repeat but apply the Answer to it which I then gave Sir John says he was sent for about Reading the Petition of Right at a Sessions in the Country and that the Earl of Bridgwater should say he was disaffected to the King This concerns not me in any thing He says That for this he was Committed lay long in the Fleet and was denied Bail But he says it was denyed by the whole Board So by his own Confession this was the Act of the Council not mine And this Answer I gave to Mr. Browne when he put this part of the Charge into his Summ. In his Cause with Sir John Stonehouse about a Waste I cannot recal the Particulars But what-ever was done therein himself confesses was by Order at the Council-Table and His Majesty present April 18. 1638. For the I le built by the Lord Viscount Kilmurrye the Grant which I made was no more than is ordinary in all such Cases And 't is expressed in the Body of the Grant Quantum in nobis est de Jure possumus so there is nothing at all done to the prejudice of Sir John's Inheritance For if we cannot Grant it by Law then the Grant is voided by its own words And that the Grant was such and no other I shew'd the Deeds ready Attested out of the Office Besides had I wronged him there was an ordinary Remedy open by Appeal to the Delegates And this was well known to him for he did so Appeal from a like Grant against him by the now Lord Bishop of Duresme then of Lichfield and Sir John's Diocesan And whereas 't is alledged That I made this Grant without the consent of him the Patron or the then Incumbent Sir John acknowledges like a Gentleman that I sent unto him for his consent if it might have been had And this I foresaw also that if I had denyed the Lord Viscount that which was not unusual then the Complaint would have fallen more heavy on the other side that I made Persons of Quality in a manner Recusants by denying them that conveniency which was in my power to grant So I must be faulty whatever I do Then the business of the Tythes of London was raised up in Judgment against me And it was Read out of my Diary that I projected to give the Ministers assistance therein I had been much to blame having been Bishop of London should I have had other thoughts For their Case is very hard all their Offerings being shrunk a way into nothing but a poor Easter-Book The Ministers of London had often petitioned about some Relief long before my time And I did then and do still think it most just they should have it For they are now under the Taskmakers of AEgypt the Tale of Brick must be made they must Preach twice a Sunday get Straw where they can And yet I never thought of any thing contrary to Law had all been done which I desired For that was no more than that the Citizens would voluntarily yield to some reasonable addition where Right and Need appeared And this I am sure nor did nor could cross with the Act of Parliament concerning the Tythes of London And Mr. Moss who is their only Witness in this particular says no more against me but that I pressed this business much and often Which is most true I did and held it my Duty so to do but still in the way before mentioned After this came the great Charge as it was accounted concerning the Censure of Mr Pryn and Burton and Bastwick in the Star-Chamber and their Banishment as 't is called upon it The Witnesses produced in some Circumstances of that Cause were Mr Cockshott Tho Edwards William Wickens Mr Burton Mrs Bastwicke and Mr Pryn himself The Censure is known and urged to be against Law But so far as any Particular is put upon me my Answer is present to it 1. And first for Mr Cockshott he says Mr. Attorney Bancks sent him being then his Servant to give me an Account of that Business Hence 't is inferred That I took care of it This might have had some shew of Proof if I had sent to Mr. Attorney to give me an account of it But there 's no word of any such Proof And yet considering what relation their Cause had to the Church if I had sent and desired some Account of the Proceedings I humbly conceive my Place in the Church considered it could have been no great Crime 2. Then were Read certain Warrants One Febr. 1. 1632. for Commitment another of Febr. 2. 1636. to bar access to them These were Acts of the Lords sitting in Star-Chamber not mine Then was Read a third Order after Sentence given of May 13. 1634. for the seizing of his Books But this as the former was an Act of the Court not mine And 't is expressed in the Order as the Charge it self lays it down for the disposal of the Books according to Law Then the Warrant of their Commitment to the Islands Aug. 27. 1637. This Commitment was no Device of mine nor did I ever hear of it till it was spoken by others in the Star-Chamber Nor do any one of these Warrants prove any thing that can be call'd my Act And I humbly conceive that I ought not by Law nor can by Usage of Parliamentary-Proceedings be charged single for those things which were done in Publick Courts The last Order was November 12. 1637. about the Aldermen of Coventry and the Quo Warranto resolved upon against the Charter of that City only for supposed Favours shew'd to Mr. Pryn in his passage that way First 't is confessed in the Charge that this was an Act of the Lords Secondly that it was made at a full Board Thirdly 't is not urged that any one Man disliked it Fourthly the Complaint which caused it was that both Aldermen and their Wives and other Citizens were not content to shew Mr. Pryn kindness but they both did and spake that which was disgraceful to the Star-Chamber-Sentence But howsoever there is no Particular in that Order that is or can be Charged upon me 3. This for
opened it so wide in the other when we moved to defend our selves and our Proceedings Where I humbly desire this Passage of the Law may be considered In the Case of depraving the Common-Prayer Book so much Scorned and Vilified at this Day and for not coming to Church The Words of the Law are For due Execution hereof the Queens most Excellent Majesty the Lords Temporal and all the Commons in this present Parliament Assembled do in God's Name earnestly require and Charge all the Arch-Bishops and Bishops and other Ordinaries that they shall endeavour to the uttermost of their Knowledge that the due and true Execution hereof may be had throughout their Diocesses and Charges as they will answer before God c. Now if I do not this here 's an apparent Breach of the Law And if I do it against this common and great Depraver of this Book then the Judge who by this Law should assist me Cries O the Bishop and this Answer I gave Mr. Browne when he Summ'd his Charge against me The Fifth Charge of this Day was Mr. John Ward 's Case in a Suit about Symony in the High Commission He says for he also is in his own Cause That upon a pretence of a Lapse by Symony I procured a Presentation from the King to the Church of Dinnington His Majesty trusted me with the Titles which did accrew to him in that kind and because Symony had been so rife Commanded me to be careful I might not betray this Trust and therefore the Symony being offer'd to be proved I procured his Majesties Presentation for Tryal of the Title And this I conceive was no Offence Though this be that which he calls the heaviness of my Hand upon him He farther says That I sent to the Bishop of Norwich to admit the King's Clerk the Church being void 7. Junij 1638. Nor do I yet see my Lords what Crime it is in me trusted especially as before to send to the Bishop to admit when the Church is void Many Lay Patrons do that upon Allegation of Symony before Proof And Mr. Bland produced as a Witness also says that the Lord Goring prevailed with the Lord Bishop of Norwich not to admit And I hope an Arch-Bishop and trusted therein by his Majesty may as lawfully write to the Ordinary for Admission of the King's Clerk as any lay-Lay-Lord may write against it But Mr. Ward says nothing to this of the Lord Goring but adds That Sir John Rowse prevented this Admission by a Ne admittas Junij 12. And that thereupon I said it was to no purpose for us to sit there if after a long Tryal and Judgment given all might be stopped If I did say so I think it is a manifest Truth that I spake For it were far better not to have Symony tryed at all in Ecclesiastical Courts than after a long Tryal to have it called off into Westminster-Hall to the double Charge and trouble of the Subject But if the Law will have it otherwise we cannot help that Nor is this Expression of mine any Violation of the Law Then he says a Letter was directed from the Court of the High Commission to the Judges to revoke the Ne admittas and that I was forward to have the Letter sent How forward soever I was yet it is confessed the Letter was sent by the Court not by me And let the Letter be produced it shall therein appear that it was not to revoke the Ne Admittas but to desire the Judges to consider whether it were not fit to be revoked considering the Church was not void till Junij 14. And it hath been usual in that Court to Write or send some of their Body to the Temporal Judges where they conceive there hath been a Misinformation or a mistake in the Cause the Judges being still free to judge according to Law both for the one and the other And here he confesses the Writ of Ne admittas was revoked by three Judges and therefore I think Legally But here he hopes he hath found me in a Contradiction For when I writ to the Bishop of Norwich Junij 7. 1638. I there said the Church was void whereas this Letter to the Judges says it was not void till Junij 14. But here is no Contradiction at all For after the Tryal past and the Symony proved the Church is void to so much as the Bishop's giving of Institution and so I writ Junij 7. But till the Sentence was pronounced in open Court and Read the Church was not void as touching those Legalities which as I humbly conceive do not till then take place in Westminster-Hall And the Reading of the Sentence was not till Junij 14. However if I were mistaken in my own private Letter to the Bishop yet that was better thought on in the Letter from the High Commission to the Judges He says lastly That upon a Quare Impedit after taken forth it was found that the King had no Right Why my Lords if different Courts judge differently of Symony I hope that shall not be imputed to me In the Court where I sate I judged according to my Conscience and the Law and the Proof as it appeared to me And for Dr. Ryve's his Letter which he says was sent to the Cursitor to stop the Ne admittas Let Dr. Ryves answer it The Witness himself confesses that Dr. Ryves says the Command to the Cursitor was from the Lord Keeper not from me And here ends the Treason against Mr. Ward and till now I did not think any could have been committed against a Minister Then follow'd the Case of Ferdinando Adams his Excommunication and the Suits which followed it As it will appear in the Witnesses following which were four 1. The first was Mr Hen. Dade the Commissary then before whom the Cause began And he confesses He did Excommunicate Adams for not blotting out a Sentence of Scripture which the said Adams had caused to be written upon the Church-Wall as in many Churches Sentences of 〈◊〉 are written But he tells your Lordships too that this Sentence was My House shall be called the House of Prayer but ye have made it a Den of Thieves The Commissary's Court was kept as usually it is at or toward the West-end of the Church And just over the Court Adams had written this Sentence upon the Wall meerly to put a scorn and a scandal though I hope an unjust one upon that Court He was commanded to blot it out He would not because it was Scripture as if a Man might not Revile and Slander nay speak Treason too if he will be so wicked and all in Scripture-Phrase Witness that lewd Speech lately utter'd To your Tents O Israel c. Upon this he was Excommunicated and I cannot but think he well deserved it For the Suit which followed against Mr. Dade in the Star-Chamber the Motion that Mr. Attorney would leave him to the common Prosecutor
that Troubles him S Luc 22. Then they urged my Predecessor Arch-Bishop Parker That he found Fault with the Consecration of New Churches I answered then upon Memory that he did not find fault simply with Consecrations of Churches but only with the Superstitious Ceremonies used therein And this since upon perusal of the Place I find to be true For after he had in some sort Commended the Popes for taking away some gross and superstitious Purgations he adds that yet for want of Piety or Prudence their later Pontifical and Missal-Books did outgo the Ancient In Multitudine Ceremoniarum peragendi Difficultate Taedio 〈◊〉 amentiâ So these were the things he found fault with not the Consecration it self which he could not well do himself being then a Consecrated Bishop 2. The Second Witness was Mr. Hope He says That he agrees with the former Witness and saw all and the throwing up of the Dust c. Since he agrees with the former Witness I give him the same Answer Yet with this Observation upon him and his Oath The former Witness says that at the beginning of this Action I took Dust and threw it up This Man agrees with him and saw all and almost in the very next Words confesses he was not there at the beginning Not there Yet he saw it My Lords if you mark it this is a wholsom Oath He says That then the Church-Yard was Consecrated by it self It was ever so the one Act must follow the other though both done the same Day For the Places being different the Act could not pass upon them at the same time Then he said there were Fees required and a good Eye had to the Money This is a poor Objection against me If the Officers did exact any Money without Rule or beyond President let them answer for it But for that which was said to belong to me I presently gave it to the Poor of the Parish And this Mr. Dell my Secretary then present attested to the Lords Lastly he said they were not New Churches Let him look to his Oath again for 't is notoriously known they were both New Built from the Ground and St. Giles not wholly upon the Old Foundation The Third Charge was laid on me only by Mr. Nieolas and without any Witness It was That I out-went Popery it self for the Papists Consecrated Churches only but I had been so Ceremonious that I had Consecrated Chappels too My Lords the use of Chappels and of Churches in regard of God's Service is the same Therefore if Consecration be fit for the one it must needs be for the other And the Consecrations of Chappels was long before Popery came into the World For even Oratories Newly Built were Consecrated in or before Eusebius his Time And he Flourished about the Year of Christ 310. So ancient they are in the course of Christianity and for any Prohibition of them there is neither Law nor Canon in the State or Church of England that doth it The Chappels they instance in are Three First they say I Consecrated a Chappel of the Right Honourable the Lord Treasurer Weston's I did so and did no harm therein As for the touch given by the way upon that Honourable Person he is gone to God I have nothing to do with it Secondly they Instanced in a Chappel of Sir John Worstenham's Building 'T is true I Consecrated that too but that was a Parish-Church Built in the Place where he was born and it was in my Diocess and so the Work proper for me The Third Instance was in my own Chappel in my House at Aberguilly when I was Bishop of St. Davids the Room lay waste and out of Repair and I fitted it at my own Cost and Consecrated it into a Chappel that House having no Oratory before Here they farther aggravated many circumstances As First that I named it at the Dedication The Chappel of S. John the Baptist. I did so Name that Chappel in Memory of the College where I was Bred which bears the same Name but I dedicated it to God and his Service And to give the Names of Angels and Saints to Churches for distinction sake and for the Honour of their Memory is very Ancient and Usual in the Church as appears in S. Augustin and divers others of the Fathers but Dedicated only to God Which in the midst of Superstitious times the School it self confesses So yet no Offence Secondly That I did it upon the 29th of August And why might I not do it that Day as well as upon any other But resolving to Name the Chappel as I did I the rather made choice of that Day both because it was the Day of the Decollation of S John the Baptist and because as upon that Day God had wonderfully Blessed me in the Hearing of my Cause concerning the Presidentship of S. John's College in Oxford by King James of ever blessed Memory So yet no Offence Thirdly there was a Paper read and Avowed to be mine in which was a fair description of Chappel Furniture and Rich Plate and the Ceremonies in use in that Chappel and Wafers for the Communion At the reading of this Paper I was a little troubled I knew I was not then so Rich as to have such Plate or Furniture and therefore I humbly desired sight of the Paper So soon as I saw it I found there was nothing in it in my Hand but the Indorsement which told the Reader plainly that it was the Model of Reverend Bishop Andrews his Chappel with the Furniture Plate Ceremonies therein used and all Things else And this Copy was sent me by the Household Chaplain to that Famous Bishop This I laid open to the Lords and it would have made any Man ashamed but Mr. Pryn who had delivered upon Oath that it was a Paper of my Chappel Furniture at Aberguilly contrary to his Conscience and his own Eye-sight of the Paper And for 〈◊〉 I never either gave or received the Communion but in Ordinary Bread At Westminster I knew it was sometimes used but as a thing indifferent As for the Slur here given to that Reverend Dead Bishop of Winchester it might well have been spared he deserved far better usage for his Service to the Church of England and the Protestant Cause The Fourth Charge was the Publishing the Book of Recreations And it was ushered in with this Scorn upon me That I laboured to put a Badge of Holiness by my Breath upon Places and to take it away from Days But I did neither the King commanded the Printing of it as is therein attested and the Warrant which the King gave me they have And though at Consecrations I read the Prayers yet it was God's Blessing not my Breath that gave the Holyness And for the Day I ever laboured it might be kept Holy but yet free from a Superstitious Holyness And First it was said That this was done of
Obeyed And hereof in any wise fail you not Jan. 19. 1634. Comput Angl. A Memorial of the Arch-Bishop's Annual Account to the King's Majesty of his Province for the Year 1635. Ex Registro Laud fol 241. WHereas his Majesty in his late Instructions to the Lords the Bishops hath amongst other things commanded that every Bishop respectively should give an Account in Writing to his Metropolitan of all those Instructions or so many of them as may concern him at or before the Tenth day of December yearly And likewise that the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury his Grace do make out of them a Brief of his whole Province and present it to his Sacred Majesty every year by the second day of January following My Lord Arch-Bishop in Obedience to the said Commands did present an Account in Writing to his Majesty how those Prudent and Pious Instructions for the Good and Welfare of the Church of Christ in this Kingdom have been obeyed and performed by the several Bishops within his Province of Canterbury for the Year of our Lord God 1634. Which Account by his Grace's Command is Registred amongst the other Acts of his Province by his principal Register And that in farther Obedience to the said Instructions his Grace delivered another Brief in Writing of his said Province for this present Year of our Lord God 1635. unto Sir John Cooke Knight one of the Principal Secretaries of State to be presented to his Majesty by the time aforesaid but by Reason of his the said Secretary's Sickness it is mislaid or lost and so hath not been presented to his Majesty nor any Observation by the King put upon it which loss notwithstanding the Lord Arch-Bishop commanded instead of Registring the Brief it self that this Memorial of the loss of it should be Registred Martij 14. 1635. W Cant. W. S. A. C. NOtwithstanding this Memorial the Arch-Bishop's Account for the Year 1635. is very happily come to my Hand after this manner My very Worthy Friend Sir Will. Cooke of Broom in Norfolk sent me a Letter dated Nov 6 1681. that being Executor to an Uncle of his then lately Deceased in Suffolk he found in his Study a Bundle of Original Papers of Arch-Bishop Laud which are the Annual Accounts here following from 1632. to 1639. with a Letter to me in the Words following May it please your Grace c. vide infra The Writer of this Letter Mr Thomas Raymond a very Ingenious Gentleman was as Sir Will C tells me bred up under Sir Will. Boswell Embassadour in Holland and was after Governour to the present Earl of Peterborough in his Travels And was after his Return as I have heard one of the Clerks of his Majesty's Privy Council possibly under Sir Jo Cooke Principal Secretary by which Means these Papers might come into his Hands The Originals are all Signed by the Arch-Bishop that of 1632. by G. Cant. being Abbot's last and the rest W Cant. being Arch-Bishop Lauds all which are Apostilled in the Margin with the King 's own Hand except only that of 1635. which it seems by Secretary Cook 's default never came to the King's view I found also among Arch-Bishop Laud's Papers Duplicates of the Accounts for 1634 6 7 8 and 9. with the King's Notes also Copied in the Margin And 3 of them scil the 3 last are Registred in Registr Laud f. 215. 254. 289. Mr. Raymond's Letter to my Lord Arch-Bishop Sancroft concerning the following Papers May it please your Grace THE inclosed Papers being of Ecclesiastick Concern and true and mighty Evidences of the abundant Love and Care of a Blessed King for the good of the Church as well as that of a most Pious and Learned Prelate your Grace's Predecessor I thought my self bound both in Duty and Prudence to Transmit them to your Grace as to their proper place both for use and safety And this I have endeavoured to do in the carefullest manner I could and do implore your Grace's Pardon for this intrusion beseeching most humbly Almighty God to grant your Grace multos annos in all Health and Prosperity so much conducing to the good of his Church amongst us And withdrawing my self unto my wonted Solitude do crave the great Honour to be esteemed as I am ready to approve my self Della mia povera Capanna 18 di Novembre 78. Your GRACE's Most Humble and Most Faithful Servant THO. RAYMOND Arch-Bishop Laud's Account of his Province sent to the King for the Year 1633. with the King 's Apostills in the Margin May it please Your most Sacred Majesty ACcording to Your Royal Commands I do here upon the Second of January 1633. Comput Aglic present my Accompt of both the Diocess and Province of Canterbury concerning all those Church Affairs which are contained within your Majesty's most gracious Declaration and Instructions Published out of your most Princely and Religious Care to preserve Unity in Orthodox Doctrine and Conformity to Government in this your Church of England And First for my own Diocess of Canterbury I hear of many things amiss but as yet my time hath been so short that I have had no certain knowledge of any thing fit to certifie save only that some of my Peculiars in London are Extreamly out of order For the Bishoprick of London it is certified that my Lord the now Bishop hath not received complaint against any of his Clergy since his coming to that See which was since Michaelmas last For all the former part of this First Year I must give your Majesty Accompt for my self being then Bishop there And First having heretofore after long patience and often conference proceeded against Nathaniel Ward Parson of Stondon in Essex to Excommunication and Deprivation for refusing to subscribe to the Articles established by the Canon of the Church of which I certified the last Year I have now left him still under the Censure of Excommunication I did likewise convent Mr John Beedle Rector of Barnstone in Essex for omitting some parts of Divine Service and refusing Conformity But upon his submission and promise of reformation I dismissed him with a Canonical Admonition only Since my return out of Scotland Mr John Davenport Vicar of St Stephens in Coleman-street whom I used with all Moderation and about Two Years since thought I had setled his Judgment having him then at advantage enough to have put extremity upon him but forbare it hath now resigned his Vicarage declared his Judgment against Conformity with the Church of England and is since gone as I hear to Amsterdam For Bath and Wells I find that the Lord Bishop hath in his late Visitation taken a great deal of pains to see all your Majesty's Instructions observed And particularly hath put down divers Lecturers in Market-Towns which were Beneficed Men in other Bishops Diocesses Because he found that when they had Preached Factious and Disorderly Sermons they retired into other Countries where his Jurisdiction would not reach to punish them
and send to the Lord Chief Justice who rides that Circuit which I did accordingly and hope your Majesty will be pleased to take Care that there may be some Settlement in this Particular My Lord the Bishop of Ely informs me That Sir John Cutts a Gentleman near Cambridge keeps a Chaplain being not thereto as he conceives qualify'd by Law Sir John pretends that he keeps him as a Curate to the Parson The Case may it please your Majesty is this In the Town of Childerly there were of old two Parishes Magna Parva The one was long since wasted and lost the other remains Presentative But the whole Town is depopulated except the Knight's House and the Church is gone upon the decayed Walls whereof stand mean Houses of Office as Brewhouse Stable c. Upon this Rectory the Knight ever provides to have a Titular Incumbent who now is one Mr Rainbowe a Fellow of S Magdalen College in Cambridge and Houshold Chaplain to the Earl of Suffolk What Allowance the Knight makes him is not known Tithes he takes none The Knight and his Family go to no other Church But he hath a Chappel which he saith was Consecrated by Bishop Heton and produces an Instrument with Seal purporting that on such a day at Childerly Bishop Heton did Consecrate a Chappel by saying Service there himself and having a Sermon Now upon colour hereof the Knight entertains a Stipendary who is termed his Chaplain and pays him a Stipend but he is neither appointed nor payed by the Incumbent The Bishop questioning the whole business hath required him to attend me to know whether such a Consecration be to be allowed of And if it be then whether I will allow of a Chappel in that place instead of a Parish Church now diverted to other profane Uses Of this I shall take the best care I can by advice of the ablest Civilians And in the mean time certifie your Majesty that the Bishop hath reason to be as strict in this as he may because there is a good Rectory devoured by this means and that almost in the view of the University of Cambridge I likewise find by my Lord the Bishop's Account that there are divers Particulars of moment and very fit for redress presented to him in his late yet being his first Visitation and most of them in the University and Town of Cambridge As namely that Emanuel Sidney and Corpus Christi Colleges have certain Rooms built within the Memory of Man which they use for Chappels to all Holy Uses yet were never Consecrated That most of the Church-Yards within the Town of Cambridge are annoyed and profaned with Dwelling-Houses and Shops and part of them turned in Gardens where by digging the Bones of the Dead have been displaced with divers other Profanations as namely the Church-Yards of St Michaels St Marys St Bennets and of St Botolphs And farther that in most of the Chancels of the Churches in Cambridge there are common Seats over-high and unfitting that place in divers Respects In all which businesses the Bishop hath been very tender both out of his respect to his Mother the University of Cambridge and because divers of the Benefices in Cambridge are Impropriations belonging to some Colleges there yet is pleased to ask my Direction herein as I most humbly do your Majesty's And herein if your Majesty so please I think it may be fit to consider well of the ill Example if Three College Chappels shall be used without any Consecration And for the Profanations and disorderly Seats I think if an Admonition would amend them it were well given But if that prevail not the High-Commission may order it if your Majesty so please And I hope my Lord the Bishop should not have had all this to do at his first coming into that Diocess if I could have held my Metropolitical Visitation of that See before this time From performance of which Duty I have been bold heretofore to acquaint your Majesty what hath hindred me There are also divers poor Cures within Six or Seven Miles round about Cambridge which are served by some Fellows or other Members of Colleges within the University who being many of them Stipendaries go or send thither upon Sundays and perchance on Holy-Days to read Service but are absent all the rest of the Week from all necessary Duties of their Cure And by this means the Parishioners want such necessary help and comfort in all time of Sickness either of them or their Families Against this I have taken the best care I can in Oxford But how to effect it in Cambridge I understand not so well being not acquainted with the course of that University There hapned also in the Town of Tadlow a very ill Accident on Christmas-day 1638. by reason of not having the Communion-Table railed in that it might be kept from Profanations For in Sermon time a Dog came to the Table and took the Loaf of Bread prepared for the Holy Sacrament in his Mouth and ran away with it Some of the 〈◊〉 took the same from the Dog and set it again upon the Table After Sermon the Minister could not think fit to Consecrate this Bread and other fit for the Sacrament was not to be had in that Town and the Day so far spent they could not send for it to another Town So there was no Communion And this was Presented by Four Sworn Men of the Town aforesaid Lastly it was likewise Presented to the Bishop that about Forty Years ago one Sir Francis Hind did pull down the Church of St Etheldred in Histon to which then appertained a Vicarage Presentative and forc'd the Parishioners to thrust themselves upon another small Church in the said Town to the great wrong of the Parishioners thereof And that the Lead Timber Stones Bells and all other Materials were sold away by him or imployed to the Building of his House at 〈◊〉 And that now it is called in question the People not being able of themselves to re-edifie the Church can get no redress against the Descendents from the said Sir Francis because the Heir was a Child and in Wardship to your Majesty There is notice come to my Lord the Bishop of some Brownists in that part of his Diocess adjoyning to Wales which Schismatically preach dangerous Errours and stir up the People to follow them And when they hear of any Enquiry made after them they slip out into another Diocess But the Bishop promises to do his best to order them But howsoever your Majesty may hereby see how these Schisms increase in all parts of your Dominions This Diocess is in good order and there was lately given Ten Pounds per Annum for Four Solemn Sermons to be preached Annually for ever which the Bishop hath ordered very well In this Diocess Catechising in the Afternoon by Question and Answer is generally well observed though some Men do preach also in the Afternoon
long Service He was pleased to say He had given me nothing but Gloucester which he well knew was a Shell without a Kernel June 29. His Majesty gave me the Grant of the Bishoprick of St. Davids being St. Peter's day The general expectation in Court was that I should then have been made Dean of Westminster and not Bishop of St. Davids The King gave me leave to hold the Presidentship of St. John Baptist's Colledge in Oxon in my Commendam with the Bishoprick of St. Davids But by Reason of the strictness of that Statute which I will not violate nor my Oath to it under any colour I am resolved before my Consecration to leave it Octob. 10. I was chosen Bishop of St. Davids Octob. 10. 1621. I resigned the Presidentship of St. Johns in Oxford Novemb. 17. 1621. I Preached at Westminster Novemb. 5. I was Consecrated Bishop of St. Davids Novemb. 18. 1621. at London-House Chappel by the Reverend Fathers the Lords Bishops of London Worcester Chichester Elye Landaffe Oxon. The Arch-Bishop being thought Irregular for casual Homicide Januar. 6. The Parliament then sitting was dissolved by Proclamation without any Session Januar. 14. The King's Letters came to the Arch-Bishop and all the Bishops about London for a Contribution of the Clergy toward recovery of the Palatinat Januar. 21. The Arch-Bishop's Letters came to me about this business Januar. 25. I sent these Letters and my own into the Diocess Febr. 17. I Preached at Westminster All my former Sermons are omitted March 9. I heard of the death of L. B. He died Januar. 17. between 6 and 7 in the Morning March 18. Dr. Theodore Price went towards Ireland out of London about the Commission appointed there March 24. I Preached at Court commanded to Print Anno 1622. April 13. The King renewed my Commendam April 16. I was with his Majesty and the Prince's Highness to give notice of Letters I received of a Treasonable Sermon Preached in Oxford on Sunday April 14. by one Mr. Knight of 〈◊〉 April 14. Sunday I waited at the Entertainment of Count Swartzenburge the Emperour's Ambassadour in the Parliament House April 23. Being the Tuesday in Easter week the King sent for me and set me into a course about the Countess of Buckingham who about that time was wavering in point of Religion April 24. Dr. Francis White and I met about this May 10. I went to the Court to Greenwich and came back in Coach with the Lord Marquess Buckingham My promise then to give his Lordship the Discourse he spake to me for May 12. I Preached at Westminster May 19. I delivered my Lord Marquess Buckingham the Paper concerning the difference between the Church of England and Rome in point of Salvation c. May 23. My first Speech with the Countess of Buckingham May 24. The Conference between Mr. Fisher a Jesuit and my self before the Lord Marquess Buckingham and the Countess his Mother I had much Speech with her after June 9. Being Whitsunday my Lord Marquess Buckingham was pleased to enter upon a near Respect to me The particulars are not for Paper June 15. I became C. to my Lord of Buckingham And June 16. Being Trinity Sunday he Received the Sacrament at Greenwich June 22. c. I saw two Books in Folio of Sir Robert Cottons In the one was all the Order of the Reformation in the time of Hen 8. The Original Letters and Dispatches under the Kings and the Bishops c. own hands In the other were all the Preparatory Letters Motives c. for the suppression of the Abbies their suppression and value in the Originals An Extract of both which Books I have per Capita July 5. I first entred into Wales July 9. I began my first Visitation at the Colledge in Brecknocke and Preached July 24. I visited at St. Davids and Preached July 25. August 6 7. I visited at Carmarthen and Preached The Chancellor and my Commissioners visited at Emlyn c. July 16 17. and at Haverford-West July 19 20. Aug. 15. I set forwards towards England from Carmarthen Septemb. 1. My Answer given to His Majesty about 9 Articles delivered in a Book from Mr Fisher the Jesuit These Articles were delivered me to consider of Aug. 28. The Discourse concerning them the same Night at Windsor in the presence of the King the Prince the Lord Marquess Buckingham his Lady and his Mother Septemb. 18. aut circiter There was notice given me that Mr. Fisher had spread certain Copies of the Conference had between him and me Maij 24. into divers Recusants hands Octob. .... I got the sight of a Copy c. in October made an Answer to it Octob. 27. I Preached at Westminster Decemb. 12. My Ancient Friend Mr R Peashall died horâ 6. matutinâ It was Thursday and Sol in Capri. Lucia Virgo in some Almanacks a day before in some a day after it Decemb. 16. My Lord Marquess Buckingham's Speech to me about the same Keye Decemb. 25. I Preached at St. Giles without Cripplegate I was three times with the King this Christmas and Read over to him the Answer which I had made to Fisher which he commanded should be Printed and I desired it might pass in a third Person under the Name of R. B. Januar. 11. My Lord of Buckingham and I in the inner Chamber at York House Quòd est Deus Salvator noster Christus Jesus Januar. 17. I received a Letter from E. B. to continue my favour as Mr. R. P. had desired me Januar. 19. I Preached at Westminster Januar. 27. I went out of London about the Parsonage of Creeke given me into my Commendam Januar. 29. I was instituted at Peterborough to the Parsonage of Creeke Januar. 31. I was inducted into Creeke Februar 2. Being Sunday and Candlemas day I Preached and Read the Articles at Creeke Febr. 5. Wednesday I came to London I went that Night to his Majesty hearing he had sent for me He delivered me a Book to read and observe It was a Tract of a Capuchin that had once been a Protestant He was now with the French Ambassadour The Tract was to prove that Christ's Body was in two places at once in the Apparition to St Paul Act IX Feb. 9. I gave the King an account of this Book Febr. 9. Promovi Edmundum Provant Scotum in Presbyterum Primogenitus meus fuit in Domino I Ordained Edmund Provant a Scot Priest He was my First-begotten in the Lord. Febr. 17. Munday the Prince and the Marquess Buckingham set forward very secretly for Spain Febr. 21. I wrote to my Lord of Buckingham into Spain Febr. 22. Saturday I fell very ill and was very suddenly plucked down in 4 days I was put into the Commission of Grievances There were in the Commission the Lord Marquess Buckingham Lord Arundel Lord Pembroke Bishop of Winchester and my self The Proclamation came out for this Febr. 14. March 9. I Ordained Thomas Owen Bat of Arts Deacon March 10. I
Ordained him and John Mitchel Priests March 23. I Preached at White-Hall Anno 1623. March 31. I received Letters from my Lord of Buckingham out of Spain April 9. I received Letters from my Lord of Buckingham out of Spain April 13. Easter-day I Preached at Westminster April 26. I Ordained John Burrough Master of Arts Deacon and Priest May 3 and 16. My Speech with B. E. and the taking off my Jealousies about the great business June 1. Whitsunday I Preached at St. Brides June 13. I received Letters from the Duke of Buckingham out of Spain June 15. R. B. died at Stony Stratford which what it will work with B. E. God in Heaven knoweth and be merciful unto me July 6. I Preached at Westminster July 15. St. Swythin A very fair day till towards 5 at Night Then great extremity of Thunder and Lightning Much hurt done The Lanthorn at St. James's House blasted The Vane bearing the Prince's Arms beaten to pieces The Prince then in Spain It was Tuesday and their St. James's day Stilo Novo Aug. 17. I received Letters from the Duke of Buckingham out of Spain Aug. 31. I Preached at Sunninge with my Lord of Bristol Septemb. 8. I was at Bromley and heard of the unfortunate passage between my Friends there Octob. 3. Friday I was with my Lord Keeper to whom I found some had done me very ill Offices And he was very jealous of L. B's Favour Octob. 5. The Prince and the Duke of Buckingham landed at Portsmouth from Spain Octob. 6. Munday they came to London The greatest expression of Joy by all sorts of People that ever I saw Octob. 20. I Ordained Thomas Blackiston Batch of Arts Deacon Octob. 26. The fall of an House while Drewrye the Jesuit was Preaching in the Black-Fryars About 100 slain It was in their Account Novemb. 5. Octob. 31. I acquainted my Lord Duke of Buckingham with that which passed between the Lord Keeper and me Novemb. 12. Wednesday night a most grievous Fire in Bread-street in London Alderman Cocking's House with others burnt down Novemb. 18. Tuesday night the Duke of Buckingham Entertained the two Spanish Embassadors Don Diego de Mendoza the Extraordinary and Don Carolo 's Columnas the Ordinary and Mexia I think his Name was Ambassador from the Arch-Dukes One of the Extraordinary Ambassadors of Spain Marquess Iniioca came not because Mendoza and he could not agree upon Precedency His Majesty and the Prince were there The Bishop of London and my self waited upon the King Decemb. 14. Sunday night I did Dream that the Lord Keeper was dead that I passed by one of his Men that was about a Monument for him that I heard him say his lower Lip was infinitely swelled and fallen and he rotten already This Dream did trouble me Decemb. 15. On Munday Morning I went about business to my Lord Duke of Buckingham We had Speech in the Shield-Gallery at White-Hall There I found that the Lord Keeper had strangely forgotten himself to him and I think was dead in his Affections Decemb. 21. I Preached at Westminster Decemb. 27. St. John's day I was with my Lord Duke of Buckingham I found that all went not right with the Lord Keeper c. He sent to speak with me because he was to Receive the next day Decemb. 30. I adventured to tell my Lord Duke of Buckingham of the Opinion generally held touching the Commission of sending Sir Edward Coke and some others into Ireland before the intended Parliament Januar. 3. I received my Writ to appear in Parliament Febr. 12. following Januar. 10. I received a Command under Seal from my Lord of London to warn for the Convocation Januar. 10. I was with my Lord Duke of Buckingham and shewed him the state of the Book Printed about the Visitation of the Church and what was like to ensue upon it Januar. 11. I was with his Majesty to shew him the Epistle that was to be Printed before the Conference between me and Fisher the Jesuit Maij 24. 1622. which he was pleased to approve The King brake with me about the Book Printed then of the Visitation of the Church He was hard of belief that A. B. C. was the Author of it My Lord Keeper met with me in the with-drawing-Chamber and quarrelled me gratis Januar. 12. I sent the Summons down into the Country to the Clergy for their appearance at the Convocation Januar. 14. I acquainted my Lord Duke of Buckingham with that which passed on the Sunday before between the Lord Keeper and me Januar. 16. I was all day with Doctor W. about my Papers of the Conference and making them ready for the Press Here is left a large void space in the Original to insert the Occurrences of the Eight following Days which space was never filled up Januar. 25. Dies Solis erat Ego solus nescio quâ tristitiâ languens Premebat anxium invidia J. L. odium gratuitum Sumpsi in manus Testamentum Novum Groeco idiomate pensum diei ordine lecturus Caput autem mihi occurrit ad Hebr. XIII Ibi statim occurrit mihi moerenti metuentique illud Davidis Psal. 56. Dominus mihi Adjutor non timebo quid faciat mihi homo Exemplum mihi putavi propositum sub eo Scuto quis non tutus Protege me O Dominus Deus meus Januar. 31. Commissio emissa sub magno Sigillo Angliae me inter alios Judicem Delegatum constituit in Causa Dilapidationis inter Rev. in Christo Patrem Richard Neile Dominum Episcopum Dunelm Franciscum James Filium Haeredem Praedecessoris Huic Commissioni inservivi ab horâ secundâ 〈◊〉 ad quintam Dies erat Saturni Locus Camera magna ubi Legum Doctores simul convivant vulgò dictus Doctors Commons Februar 1. Dies solis erat Astiti Illust. Principi Carolo Prandenti Hilaristum admodum sibi conviva multa obiter cum suis. Inter caetera se si necessitas aliquod genus 〈◊〉 imponeret Juristam esse non posse Subjunxit Rationes Nequeo inquit malam causam defendere nec in bonâ succumbere Sic in majoribus succedas in aeternum faustus Serenissime Princeps Februar 4. Dies Mercurij erat Colloquium cum Fishero Jesuitâ habitum Maij 24. 1622. Jussu Sereniss Regis Jacobi Scriptis mandatum Regi ipsi antea perlectum typis excudendum hodiè traditur cum Approbatione Episcopi London Nunquam ante-hac sub praelo Laboravi Nullus Controversor Et ita oro amet beetque animam meam Deus ut ego benè ad gloriam nominis ejus sopitas cupio conorque Ecclesiae nunquam satis deflendas distractiones Invisi hodiè Ducissam Buckinghamiae Ostendit mihi illa 〈◊〉 Faemina Precum formulam Hanc ei in manus dedit alia mihi nè de Nomine nota Mulier Perlegi Mediocra omnia nihil egregium nisi quòd Poesi similior canebat Januar. 25. It was Sunday I was alone and languishing with I know not what
Subsidies in a Year my Error if it were one was pardonable So we parted I went to my Lord Duke and acquainted him with it lest I might have ill Offices done me for it to the King and the Prince Sic Deus beet me servum suum laborantem sub pressurà eorum qui semper voluerunt mala mihi So may God bless me his Servant labouring under the pressure of them who alway wished ill to me April 16. Friday My Conference with Fisher the Jesuit Printed came forth April 18. Sunday I Preached at Paul's Cross. April 27. Tuesday My very good Friend Dr. Linsell cut for the Stone Circiter horam nonam ante Meridiem About Nine a Clock in the Forenoon May 1. Saturday E. B. Marryed The Sign in Pisces May 5. Wednesday Ascension-Eve The King's Speech in the Banquetting House at Whitehall to the upper House of Parliament concerning the Hearing of the Lord Treasurer's Cause which was to begin the Friday following This day my Lord Duke of Buckingham came to Town with his Majesty Sick And continued Ill till Saturday May 22. May 13. Thursday Lionel Earl of Middlesex Lord Treasurer of England and Master of the Wards Censured in Parliament for Bribery and Extortion and Deceiving the King c. To lose his Offices To be ever disinabled to bear any Fined to the King in 50000 l. Imprisoned in the Tower during the King's Pleasure Never to sit again as a Peer in Parliament Not to come within the Verge of the Court. May 15. Saturday Whitson-Eve The Bill passed in Parliament for the King to have York-House in exchange for other Lands This was for the Lord Duke of Buckingham May 16. Whitsunday night I watched with my Lord Duke of Buckingham This was the first Fit that he could be perswaded to take orderly May 18. Tuesday night I watched with my Lord Duke of Buckingham he took this Fit very orderly May 19. Wednesday The Bishop of Norwich Samuel Harsnet was presented by the House of Commons to the Lords His Cause was referred by the House to my Lord's Grace of Canterbury and the High Commission May 22. Saturday My Lord Duke of Buckingham missed his Fit May 26. Wednesday He went with his Majesty to Greenwich May 28. Friday E. B. came to London He had not leisure to speak with me though I sent and offered to wait all opportunities till June 16 being Wednesday May 29. Saturday The first Session of Parliament ended And the Prorogation was to the Second of November June 6. Second Sunday after Trinity I Preached at Westminster June 8. Tuesday I went to New-Hall to my Lord Duke of Buckingham and came back to London on Friday June 11. June 16. Wednesday I took my lasting leave of E. B. The great dry Summer My Dream June 4. Wednesday night 1623. In this Dream was all contained that followed in the carriage of E. B. towards me and that Night R. B. Sickned to the Death May 29. Saturday night 1624. I was marvellously troubled with E. B. before they came to London That there was much declining to speak with me but yet at last I had Conference and took my lasting leave And this so fell out Respice ad Maij 28. See May 28. July 7. Wednesday night My Lord of Durham's quarrel about the trifling business of Fr. N. July 23. Friday I went to lye and keep House and Preach at my Livings held in Commendam Creek and Ibstock That Friday night at St. Albans I gave R. R. my Servant his first Interest in my Businesses of moment July 27. This I confirmed unto him the Wednesday Morning following at Stanford August 7. Saturday while I was at Long Whatton with my Brother my passion by Blood and my fear of a Stone in my Bladder August 8. Sunday I went and Preached at my Parsonage at Ibstock and set things in order there August 26. Thursday My Horse trod on my foot and lamed me which stayed me in the Country a week longer than I intended Septemb. 7. Tuesday I came to London Septemb 9. Thursday My Lord of Buckingham consulted with me about a Man that offered him a strange way of Cure for himself and his Brother At that time I delivered his Grace the Copies of the two little Books which he desired me to write out Septemb. 16. Thursday Prince Charles his grievous fall which he had in Hunting Septemb. 25. Saturday My Lord Duke's proposal about an Army and the Means and whether Sutton's Hospital might not c. Octob. 2. Saturday In the Evening at Mr. Windebanks my Ancient Servant Adam Torless fell into a Swoon and we had much ado to recover him but I thank God we did Octob. 10. Sunday I fell at Night in Passionem Iliacam which had almost put me into a Fever I continued ill fourteen days Octob. 13. Wednesday I delivered up my Answer about Sutton's Hospital Novemb. 21. Sunday I Preached at Westminster Decemb. 6. Munday There was a Referment made from his Majesty to my Lord's Grace of Canterbury My Lords of Durham and Rochester and my self to Hear and Order a Matter of Difference in the Church of Hereford concerning a Residentiaryship and the Lecturer's place which we that day Ordered Decemb. 13. Munday I received Letters from Brecknock that the Salt-Peter Man was dead and buried the Sunday before the Messenger came This Salt-Peter Man had digged in the Colledge-Church for his work bearing too bold upon his Commission The News of it came to me to London about Novemb. 26. I went to my Lord Keeper and had a Messenger sent to bring him up to answer that Sacrilegious abuse He prevented his punishment by Death Decemb. 21. Tuesday Fest. Sancti Thomae Mr. Crumpton had set out a Book called St Augustins Summe His Majesty found fault with divers passages in it He was put to recall some things in Writing He had Dedicated this Book to my Lord Duke of Buckingham My Lord sent him to me to overlook the Articles in which he had recalled and explained himself that I might see whether it were well done and fit to shew the King This day Mr Crumpton brought his Papers to me Decemb. 23. Thursday I delivered these Papers back to Mr. Crumpton The same day at York-House I gave my Lord Duke of Buckingham my Answer what I thought of these Papers The same day I delivered my Lord a little Tract about Doctrinal Puritaenism in some Ten Heads which his Grace had spoken to me that I would draw for him that he might be acquainted with them Decemb. 31. Friday His Majesty sent for me and delivered unto me Mr. Crumpton's Papers the second time after I had read them over to himself and commanded me to correct them as they might pass in the Doctrin of the Church of England Januar. 3. Munday I had made ready these Papers and waited upon my Lord Duke of Buckingham with them and he brought me to the King There I was about an hour and a
Epiphaniae dies Veneris nocte 〈◊〉 avi Matrem meam diu ante defunctam lecto meo astitisse deductis paululum stragulis hilarem in me aspexisse laetatus sum videre eam aspectu tam jucundo Ostendit deindè mihi Senem diù ante defunctum quem ego dum vixit novi amavi Jacuisse videbatur ille humi laetus satis sed rugoso vultu Nomen ei Grove Dum paro salutare evigilavi Januar. 8. Dies erat Lunae 〈◊〉 visum Ducem Buck. Gavisus est in manus dedit Chartam de Invocatione Sanctorum quam dedit ei Mater Illi vero nescio quis Sacerdos Jan. 13. Dies erat Saturni Episcopus Lin. petiit reconciliationem cum 〈◊〉 Buckinghamiae c. Januar. 14. Die Solis versùs manè somniavi Episcopum Lin. nescio què advenisse cum catenis ferreis sed redeuns liberatus ab iis equum insiluit abiit nec assequi potui Januar. 16. Die Martis Somniavi Regem venatum 〈◊〉 quòd quum esuriit abduxi eum de improviso in Domum Fran. Windebanck Amici mei Dum parat comedere ego dum alii aberant Calicem ei de more porrigebam Potum attuli non placuit Iterum adduxi sed poculo argenteo Dicit Serenissimus Rex Tu 〈◊〉 me semper è vitro bibere Abeo iterum evigilavi Januar. 17. Die Mercurij Ostendi Rationes Regi cur Chartae Episcopi Winton defuncti de Episcopis quòd sint Jure Divino praelo tradendae sint contra illud quod miserè in maximum damnum Ecclesiae Anglicanae Episcopus Lincoln significavit Regi sicut Rex ipse mihi antea narravit Febr. 7. Dies erat Cinerum Concionatus sum in Aulâ ad White-Hall Feb. 9. Die Veneris nocte sequente somniavi me morbo scorbutico laborasse repentè Dentes omnes mihi laxos fuisse unum praecipuè in inferiori maxillâ vix digito me retinere potuisse donec opem peterem c. Feb. 20. Die Martis Incaepit Jo. Fenton 〈◊〉 pruriginis 〈◊〉 c. Febr. 22. Die Jovis Iter suscepi versus Novum Mercatum ubi tum Rex fuit Martij 3. Dies Saturni erat Cantabrigiam concessi unà cum Duce Buckinghamiae Cancellario istius almae Academiae alijs Comitibus Baronibus Incorporatus ibi fui sic primus qui praesentatus fuit Illustrissimo Duci tum sedenti in domo Congregationis ipse fui Habitus ibi fuit ab Academicis Dux insignis Academicè celebriter Redimus Martij 6. Die Martis Rediit Rex è Novo Mercato ego versùs Londinum Martij 8. Die Jovis Veni Londinum Nocte sequente somniavi me reconciliatum fuisse Ecclesiae Romanae Hoc anxiè me habuit miratus sum 〈◊〉 unde accidit Nec solum mihi molestus fui propter Errores illius Ecclesiae sed etiam propter scandala quae ex illo lapsu meo multos egregios doctos viros in Ecclesiâ Anglicanâ onerarent Sic turbatus insomnio dixi apud me me statim iturum confessione factâ veniam ab Ecclesiâ Anglicanâ petiturum Pergenti obviam se dedit Sacerdos quidam voluit impedire Sed indignatione motus me in viam dedi Et dum fatigavi me morosis cogitationibus evigilavi Tales impressiones sensi ut vix potui credere me somniâsse Martij 12. Die Lunae cum Rege concessi Theobaldas Redij die proximo Martij 13. Martij 17. Die Saturni Vigiliâ Palmarum Horâ noctis ferè mediâ sepelivi Carolum Vicecomitem Buckinghamiae Filium natu maximum tum unicum Georgij Ducis Buckinghamiae AEtdtis 〈◊〉 fuit Anni unius ferè quatuor mensium Mortuus est Die Veneris praecedente Anno 1626. March 26. Sunday D. B. sent me to the King There I gave to the King an account of those two Businesses which c. His Majesty thanked me March 29. King Charles spoke to both Houses of Parliament but directed his Speech chiefly to the Lower House both by himself and by the Right Honourable the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal in the Palace at White-Hall He also added much concerning the Duke of Buckingham c. In the Convocation held that Day there was much debating concerning the Sermon which Gabriel Goodman Bishop of Glocester had Preached before the King on the Sunday preceding being the fifth Sunday of Lent April 5 Wednesday The King sent in the Morning commanding the Bishops of Norwich Litchfeild and St Davids to attend him I and the Bishop of Litchfeild waited upon him the Bishop of Norwich being gone into the Country We received the King's Commands about c. and returned April 12. Wednesday at 9. in the Forenoon we met together viz. the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the Bishops of Winchester Durham and St Davids being commanded by the King to consult together concerning the Sermon which Dr Goodman the Bishop of Glocester had Preached before his Majesty on the 5th Sunday in Lent last past We advised together and gave this Answer to the King That some things were therein spoken less cautiously but nothing falsely That nothing was innovated by him in the Doctrine of the Church of England That the best way would be that the Bishop should preach the Sermon again at some time to be chosen by himself and should then shew how and wherein he was misunderstood by his Auditors That Night after 9. a Clock I gave to the King an account of what I had received in command on the 5th of April and of other things relating thereto Among the rest concerning restoring Impropriations The King spoke many things very graciously therein after I had first discoursed of the manner of effecting it April 14. Friday The Duke of Buckingham fell into a Fever April 19. Wednesday The Petition of John Digby Earl of Bristol against the Duke of Buckingham was read in the House of Lords It was very sharp and such as threatens Ruin to one of the Parties April 20. Friday King Charles referred the Cognisance of that whole matter as also of the Petition of the Earl of Digby to the House of Parliament April 21. Saturday the Duke of Buckingham sent to me to come to him There I first heard what Sir John Cook the King's Secretary had suggested against me to the Lord Treasurer and he to the Duke Lord be merciful to me thy Servant April 22. Sunday The King sent for all the Bishops to come to him at 4. a Clock in the Afternoon We waited upon him 14. in number Then his Majesty chid us that in this time of Parliament we were silent in the Cause of the Church and did not make known to him what might be Useful or was Prejudicial to the Church professing himself ready to promote the Cause of the Church He then commanded us that in the Causes of the Earl of Bristol and Duke of Buckingham we should follow the direction of our own Consciences being led by Proofs
me in my Sleep having been dead two Years before at least He seemed to me in very good plight and merry enough I told him what I had done for his Widow and Children He after a little thought answered That the Executor had satisfied him for those Legacies while he was yet alive And presently looking upon some Papers in his Study adjoyning he added that it was so He moreover whispering in my Ear told me that I was the Cause why the Bishop of Lincoln was not again admitted into Favour and to Court Apr. 4. Wednesday When his Majesty King Charles forgave to Doctor Donne certain slips in a Sermon Preached on Sunday Apr. 1. what he then most graciously said unto me I have wrote in my Heart with 〈◊〉 Characters and great 〈◊〉 to God and the King Apr. 7. Saturday Going to Court to wait upon the King at Supper in going out of the Coach my foot stumbling I fell headlong I never had a more dangerous fall but by God's mercy I escaped with a light bruise of my Hip only Apr. 24. Tuesday There were then first sent to me the Exceptitions which the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury had Exhibited against Doctor Sibthorp's Sermon and what followed April 29. Sunday I was made Privy-Councellour to his Majesty King Charles God grant it may conduce to his Honour and to the good of the Kingdom and the Church May 13. Whitsunday I Preached before the King c. Junij 7 8. I attended King Charles from London to Southwick by Portsmouth Junij 11. His Majesty dined a-board the Triumph where I attended him June 17. The Bishoprick of London was granted me at Southwick June 22. We came to London June 24. I was commanded to go all the Progress June 27. The Duke of Buckingham set forwards towards the Isle of Ree June 30. The Progress began to Oatlands July 4. The King lost a Jewel in Hunting of a 1000 l. value That day the Message was sent by the King for the Sequestring of A. B. C. July 7. Saturday-night I dreamed that I had lost two Teeth The Duke of Buckingham took the Isle of Ree July 26. I attended the King and Queen at Wellingburrough July 29. The first News came from my Lord Duke of his Success Sunday August 12. The second News came from my Lord Duke to Windsor Sunday August 26. The third News came from my Lord Duke to Aldershot Sunday September News came from my Lord Duke to Theobalds The first fear of ill Success News from my Lord Duke to Hampton-Court I went to my Lord of Rochester to consider about A. B. C. and returned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Court 〈◊〉 King's Speech to me in the withdrawing Chamber That if any did c. I c. before any thing should sink c. The business of Doctor Bargar Dean of Canterbury began about the Vicaridge of Lidd October The Commission to the Bishops of London Durham Rochester Oxford and my self then Bath and Wells to Execute Archiepiscopal Jurisdiction during the Sequestration of my Lord's Grace of Canterbury The Dean of Canterbury's Speech that the business could not go well in the Isle of Ree There must be a Parliament some must be Sacrificed that I was as like as any Spoken to Doctor W. The same Speech after spoken to the same Man by Sir Dudlye Diggs I told it when I heard it doubled Let me desire you not to trouble your self with any Reports till you see me forsake my other Friends c. Ita Ch. R. The Retreat out of the Isle of Ree November My Lord Duke's return to Court The Countess of Purbeck censured in the High Commission for Adultery December 25. I Preached to the King at White-Hall January 29. Tuesday A resolution at the Council Table for a Parliament to begin March 17. if the Shires go on with levying Money for the Navy c. January 30. Wednesday My Lord Duke of Buckingham's Son was Born the Lord George New Moon die 26. February 5. Tuesday The straining of the back sinew of my right Leg as I went with his Majesty to Hampton-Court I kept in till I Preached at the opening of the Parliament March 17. but I continued lame long after saving that Februar 14. Thursday Saint Valentine's-day I made a shift to go and Christen my Lord Duke's Son the Lord George at Wallingford-House March 17. I Preached at the opening of the Parliament but had much ado to stand it was Munday Anno 1628. June 1. Whitsunday I Preached at White-Hall June 11. My Lord Duke of Buckingham Voted in the House of Commons to be the Cause or Causes of all Grievances in the Kingdom June 12. Thursday I was complained of by the House of Commons for warranting Doctor Manwaring's Sermons to the Press June 13. Dr. Manwaring answered for himself before the Lords and the next day June 14. Being Saturday was Censured After his Censure my Cause was called to the Report And by God's Goodness towards me I was fully cleared in the House The same day the House of Commons were making their Remonstrance to the King One Head was Innovation of Religion Therein they Named my Lord the Bishop of Winchester and my self One in the House stood up and said Now we have Named these Persons let us think of some Causes why we did it Sir Edw. Cooke answered Have we not Named my Lord of Buckingham without shewing a Cause and may we not be as bold with them June 17. This Remonstrance was delivered to the King on Tuesday June 26. Thursday The Session of Parliament ended and was Prorogued to October 20. July 11. Tuesday My Conge-deslier was Signed by the King for the Bishoprick of London July 15. Tuesday St. Swithin and fair with us I was Translated to the Bishoprick of London The same day the Lord Weston was made Lord Treasurer August 9. Saturday A terrible salt Rheum in my left Eye had almost put me into a Fever August 12. Tuesday My Lord Duke of Buckingham went towards Portsmouth to go for Rochell August 23. Saturday St Bartholomew's Eve the Duke of Buckingham slain at Portsmouth by one Lieutenant Felton about Nine in the Morning August 24. The News of his Death came to Croydon where it found my self and the Bishops of Winchester Ely and Carlile at the Consecration of Bishop Montague for Chichester with my Lord's Grace August 27. Wednesday Mr. Elphinston brought me a very Gracious Message from his Majesty upon my Lord Duke's Death August 30. As I was going out to meet the Corps of the Duke which that Night was brought to London Sir W Fleetwood brought me very Gracious Letters from the King's Majesty written with his own Hand September 9. Tuesday The first time that I went to Court after the Death of the Duke of Buckingham my dear Lord The Gracious Speech which that Night the King was pleased to use to me September 27. Saturday I fell Sick and came Sick from Hampton-Court Tuesday Septemb. ult I was sore
plucked with this Sickness c. October 20. Munday I was forced to put on a Truss for a Rupture I know not how occasioned unless it were with swinging of a Book for my Exercise in private Novemb. 29. Felton was Executed at Tyburn for killing the Duke and afterwards his Body was sent to be Hanged in Chains at Portsmouth It was Saturday and St. Andrew's Even and he killed the Duke upon Saturday St. Bartholomew's Even December 25. I Preached at White-Hall December 30. Wednesday The Statutes which I had drawn for the reducing of the Factious and Tumultuary Election of Proctors in Oxford to several Colledges by course and so to continue were passed in Convocation at Oxford no Voice dissenting January 26. Munday the 240 Greek Manuscripts were sent to London-House These I got my Lord of Pembrooke to buy and give to Oxford January 31. Saturday-night I lay in Court I dreamed that I put off my Rochet all save one sleeve and when I would have put it on again I could not find it Feb. 6. Friday Sir Thomas Roe sent to London-House 28 Manuscripts in Greek to have a Catalogue drawn and the Books to be for Oxford March 2. Munday The Parliament to be dissolved declared by Proclamation upon some disobedient passages to his Majesty that day in the House of Commons March 10. Tuesday the Parliament Dissolved the King present The Parliament which was broken up this March 10. laboured my ruin but God be ever blessed for it found nothing against me Anno 1629. March 29. Sunday Two Papers were found in the Dean of Paul's his Yard before his House The one was to this effect concerning my self Laud look to thy self be assured thy Life is sought As thou art the Fountain of all Wickedness Repent thee of thy monstrous Sins before thou be taken out of the World c. And assure thy self neither God nor the World can endure such a vile Councellor to live or such a Whisperer or to this effect The other was as bad as this against the Lord Treasurer Mr. Dean delivered both Papers to the King that Night Lord I am a grievous Sinner but I beseech thee deliver my Soul from them that hate me without a Cause April 2. Thursday Maundy-Thursday as it came this Year About Three of the Clock in the Morning the Lady Dutchess of Buckingham was delivered of her Son the Lord Francis Villiers whom I Christened Tuesday Apr. 21. Apr. 5. I Preached at White-Hall Maij 13. Wednesday This Morning about Three of the Clock the Queen was delivered before her Time of a Son He was Christened and Died within short space his Name Charles This was Ascention Eve The next Day being Maij 14. Ascention Day Paulò ante mediam Noctem I Buried him at Westminster If God repair not this loss I much fear it was Descention-day to this State Aug. 14. Dies erat Veneris I fell sick upon the way towards the Court at Woodstock I took up my Lodging at my ancient Friend's House Mr. Francis Windebanck There I lay in a most grievous burning Fever till Munday Sept. 7. Septemb. 7. On which Day I had my last Fit Octob. 20. I was brought so low that I was not able to return towards my own House at London till Tuesday Octob. 29. Octob. 26. I went first to present my humble Duty and Service to his Majesty at Denmark-House Munday 26. Octob. March 21. After this I had divers Plunges and was not able to put my self into the service of my Place till Palm-Sunday which was March 21. Anno 1630. Apr. 10. The Earl of Pembroke Lord Steward being Chancellor of the University of Oxford died of an Apoplexie Apr. 12. The University of Oxford chose me Chancellor and word was brought me of it the next Morning Munday April 28. Wednesday The University came up to the Ceremony and gave me my Oath Maij 29. Saturday Prince Charles was born at St. James's Paulò ante Horam primam post Meridiem I was in the House 3. Hours before and had the Honour and the Happiness to see the Prince before he was full one Hour old Junij 27. Sunday I had the Honour as Dean of the Chappel my Lord's Grace of Canterbury being infirm to Christen Prince Charles at St. James's Horâ ferè quintâ Pomeridianâ August 22. Sunday I Preached at Fulham Aug. 24. Tuesday St Bartholomew Extream thunder Lightning and Rain The Pestilence this Summer The greatest Week in London was 73. à 7. Octob. ad 14. spread in many Places miserably in Cambridge The Winter before was extream wet and scarce one Week of Frost This Harvest scarce A great Dearth in France England the Low-Countreys c. Octob. 6. Wednesday I was taken with an extream Cold and Lameness as I was waiting upon St. George his Feast at Windsor and forced to return to Fulham where I continued ill above a Week Octob. 29. Friday I removed my Family from Fulham to London-house Novemb. 4. Thursday Leighton was degraded at the High Commission Novemb. 9. Tuesday That Night Leighton broke out of the Fleet. The Warden says he got or was 〈◊〉 over the Wall the Warden professes he knew not this till Wednesday Noon He told it not me till Thursday Night He was taken again in Bedfordshire and brought back to the Fleet within a Fortnight Novemb. 26. Friday Part of his Sentence was executed upon him at Westminster Decemb. 7. Tuesday The King Sware the Peace with Spain Don Carlo Colonna was Embassadour Decemb. 25. I Preached to the King Christmas-day January 16. Sunday I Consecrated St. Catherine Creed-Church in London January 21. The Lord Wentworth Lord President of the North and I c. In my little Chamber at London-House Friday January 23. I consecrated the Church of St. Giles in the Fields Sunday Feb. 20. This Sunday Morning Westminster-Hall was found on Fire by the Burning of the little Shops or Stalls kept there It is thought by some Pan of Coals left there over night it was taken in time Feb. 23. Ash-Wednesday I preached in Court at White-Hall March 20. Sunday His Majesty put his great Case of Conscience to me about c. Which I after answered God Bless him in it The Famine great this Time But in part by Practice Anno 1631. March 27. Coronation day and Sunday I Preached at St. Paul's Cross. April 10. Easter-Munday I fell ill with great pain in my throat for a Week It was with Cold taken after Heat in my service and then into an Ague A fourth part almost of my Family Sick this Spring June 7. Tuesday I Consecrated the Chappel at Hammersmith June 21. Tuesday and June 26. Saturday My nearer Acquaintance began to settle with Dr. S. I pray God bless us in it June 26. My business with L. T. c. about the Trees which the King had given me in Shotover towards my building in St. John's at Oxford Which work I resolved on in November last And
published it to the Colledge about the end of March This day discovered unto me that which I was sorry to find in L. T. and F. C. sed transeat July 26. The first Stone was laid of my building at St. John's Aug. 23. In this June and July were the great disorders in Oxford by appealing from Doctor Smith then Vice-Chancellor The chief Ring-leaders were Mr. Foord of Magdalen-Hall and Mr. Thorne of Baliol Colledge The Proctors Mr. Atherton Bruch and Mr. John Doughty received their Appeals as if it had not been perturbatio pacis c. The Vice-Chancellor was forced in a Statutable way to Appeal to the King The King with all the Lords of his Council then present heard the Cause at Woodstock Aug. 23. 1631. being Tuesday in the After-noon The Sentence upon the Hearing was That Foord Thorne and Hodges of 〈◊〉 Colledge should be banished the University 〈◊〉 both the Proctors were commanded to come into the Convocation House and there resign their Office that two others might be Named out of the same Colledges Doctor Prideaux Rector of Exeter Colledge and Dr. Wilkinson Principal of Magdalen Hall received a sharp admonition for their mis-behaviour in this business Aug. 29. Munday I went to Brent-wood and the next day began my Visitation there and so went on and finished it Novemb. 4. Friday The Lady Mary Princess born at St. James's inter horas quintam sextam matutinas It was thought she was born three weeks before her time Decemb. 25. I Preached at Court Januar. 1. The extreamest wet and warm January that ever was known in memory February 15. I Preached at Court Ashwednesday February 19. D. S. came to my Chamber troubled about going quite from Court at Spring First Sunday in Lent after Sermon Anno 1632. April 1. I Preached at Court Easter-day Maij 26. Saturday Trinity-Sunday Eve I Consecrated the Lord Treasurer's Chappel at Roehampton Maij 29. Tuesday My meeting and setling upon express Terms with K. B. in the Gallery at Greenwich In which business God bless me Junij 15. Mr. Francis Windebancke my Old Friend was sworn Secretary of State which place I obtained for him of my Gracious Master King Charles Junij 18. Munday I Married my Lord Treasurer Weston's Eldest Son to the Lady Frances Daughter to the Duke of Lenox at Roehampton Junij 25. Munday D. S. with me at Fulham cum Ma. c. Junius This was the coldest June clean through that was ever felt in my memory Julij 10. Tuesday Doctor Juxon then Dean of Worcester at my suit sworn Clark of his Majesties Closet That I might have one that I might trust near his Majesty if I grow weak or infirm as I must have a time Julij 17. Tuesday I Consecrated the Church at Stanmore magna in Middlesex built by Sir John Wolstenham The cold Summer Harvest not in within forty miles of London after Michaelmas c. Decemb. 2. Sunday The small pox appeared upon his Majesty but God be thanked he had a very gentle Disease of it December 27. Thursday the Earl of Arundel set forward towards the Low-Countries to fetch the Queen of Bohemia and her Children Decemb. 25. I Preached to the King Christmas-day Januar. 1. My being with K. B. this day in the afternoon ..... troubled me much God send me a good issue out of it The warm open Christmas January 15. Tuesday K. B. and I unexpectedly came to some clearer Declaration of our selves Which God bless Febr. 11. Munday-night till Tuesday-morning the great Fire upon London Bridge ....... Houses burnt down Feb. 13. Wednesday The Feoffees that pretended to buy in Impropriations were dissolved in the Chequer-Chamber They were the main Instruments for the Puritan Faction to undo the Church The Criminal Part reserved Feb. 28. Thursday Mr. Chancellour of London Dr. Duck brought me word how miserably I was slandered by some Separatists I pray God give me patience and forgive them March 6. Ashwednesday I Preached at White-Hall Anno 1633. April 13. The great business at the Council-Table c. When the Earl of Holland made his submission to the King This April was most extream wet and cold and windy Maij 13. Munday I set out of London to attend King Charles into Scotland Maij 24. The King was to enter into York in State The Day was extream Windy and Rainy that he could not all day long I called it York-Friday Junij 6. I came to Barwick That Night I dreamed that K. B. sent to me in Westminster-Church that he was now as desirous to see me as I him and that he was then entring into the Church I went with Joy but met another in the middle of the Church who seemed to know the Business and laugh'd But K. B. was not there Junij 8. Saturday Whitsun-Eve I received Letters from K. B. unalterable c. By this if I return I shall see how true or false my Dream is c. Junij 15. Saturday I was sworn Counsellor of Scotland Junij 18. Tuesday after Trinity-Sunday King Charles Crowned at Holyrood-Church in Edinburgh I never saw more expressions of Joy than were after it c. Junij 19. Wednesday I received second Letters from K. B. no Changling c. Within Three Hours after other Letters from K. B. Believe all that I say c. Junij 29. Friday Letters from K. B. no D. true if not to my Contentment c. Junij 30. I Preached to his Majesty in the Chappel in Holy-rood-House in Edinburgh July 1. Munday I went over Forth to Brunt-Island July 2. Tuesday To St. Andrews Julij 3. Wednesday Over Taye to Dunde Julij 4. Thursday To Faukland Julij 7. Sunday To St. Johnston Julij 8. Munday To Dunblain and Sterling My dangerous and 〈◊〉 Journey crossing part of the Highlands by Coach which was a Wonder there July 9. Tuesday To Lithgow and so to Edinburgh July 10. Wednesday His Majesties dangerous Passage from Brunt-Island to Edinburgh Julij 11. Thursday I began my Journey from Edinburgh towards London Julij 12. Friday That Night at Anderweek I Dreamed that L. L. came and offered to fit above me at the Co. Ta. and that L. H. came in and placed him there Julij 20. Saturday The King came from Scotland to Greenwich having come Post from Barwick in four Days Julij 26. Friday I came to my House at Fulham from Scotland Julij 28. Sunday K. B. and I met All the strange Discourses mistaken And that which was a very High Tide at was then the lowest Ebb at Greenwich that ever I saw I went away much troubled But all setled again well Aug. 3. Saturday following Aug. 4. Sunday News came to Court of the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury's Death and the King resolved presently to give it me Which he did Aug. 6. Aug. 4. That very Morning at Greenwich there came one to me Seriously and that avowed ability to perform it and offered me to be a Cardinal I went presently to the
and Soul diers to fall up on me in the King's absence Sept. 21. I received a Letter from John Rockel a M an both by Name and Person unknown to me He was among the Scots as he tra velled through the Bishoprick of Durham he heard them inveigh and rail at me exceedingly and that they hoped Shortly to see me as the Duke was Slain by one least suspected His Letter was to advise me to look to my self Septemb. 24. Thursday A great Council of the Lords were called by the King to York to consider what way was best to be taken to get out the Scots and this day the Meeting began at York and continued till Octob. 28. Octob. 22. Thursday The High Commission sitting at St. Pauls because of the Troubles of the Times Very near 2000 Brownists made a Tumult at the end of the Court tore down all the Benches in the Consistory and cryed out they would have no Bishop nor no High Commission Octob. 27. Tuesday Simon and Jude's Eve I went into my upper Study to see some Manuscripts which I was sending to Oxford In that Study hung my Picture taken by the Life and coming in I found it fallen down upon the Face and lying on the Floor the String being broken by which it was hanged against the Wall I am almost every day threatned with my Ruine in Parliament God grant this be no Omen Novemb. 3. Tuesday The Parliament began the King did not ride but went by Water to Kings Stairs and thorough Westminster-Hall to the Church and so to the House Novemb. 4. Wednesday The Convocation began at St. Pauls Novemb. 11. Wednesday Thomas Vis count Wentworth Earl of Straffor d Accused to the Lords by the House of Commons for High Treason and restrained to the Usher of the House Novemb. 25. Wednesday He was sent to the Tower Decemb. 2. Wednesday A great Debate in the House that no Bishop should be so much as of the Committee for preparatory Examinations in this Cause as accounted Causa Sanguints put off till the next day Decemb. 3. Thursday The Debate declined Decemb. 4. Friday The King gave way that his Council should be Examined upon Oath in the Earl of Strafford's Case I was Examined this day Decemb. 16. Wednesday The Canons Condemned in the House of Commons as being against the King's Prerogative the Fundamental Laws of the Realm the Liberty and Propriety of the Subject and containing divers other things tending to Sedition and of dangerous Consequence Upon this I was made the Author of them and a Committee put upon me to enquire into all my Actions and to prepare a Charge The same Morning in the Upper House I was na med as an Incendiary by the Scot tish Commissioners and a .... Complaint promised to be drawn up to morrow Decemb. 18. Friday I w as Accu sed by the House of Commons for High Trea son without any particular Charge laid against me which they said should be prepared in convenient time Mr. Denzell Hollys was the Man that brought up the Message to the Lords Soon after the Charge was brought into the Upper-House by the Scottish Commissioners tending to prove me an Incendiary I was presently committed to the Gentleman Us her but was permitted to go in his Company to my House at Lam beth for a Book or two to Read in and such Papers as pertained to my Defence against the Scots I stayed at Lambeth till the Evening to avoid the gazing of the People I went to Evening Prayer in my Chappel The Psalms of the day Psal. 93 and 94. and Chap. 50. of Esai gave me great Comfort God make me worthy of it and fit to receive it As I went to my Barge hundreds of my poor Neighbours stood there and prayed for my safety and return to my House For which I bless God and them Decemb. 21. Munday I was Fined 500 l. in the Parliament House and Sir John Lambe and Sir Henry Martin 250 l. a piece for keeping Sir Robert Howard close Prisoner in the Case of the Escape of the Lady Viscountess Purbecke out of the Gate-House which Lady he kept avowedly and had Children by her In such a Case say the Imprisonment were more than the Law allow what may be done for Honour and Religion sake This was not a Fine to the King but Damage to the Party Decemb. 23. Wednesday The Lords Ordered me to pay the Money presently which was done Januar. 21. Thursday A Parliament Man of good Note and Interessed with divers Lords sent me word that by Reason of my patient and m oderate Carriage since my Commit ment four Earls of great power in the Upper-House of the Lords were not now so sharp against me as at first And that now they were resolved only to Se quester me from the King's Coun cil and to put me from my Arch Bishoprick So I see what Justice I may expect since here is a Resolution taken not only before my Answer but before my Charge was brought up against me Febr. 14. Sunday A. R. And this if I Live and continue Arch-Bishop of Canterbury till after Michaelmas-day come Twelve-month Anno 1642. God bless me in this Febr. 26. Friday This day I had been full ten weeks in restraint at Mr. Maxwell's House And this day being St. Augustin's day my Charge was brought up from the House of Commons to the Lords by Sir Henry Vane the Younger It consisted of fourteen Articles These Generals they craved time to prove in particular The Copy of this General Charge is among my Papers I spake something to it And the Copy of that also is among my Papers I had Favour from the Lords not to go to the Tower till the Munday following March 1. Munday I went in Mr. Maxwell's Coach to the Tower No noise till I came into Cheapside But from thence to the Tower I was followed and railed at by the Prentices and the Rabble in great numbers to the very Tower Gates where I left them and I thank God he made me patient March 9. Shrove-Tuesday ........ was with me in the Tower and gave great engagements of his Faith to me March 13. Saturday Divers Lords Dined with the Lord Herbert at his new House by Fox-Hall in Lambeth Three of these Lords in the Boat together when one of them saying he was sorry for my Commitment because the buil ding of St. Pauls went slow on there-while the Lord Brooke replied I hope some of us shall live to see no one stone left upon another of that Building March 15. Munday A Committee for Religion setled in the Upper-House of Parliament Ten Earls ten Bishops ten Barons So the Lay-Votes shall be double to the Clergy This Committee will meddle with Doctrine as well as Ceremonies and will call some Divines to them to consider of the Business As appears by a Letter hereto annexed sent by the Lord Bishop of Lincoln to some Divines to attend this Service Upon
as are warrantable by Act of Parliament 6. All Fortifications to desist and no further working therein and they to be remitted to his Majesty's Pleasure 7. To restore to every one of his Majesty's Subjects their Liberty Lands Houses Goods and Means whatsoever taken and detained from them by whatsoever means since the aforesaid time The Copy of the Act of the Pacification as it passed under his Majesties Hand and includes these Articles above written is as follows Ch. R. WE having considered the Papers and humble Petitions presented unto us by those of our Subjects of Scotland who were admitted to attend our pleasure in the Camp and after a full Hearing by Our Self of all that they could say or alledge thereupon having communicated the same to Our Council of both Kingdoms upon mature deliberation with their unanimous Advice We have thought fit to give them this Just and Gracious Answer That though We cannot condescend to Ratifie and Approve the Acts of the pretended General Assembly at Glasgow for many Grave and Weighty Considerations which have happened both before and since much importing the Honour and Security of that true Monarchical Government Lineally descended upon Us from so many of Our Ancestors Yet such is Our Gracious Pleasure That notwithstanding the many disorders committed of late We are pleased not only to confirm and make good whatsoever Our Commissioner hath granted and promised in Our Name But also We are further Graciously pleased to declare and assure That according to the Petitioner's humble desires all Matters Ecclesiastical shall be determined by the Assemblies of the Kirk and Matters Civil by the Parliament and other inferiour Judicatories Established by Law which accordingly shall be kept once a Year or as shall be agreed upon at the General Assembly And for setling the general distractions of that Our Ancient Kingdom Our Will and Pleasure is that a free General Assembly be kept at Edinburgh the sixth day of August next ensuing where We intend God willing to be personally present And for the Legal Indiction whereof We have given Order and Command to Our Council and thereafter a Parliament to be holden at Edinburgh the 20th day of August next ensuing for Ratifying of what shall be concluded in the said Assembly and setling such other things as may conduce to the Peace and Good of Our Native Kingdom and therein an Act of Oblivion to be passed And whereas We are further desired that Our Ships and Forces by Land be recalled and all Persons Goods and Ships restored and they made safe from Invasion We are Graciously pleased to Declare that upon their disarming and disbanding of their Forces dissolving and discharging all their pretended Tables and Conventicles and restoring unto Us all Our Castles Forts and Ammunitions of all sorts as likewise Our Royal Honours and to every one of Our Good Subjects their Liberty Lands Houses Goods and Means whatsoever taken and detained from them since the late pretended General Assembly We will presently thereafter recall Our Fleet and retire our Land-Forces and cause Restitution to be made to all Persons of their Ships and Goods detained and arrested since the aforesaid time Whereby it may appear that Our intention in taking up of Arms was no ways for Invading of Our Native Kingdom or to Innovate the Religion and Laws but meerly for the Maintaining and Vindicating of Our Royal Authority And since that hereby it doth clearly appear that We neither have nor do intend any alteration in Religion or Laws but that both shall be maintained by Us in their full integrity We expect the performance of that Humble and Dutiful Obedience which becometh Loyal and Dutiful Subjects and as in their several Petitions they have often professed And as We have just Reason to believe that to Our peaceable and well-affected Subjects this will be satisfactory so We take God and the World to witness that whatsoever Calamities shall ensue by Our necessitated suppressing of the Insolencies of such as shall continue in their disobedient Courses is not occasioned by us but by their own procurement This Pacification was not much sooner made by the King than it was broken by the Scots For whereas it was agreed by the Seventh Article and is repeated in the Body of the Pacification That every one of his Majesties good Subjects shou'd enjoy their Liberty Lands Houses Goods and Means whatsoever taken and detayned from them since the aforesaid time The * Lord Lindsay in the Name of the rest made a Protestation either in the Camp at Dunns or at the Cross in Edinburgh that no Bishop or Clergyman was included in this Pacification which yet in manifest and plain Terms extended it self to all the Kings good Subjects And this Protestation was so pursued as that it obtained and no Clergyman was relieved in any the Particulars Upon this and other Particulars agitated in Parliament amongst them his Majesty thought fit to look to himself and examine their Proceedings farther To this end he often called his Council and in particular made a Committee of eight more particularly to attend that service They were the Lord Bishop of London then Lord Treasurer the Lord Marquis Hamilton the Earl of Northumberland Lord Admiral the Earl of Strafford Lord Deputy of Ireland the Lord Cottington Sir Henry Vane and Sir Francis Windebanck Secretaries and my self to which was after added the Earl of Arundel Lord Marshal And though I spake nothing of these Scottish Businesses but either openly at Council-Table or in presence of all or so many of this Committee as occasionally met and so had Auditors and Witnesses enough of what I did or said yet it was still cast out among the 〈◊〉 that I was a chief Incendiary in the Business Where yet had I said or done any thing worse than other there wanted not Sir Henry Vane to discover it At this Committee many things were proposed diversly for the Aid and Assistance of the King and many Proposals rejected as Illegal At last the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland propos'd the calling of a Parliament Much was not said against this but much said for it Nor indeed was it safe for any Man to declare against it after it was once publickly moved So a Parliament was resolved on and called against April 13. 1640. At that time it sat down and many Tumultuary Complaints were made by the Scots against the Bishops and Church Government in England and with great vehemency against my self All this while the King could get no Money to Aid him against the Scottish Rebellion At last after many Attempts Sir Henry Vane told the King plainly that it was in vain to expect longer or to make any other overture to them For no Money wou'd be had against the Scots Hereupon his Majesty called all his Lords of Council together and upon Maij 5. being Tuesday at Six in the Morning they met in the Council-Chamber I by the mistake of the Messenger was warned
After they had continued at York till Octob. 28. the King and the Lords returned and the Parliament sate down Novemb. 3. Great Heats appear'd in the very beginning On Wednesday Novemb. 10. Tho. L. 〈◊〉 Earl of Strafford was accused by the House of Commons of High Treason and Committed by the Lords to Mr. James Maxwell the Officer of the House And upon general Articles sent up He was upon Wednesday Novemb. 25. committed to the Tower It is thought and upon good Grounds that the Earl of Strafford had got Knowledge of the Treason of some Men and that he was preparing to accuse them And this Fear both hastned and heated the proceedings against him And upon Dec. 4. being Friday his Majesty at the great Importunity of some Lords of his Council gave way that his Council should be examined upon Oath in the Earl of Strafford's Case and I with others was examined that very Day There were great Thoughts of Heart upon this Business and somewhat vapoured out at Mens Tongues but the thing was done Now at and after the breaking up of the late Parliament Sir Hen. Vane at the private Committee concerning the Scotch Affairs before mentioned instead of setting down the Heads of the several Businesses then Treated of Writ down what every Man said at the Committee though it were but Matter of deliberation and debate Afterwards by a cunning conveyance between his Son who had been Governour in New-England and himself this Paper or a Copy of it was delivered to some Members of the House of Commons and in all probability was the Ground of that which was after done against the Lord Strafford my self and others and the Cause why the King was so hard pressed to have the Lords and others of his Council examined was that so Sir Henry Vane might upon Oath avow the Paper which his Son had seen and shewed and others be brought to witness as much had Truth and their Memories been able to say as much as his Paper After the examination of me and others concerning these Particulars there arose great and violent Debates in the House of Commons against the Bishops and particularly their Votes in Parliament After that Decemb. 16. 1640. they Voted against the late Canons as containing in them many Matters contrary to the fundamental Laws and Statutes of the Realm to the Rights of Parliaments to the Property and Liberty of the Subject and matters tending to Sedition and of dangerous Consequences I was made the Author of all and presently a Committee put upon me to inquire into my Actions and prepare a Charge The same Morning in the Upper-House I was Named as an Incendiary in an Accusation put in by the Scottish Commissioners For now by this Time they were come to that Article of the Treaty which reflected upon me And this was done with great noise to bring me yet further into Hatred with the People especially the Londoners who approved too well the Proceedings of their Brethren the Scots and debased the Bishops and the Church Government in England The Articles which the Scots put into the Upper House by the Hands of their Lords Commissioners against me Decemb. 15. were read there Decemb. 16. I took out a true Copy as it follows here And though I was to make no answer then till the House of Commons had digested them and taken as much out of them as as they pleased to fill my intended Charge withall yet because I after found that the House of Commons insisted upon very few of these particulars if any I thought my self bound to vindicate my Innocency even in these Particulars which shall now appear in their full strength against me if they have any in Wise and Learned Mens Judgments CAP. III THe Novations in Religion which are universally acknowledged to be the main Cause of Commotions in Kingdoms and States and are known to be the true Cause of our present Troubles were many and great besides the Books of Ordination and Homilies First some particular alterations in matters of Religion pressed upon us without Order and against Law contrary to the Form established in our Kirk Secondly a new Book of Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiastical Thirdly a Liturgy or Book of Common-Prayer which did also carry with them many dangerous Errours in matters of Doctrine Of all these we challenge the Prelate of Canterbury as the prime Cause on Earth I shall easily grant that Novations in Religion are a main Cause of Distempers in Commonwealths And I hope it will be as easily granted to me I am sure it should that when great Distempers fall into Kingdoms and Common-wealths the only way to ingage at home and get Credit abroad is to pretend Religion which in all Ages hath been a Cloak large enough to cover at least from the Eyes of the Many even Treasons themselves And For the present Troubles in Scotland Novations in Religion are so far from being known to be the true Cause as that it is manifest to any Man that will look upon it with a single Eye that Temporal Discontents and several Ambitions of the great Men which had been long a working were the true cause of these Troubles And that Religion was call'd in upon the bye to gain the Clergy and by them the Multitude For besides that which was openly spoken by the right Honourable James then Earl of Carlile that somewhat was a brewing in Scotland among some discontented there which wou'd break out to the Trouble of this Kingdom 't is most apparent there were many discontents among them Some whereof had no relation at all to Religion and were far antienter than the Troubles now began and were all Legally proved against the Lord Balmerino who was condemned of high Treason before any of these Stirs began For there were Grievances as they said propounded in the Convention Anno 1628. about Coyning and their black Money which they say were slighted again in the Parliament held 1633. Murmuring also there was as if the Articles and Parliament were not free Great Clamour likewise was there against the Bishops Power in choosing the Lords of the Articles though that Power belonged unto them by the fundamental Laws of that Kingdom As much against the Act of Revocation and the Taxations which yet were voluntarily offer'd and miscalled on purpose to edge the People As also for Applying as they said these Taxations to wrong uses With all which and more Religion had nothing to do Nay this discontented Party grew so High and so Bold that a very Base and Dishonourable Libel was made and spread against the King Anno 1633. by these and the like Pretences to alienate the Hearts of the People from him Of this Libel if one Hagg were the Authour Balmerino was the Divulger and so prov'd And though it be true that then also some things were to be done against the Church-government yet their
to my Hands to the State and there left them to do what they pleased in it But that for which they were Sentenced was a Book Written by Mr. Burton and Printed and sent by himself to the Lords sitting in Council and a Letany and other Scandalous things scattered and avowed by Dr. 〈◊〉 and things of like nature by Mr. Pryn. And he was thought to deserve less Favour than the rest because he had been censured before in that great Court for gross abuses of the Queens Gracious Majesty and the Government in his Book Intituled Histriomastix This Censure being past upon these Men though I did no more than is before mentioned yet they and that Faction continued all manner of Malice against me And I had Libel upon Libel scattered in the Streets and pasted upon Posts And upon Friday July 7. 1637. a Note was brought to me of a short Libel pasted on the Cross in Cheapside that the Arch-Wolf of Canterbury had his Hand in persecuting the Saints and shedding the Blood of the Martyrs Now what kind of Saints and Martyrs these were may appear by their Libellous Writings Courses with which Saints and Martyrs were never acquainted And most certain it is that howsoever the Times went then or go now yet in Queen Elizabeth's Time Penry was Hanged and Vdal Condemned and Dyed in Prison for less than is contained in Mr. Burton's Book as will be evident to any Man that compares their Writings together And these Saints would have lost their Lives had they done that against any other State Christian which they did against this And I have yet one of the desperatest Libels by me that hath ordinarily been seen which was sealed up in form of a Letter and sent to me by Mr. Pryn with his Name to it And but that it is exceeding long and from the present business I would here have inserted it To return then The Faction of the Brownists and these three Saints with their Adherents for they were now set at Liberty by the House of Commons and brought into London in great Triumph filled the Press almost Daily with Ballads and Libels full of all manner of Scurrility and more Untruth both against my Person and my Calling These were cried about London-streets and brought many of them to Westminster and given into divers Lords Hands and into the Hands of the Gentlemen of the House of Commons And yet no Order taken by either House to suppress the Printing of such known and shameless Lyes as most of them contained A thing which many sober Men found much fault withall and which I believe hath hardly been seen or suffered in any Civil Common-wealth Christian or other But when I saw the Houses of Parliament so regardless of their own Honour to suffer these base and Barbarous Courses against an Innocent Man and as then not so much as Charged in general I thought fit to arm my self with Patience and endure that which I could not help And by God's Blessing I did so though it grieved me much more for my Calling than for my Person And this spreading of Libellous Base Pamphlets continues to this Day without controul and how long it will continue to the Shame of the Nation I cannot tell While I was thus committed to Mr. Maxwell I found I was by the course of the House to pay in Fees for my Dyet and Custody Twenty Nobles a day This grew very heavy For I was stayed there full ten weeks before so much as any General Charge was brought up by the House of Commons against me which in that time came to Four Hundred Sixty Six Pound Thirteen Shillings and Four Pence And Mr. Maxwell had it all without any Abatement In the mean time on Munday December 21. upon a Petition of Sir Robert Howard I was Condemned to pay Five Hundred Pounds unto him for false Imprisonment And the Lords Order was so strict that I was commanded to pay him the Money presently or give Security to pay it in a very short time I payed it to satisfie the Command of the House but was not therein so well advised as I might have been being Committed for Treason Now the Cause of Sir Robert Howard was this He fell in League with the Lady Viscountess Purbeck The Lord Viscount Purbeck being in some weakness and distemper the Lady used him at her pleasure and betook her self in a manner wholly to Sir Robert Howard and had a Son by him She was delivered of this Child in a Clandestine way under the Name of Mistress Wright These things came to be known and she was brought into the High-Commission and there after a Legal Proceeding was found guilty of Adultery and Sentenced to do Pennance Many of the great Lords of the Kingdom being present in Court and agreeing in the Sentence Upon this Sentence she withdrew her self to avoid the Penance This Sentence passed at London-House in Bishop Mountain's time Novemb. 19. An. Dom. 1627. I was then present as Bishop of Bath and Wells After this when the Storm was somewhat over Sir Robert Howard conveyed her to his House at ....... in Shropshire where she Lived avowedly with him some Years and had by him ... Children At last they grew to that open boldness that he brought her up to London and lodged her in Westminster This was so near the Court and in so open view that the King and the Lords took notice of it as a thing full of Impudence that they should so publickly adventure to outface the Justice of the Realm in so fowl a business And one day as I came of course to wait on his Majesty he took me aside and told me of it being then Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and added that it was a great Reproach to the Church and Nation and that I neglected my Duty in case I did not take order for it I made answer she was the Wife of a Peer of the Realm and that without his leave I could not attach her but that now I knew his Majesty's pleasure I would do my best to have her taken and brought to Penance according to the Sentence against her The next day I had the good hap to apprehend both Her and Sir Robert and by Order of the High-Commission-Court Imprisoned her in the Gate-House and him in the Fleet. This was as far as I remember upon a Wednesday and the Sunday sevennight after was thought upon her to bring to Penance She was much troubled at it and so was he And therefore in the middle of the week following Sir Robert dealt with some of his Friends and among the rest with one Sir ....... of Hampshire who with Mony corrupted the Turn-Key of the Prison so they call him and conveyed the Lady forth and after that into France in Man's Apparel as that Knight himself hath since made his boast This was told me the Morning after the escape And you must think the good Fellowship of the Town was
glad of it In the mean time I could not but know though not perhaps prove as then that Sir Robert Howard laboured and contrived this conveyance And thereupon in the next sitting of the High-Commission Ordered him to be close Prisoner till he brought the Lady forth So he continued close Prisoner about some two or three Months For this the Fine above mentioned was imposed upon me as being a most Unjust and Illegal Imprisonment Whereas the Parliament to the great Honour of their Justice be it spoken have kept me in Prison now full thirteen Months and upward and have not so much as brought up a particular Charge against me and how much longer they will keep me God knows Now say that all Forms of Law were not observed by me yet somewhat was to be indulged in regard I did it to vindicate such a crying Impiety But yet I do here solemnly protest I observed the Order of the Court in which I sat and that Court setled by an Act of Parliament 1. Eliz. And I did not knowingly err in any particular More I could say in these my sufferings but I will blast no Family of Honour for one Man's fault On Thursday Januar. 21. 1640. A Parliament-Man of Good Note in the House of Commons and well interessed in divers Lords gave me to understand that some Lords were very well pleased with my patient and moderate carriage since my Commitment And that four Earls of great power in the House should say that the Lords were not now so sharp against me as they were at first and that now they were resolved only to Sequester me from the King's Counsels and to put me from my Arch-Bishoprick I was glad to hear of any favour considering the Times but considering my Innocency I could not hold this for favour And I could not but observe to my self what Justice I was to expect since here was a Resolution taken among the Leading Men of the House what Censure should be laid upon me before any Charge so much as in general was brought up against me CAP. VI. UPon Friday Feb. 26. I had been full ten weeks in restraint at Mr. Maxwell's House And this day being St. Augustine's day my Charge in general Articles was brought up from the House of Commons to the Lords by Sir Hen. Vane the Younger It consisted of Fourteen Articles These Generals they craved time to prove in Particular and that I in the mean time might be kept safe Upon this I was presently sent for to the House and the Articles were Read to me at the Bar. When the Clark of the Parliament had done Reading I humbly craved leave of the Lords to speak a few words which were to this effect My Lords This is a great and a heavy Charge and I must be unworthy to live if it can be made good against me For it makes me against God in point of Religion Against the King in point of Allegiance And against the Publick in point of Safety under the Justice and Protection of Law And though the King be little if at all mentioned yet I am bold to Name him because I have ever been of Opinion that the King and his People are so joyned together in one Civil and Politick Body as that it is not possible for any Man to be true to the King as King that shall be found Treacherous to the State Established by Law and work to the Subversion of the People Though perhaps every one that is so is not able to see thorough all the Consequences by which one depends upon the other So my Charge my Lords is exceeding heavy in it self though I as yet do not altogether feel the weight of it For 't is yet as your Lordships see but in Generals And Generals make a great noise but no Proof Whereas 't is Proof upon Particulars that makes the weight of a Charge sit close upon any Man Now my Lords 't is an old and a true Rule Errare contingit descendendo Error doth most often happen and best appear when Men descend to Particulars And with them when I shall be Charged I hope my Innocence will furnish me with a sufficient Answer to any Error of mine that shall be thought Criminal or any way worthy the Cognizance of this High and Honourable Court. As for Humane Frailties as I cannot acquit my self of them so I presume your Lordships will be favourable Judges of them Since in the Transaction of so many businesses as passed my Hands Men far abler than ever I can be have been subject to them and perhaps to as many and as great But for Corruption in the least degree I humbly praise God for it I fear no Accuser that will speak Truth But my Lords that which goes nearest unto me among these Articles is that I should be thought foul and false in the profession of my Religion As if I should profess with the Church of England and have my Heart at Rome and labour by all cunning ways to bring Romish Superstition in upon the Kingdom This my Lords I confess troubles me exceedingly and if I should forget my self and fall into passion upon it I should but be in that case which St. Jerome confessed he was in when he knew not how to be patient when Falshood in Religion was charged upon him And yet that was nothing so high a Charge as this which is laid against me Which is not only to be basely false my self but withal to labour to spread the same Falshood over the whole Kingdom And here I humbly besought their Lordships that I might a little inlarge my self and I did so But because I purpose here to set down the general Articles that were brought up against me and that one of them comes home to this point of Religion I shall put it off till I come to that Article and there set it down at large what I now said And this I do to avoid an useless and a tedious Repetition Here then follow the Articles themselves as they were that day Charged upon me with my general Answer to each of them And more I cannot give till Particulars shall be put up against me CAP. VII ARticles of the Commons assembled in Parliament in maintenance of their Accusation against William Laud Archbishop of Canterbury whereby he stands Charged with High Treason and other High Crimes and Misdemeanours 1. That he hath Trayterously endeavoured to subvert the Fundamental Laws and Government of the Kingdom And instead thereof to introduce an Arbitrary and Tyrannical Government against Law And to that end hath wickedly and Trayterously advised His Majesty that he might at his own Will and Pleasure Levy and take Money of his Subjects without their consent in Parliament And this he affirmed was warrantable by the Law of God I did never endeavour to subvert the Fundamental Laws of this Kingdom of England nor to introduce an Arbitrary or
serve turns and to be carried about with every wind of vain Doctrine to serve and please other Mens Fancies and not a Man 's own either Understanding or Conscience Seventhly I think the greatest Enemies I have are of Opinion that if I would have turned to the Roman Party especially if I would have been such an active Instrument for them as this Article would make me I might have been welcome to them and should have been rewarded by them at least that I should have been made able to live in Credit if not in Honour And this being granted I would fain know what could stay me here save only my Conscience in and to the Truth Surely not any care of Wife and Children for I have them not And as this Storm drives upon me I most humbly and heartily bless God for it that I have not any of these Clogs to hang about me Not the Greatness of my Place For if in this present Tumble any thing be put either upon it or me that a knowing Conscience ought to check at the World shall soon see how little I value Canterbury in regard of Conscience Not the Honour of my place neither For if I stood upon that I cannot but see how Malice hath laid that in the Dust or lower if it may be And can any Man think then that I would indure so much hatred and so many base Libels as have filled the Streets against me and such bitter revilings of me in Print as the Gall of some Pens have cast upon me when I might go live elsewhere with Content and Reputation Sure nothing but Conscience could stay me here in such a Condition Not the Wealth to be gotten in my place For the Arch-Bishoprick of Canterbury is far short of the value put upon it according as I have given a faithful Account to his Majesty And if it were of never so great a value I have made it manifest to the World that Wealth is not my aim For whatsoever benefit hath accrewed to me over and above my necessary and decent Expences I have refunded back upon the Poor or the Publick or the Church from whence I had it as in better times Church-Men were wont to do So there could be no external motive to work upon me to make me stay here if my Conscience went along with Rome And my Conscience being not that way set as most certainly it is not no Man can so much as probably think I should with hazard of my Life and Honour and all things practise the Change of Religion and that against my Conscience Eighthly This scandalous false Report that I should Negotiate with the Pope and with Rome for the Change of Religion in this Kingdom was first spread by the Scots who shamelesly Printed it in these words Canterbury did Negotiate with Rome about the frame of our Service-Book and Canons c. Now if this be false why did they Print it And if it be true why do they desert it It comes a great deal more home than double all else they have said against me And yet it seems when they had considered better of it and found they could not make it good they left it quite out of those Articles which they preferred into the Parliament of England against me And I presume they would never have left that out which they had published in Print to the World could they have gotten any shew of Proof Immediately upon the arrival of this Pamphlet in England Court City and Country grew presently full of it that the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury had Negotiated with Rome about the alteration of Religion And since they have thus Defamed me and that in Print I do challenge Mr. Alexander Henderson who doubtless was either sole Author of that Remonstrance or had a great hand in it either to make it good against me or by like Publick acknowledgment of it in Print give me satisfaction for so foul a Calumny or to answer me when I shall not fail to challenge him for it at the Bar of Christ. Lastly I received Information out of Holland when his Majesty was last in the North that there was a Plot laid of a dangerous Treason against his Majesty's Life That this Treason was plotted here in England by Signior Con and his Complices and that these Contrivers took a deep dislike against me because they could not get within me nor make me pliable to their Projects about Religion and that they were so angry with me for it as that they resolved my Life must be first taken away before they could hope to get their Will of the King This Advertisement came to me from one that professed he was in the Bosom of Con and knew all the Secrets of his Imployments hither This business was first made known under an Oath of 〈◊〉 as I remember to Sir William Boswell his Majesty's Agent in Holland and it was ordered between them that his Papers should be sent over sealed to me as they were and that by an Express and a Charge to deliver them to no Hand but mine as he tendred the King's safety in regard so many Great Men were as he said in the Treason I sent away these Letters and Papers to his Majesty's own Hands and received direction what Answer I should give to Sir William Boswell At his Majesty's return at the beginning of this Parliament he named a Committee of Lords to hear this business and commanded me to bring the Papers thither This I did and they were all Read before his Majesty and the Committee Sir William Boswell's Letters and the other Papers are yet all in my Hands but it seems the Particulars could not all be got out Now this is a hard straight into which I am cast The Pope's Agent as 't is said plots my Death on the one side because I will not be wrought upon to help to bring in the Roman Superstition and the Parliament on the other side Articles to overthrow me out of a Jealousie that I go about to bring it in So that I am in the Prophet David's Case Ps. 31. For I also have heard the Blasphemy of the Multitude and fear is on every side while they conspire together against me and take their Counsel to take away my Life But my hope hath been and is in thee O Lord. And for the latter part of this Article it is utterly untrue that ever I either permitted or countenanced any Popish Hierarchy or Ecclesiastical Government to be Established in this Kingdom And if any such be Established it is more than I know to this Instant But this I am sure of and can prove that when the Queen's Almoner was to be made a Bishop I laboured as much against it as I could Whereupon he delayed the taking of his Bishoprick upon him for a good time And when divers Offers were made on his behalf and the Queen grew earnest for his Preferment I was called again
Answer was returned to the first That the People would not besatisfied nor believe he was Dead unless they saw him Dye publickly And to the second That time enough was given already and that if any farther delay were used the People would think Justice should not be done at all and resort thither again in Multitudes to the hazzard of Publick Peace The Earl made these two Suits and in the mean time one Offer was made to him It was this That if he would employ his Power and Credit with the King for the taking of Episcopacy out of the Church he should yet have his Life His Christian Answer was very Heroical Namely That he would not buy his Life at so dear a rate The Man that sent him this Message was his Brother-in-Law Mr. Denzill Hollis one of the great Leading Men in the House of Commons And my Lord Primate of Armagh avowed this from the Earl of Strafford's own Mouth And as he was of too Generous a Spirit to lye basely so being in preparing of himself to leave the World it cannot be thought he would with a Dying-Mouth bely his Brother These Answers being returned the Earl prepared himself And upon Wednesday Morning about Ten of the Clock being May the Twelfth he was Beheaded on the Tower-Hill many Thousands beholding him The Speech which he made at his End was a great Testimony of his Religion and Piety and was then Printed And in their Judgment who were Men of Worth and some upon some near the Scaffold and saw him Dye he made a Patient and Pious and Couragious end insomuch that some doubted whether his Death had more of the Roman or the Christian in it it was so full of both And notwithstanding this hard Fate which fell upon him he is dead with more Honour than any of them will gain who hunted after his Life Thus ended the Wiseest the Stoutest and every way the Ablest Subject that this Nation hath bred these many Years The only Imperfections which he had that were known to me were his want of Bodily Health and a Carelesness or rather Roughness not to oblige any And his Mishaps in this last Action were that he groan'd under the Publick Envy of the Nobles served a Mild and a Gracious Prince who knew not how to be or be made great and trusted false perfidious and cowardly Men in the Northern Imployment though he had many Doubts put to him about it This Day was after called by divers Homicidium Comitis Straffordiae the Day of the Murder of Strafford Because when Malice it self could find no Law to put him to Death they made a Law of purpose for it God forgive all and be Merciful The Earl being thus laid low and his great Services done in Ireland made part of his Accusation I cannot but observe two things The one That upon Sunday Morning before Francis Earl of Bedford having about a Month before lost his second Son in whom he most Joyed Dyed the Small Pox striking up into his Brain This Lord was one of the Main Plotters of Strafford's Death And I know where he with other Lords before the Parliament Sat down resolved to have his Blood But God would not let him Live to take Joy therein but cut him off in the Morning whereas the Bill for the Earl of Strafford's Death was not Signed till Night The other is That at this time the Parliament tender'd two and but two Bills to the King to Sign This to cut off Strafford's Head was one and the other was that this Parliament should neither be Dissolved nor Adjourned but by the consent of both Houses in which what he cut off from himself Time will better shew than I can God Bless the King and his Royal Issue I told you before the People came in a Tumultuous Way to call for Justice And half an Eye may see how and by whom they were set on In the mean time let me tell you farther that this Art being once begun without Consideration of the Danger or Care of the Dishonour of such Proceedings whensoever there was any thing proposed in the House of Commons which it was thought the Lords would stick at or the King not grant by and by the Rabble came about the Houses and called for this and that Justice as they were prompted God Bless the Government of this Kingdom or all is lost I must tell you farther that from the time that the Earl of Strafford was first brought to his Answer in Westminster-Hall the bitter and fierce Libels of the factious People came daily out to keep up and increase the Peoples Hate against him And though they were full of most notorious Untruths yet coming from that Party were swallowed and believed by the most Among divers others they spread one in which they delivered to the World that the Earl of Strafford drawing near to his End when he saw no Remedy but he must Dye fell into great and passionate Expressions against me That I and my Counsels had been the Ruine of him and his House and that he cursed me bitterly Now as this is most false in it self so am I most able to make it appear so For his Lordship being to Suffer on the Wednesday Morning did upon Tuesday in the Afternoon desire the Lord Primate of Armagh then with him to come to me and desire me that I would not fail to be in my Chamber Window at the open Casement the next Morning when he was to pass by it as he went to Execution that though he might not speak with me yet he might see me and take his last leave of me I sent him word I would and did so And the next Morning as he passed by he turned towards me and took the Solemnest leave that I think was ever by any at distance taken one of another and this in the sight of the Earl of Newport then Lord Constable of the Tower the Lord Primate of Armagh the Earl of Cleveland the Lieutenant of the Tower and divers other Knights and Gentlemen of Worth Besides though during the time of both our Restraints and the nearness of our Lodgings we held no Intercourse each with other yet Sir William Balfore then Lieutenant of the Tower told me often what frequent and great expressions of Love the Earl made to me Which cannot stand with that base Slander which the lewd Libel vented But I leave that Honourable Person in his Grave and while I live shall Honour his Memory But must here a little go back For May the first after the King had declared his Conscience and his Judgment concerning the Earl of Strafford's Offences to both Houses as is before set down and was gone away a Letter was read in the Vpper House from the Scots in which their Army did earnestly desire to be gone It was moved to have a present Conference with the Commons about it and the Debate was very short many Lords being desirous
terrifie Men of great Resolution and much Constancy they do in all Humility and Duty protest before your Majesty and the Peers of this most Honourable House of Parliament against all Votes Resolutions and Determinations and that they are in themselves null and of no effect which in their absence since the Twenty Seventh of this instant Month December 1641. have already passed and likewise against all such as shall hereafter pass in that most Honourable Assembly during such time of their forced and violented absence from the said most Honourable House Not denying but if their absenting of themselves were wilful and voluntary that most Noble House might proceed in all these Premises their absence and Protestation notwithstanding And humbly beseecheth your Most Excellent Majesty to command the Clerk of the House of Peers to enter this their Petition and Protestation in their Records They will ever pray God to bless and preserve c. Jo. Eborac Williams Geo. Hereford Coke Tho. Duresme Moorton Rob. Oxon Skinner Rob. Co. Lich. Wright Ma. Ely Wren Jos. Norwich Hall Godfr Glouc. Goodman Jo. Asaphen Owen Jo. Peterburg Towers Guil. Ba. Wells Pearce Mor. Llandaff Owen On Tuesday January 4. his Majesty went into the House of Commons some number of Gentlemen accompanyed him to the Door but no farther There he demanded the Persons of Mr. Denzil Hollis Sir Arthur Haselrigge Mr. Jo. Pymm Mr. Jo. Hampden and Mr. William Strode whom together with the Lord Kimbolton Sir Ed. Herbert his Majesty's Attorney General had the day before charged with High Treason in the Vpper House upon seven Articles of great consequence It seems they had information of the King 's coming and were slipt aside This made a mighty noise on all hands But the business was so carried that the House adjourned to sit in a Committee at Guild-Hall and after at the Grocer's-Hall Where things were so Ordered that within two or three days these Men were with great salutes of the People brought and in a manner guarded to the Committee and after to the House at Westminster and great stir made to and fro about the Accusation of these Men and the breach of the Priviledges of Parliament by his Majesty's coming thither in that manner Things were carried in a higher strain than ever before The King left the City and withdrew privately first to Hampton-Court after that to Windsor Many puttings on and puttings off concerning this and other great Affairs between the King and the House All which I leave to publick Records as not concerning this poor History Yet could not omit to say thus much in the general because much of the Church-business as well as the States and much of mine as well as the Churches will depend upon it CAP. XII UPon Thursday January 20. upon no Complaint that I know for I am sure I never deserved any in that kind there was an Order made in the Lords House to take away my Arms. They stood me in above Three Hundred Pounds I provided them for the Service of the State as Need might require I never employed any of them to any the least Disservice of it nor ever had thought to do Yet the Order is as follows both to my Disgrace to have them so taken from me and to my loss for though the Sheriffs of London be to take them upon Inventory yet of whom shall I demand them when they are out of their Office Die Jovis 20. Jan. 1641. IT is this Day Ordered by the Lords in Parliament That the Sheriffs of the City of London or either of them shall receive by inventory all such Ordnance and other Arms as belong to any private Persons which are to be kept to their Uses remaining now at Fox-Hall Canterbury-House the Arch-Bishop of York's House in Westminster and in the Bishop of Winchester's House a fit proportion of Arms being left at each Place for necessary Security thereof The said Sheriffs being to receive their Directions from a Committee lately appointed by the Parliament But the Intents of the Lords are and it is farther Ordered that such Ordnance and Arms as do belong to his Majesty shall be forthwith sent unto the King's Magazine in the Tower Upon Saturday Feb. 6. the Bill passed That the Bishops should have no Votes in Parliament nor have to do in Civil Affairs This was mightily strugled for almost all this Session and now obtained The Bishops have ever had this in Right and Possession ever since there was any use of Parliaments in England which the antientest Family of the Nobility which now sit there and thrust them out cannot say There was great Joy upon the Passing of this Bill in both Houses and in some Parishes of London Ringing and Bonfires The King gave way to this Bill and so that is setled And if it after prove that the King and Kingdom have Joy in it it is well But it may be that the Effects of this Eclipse may work farther than is yet thought on and the Blackness of it darken the Temporal Lords Power more than is yet feared And here I must tell you two Things The one that for the compassing of their ends in this Bill the nowbecome-usual Art was pursued and the People came in Multitudes and Clamour'd for the outing of the Bishops and the Popish Lords Votes so they were still joyned out of the House Insomuch that not the People of London only but Petitioners were brought out of divers Counties with Petitions either sent unto them or framed ready for them here against they came and they in every Petition for preservation of the Priviledges of Parliament desired the taking away of the Bishops and the Popish Lords Votes out of the House as if it were a common Grievance The other That now the Bishops have their Votes taken away by Act of Parliament you shall not see in haste any Bill at all Pass for taking away the Votes of the Popish Lords which will infer this as well as some other things That these were joyned together to make the Bishops more odious to the People as if they were Popishly affected themselves and to no other end The Court removed from Windsor to Hampton-Court and on Thurs-Day Febr. 10. The King and Queen came to Greenwich and on Friday Febr. 11. they went from thence toward Dover the Queen resolving to go into Holland with her young Daughter the Princess Mary who the Year before was Married to the Prince of Aurange his Son But the true Cause of this intended Journey was to be out of the Fears Discontents and Dangers as she conceived of the present Times And doubtless her Discontents were many and great and what her Dangers might have been by staying or may be by going God alone knows His Majesty while he was upon that Journey sent a Message to both Houses This was Printed Febr. 14. By this the King puts all
Stisted in Essex was fallen void and in my Gift The E of Warwick was an earnest Suitor to me for it for one Mr Clark I delayed having Six Months time by Law to dispose of my Benefices During this delay Mr Richard Howlett a Batchelour of Divinity and a Man of very good worth a Dean in Ireland was by the Rebels there turned out of all he had and forced for safety of his Life to come with his Wife and Children into England His Wife was my near Kinswoman At their coming over I was forced to relieve them else they might have begged Hereupon I resolved in my self to give Stisted to Mr Howlett and to gratifie Mr Clark with something after Nothing doubting but that the Parliament would readily give way in such a case of Necessity for so worthy a Man as Mr Howlett was known to be While these things were in my Thoughts two other great Benefices fell into my disposal Bocking and Lachingdon both in Essex Presently the Parishioners Petition me They of Bocking for Dr Gawden a Chaplain of the Earl of Warwick's They of Lachingdon that they might chuse their own Minister I gave a fair Answer to both but reserved my self Then I was pressed with Letters from the Earl of Warwick for Dr Gawden My Answer was I could not gratifie Dr Gawden with Bocking and Mr Clark with Stisted Then Dr Gawden brings me a very earnest Letter but very Honourable from the Earl of Hertford When I saw my self thus pressed I resolved to name fit Men to all three Benefices presently and see how the Parliament would be pleased to deal with me Before I did this I thought fit to make a fair Offer to the Earl of Warwick who by Dr Gawden's intreaty came to me to the Tower I freely told his Lordship my Resolution which was that at the desire of his Lordship and my Honourable Friend the Lord Marquess of Hertford I would give Bocking to Dr Gawden Lachingdon to Mr Howlett in regard of his Alliance to me and his present Necessities and Stisted to Mr Newested to whom I was pre-ingaged by Promise to my Ancient worthy Friend Sir Tho Rowe whom Mr Newested had served in his Embassages seven Years and for Mr Clark he should have the next Benefice which fell in my Gift for his Lordship's sake His Lordship seemed to be very much taken with this Offer of mine and promised me and gave me his Hand upon it that he would do me all the kindness he could that these my Nominations might pass with the Lords Upon this I rested and according to my Promise Petitioned the Lords as is expressed Upon the Reading of this Petition the Lords Order'd me presently to Collate Bocking upon Dr Gawden which I did the Order being brought unto me the next Day But for the other two the Lords took time to consider The Earl of Warwick was then present in the House and as I am informed said little or nothing This made me fear the worst And therefore I advised Mr Howlett to get a full Certificate of the Lord Primate of Armagh both for Life and Learning and attend with it at the Parliament to make the best Friends for himself The Business stuck still At last he met with the Lord Kimbolton who presently made all Weather fair for him And upon his Lordships motion to the House an Order passed for Mr Howlett to have Lachingdon The Motive this Mr Howlett was Fellow of Sidney College in Cambridge and Tutor at that time to two Sons of the Lord Mountague the Lord Kimbolton's Uncle At which time also the Lord Kimbolton himself was a Student in the same College and knew the Person and worth of Mr Howlett This his Lordship Honourably now remembred else it might have gone hard with Mr Howlett's Necessities So upon the Order thus obtained I Collated Lachingdon upon him After this the Earl of Warwick went Lord Admiral to Sea by appointment of the Parliament And forthwith I was served with another Order to give Stisted to Mr Clark Hereupon I Petitioned again and set forth my Resolutions and Ingagements to Sir Tho Rowe And Dr Gawden having told me that the Earl of Warwick had left that Business for me in trust with the Lord Roberts I made bold to write to his Lordship and intreat his lawful Favour The Lord Roberts denied that any such Order or Care of that Business was left with him nor would he meddle in it but referred me to the Lord Kimbolton who still followed the Business close for Mr Clark By all which it appeared to me that the Earl of Warwick had forgotten his Promise to me to say no more Soon after I received another Order to give Stisted to Mr Clark To this I answered again by Petition but with like Success For another Order came forth Peremptorily to Command me to give Stisted to Mr Clark But it so fell out that this Order was not brought to me till Ten Days after the Date I sent my Councel to attend the Lords that I might not fall into Contempt The Business was not then called on and by the Sixteenth of the same Month Stisted fell in Lapse to His Majesty So I lost the giving of the Benefice and some body else their Ends upon me CAP. XVI ON May 15. Sunday I made a shift between my Man and my Staff to go to Church There Preached one Mr Joslin His Text Judge 5 23. Curse ye Meroz c. To pass over what was strangely Evil thoroughout his Sermon his Personal Abuse of me was so foul and so palpable that Women and Boys stood up in the Church to see how I could bear it And this was my first Welcome into the Church after my long Lameness But I humbly thank God for it I bare his Virulence patiently and so it vanished As did much other of like Nature which I bare both before and after this God forgive them After this I had some quietness most Particulars lying dead out of several respects unknown to me But all things grew higher and higher between the King and the Parliament to the great Dammage and Distraction of the Kingdom God of his Mercy send a speedy and a blessed Issue and preserve his Majesty the Kingdom and this poor Church from Ruin But I much fear our Sins are ripe for a very great if not a final Judgment Friday August the 19. Captain Royden and his Company by Order of Parliament came about seven of the Clock in the Evening to my House at Lambeth to take away my Arms. They stayed there all Night and searched every Room and where any Key was not ready brake open Doors And the next Morning they carried my Arms away in Carts to Guild-Hall London and I was sufficiently abused all the way by the People as my Arms passed They gave out in London there were Arms for Ten Thousand Men whereas there was not enough for
how such a Carriage as this through the whole Course of my Life in private and publick can stand with an Intention nay a Practice to overthrow the Law and to introduce an Arbitrary Government which my Soul hath always hated I cannot yet see And 't is now many Years since I learned of my great Master In humanis Aristotle Periculosum esse that it is a very dangerous thing to trust to the Will of the Judge rather than the written Law And all Kingdoms and Commonwealths have followed his Judgment ever since and the School-Disputes have not dissented from it Nay more I have ever been of Opinion that Humane Laws bind the Conscience and have accordingly made Conscience of observing them And this Doctrine I have constantly Preached as occasion hath been offered me And how is it possible I should seek to overthrow those Laws which I held my self bound in Conscience to keep and observe Especially since an endeavour to overthrow Law is a far greater Crime than to break or disobey any particular Law whatsoever all Particulars being swept away in that General And my Lords that this is my Judgment both of Parliaments and Laws I beseech your Lordships that I may read a short Passage in my Book against Fisher the Jesuit which was Printed and Published to the World before these Troubles fell on me and before I could so much as suspect this Charge could come against me and therefore could not be purposely written to serve any Turn I had leave and did read it but for Brevities sake refer the Reader to the Book it self As for Religion I was born and bred up in and under the Church of England as it yet stands Established by Law I have by God's Blessing and the Favour of my Prince grown up in it to the Years which are now upon me and to the Place of Preferment which I yet bear And in this Church by the Grace and Goodness of God I resolve to Dye I have ever since I understood ought in Divinity kept one constant Tenor in this my Profession without variation or shifting from one Opinion to another for any worldly Ends And if my Conscience would have suffered me to shift Tenets in Religion with Time and Occasion I could easily have slid through all the difficulties which have pressed upon me in this kind But of all Diseases I have ever hated a Palsie in Religion well knowing that too often a Dead-Palsie ends that Difease in the fearful forgetfulness of God and his Judgments Ever since I came in Place I laboured nothing more than that the External Publick Worship of God too much slighted in most parts of this Kingdom might be preserved and that with as much Decency and Uniformity as might be being still of Opinion that Vnity cannot long continue in the Church where Vniformity is shut out at the Church-Door And I evidently saw that the Publick neglect of God's Service in the outward Face of it and the nasty lying of many Places Dedicated to that Service had almost cast a Damp upon the true and inward Worship of God which while we live in the Body needs External helps and all little enough to keep it in any vigour And this I did to the uttermost of my Knowledge according both to Law and Canon and with the consent and liking of the People Nor did any Command Issue out from me against the one or without the other that I know of Farther my Lords give me leave I beseech you to tell you this also That I have as little Acquaintance with Recusants of any sort as I believe any Man of Place in England hath And for my Kindred no one of them was ever a Recusant but Sir William Webb Grandchild to my Uncle Sir William Webb sometimes Lord Mayor of London and him with some of his Children I reduced back again to the Church of England as is well known and I as able to prove One thing more I humbly desire may be thought on 't is this I I am fallen into a great deal of Obloquy in Matter of Religion and that so far as that 't is charged in the Articles That I have endeavoured to advance and bring in Popery Perhaps my Lords I am not ignorant what Party of Men have raised this Scandal upon me nor for what End nor perhaps by whom set on But howsoever I would fain have a good Reason given me if my Conscience lead me that way and that with my Conscience I could Subscribe to the Church of Rome what should have kept me here before my Imprisonment to indure the Libels and the Slanders and the base usage in all kinds which have been put upon me and these to end in this Question for my Life I say I would fain know a good Reason of this For first My Lords Is it because of any Pledges I have in the World to sway me against my Conscience No sure For I have nor Wife nor Children to cry out upon me to stay with them and if I had I hope the Call of my Conscience should be heard above them Or Secondly Is it because I was loth to leave the Honour and the Profit of the Place I was risen unto Surely no For I desire your Lordships and all the World else should know I do much scorn Honour and Profit both the one and the other in comparison of my Conscience Besides it cannot be imagined by any Reasonable Man but that if I could have complyed with Rome I should not have wanted either Honour or Profit And suppose I could not have so much of either as here I had yet sure would my Conscience have served me that way less of either with my Conscience would have prevailed with me more than greater against my Conscience Or Thirdly Is it because I lived here at ease and was loth to venture the loss of that Not so neither For whatsoever the World may be pleased to think of me I have 〈◊〉 very painful Life and such as I could have been very well content to change had I well known how And had my Conscience led me that way I am sure I might have lived at far more ease and either have avoided the barbarous Libellings and other bitter and grievous Scorns which I have here indured or at the least been out of the hearing of them Nay my Lords I am as Innocent in this business of Religion as free from all Practice or so much as thought of Practice for any alteration to Popery or any way blemishing the True Protestant Religion Established in the Church of England as I was when my Mother first bare me into the World And let nothing be spoken against me but Truth and I do here Challenge whatsoever is between Heaven and Hell to say their worst against me in point of my Religion In which by God's Grace I have ever hated Dissimulation and had I not
but an Act of Parliament and that no regard was had to the Canons I humbly conceive there was no offence in the Words For though the Superiority by far in this Kingdom belongs to the Acts of Parliament yet some regard doubtless is or ought to be had to the Canons of the Church And if nothing will down with Men but Acts of Parliament the Government cannot be held up in many Particulars For the other Words God forgive this Witness For I am well assured I neither did nor could speak them For is it so much as probable that I should say I would rescind all Acts that are against the Canons What power have I or any particular Man to rescind Acts of Parliament Nor do I think any Man that knows me will believe I could be such a Fool as to say That I hoped shortly to see the Canons and the Kings Prerogative equal to Acts of Parliament Since I have lived to see and that often many Canons rejected as contrary to the Custom of the Place as in choice of Parish-Clerks and about the Reparation of some Churches and the King's Prerogative discussed and weighed by Law Neither of which hath or can be done by any Judges to an Act of Parliament That there is Malice in this Man against me appears plainly but upon what 't is grounded I cannot tell Unless it be that in this business of Dr. Gill and in some other about placing Lecturers which in some Cases this Company of the Mercers took on them to do I opposing it so far as Law and Canon would give me leave crossed some way either his Opinion in Religion or his Purse-profit I was I confess so much moved at the Unworthiness of this Man's Testimony that I thought to bind this Sin upon his Soul not to be forgiven him till he did publickly ask me Forgiveness for this Notorious Publick Wrong done me But by God's Goodness I master'd my self and I heartily desire God to give him a sense of this Sin against me his poor Servant and forgive him And if these words could possibly scape me and be within the danger of that Statute then to that Statute which requires my Tryal within six Months I refer my self The Eleventh Charge of this day was the Imprisonment of Mr. George Waker about a Sermon of his Preached to prove as he said That 't is Sin to obey the greatest Monarchs in things which are against the Command of God That I had Notes of his Sermons for four or five Years together of purpose to intrap him That I told his Majesty he was Factious That Sir Dadly Carlton writ to keep him close That in this Affliction I protested to do him Kindness and yet did contrary My Answer was That for the Scope of his Sermon To Obey God rather than Man no Man doubts but it ought to be so when the Commands are opposite But his Sermon was viewed and many factious Passages and of high Nature found in it And yet I did not tell the King he was Factious but that he was so complained of to me and this was openly at the Council-Table And whereas he speaks of Notes of his Sermons for divers Years with a purpose to intrap him all that he says is that he was told so but produces not by whom And truly I never had any such Notes nor ever used any such Art against any Man in my Life For his Commitment it was done by the Council-Table and after upon some Carriage of his there by the Court of Star-Chamber not by me nor can that be imputed to me which is done there by the major part and I having no Negative And if Sir Dudly Carlton writ to keep him close at his Brother's House contrary to the Lords Order let him answer it And if he supposes that was done by me why is not Sir Dudly examined to try that Truth As for the Protestation which he says I made to his Wife and his Brother that I complained not against him it was no Denyal of my Complaint made against him at the first that I heard he was Factious but that after the time in which I had seen the full Testimony of grave Ministers in London that he was not Factious I made no Complaint after that but did my best to free him And the Treason in these two Charges is against the Company of the Mercers and Mr. Waker The next Charge was that Dr Manwaring having been Censured by the Lords in Parliament for a Sermon of his against the Liberty and Propriety of the Subject was yet after this preferred by me in Contempt of the Parliament-Censure both to the Deanery of Warcester and the Bishoprick of St Davids And my own Diary witnesses that I was complained of in Parliament for it And that yet after this I did consecrate him Bishop 1. To this I answered that he was not preferred by me to either of these and therefore that could not be done in contempt of the Parliament-Censure which was not done at all For as for St Davids 't is confessed Secretary Windebank signified the King's Pleasure not I. And whereas it was added that this was by my means That is only said but not proved And for Worcester there is no Proof but the Docket-Book Now my Lords 't is well known in Court that the Docket doth but signifie the King's Pleasure for such a Bill to be drawn it never mentions who procured the Preferment So that the Docket can be no Proof at all against me and other there is none 2. For the Sermon 't is true I was complained of in Parliament that I had been the Cause of Licensing it to the Press and 't is as true that upon that Complaint I was narrowly sifted and an Honourable Lord now present and the Lord Bishop of Lincoln were sent to Bishop Mountain who Licensed the Sermon to Examine and see whether any Warrant had come from me or any Message But when nothing appeared I was acquitted in open Parliament To some Body 's no small Grief God forgive them and their Malice against me for to my knowledge my Ruin was then thirsted for And as I answered Mr. Brown's Summary Charge when he pressed this against me could this have been proved I had been undone long since the Work had not been now to be done That he was after Consecrated by me is true likewise and I hope 't is not expected I should ruine my self and fall into a Premunire by refusing the King 's Royal Assent and this for fear lest it might be thought I procured his Preferment But the Truth is his Majesty commanded me to put him in mind of him when Preferments fell and I did so But withal I told his Majesty of his Censure and that I fear'd ill Construction would be made of it To this it was replyed That I might have refused to Consecrate the Cause why being sufficient and justifiable in Parliament and excepted
to give an easie Account for this But whereas I said the Repair of St. Pauls was a strange piece of Treason And they presently Replyed that they did not Charge the Repair upon me but the Manner of doing it by demolishing of Mens Houses To that I Answered as follows with this first that the Work hath cost me above One Thousand and two Hundred Pounds out of my own Purse besides all my Care and Pains and now this heavy Charge to boot No one Man offering to prove that I have Mis-spent or diverted to other use any one Penny given to that work or that I have done any thing about it without the Knowledge Approbation and Order of his Majesty or the Lords of the Council or both To the Particulars then For the three Orders taken out of the Council-Books I shall not need to repeat them But what is the Mystery that these Orders are reckoned backward the last first Is it to aggravate as if it rose by steps That cannot well be because the first Order is the Sourest if I conceive it right Besides here was real Composition allotted for them and that by a Committee named by the Lords not by me And I think it was very real for it Cost Eight or Nine Thousand Pounds as appears upon the Accounts meerly to take down the Houses which had no Right to stand there before we could come at the Church to Repair it And if any thing should be amiss in any of these which is more than I either know or believe they were the Council's Orders not mine And shall that be urged as Treason against me which is not Imputed to them so much as a Misdemeanour Besides the Lords of the Council are in the ancient Constitution of this Kingdom one Body and whatsoever the Major Part of them concludes is reputed the Act of the whole not any one Man's And this I must often Inculcate because I see such Publick Acts like to be heaped upon my Particular 1. The first Witness about this Business of St. Pauls is Mich. Burton and 't is charged that his House was pulled down in King James's time That he was Promised relief but had none That hereupon he got a Reference from his Majesty that now is and came with it to the Council and was referred to the Committee That Sir Hen. Martin told him that the Arch-Bishop was his hinderance That he resorted to me and that I bid him go to King James for his Recompence To this my Answer was That this House which he says was his was as is confessed by himself taken down in King James's Time when an attempt was made about the Repair of this Cathedral but nothing done If he desired satisfaction he was to seek it of them who took down his House not of me If his Majesty that now is gave him a Reference he was by the Lords of the Council or by me if to me it were Referred to be sent to the Sub-Committee because Satisfaction for each House was to be Ordered by them Nor had I any Reason to take it on my Care which was done so long before He says that Sir Henry Martin told him that I hindred him But that 's no Proof that Sir Hen Martin told him so For 't is but his Report of Sir Henry Martin's Speech And I hope Sir Henry neither did nor would do me such apparent Wrong He was the third Man to whom I brake my Intentions touching the Repair and the Difficulties which I foresaw I was to meet with And he gave me all Encouragement And it may be when nothing would satisfie the eager Old Man I might bid him go to King James for Recompence but 't is more than I remember if I did so And this Man is single and in his own Case and where lyes the Treason that is in it Besides least Consideration was due to this House For not many Years before the Demolishing of it it was Built at the West End of St. Pauls for a Lottery it was said to be the House of one Wheatly and after the Lottery ended finished up into a Dwelling-House to the great annoyance of that Church The Bishop and Dean and Chapter being asleep while it was done 2. The next Charge about St. Pauls was Witnessed by Mary Berry That her Husband was fain to set up his Trade elsewhere and that every Man reported the Bishop was the Cause of it Her Husband was forced by this Remove to set up his Trade elsewhere so she says And perhaps in a better Place and with Satisfaction sufficient to make him a better Stock Where 's the Wrong Beside she is single and in her own Cause and no Proof but that every Man reported the Bishop was the means to remove him And it is Observable that in King James his Time when the Commission issued out for the demolishing of these very Houses the Work was highly applauded and yet no Care taken for Satisfaction of any Private Mans Interest That now great Care hath been taken and great Sums of Money Expended about it yet I must be a Traytor and no less for doing it This makes me think some Party of Men were heartily angry at the Repair it self though for very Shame it be turned off upon the demolishing of the Houses 3. The next that came in was Tho Wheeler He says that his House was pulled down by the Committee by my Direction above Eleven Years ago And that Word was brought him of it His House was pulled down but himself confesses it was by the Committee It was he says above eleven Years ago and the time limited in that Article is Six Years He says that Word was brought him that I was the Cause or gave the Direction Word was brought him but he Names not by whom nor from whom so all this Proof is a single Hearsay of he knows not whom Whereas I had the Broad-Seal of England for all that was done It was replyed here That for demolishing of these Houses the King's Commission was no full and legal Warrant I should have procured Authority from Parliament I replyed to this Interruption That Houses more remote from the Church of St. Pauls were pulled down by the King's Commission only in K. Ed. 3. time and humbly desired a Salvo might be entered for me till I might bring the † Record which was granted 4. The last Instance for this Charge of St. Pauls was the House of W Wakern who Witnessed that he had a Hundred Pound recompence for his House but then was after Fined in the High-Commission-Court 100 l. for Prophanation of which he paid 30 l. To this I gave this Answer That his Charge is true and that after he had received 100 l. Composition the Cry of the Prophanation brought him into the High-Commission It was thus The Skulls of Dead-Men perhaps better than himself were tumbled out of their Graves into his Draught and part of the Foundation of the
Church as appeared in the taking down of his House was broken or pared away to make room for the uncleanness to pass into the Vault And surely were I to sit again in the High-Commission I should give my Vote to Censure this Prophanation But himself confesses he paid but Thirty Pound of it which was too little for such an Offence And besides my Lords this was the Act of the High-Commission and cannot be charged singly upon me And I cannot forbear to add thus much more That the Bishop and Dean and Chapter whoever they were did ill to give way to these Buildings and to increase their Rents by a Sacrilegious Revenue No Law that I know giving way to Build upon Consecrated Ground as that Church-Yard is But howsoever the present Tenants being not in Dolo I ever thought fit they should have Recompence for their Estates and they had it The next Charge was about the Shops of the Goldsmiths in Cheapside and Lumbard-street An Order was made at the Council-Table Novemb. 12. 1634. That within Six Months the Goldsmiths should provide themselves Shops there and no where else till all those Shops were furnished And this under a Penalty and to give Bond. These two were the ancient Places for Goldsmiths only Time out of Mind And it was thought fit by the Lords for the Beauty of the Place and the Honour of the City to have these Places furnished as they were wont and not to have other Trades mixed among them Beside it concerned all Mens Safety For if any Plate were stoln the enquiry after it might be made with more ease and speed Whereas if the Goldsmiths might dwell here and there and keep their Shops in every by-place of the City stoln Plate might easily be made off and never heard of But howsoever if in this Order there were any thing amiss it was the Order of the Council-Table not mine And far enough off from Treason as I conceive 1. Upon this Charge there were two Instances The first is Mr Bartley who said his House was taken from him by Order to the Lord Mayor 1637. That my Hand was to the Order That he was Imprisoned Six Months and recovered 600. l. Damages of Sir Ed. Bromfield That after this he was Committed to Flamsted a Messenger belonging to the High Commission about Dr. Bastwick's and Mr. Burton's Books That after this he was sent for to the Council and there heard my Voice only That when he desired some help Sir Tho. Ailsbury's Man told him he were as good take a Bear by the Tooth That all this was for his entertaining a Man that came out of Scotland and lastly That Dr. Haywood my Chaplain had Licensed a Popish Book To which I gave this Answer That if the Lord Mayor put him from his house by Order from the Lords being a Stationer among the Goldsmiths then it was not done by me And though my Hand were to the Order yet not mine alone and I hope my Hand there subscribed no more Treason than other Lords Hands did And if he did recover 600 l. against Sir Ed. Bromfield who I think was the Lord Mayor spoken of surely he was a Gainer by the Business And whereas he says he was after seized again and Committed to Flamsted about the Books Named If he were as was informed a great Vender of those and such like Books less could not be done to him than to call him to Answer He says farther that he was sent for to the Council-Table and there he heard my Voice only against him It may be so and without all fault of mine For that heavy Office was usually put upon me and the Lord Keeper to deliver the Sense of the Board to such as were called thither and Examined there And by this Means if any sour or displeasing Sentence passed how just soever it mattered not it was taken as our own and the Envy of it fell on us And that this was so many Lords here present know well He adds what Sir Thomas Ailsbury's Man said when he would have Petitioned again But since Mr. Bartley is single here and in his own Cause why doth he rest upon a Hearsay of Sir Thomas Ailsbury's Man Why was not this Man Examined to make out the Proof And if this Man did so far abuse me as to speak such Words of me shall I be Abused first and then have that Abuse made a Charge That he was troubled thus for a Scotchman's coming to him is nothing so nor is any Proof offered Though then the Troubles were begun in Scotland and therefore if this had any relation to that Business I pleaded again the Act of Oblivion For that of Dr. Haywood I shall give my Answer in a more proper Place for 't is objected again 2. The second Instance was in Mr Manning's Case He speaks also of the Order of the Council Novemb. 12. 1634. That the Goldsmiths in their Book make an Order upon it June 15. 1635. That they which obey not should be suspended I think 't is meant from use of their Trade That when some intreated them to Obedience I should say This Board is not so Weak but that it can Command or to that effect For the Council's Order it was theirs not mine For the Order which the Company of Goldsmiths made upon it It was their own Act I had nothing to do with it For the Words If I did speak them which is more than I remember he is single that Swears them and in his own Cause But my Lords I must needs say whether I spake it then or not most true it is that the Council-Table is very weak indeed if it cannot Command in things of Decency and for Safety of the Subject and where there is no Law to the contrary And this was then my Answer The Third Charge of this Day was That I forced Men to lend Money to the Church of St Pauls And Mrs Moore was called upon But this was deserted The next Charge was concerning a long and tedious Suit between Rich and Poole about the Parsonage of North-Cerny in Glocestershire That Rich was turned out after three Years Possession by a Reference procured by Poole to the Lord Keeper Coventry and my self And that I did in a manner Act the whole Business at the Reference That Letters were sent from the Council to Sir William Masters one of the Patrons to see Poole Instituted and to Imprison Rich if he refused Obedience That after by the Lord Marshal's procurement there was another Reference obtained to thirteen Lords who awarded for Rich. I was never more weary of any Business in my Life than I was of this Reference And I was so far from Acting the whole Business as that I did nothing but as the Lord Keeper directed the Cause was so entangled with Quare Impedits and many other Businesses of Law Our Judgments upon full Hearing went with Poole and we certified accordingly And upon this it may
I. 11 Then he says That at last Mr. Holt came to him but was threatned that very Afternoon for it But he doth not tell your Lordships by whom and for my part more than civil giving him the time of the Day I never spake with him in all my Life 12 He tells your Lordships next how he passed through Coventry to which I have spoken already and how through Chester and how some Chester men were used concerning him and his entertainment But my Lords whatsoever was done in this was by the High-Commission at York and if any thing be therein amiss they must answer that did it 13 Lastly he spake of sending Sir William Balfore to me and some other like Particulars Of all which there is no Proof but a bare Relation what Mr. Hungerford Mr. Ingram and Sir William Balfore said which is all Hearsay and makes no Evidence unless they were present to Witness what is said And here give me leave to observe that Mr. Pryn hath in this Charge woven together all that he cou'd say concerning both Causes for which he was Censured For in the third Particular he speaks of his Book for which he was first Censured and in the Ninth and Tenth of his Cross-Bill and the like which were in his second Cause 6. The sixth Witness was Mr. Burton a Party too For that which he said agreeable to Mr. Pryn it received the same Answer And he added nothing new but that his Wife was kept from him by Warrant from the Lords And if it was by the Lords Order then was it not by me And when it was replyed that till he was Sentenced to Garnsey his Wife had access to him Mr. Burton answered Yea but my Lords she was not suffered to be with me at Nights At which the Lords fell a Laughing and there ended his Charge 7. The last Witness was Mrs. Bastwick And she also said nothing different from Mr. Pryn but that she was kept from her Husband and that she Petitioned the Lords about it But of me in particular not one Word And though Mr. Brown in his last Reply upon me said The Time of these Mens Censure was the noted Time of the Oppression of the Subjects Liberty yet I shall crave leave to say of these Men as S. Augustin once said of two great Donatists in his time who it seems had received some Sentence and afterwards a return not altogether unlike these Men They were Felicianus and Pretextatus of those thus S. Augustin If these Men were Innocent why were they so Condemned And if they were Guilty why were they with such Honour returned and received This applies it self And here I am willing to put the Reader in Mind too that Mr. Brown drawing up an exact Summ of my Charge and pressing it hard against me to my Remembrance and I think my Notes could not have slipped it passed by this Charge concerning Mr. Pryn and I cannot but think he had some Reason for it This tedious Charge being over the World ran round and I was brought back again to another Charge about demolishing the Houses at St Pauls and here three Witnesses more came against me 1. The first was Mr. Bently He said there were above Sixty Houses pulled down I Answered I know not the number but if there were so many the Recompence given was sufficient for more He said farther That there was Twenty Yards between the Church and some of the Houses There were very few if any such let him look to his Oath but then some were close upon the Wall of the Church And suppose all had been Twenty Yards distant that was not room enough to bring in and Lodge Materials for the Repair and to turn the Carriages And here again I made mention of my Salvo before desired for the Record of Ed. 3. touching the like Buildings and their Demolition 2. The second Witness was Mr. Goare For the Sixty Houses as was before testified I gave the same Answer as also that the Act of the Council-Table cannot be said to be my Act. For St. Gregory's Church they were not left without a Place for Divine Service as he would fain have it thought For they were assigned to a part of Christ-Church till another Church might be built for them And for the pulling down of St. Gregory's 't is well known to divers of that Parish that I was not so much as one of the Referees to whose view and consideration it was referred But the Truth is this Man Rented the Parsonage-House and had a good Penniworth of it to gain by his Under-Tenant The going down of that House troubles him and not the Church 3. The Third Witness Walter Biggs says nothing different from the two former but that I said I was opposed for the pulling down of the Houses Whence it was inferred that it was my Act because I was opposed But my Lords I hope I might say I was Opposed without any Offence or without taking the Order of the Council-Table to my self For 't is well known the Work of that Repair under God was mine and I took no indirect no oppressing Way to it nor can I now be ashamed of that which in future times in despight of the present Malice will be my Honour So that the Care of the Work lying upon me I might well say I was opposed though the Opposition went higher against the Orders of the Lords The last Charge of this Day was about the putting down of two Brewers in Westminster because the Excessive and Noysom Smoak from thence much annoyed the King's House Gardens and Park at St. James These two were Mr Bond and Mr Arnold 1. For Mr. Bond he begins with somewhat that I should say at the Council-Table As Namely that he must Seal a Bond of two Thousand Pounds to Brew no more with Sea-Coal Now this argues if I did so speak that it was in delivering to him the Sense of the Board which Office as I have before expressed and is well known was usually put upon me if I were present And your Lordships may here again see what Envy hath followed me upon that which I could not decline He says farther that upon this Mr. Attorney Banks proceeded against him in the Exchequer That there upon some occasion the Lord Chief Baron should say ye are wise Witnesses for the King That his Councel were forbid to Plead and so a Verdict passed for the King All this is nothing to me I was neither Chief Baron nor Witness nor one of the Jury that gave the Verdict He says he was informed that there was an Order of Council made that no Man should put up a Petition for him But himself doth not so much as mention that this Order was procured by me And it is but a Report that no Petition might be delivered for him and none of them that told him so produced for proof So he scandalizes the Lords by Hearsay Next he says
he is a Juror And according to this I gave Mr. Browne my Answer And howsoever the Attachment goes of Course out from the Commission and not from me The second Charge of this Day was about the Censure which fell on the Inhabitants of Beckington in Sommersetshire about their refusing to remove the Communion-Table according to the Order of their Diocesan About which were produced three Witnesses to whose Evidence I shall Answer in order 1. The first was William Longe who says he was Foreman of the Jury when these Men were Indicted for a Riot and that as he conceives the Parson spake with the Judge about it which caused a sudden Verdict The Parson of the Place spake with the Judge and he conceives that produced a sudden Verdict First he doth but conceive so and that can make no Proof If it did make Proof 't is only against the Parson not against me And if the Parson speaking of it did say as Mr. Longe affirms he did That this Riot was like a Waldensian or Swisserland Commotion He must answer for his own Distempered Language me it cannot concern 2. The second Witness was George Longe He says The Bishop of Bath Commanded the Communion-Table to be removed and set at the upper end of the Chancel that the Church-Wardens refusing were Excommunicated But he says withal that they Appealed to the Arches and had remedy Then he adds farther that the Bishop proceeded again but the Church-Wardens would not remove it saying it was an Innovation and against Law But my Lords 't is neither And therefore these Church-Wardens were in a great Contempt against their Bishop to the ill Example of all that Country And that it is no Innovation against Law appears by the Injunctions of Queen Elizabeth where it is Commanded Expresly to be set there The Words are The Holy Table in every Church not Cathedrals only shall be decently made and set in the place where the Altar stood Now all Men know that with us in England the Altar stood North and South at the upper end of the Chancel And to set it East and West had been cross the place where the Altar stood and not in it And this being Law in the beginning of the Reformation cannot now be an Innovation When they came to me again as they say they did if I then told them they deserved to be laid by the Heels for the Contempt of their Bishop under Favour my Lords I spake Truth And give me leave I beseech you to tell you this It began to be a General Complaint not of the Bishop of Bath only but of other Bishops also that they could do little or no Service in their several Countries by reason of the Inhibitions which issued out of my Courts to stay their Proceedings And I wanted no good Friends in Court to tell the King as much when any thing was complained of By this I was brought into great straights Deny Appeals I might not Frequent granting in my Courts destroyed in a manner the Bishops Jurisdictions In this difficulty seeing the wilfulness of these Men and knowing they had received full benefit by their Appeal once already in the same Case I did refuse to hear any more of it unless there were new Matter but yet left them free to Appeal to the Delegats For Mr. Hughes the Parson there if he gave ill Words or laid violent Hands on any of his Neighbours it concerns not me Let him answer for what he hath said or done 'T is farther said That Mr. Hughes was with me at Windsor and had Letters from me to the Lord Chief Justice Finch But this Witness delivers not this upon his own knowledge I sent no Letter by him nor did he see me send by any other So this is meerly a Report and he doth not so much as tell from whom Yea but then he says that Mr. Morgan a Man inward with the Judge told him that the Judge told him that the little Man had put a spoke in their Cart and thereupon as he conceives the Petty-Jury was Changed Here are if your Lordships mark them two great Proofs The one is the Witnesses Report of Mr. Morgan's Report that the Judge had said so of me But why is not Mr. Morgan produced to clear this The other is not the Knowledge but the Conceit only of the Witness He conceives which I am Confident cannot sway with your Lordships for a Proof Besides were Mr. Morgan never so inward with that Judge yet it follows not that he must know all And if that Judge did mean me for Name me he did not he did me the more wrong For I never desired any thing of any Judge him or other but what was according to Law Nay I so expressed my self as that if by mistake or misinformation I had desired any thing which was not according to Law I humbly desired my Motion might be as if it had never been made 3. The third Witness is Mr. Jo. Ash. That which this Gentleman says is That Sir John Lambe told that the Man which came about that Business could have no Appeal admitted without me and that if he would be so troublesome he should be laid by the Heels I have given your Lordships an Account why he could not have an Appeal without me He had had the benefit of an Appeal before in the same Cause And for this Witness he delivers no knowledge of his own but only he says the Man imployed related it to him So 't is a Relation no Proof He says the Penance was injoyned them in three Churches And truly my Lords their Disobedience to their Bishop was great but if the Penance injoyned were too heavy it was the Act of their own Bishop not mine Then he says that the Lord Finch told him another powerful Hand was upon him intimating me First this is no knowledge of the Witness but a Speech of the Lord Finch Secondly if the Lord Finch did say so of a powerful Hand he wronged me much but himself more to confess he could be drawn awry in Judgment Thirdly this Witness says not that he named me but that he Intimated me I pray your Lordships Judgment what a forward Witness this Man is that can upon Oath deliver what is Intimated and of whom He says farther That upon Petition to Sir William Portman for some Assistance the Bishop of Bath laid all upon me and that when himself came to me at the Tower since my Restraint I told him the Bishop of Bath did like an Obedient Bishop to his Metropolitan For this my Lords here is no Proof that the Bishop laid this Business upon me but Sir William Portman's Report Sir William is a worthy Gentleman why is not he produced Why is not the Bishop that is said to lay all upon me brought into the Court that he may clear himself and me if he said it not or that I may make him ashamed if he said it For 't is
I confess to your Lordships I could never like that Seats should be set above the Communion Table If that be any Error in me be it so For the Words I did not speak them of Prohibitions in general but of such as I did conceive very Illegal as for ought I yet know this must have been And this was the Answer wich I gave Mr Brown when in Summing up the Charge he instanced in this against me To these Rouland Tomson adds new Words That I wondered who durst grant a Prohibition the High-Commission Court being above all But he confesses he knows not the time when this was spoken Let him look to his Oath for I am as Confident he knows not the thing And I farther believe that neither he nor any the rest of my Accusers think me so Ignorant as to say the High-Commission Court was above all 7. Francis Nicolas says that about Four Years since he delivered a Prohibition and was committed for it To this Quaterman comes in and says more than Nicolas himself For he says he delivered it in upon a Stick and was Committed for it First if he were Committed it was not for bringing the Prohibition but for his unmannerly delivery of it and to reach it into the Court upon a Stick to call the People to see it was no Handsom way of Delivery And one that brought a Prohibition whether this Man or no I cannot certainly say threw it with that violent Scorn into the Court that it bounded on the Table and hit me on the Breast as I sat in Court. Howsoever his Commitment was the Act of the Court not mine And for Quaterman he is an Exasperated Man against me and that Court as hath appeared to the World many ways 9. Mr Edwards was called up next and he says it was a common thing to lay them by the Heels which brought Prohibitions And they were commonly brought by bold impudent Men picked out of purpose to affront the Court. And then if the Court made their Imprisonment as common as they their Rudeness where 's the Fault And I pray mark this is still the Act of the Court not mine 10. Mr. Welden says That there was a Command given to lay hold of a Man which brought a Prohibition But more he says not Nor did he offer to make himself Judge of the Justice of the Court in that behalf And considering what Affronts have been put upon the Court of High Commission by the bringers of Prohibitions I hope it shall not be accounted a Crime to stay him that brings it till the Prohibition be seen and considered 11. The next Witness is Mr. Ward And he is an angry Witness for his Cause before-mentioned about Symony That which he says is That An. 1638 He that brought a Prohibition in a Cause of Mr. Foetroughts was laid by the Heels But he himself confesses the Court then declared that they were affronted by him And then he was Punished for that Misdemeanour in his Carriage not for bringing the Prohibition He says farther that I directed some Commissioners to attend the Judges about it and that the Party had no benefit by his Prohibition For my directing Attendance upon the Judges I think I did what well became me For there came a Rule before the Prohibition which required the Court so to do And Mr. Pryn objected because this was not done and now I am Accused because I gave direction to do it And if the Party had no benefit by his Prohibition it must needs follow that either the Judges were satisfied by our Information of the Cause or if not that they did Mr. Foetrought the wrong and not we 12. The last Witness about Prohibitions was Mr. Wheeler He says that in a Sermon of mine long since I used these Words They which grant Prohibitions to the Disturbance of the Churches Right God will prohibit their entrance into the Kingdom of Heaven And he says he writ down the Words that he might remember them If this Gentleman will tell me what Text I then Preached on I will look upon my Sermon if that with my other Papers be not taken from me and shew the place In the mean time with that Limitation with which he confesses I spake them I conceive there is no fault at all in the Words For it will be found no small fault in Judges to grant Prohibitions to the Disturbance of the Rights of the Church which no Law of God or Man warrants them to do So the words I spake must needs be understood of illegal Prohibitions For they which are Legal do only stop the Church from doing wrong but do no wrong to the Church by disturbing her Rights Mr. Browne charged this Sermon Note upon me also and I gave him this Answer Nevertheless I cannot but be sorry to hear it from Mr. Wheeler's own Mouth that he was so careful to write this Passage and so ready to come to witness it against me considering how many Years I have known him and how freely he hath often come to my Table and been welcome to me yet never told me this Passage in my Sermon troubled him It seems some Malignity or other laid it up against this wet Day Here having thus answered all Particulars I humbly craved leave of their Lordships to inform them some few things concerning Prohibitions As first that there was a great Contestation about them between my Predecessor Arch-Bishop Bancroft and the then Judges and this before King James and the Lords of the Council and Mr. Atturney Hobart Pleaded for the Church against them Sir Henry Martin gave me Copies of all those Papers on both sides No final End made that I could ever hear of This calling them all in Question was far more than ever was done by me or in my time and yet no Accusation at all much less any of Treason put up against Arch-Bishop Bancroft for this Secondly I have here Papers Attested of all the Prohibitions which have been admitted in my Courts of Arches and Audience And I find there are as many if not more admitted in my Seven Years time as in any Seven Years of my Predecessor Arch-Bishop Abbot And these Papers I delivered into the Court. As for the High-Commission the Records are all taken from us else I make no doubt but it would soon appear by them that as many have been admitted there also Thirdly There is a great difference touching Prohibitions and the sending of them since the Times of Reformation and before For before the Bishops Courts were kept under a foreign Power and there were then weighty Reasons for Prohibitions both in regard of the King's Power and the Subjects Indempnity But since the Reformation all Power Exercised in the Spiritual Courts is from the King as well as the Temporal so that now there neither is nor can be so much Cause as formerly was And yet all that I did humbly and earnestly desire was that
I hope your Lordships will not think that not to suffer the Printers to turn out a deserving Man at their pleasure is to exempt the Clergy from the Civil Magistrate The business my Lords was this This Corrector was principally entertained for the Latin and Greek Press especially which I had then not without great pains and some cost Erected They were desirous to keep only one for the English and him at the cheapest Among them their negligence was such as that there were found above a Thousand faults in two Editions of the Bible and Common-Prayer-Book And one which caused this search was that in Exod. 20. where they had shamefully Printed Thou shalt commit Adultery For this the Masters of the Printing-House were called into the High-Commission and Censured as they well deserved it As for this Corrector whom they would have heaved out they never did so much as complain of him to any that had power over the Press till this fell upon themselves for so gross an Abuse Nor did they after this proceed against him to make him appear faulty and till that were done we could not punish And for this Business of the Press he is single too And I have told your Lordships that which is a known Truth And Hunsford being bit in his Credit and Purse and Friends by that Censure for so gross an abuse of the Church and Religion labours to fasten his Fangs upon me in this way 2. The Second Witness is Mr. Bland But all that he says is that there was once a dismission of this Cause out of the Court and that though I disliked it yet I gave way to it because all Parties were agreed And no word of proof that I was any cause of bringing it back into the Court again What 's my fault in this 3. The Third Witness was Thorn in his own Cause And 't is plain by his own words that this Cause was depending in Court before my time And I believe were the Records of the Court here Mr. Lewis would not be found so great an Offender as Mr. Thorn would make him This I am sure of both the High-Commission and my self have been quick enough against all Ministers which have been proved to be debauched in their Life and Conversation And he says nothing against me but that I sided with his Adversaries which is easie to say against any Judge that delivers his Sentence against any Man But neither of these come home to Hunsford The next Charge is in the Case of one Mr. Tomkins about the Taxing of a Minister in a Case of Robbery and Repayment by the Country To this Mr. Newdigate is produced who says as he remembers that I should speak these words That Ministers were free from such Taxes and I hoped to see the Times in which they might be free again First this Gentleman is single Secondly he speaks not positively but as he remembers Thirdly this Tax I do humbly conceive is not by Law to be laid upon any Minister For no Man is subject to this Tax but they which are to keep Watch and Ward which Ministers in that kind are not bound unto And this I learned of the Lord Keeper Coventry at the Council-Table So I might well then hope to see Ministers free from all such Taxes by the right understanding and due Execution of our own Laws without assuming any Papal Power The last Instance of this Day was the bringing of Sir Rich Samuel into the High-Commission for doing his Office as Justice of the Peace upon some Clergy-Men First for this this Gentleman is single and in his own Case Secondly himself confesses that his bringing into the High-Commission was long after the Fact Therefore in all Probability not for that nor doth he say that I caused his bringing in He says farther That one Article for which he was called into the Commission was that he was an Enemy to the Clergy But he doth not say that I preferred these Articles against him Nor doth he tell or can I remember what the other Articles were which with this may be bad enough to merit what was there laid against him And whatsoever was done appears by his own Narration to be the Act of the High-Commission or the Council-Table and so not Chargeable upon me alone And whereas he says I blamed him much at the Council-Table Let him tell why and then I 'll give him a farther Answer And sure if I did blame him I had just Cause so to do Lastly he says I did use the Word Base to him when he came to me Sure I cannot believe I did It was not my Language to meaner Men. If it did slip from me it was in Relation to his Enmity to the Clergy not to his Person or Quality And I conceive 't is no Gentile part for a Man of Place and Power in his Country to oppress poor Clergy-Men which neighbour about him In which kind this Gentleman Pessimè Audiebat heard extreamly ill CAP. XXX THis Day thus ended I was ordered to appear again on Monday April 22. I came and my former Answers having taken off the Edge of many Men for so I was told by good Hands the Scorns put upon me at my Landing and elsewhere were somewhat a bated though when it was at best I suffered enough After I had attended the Pleasure of the House some Hours I was remitted without Hearing and commanded to attend again upon Thursday April 25. But sent back again then also and ordered to appear on Tuesday April 30. And when I came I was sent away once more unheard No Consideration had of my self or the great Charge which this frequent coming put me to I was then ordered to appear again on Saturday May 4. Then I was heard again And the Day proceeded as follows My Eighth Day of Hearing To raise up Envy against me Mr. Nicolas falls first to repeating the Titles which were given me in Letters from Oxford to which I gave answer the Day before From thence he fell again upon the former Charge My Endeavour to exempt the Clergy from the Civil Power And very loud he was and full of sour Language upon me To this General I answered with another more true That I never did attempt to bring the Temporal Power under the Clergy nor to free the Clergy from being under it But I do freely confess I did labour all I could to preserve poor Clergy-Men from some Lay-Mens Oppression which lay heavy on them And de Vi Laica hath been an old and a great and too Just a Complaint And this I took to be my Duty doing it without Wrong to any Man as sincerely I did to the best of my Knowledge And assuring my self that God did not raise me to that Place of Eminency to sit still see his Service neglected and his Ministers discountenanced nay sometimes little better than trampled on And my standing thus to the Clergy and their
Law But what is the Heart of this Charge It is say they That I Commanded Dr. Duck to prosecute them And what fault was in this For if it were Just why should not Dr. Duck go on with his Prosecution If Dr. Duck and I were both mistaken in the Particular 't was easy getting a Prohibition Yea but they say I said If this must be so Sir Thomas Dacres shall be Bishop of London and I 'll be Sir Tho. Dacres For ought I see in the Weight of it this whole Charge was but to bring in this Speech And truly my Lords my old decayed Memory is not such as that I can recall a Speech Thirteen or Fourteen Years since But if I did say it I presume 't is not High Treason for a Bishop of London to say so much of Sir Tho. Dacres Mr. Browne in the summing up the Charge against me laid the weight of the Charge in this That these Church-Wardens were Prosecuted for Executing the Warrant of a Justice of Peace upon an Ale-House-Keeper for Tipling on the Sabbath-Day contrary to the Statutes Jacobi 7. Caro. 3. To which I Answer'd That those Statutes did concern the Ale-House-Keepers only nor were the Church-Wardens called in question for that but because being Church Officers and a Church-Man Tipling there they did not complain of that to the Chancellor of the Diocess Mr. Browne replied there was no Clergy-Man there I am glad I was so mistaken But that excuseth not the Church-Wardens who being Church Officers should have been as ready to inform the Bishop as to obey the Justice of Peace The Fourth Instance was about Marriages in the Tower which I opposed against Law The Witness Sir William Balfore then Lieutenant of the Tower He says that I did oppose those Marriages And so say I. But I did it for the Subject of England's sake For many of their Sons and Daughters were there undone Nor Banes nor Licence nor any means of fore-knowledge to prevent it Was this ill He says that when he spake with me about it I desired him to speak with his Majesty about it because it was the King's House What could I do with more moderation He confesses he did so and that he moved the King that the Cause might be heard at the Council-Table not at the High-Commission To this his Majesty inclined and I opposed nothing so the general Abuse might be rectified Then he says Mr. Attorney Noye said at the Council-Table it was the King's Free-Chappel and that no Pope in those times offer'd to inhibit there First if Mr. Attorney did so say he must have leave to speak freely in the King's Cause Secondly as I humbly conceive the Chappel for ordinary use of Prisoners and Inhabitants of the Tower where these disorderly Marriages are made is not that which is called the King's Free-Chappel But another in the side of the white Tower by the King's Lodgings Thirdly if it be yet I have herein not offended for I did all that was done by the King's leave not by any assumption of Papal Power Then he tells the Lords that in a Discourse of mine with him at Greenwich about this business I let fall an Oath I am sorry for it if I did But that 's no Treason And I know whom the Deponent thinks to please by this Interposition For to the matter it belongs not In conclusion he says truly that the King committed the business to some Lords and Judges that so an end might be put to it And in the mean time Ordered that till it were ended there should be no more Marriages in the Tower How this business ended I know not It began I am sure by Authority of his Majesty's Grant of the High Commission to question and punish all such Abuses Tam in loois Exemptis quam non Exemptis And his Majesty having Graciously taken this Care for the Indempnity of the Subject I troubled my self no more with it My aim being not to cut off any Priviledges of that Place but only to prevent the Abuses of that Lawless Custom And if cui bono be a considerable Circumstance as it uses to be in all such Businesses then it may be thought on too that this Gentleman the Lieutenant had a considerable share for his part out of the Fee for every Marriage Which I believe was as dear to him as the Priviledge The next Instance is broke out of the Tower and got as far as Oxford The Witness Alderman Nixon He says the Mayor and the Watch set by him were disturbed by the Proctors of the Vniversity and a Constable Imprisoned The Night-Walk and the keeping of the Watch is the ancient known and constant Priviledge of the University for some Hundred of Years and so the Watch set by the Town purposely to pick a quarrel was not according to Law He adds That when the Right Honourable the Earl of Barkshire would have referred the business to the King's Councel Learned I refused and said I would maintain it by my own Power as Chancellor If I did say this which I neither remember nor believe I might better refuse Lawyers not the Law but Lawyers than they a Sworn Judge of their own Nomination which they did The Case was briefly this There were some five or six Particulars which had for divers Years bred much trouble and disagreement between the Vniversity and the City of which to my best remembrance this about the Night-Watch and another about Felons Goods were two of the chief The Vniversity complained to me I was so far from going any by-way that I was resolved upon a Tryal at Westminster-Hall thinking as I after found that nothing but a Legal Tryal would set those two Bodies at quiet The Towns-Men liked not this Came some of the Chief of them to London Prevailed with their Honourable Steward my Lord the Earl of Barkshire to come to me to Lambeth and by his Lordship offer'd to have all ended without so great Charge at Law by Reference to any of the Judges I said I had no mind to wrong the Town or put them to Charge but thought they would fly off from all Awards and therefore stuck to have a Legal Tryal After this some of the chief Aldermen came to me with my Lord and offer'd me that if the Vniversity would do the like they would go down and bring it up under the Mayor and Aldermens Hands that they would stand to such end as Judge Jones who rode that Circuit should upon Hearing make They did so And brought the Paper so Subscribed and therefore I think Alderman Nixon's Hand is to it as well as the rest upon this I gave way the Vniversity accepted the Judge heard and setled And now when they saw my Troubles threatning me they brake all whistled up their Recorder to come and complain at the Council-Table his Majesty present And I remember well I told his Lordship then making the aforesaid Motion to refer to the
there present p. 28 32 35 42. Nay more this proceeding tam in locis Exemptis quam non Exemptis is allowed to the Governours of the Church in the Exercise of their Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction by Act of Parliament in Queen Elizabeth's Time which would never have been allowed had it then been thought such a dangerous Business as 't is now made against me 2. The Second Clause was Power to Censure by Fine and Imprisonment This also I shewed in the old Commission Fol. 37. and is as I conceive in plain pursuance of the Act of Parliament upon which the High-Commission is grounded For the King says there Fol. 13. And so 't is in the new That he grants this Power by Vertue of his Supream Authority and Prerogative Royal and of the said Act. Nay farther 't is added in this latter Commission and by our Authority Ecclesiastical which is not expressed in the former And sure I would never have caused Authority Ecclesiastical to be added had I any Plot as 't is urged either to exalt the Clergy above the Laity or to usurp Papal Power which all Men know is far enough from ascribing Ecclesiastical Authority to the King And as for Fine and Imprisonment if that Power be not according to Law why was it first admitted and after continued in all former Commissions 3. The Third Clause was the Non Obstante which he said was against all Law and of such a boundless Extent as was never found in Commission or other Grant in England And he here desired the Lords that he might read it which he did with great Assurance of a Triumph But after all this Noise which Mr. Nicolas had made I shewed the same Non Obstante in the Old Commission 〈◊〉 62. Word for Word which I humbly desired might be read and compared It was so The Lords looked strangely upon it Mr. Nicolas was so startled that he had not Patience to stay till his Reply which he saw impossible to be made but interrupted me and had the Face to say in that Honourable Assembly that I need not stand upon that for he did but name that without much regarding it And yet at the giving of the Charge he insisted principally upon that Clause and in higher and louder Terms than are before expressed Had such an Advantage been found against me I should have been accounted extreamly Negligent if I compared not the Commissions together or Extreamly Impudent if I did 4. The Fourth Exception was That by this Commission I took greater Power than ever any Court had because both Temporal and Ecclesiastical First whatsoever Power the High-Commission had was not taken by them till given by his Majesty and that according to Use and Statue for ought hath been yet declared Secondly they have not Power of Life or Limb therefore not so great Power as other Courts have Thirdly they may have more various Power in some respects but that cannot make it greater As for the Expression in which 't is said I took this Power that is put most unworthily and unjustly too to derive the Envy as much as he could upon my Person only For he could not hold from comparing me to Pope Boniface 8. and saying that I took on me the Power of both Swords But this was only ad Faciendum Populum For he knows well enough that to take both the Swords as the Pope takes them is to challenge them Originally as due to him and his Place Not to take both as under the Prince and given by his Authority and so not I alone but all the Commissioners take theirs 5. Fifthly To prove that this vast Commission as it was called was put in execution Mr. Burton is produced He says that when he was called into the High-Commission he appealed to the King and pleaded his Appeal and that thereupon I and the Bishop of London Writ to the King to have him submit to the Court He confesses he was dismissed upon his Appeal till his Majesty's Pleasure was farther known And it was our Duty considering what a Breach this would make upon the Jurisdiction of the Court to inform his Majesty of it and we did so The King declared that he should submit to the Court as is confessed by himself Then he says because he would not submit to the Court he was Censured notwithstanding his Appeal And he well deserved it that would not be ruled by his Majesty to whom he had appealed And the Commission had Power to do what they did Besides himself confesses all this was done by the High-Commission not by me Nor doth he urge any Threat Promise or Solicitation of mine any way to particularize the Act upon me and farther he is single and in his own Cause Then followed the last Charge of this Day which was the Patent granted for the Fines in the High-Commission for Finishing the West End of St Pauls cryed out upon as Illegal and Extorted from the King and such as took all Power from him for the space of the Ten Years for which time it was granted This is the Fourth time that St Pauls is struck at My Lords let it come as often as it will my Project and Endeavour in that Work was Honest and Honourable to both Church and Kingdom of England No Man in all this Search and Pursuit hath been able to charge me with the turning of any one Penny or Pennyworth to other use than was limited to me I took a great deal of Care and Pains about the Work and cannot repent of any thing I did in that Service but of Humane Frailty And whereas 't is said this Patent was extorted from his Majesty as there is no Proof offered for it so is there no truth in it For his Majesty's Piety was so forward that nothing needed to be extorted from him Thus went I on Bonâ Fide and took the Prime Direction of the Kingdom for drawing the Patent The Lord Keeper Coventry Mr. Noy and Sir Henry Martin And therefore if any thing be found against Law in it it cannot be imputed to me who took all the care I could to have it beyond exception And I marvel what security any Man shall have that adventures upon any great and publick Work in this Kingdom if such Councel cannot be trusted for drawing up of his Warrant And whereas it was said this Patent for the Ten Years space took away both Justice and Mercy from the King That 's nothing so For whatever the Words be to enable me the better for that Work yet these being inseparable from him may be used by him notwithstanding this or any other Patent And if these be inseparable as 't is granted they are no inseparable thing can be taken away or if it be taken 't is void in Law and the King is where he was in the Exercise of his Right both for Justice and Mercy And so I answered Mr. Brown's summary Charge against me and as for that
the Sacrament in my Chappel The Witnesses two The first was Dr. Haywood who had been my Chaplain in the House They had got from others the Ceremonies there used and then brought him upon Oath He confessed he Administred in a Cope And the Canon warranted it He confesses as it was urged that he fetched the Elements from the Credential a little Side-Table as they called it and set them Reverently upon the Communion Table Where 's the offence For first the Communion Table was little and there was hardly room for the Elements to stand conveniently there while the Service was in Administration And Secondly I did not this without Example for both Bishop Andrews and some other Bishops used it so all their time and no exception taken The Second Witness was Rob. Cornwall one of my Menial Servants A very forward Witness he shewed himself But said no more than is said and answered before Both of them confessing that I was sometimes present The Third Charge was about the Ceremonies at the Coronation of his Majesty And first out of my Diary Feb 2 1625. 'T is urged that I carried back the Regalia offer'd them on the Altar and then laid them up in their place of safety I bare the place at the Coronation of the Dean of Westminster and I was to look to all those things and their safe return into Custody by the place I then Executed And the offering of them could be no offence For the King himself offers upon solemn days And the Right Honourable the Knights of the Garter offer at their Solemnity And the Offertory is Established by Law in the Common Prayer Book of this Church And the Prebendaries assured me it was the Custom for the Dean so to do Secondly they charged a Marginal Note in the Book upon me That the Vnction was in formâ Crucis That Note doth not say that it ought so to be done but it only relates the Practice what was done And if any fault were in Anointing the King in that form it was my Predecessors fault not mine for he so Anointed him They say there was a Crucifix among the Regalia and that it stood upon the Altar at the Coronation and that I did not except against it My Predecessor Executed at that time And I believe would have excepted against the Crucifix had it stood there But I remember not any there Yet if there were if my Predecessor approved the standing of it or were content to connive at it it would have been made but a Scorn had I quarrell'd it They say one of the Prayers was taken out of the Pontifical And I say if it were it was not taken thence by me And the Prayers are the same that were used at King James his Coronation And so the Prayer be good and here 's no word in it that is excepted against 't is no matter whence 't is taken Then leaving the Ceremonies he charged me with two 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Body of the King's Oath One added namely these Words 〈◊〉 to the King's Prerogative The other omitted namely these words Quae Populus Elegerit which the People have chosen or shall choose For this latter the Clause omitted that suddenly vanished For it was omitted in the Oath of King James as is confessed by themselves in the Printed Votes of this present Parliament But the other highly insisted on as taking off the total assurance which the Subjects have by the Oath of their Prince for the performance of his Laws First I humbly conceive this Clause takes off none of the Peoples Assurance none at all For the King 's Just and Legal Prerogative and the Subjects Assurance for Liberty and Property may stand well together and have so stood for Hundreds of Years Secondly that Alteration what ever it be was not made by me nor is there any Interlining or Alteration so much as of a Letter found in that Book Thirdly if any thing be amiss therein my Predecessor gave that Oath to the King and not I. I was meerly Ministerial both in the Preparation and at the Coronation it self supplying the place of the Dean of Westminster After this days work was ended it instantly spread all over the City that I had altered the King's Oath at his Coronation and from thence into all parts of the Kingdom as if all must be true which was said at the Bar against me what Answer so-ever I made The People and some of the Synod now crying out that this one thing was enough to take away my Life And though this was all that was Charged this day concerning this Oath yet seeing how this fire took I thought fit the next day that I came to the Bar to desire that the Books of the Coronation of former Kings especially those of Queen Elizabeth and King James might be seen and compared and the Copies brought into the Court both from the Exchequer and such as were in my Study at Lambeth And a fuller Inquisition made into the Business In regard I was as Innocent from this Crime as when my Mother bare me into the World A Salvo was entred for me upon this And every day that I after came to the Bar I called upon this Business But somewhat or other was still pretended by them which managed the Evidence that I could not get the Books to be brought forth nor any thing to be done till almost the last day of my Hearing Then no Books could be found in the Exchequer nor in my Study but only that of King James whereas when the Keys were taken from me there were divers Books there as is confessed in the Printed Votes of this Parliament And one of them with a Watchet Sattin Cover now missing And whether this of King James had not my Secretary who knew the Book seen it drop out of Mr. Pryn's Bag would not have been concealed too I cannot tell At last the Book of King James his Coronation and the other urged against me concerning King Charles were seen and compared openly in the Lords House and found to be the same Oath in both and no Interlining or Alteration in the Book charged against me This Business was left by the Serjeant to Mr. Maynard who made the most that could be out of my Diary against me And so did Mr. Brown when he came to give the Summ of the Charge against me both before the Lords and after in the House of Commons And therefore for the avoiding of all tedious Repetition And for that the Arguments which both used are the same And because I hold it not fit to break a Charge of this moment into divers pieces or put them in different places I will 〈◊〉 set down the whole Business together and the Answer which I then gave Mr. Brown in the Summ of the Charge against me in the Commons-House when he came to this Article said he was now come to the Business so much
agrees as he said with my Judgment For that in a Paper of Bishop Harsnett's there is a Marginal Note in my Hand that Salvo Jure Coronae is understood in the Oaths of a King But first there 's a great deal of difference between Jus Regis Praerogativa between the Right and Inheritance of the King and his Prerogative though never so Legal And with Submission and until I shall be convinced herein I must believe that no King can Swear himself out of his Native Right Secondly If this were and still be an Error in my Judgment that 's no Argument at all to prove Malice in my Will That because that is my Judgment for Jus Regis therefore I must thrust Praerogativam Regis which is not my Judgment into a Publick Oath which I had no Power to alter These were all the Proofs which Mr. Maynard at first and Mr. Brown at last brought against me in this Particular And they are all but Conjectural and the Conjectures weak But that I did not alter this Oath by adding the Prerogative the Proofs I shall bring are Pregnant and some of them Necessary They are these 1. My Predecessor was one of the Grand Committee for these Ceremonies That was proved by his Servants to the Lords Now his known Love to the Publick was such as that he would never have suffered me or any other to make such an Alteration Nor would he have concealed such a Crime in me loving me so well as he did 2. Secondly 'T is Notoriously known that he Crowned the King and Administred the Oath which was avowed also before the Lords by his Ancient Servants And it cannot be rationally conceived he would ever have Administred such an alter'd Oath to his Majesty 3. Thirdly 'T is expressed in my Diary at Januar. 31. 1625. And that must be good Evidence for me having been so often produced against me that divers great Lords were in this Committee for the Ceremonies and did that Day sit in Council upon them And can it be thought they would not so much as compare the Books Or that comparing of them they would indure an Oath with such an Alteration to be Tender'd to the King Especially since 't is before confessed that One Copy of King James his Coronation had this Alteration in it and the other had it not 4. Fourthly 'T is expressed in my Diary and made use of against me at Januar. 23. 1625. That this Book urged against me did agree per Omnia cum Libro Regali in all things with the King's Book brought out of the Exchequer And if the Book that I then had and is now insisted upon did agree with that Book which came out of the Exchequer and that in all things how is it possible I should make this Alteration 5. Fifthly with much Labour I got the Books to be compared in the Lords House That of King James his Coronation and this of King Charles And they were found to agree in all things to a Syllable Therefore 't is impossible this should be added by me And this I conceive cuts off all Conjectural Proofs to the contrary Lastly In the Printed Book of the Votes of this present Parliament it is acknowledged that the Oath given to King James and King Charles was the same The same Therefore unaltered And this Passage of that Book I then shewed the Lords in my Defence To this Mr. Maynard then replyed That the Votes there mentioned were upon the Word Elegerit and the doubt whether it should be hath chosen or shall chuse I might not then Answer to the Reply but the Answer is plain For be the occasion which led on the Votes what it will as long as the Oath is acknowledged the same 't is manifest it could not be altered by me And I doubt not but these Reasons will give this Honourable House Satisfaction that I added not this Particular of the Prerogative to the Oath Mr. Brown in his last Reply passed over the other Arguments I know not how But against this he took Exception He brought the Book with him and Read the Passage And said as far as I remember that the Votes had Relation to the Word Chuse and not to this Alteration Which is in Effect the same which Mr. Maynard urged before I might not Reply by the Course of the Court but I have again considered of that Passage and find it plain Thus First they say They have considered of all the Alterations in the Form of this Oath which they can find Therefore of this Alteration also if any such were Then they say Excepting that Oath which was taken by his Majesty and his Father King James There it is confessed that the Oath taken by them was one and the same called there That Oath which was taken by both Where falls the Exception then For 't is said Excepting that Oath c. why it follows Excepting that the Word Chuse is wholly left out as well hath Chosen as will Chuse Which is a most manifest and evident Confession that the Oath of King James and King Charles was the same in all things to the very leaving out of the Word Chuse Therefore it was the same Oath all along No difference at all For Exceptio firmat Regulam in non Exceptis and here 's no Exception at all of this Clause of the Prerogative Therefore the Oath of both the Kings was the same in that or else the Votes would have been sure to mention it Where it may be observed too that Serjeant Wilde though he knew these Votes and was present both at the Debate and the Voting and so must know that the Word Chuse was omitted in both the Oaths yet at the first he Charged it eagerly upon me that I had left this Clause of Chusing out of King Charles his Oath and added the other God forgive him But the World may see by this and some other Passages with what Art my Life was sought for And yet before I quite leave this Oath I may say 't is not altogether improbable that this Clause And agreeing to the Prerogative of the King 's thereof was added to the Oath in Edward 6. or Queen Elizabeth's time And hath no Relation at all to the Laws of this Kingdom absolutely mentioned before in the beginning of this Oath But only to the Words The Profession of the Gospel Established in this Kingdom And then immediately follows And agreeing to the Prerogative of the Kings thereof By which the King Swears to maintain his Prerogative according to God's Law and the Gospel Established against all foreign Claims and Jurisdictions whatsoever And if this be the meaning he that made the Alteration whoever it were for I did it not deserves Thanks for it and not the Reward of a Traytor Now to return to the Day The Fourth Charge went on with the Ceremonies still But Mr. Serjeant was very nimble For he leaped from the Coronation at Westminster
to see what I did at Oxford 1. There the first Witness is Sir Nathaniel Brent And he says The standing of the Communion-Table at St. Mary's was altered I have answered to this Situation of the Communion-Table already And if it be lawful in one place 't is in another For the Chappel of Magdalen College and Christ-Church Quire he confesses he knows of no Direction given by me to either Nor doth he know whether I reproved the things there done or no. So all this is no Evidence For the Picture of the Blessed Virgin at St. Mary's Door as I knew nothing of it till it was done so never did I hear any Abuse or Dislike of it after it was done And here Sir Nathaniel confesses too that he knows not of any Adoration of it as Men passed the Streets or otherwise When this Witness came not home they urged the Statute of Merton College or the Vniversity where if I took my Notes right they say I enjoyned Debitam Reverentiam And as I know no fault in that Injunction or Statute so neither do I know what due Bodily Reverence can be given to God in his Church without some Bowing or Genuflection 2. The Second Witness was Mr. Corbett He says that when decent Reverence was required by my Visitors 〈◊〉 one of my Articles he gave Reasons against it but Sir Jo. Lambe urged it still First my Lords if Mr. Corbett's Reasons were sufficient Sir Jo. Lambe was to blame in that but Sir Jo. Lambe must answer it and not I. Secondly it may be observed that this Man by his own Confession gave Reasons such as they were against due Reverence to God in his own House He says that Dr. Frewen told him from me That I wished he should do as others did at St. Mary's or let another Execute his place as Proctor This is but a Hearsay from Dr. Frewen who being at Oxford I cannot produce him And if I had sent such a Message I know no Crime in it He says that after this he desired he might enjoy in this Particular the Liberty which the King and the Church of England gave him He did so And from that Day he heard no more of it but enjoyed the Liberty which he asked He says Mr. Channell desired the same Liberty as well as he And Mr. Channell had it granted as well as he He confesses ingenuously that the Bowing required was only Toward not to the Altar And To the Picture at St. Mary's Door he says he never heard of any Reveverence done to it And doth believe that all that was done at Christ-Church was since my Time But it must be his Knowledge not his Belief that must make an Evidence 3. The Third Witness was one Mr. Bendye He says There was a Crucifix in Lincoln College Chappel since my time If there be 't is more than I know My Lord of York that now is when he was Bishop of Lincoln worthily bestowed much Cost upon that Chappel and if he did set up a Crucifix I think it was before I had ought to do there He says there was Bowing at the Name of Jesus And God forbid but there should and the Canon of the Church requires it He says there were Latin Prayers in Lent but he knows not who injoyned it And then he might have held his Peace But there were Latin Sermons and Prayers on Ash-Wednesday when few came to Church but the Lent Proceeders who understood them And in divers Colleges they have their Morning-Prayers in Latin and had so long before I knew the University The last Thing he says was That there were Copes used in some Colleges and that a Traveller should say upon the sight of them that he saw just such a thing upon the Pope's Back This Wise Man might have said as much of a Gown He saw a Gown on the Pope's Back therefore a Protestant may not wear one or entring into S. Pauls he may cry Down with it for I saw the Pope in just such another Church in Rome 4. Then was urged the conclusion of a Letter of mine sent to that Vniversity The Words were to this Effect I desire you to remember me a Sinner Quoties coram 〈◊〉 Dei 〈◊〉 The Charge lay upon the Word Procidatis which is no more than that when they there fall on their Knees or Prostrate to Prayer they would remember me In which Desire of mine or Expression of it I can yet see no Offence No nor in coram Altare their Solemnest time of Prayer being at the Communion Here Mr. Brown Aggravated the things done in that University And fell upon the Titles given me in some Letters from thence but because I have answered those Titles already I refer the Reader thither and shall not make here any tedious Repetition Only this I shall add That in the Civil Law 't is frequent to be seen that not Bishops only one to another but the great Emperours of the World have commonly given that Title of Sanctitas vestra to Bishops of meaner place than my self to say no more But here Mr. Brown in his last Reply was pleased to say This Title was not given to any Bishop of England First if I had my Books about me perhaps this might be refuted Secondly why should so Grave a Man as he so much Disparage his own Nation Is it impossible be my Unworthiness what it will for an English Bishop to deserve as good a Title as another Thirdly be that as it may if it were as certainly it was Lawfully given to other Bishops though they not English then is it neither Blasphemy nor Assumption of Papal Power as was Charged upon it From Oxford Mr. Serjeant went to Cambridge And I must be Guilty if ought were amiss there too For this Fifth Charge were produced three Witnesses Mr. Wallis Mr. Greece and Mr. Seaman Their Testimonies agreed very near So I will answer them together First they say That at Peter-House there were Copes and Candlesticks and Pictures in the Glass-Windows and the like But these things I have often answered already and shall not repeat They say the Chief Authors of these things were Dr. Wren and Dr. Cosens They are both living why are they not called to answer their own Acts For here 's yet no shew of Proof to bring any thing home to me For no one of them says that I gave direction for any of these No says Mr. Serjeant but why did I tolerate them First no Man complained to me Secondly I was not Chancellor and endured no small Envy for any little thing that I had occasion to look upon in that place And thirdly this was not the least Cause why I followed my Right for Power to visit there And though that Power was confirmed to me yet the Times have been such as that I did not then think fit to use it It would have but heaped more Envy on me who bare too much already As
would be made of them then that last Remedy but never till then This last Passage Mr. Brown insisted upon The taking of good Books from the People But as I have answered there was no such thing done or intended only a Word spoken to make busie Men see how they abused themselves and the Church by misunderstanding and misapplying that which was written for the good of both Lastly it was urged He said that the Communion-Table must stand Altarwise that Strangers which come and look into these Churches might not see such a Disproportion The Holy Table standing one way in the Mother-Church and quite otherwise in the Parochial annexed And truly to see this could be no Commendation of the Discipline of the Church of England But howsoever Mr. Clarke the other Witness with Wyan and agreeing with him in the most says plainly that it was the Lord of Arundel that spake this not I And that he was seconded in it by the Lord Weston then Lord Treasurer not by me The last Charge of this Day was a passage out of one Mr Shelford's Book p. 20 21. That they must take the Reverend Prelates for their Examples c. And Mr. Pryn Witnessed the like was in the Missal p. 256. Mr. Shelford is a meer Stranger to me his Book I never read if he have said any thing Unjust or Untrue let him answer for himself As for the like to that which he says being in the Missal though that be but a weak Argument yet let him salve it Here this Day ending I was put off to Saturday June 1. And then again put off to Thursday June 6. which held CAP. XXXIV My Twelfth Day of Hearing THis Day Serjeant Wild instead of beginning with a new Charge made another long Reply to my Answers of the former Day Whether he found that his former Reply made at the time was weak and so reputed I cannot tell But another he made as full of premeditated Weakness as the former was of sudden Mr. Pryn I think perceived it and was often at his Ear but Mr. Serjeant was little less than angry and would on I knew I was to make no Answer to any Reply and so took no Notes Indeed holding it all as it was that is either nothing or nothing to the purpose This tedious Reply ended Then came on the First Charge about the Window of Coloured Glass set up in the New Chappel at Westminster It was the History of the coming down of the Holy-Ghost upon the Apostles This was Charged to be done by me and at my Cost The Witnesses Mr. Brown imployed in setting up the Window and Mr Sutton the Glasier These Men say that Dr Newell Sub-Dean of Westminster gave Order for the Window and the setting of it up but they know not at whose Cost nor was any Order given from me So here 's nothing Charged upon me And if it were I know nothing amiss in the Window As for the Kings Arms being taken down as they say Let them answer that did it Though I believe that the King's Arms standing alone in a white Window was not taken down out of any ill meaning but only out of necessity to make way for the History The Second Charge was the Picture of the Blessed Virgin set upon a New-Built Door at S Marys in Oxford Here Alderman Nixon says That some Passengers put off their Hats and as he supposes to that Picture But my Lords his Supposal is no Proof He says that the next day he saw it But what did he see Nothing but the putting off the Hat For he could not see why or to what unless they which put off told it They might put off to some Acquaintance that passed by He farther says he saw a Man in that Porch upon his Knees and he thinks praying but he cannot say to that But then if the Malice he hath long born me would have suffer'd him he might have stayed till he knew to whom he was Praying for till then 't is no Evidence He says he thinks that I Countenanced the setting of it up because it was done by Bishop Owen But Mr Bromfeeld who did that Work gave Testimony to the Lords that I had nothing to do in it He says there was an Image set up at Carfax Church but pulled down again by Mr Widdows Vicar there But this hath no relation at all to me This Picture of the Blessed Virgin was twice mentioned before And Sir Nath Brent could say nothing to it but Hearsay And Mr Corbet did not so much as hear of any Abuse And now Alderman Nixon says he saw Hats put off but the wise Man knows not to what Nor is there any shew of Proof offer'd that I had any Hand or Approbation in the setting of it up Or that ever any Complaint was made to me of any Abuse to it or dislike of it And yet Mr. Brown when he gave the Summ of the Charge against me insisted upon this also as some great Fault of mine which I cannot yet see In the next Charge Mr. Serjeant is gone back again to White-Hall as in the former to Oxford The Witnesses are Mrs. Charnock and her Daughter They say they went being at Court into the Chappel and it seems a Woman with them that was a Papist And that while they were there Dr. Brown one of the King's Chaplains came in Bowed toward the Communion-Table and then at the Altar kneeled down to his Prayers I do not know of any Fault Dr. Brown committed either in doing Reverence to God or Praying and there And yet if he had committed any Fault I hope I shall not answer for him I was not then Dean of the Chappel nor did any ever complain to me They say that two Strangers came into the Chappel at the same time and saw what Dr. Brown did and said thereupon that sure we did not differ much and should be of one Religion shortly And that the Woman which was with these Witnesses told them they were Priests First this can no way Relate to me for neither did these Women complain to me of it nor any from them Secondly if these two Men were Priests and did say as is Testified are we ever a whit the nearer them in Religion Indeed if all the difference between Rome and us consisted in outward Reverence and no Points of Doctrine some Argument might hence be drawn but the Points of Doctrine being so many and great put stop enough to that Thirdly if Recusants Priests especially did so speak might it not be said in Cunning to Discountenance all External Worship in the Service of God that so they may have opportunity to make more Proselytes And 't is no small Advantage to my knowledge which they have this way made And this was the Answer which I gave Mr. Brown when he Charged this upon me in the House of Commons Here before they went any farther Mr. Serjeant Wilde
told the Lords that when Sir Nathaniel Brent was imployed in my Visitation he had Instructions for particular Churches of which some were Tacit Intimations and some Express I know not to what end this was spoken for no Coherent Charge followed upon it But sure he thinks Sir Nathaniel Brent very skilful in me that he can understand my Tacit Intimations and know to what Particular Church to apply them And as I said no more at the Bar so neither did I think to say any more after yet now I cannot but a little bemoan my self For ever since Mr. Maynard left off who Pleaded though strongly yet fairly against me I have been in very ill Condition between the other two For from Mr. Nicolas I had some Sense but extream virulent and foul Language And from Serjeant Wilde Language good enough sometimes but little or no Sense For let me answer what I would when he came to Reply he repeated the Charge again as if I had made no Answer at all Or as if all that I Expressed never so plainly had been but Tacit Intimations which I think he understood as much as Sir Nathaniel Brent In the Fourth Charge he told the Lords he would not trouble them with repeating the Evidence but only put them in mind of some things in the Case of Ferdinando Adams of Ipswich Of the Men of Lewis suffering in the High-Commission Of the Parishioners of Beckington and some others heard before but would leave the Lords to their Memory and their Notes Yet read over the Sentences given in the High-Commission and made a Repetition of whatsoever might but make a shew to render me odious to the People And this hath been their Art all along to run over the same thing twice and again as they did here in the second Charge about the Picture of the Blessed Virgin To the end that as the Auditors changed the more of them might hear it and that which wrought not upon some might upon others In all which I patiently referred my self to my former Answers having no other way to help my self in regard they pretended that they renewed the same Instances but not the same way but in one place as against Law and in another as against Religion But why then did they in both places run over all Circumstances appliable to both And on they went too with the Men of Lewis where one Mr. Parnlye they say was Censured cruelly in the High-Commission for not removing the Communion-Table The Business was but this Sir Nathaniel Brent and his own Ordinary Dr. Nevill Ordered the remove of the Table He would not For this Contumacy he was Censured but injoyned only to make his Submission to Dr. Nevill Which I think was a Sentence far from any Barbarous Cruelty as 't is called 2. Another Instance and the next was Mr. Burket He says he was Censured also about removing the Communion-Table and for that only But first this was not simply for removing the Holy-Table but it was for abetting the Church-Wardens to remove it back again from the place where lawful Authority had set it And secondly whereas he says he was Censured for this only the very Charge it self confutes him For there 't is said that this about removing of the Communion-Table appears in the Sixth Article that was against him Therefore there were Five other Articles at least more against him And therefore not this only 3. The Third Instance was in Mr. Chancye And he likewise is said to have suffered very much only about Railing in of the Communion-Table But this is not so neither For he confesses that he spake Reproachful Words against Authority and in Contempt of his Ordinary That he said the Rails were fit to be set up in his Garden That he came Fifty Miles from his own Church on purpose to Countenance this Business And all this he acknowledges upon his Oath in his Submission And yet nothing laid upon him but Suspension and that no longer than till he submitted And all this the Act of the High-Commission not mine And so I answered Mr. Brown who urged this against me also And the Truth of all this appears apud Acta though they were taken away and kept ever since from my use yet many things done in that Court have been Charged against me And here stepped in a Testimony of Mr. Genebrards That I threatned openly in the High-Commission to suspend Dr. Merrick And why might I not do it if he will be over-bold with the Proceeding of the whole Court I have known e're now a very good Lawyer Committed from the Chancery Bar to the Fleet. Though I shall spare Names 4. The fourth Instance was in Mr. Workman's Case Charged as if he were Sentenced only for Preaching a Sermon to the Judges against Images in Churches 1. The first Witness in the Cause was Mr. Langly He says Mr. Workman was Censured for this Sermon and other things Therefore not for this Sermon only The High-Commissioners were no such Patrons of Images He says that when I was Dean of Gloucester I told them in the Chappel that King James had heard of many things amiss in that Church and required me to take care of them 'T is true he did so He says farther that hereupon I placed the Communion-Table Altar-wise and Commanded due Reverence at the coming into the Church This I did and I have given my Reason often already for it out of the Injunctions of Queen Elizabeth He says that Bishop Smith took offence at this and would come no more to the Cathedral First my Lords this Gentleman was then Schoolmaster there and had free Access unto me He never discovered this Secondly the Bishop himself never said a word to me about it If he had I would either have satisfied his Lordship in that or any thing else that I did Or if he had satisfied me I would have forborn it He says that Mr. Workman after he was put from his Lecture was not suffered to teach Children First if he had been suffered this Man had been like to make the first Complaint for decay of his own School But secondly The Commission thought it no way fit to trust him with the Education of Children who had been Factious among Men. Especially not in that place where he had so shewed himself And this Answer I gave to Mr. Brown who in Summing the Evidence stood as much and inveighed as earnestly against this Cruel proceeding with Mr. Workman as upon any one thing in the Charge At which time he added also that he would not be suffered to Practise Physick to get his Living But First no Witness Evidenceth this that he was denied to Practise Physick And Secondly he might have taught a School or Practised Physick any where else But he had done so much Harm and made such a Faction in Gloucester as that the High Commission thought it not fit to continue him there and he was not willing to go
Yea but some Letters were found from his Son Thomas what Entertainment be had in Foreign parts for his Father's sake But these Letters were read to the Lords and there is not one Word in them that relates to me And 't is both likely and fit the Son of a Secretary of State should be worthily used in his Travels Yea but his Son Christopher was at Rome and sent thither to Insinuate himself with the Pope So Andreas ab Habernfeld writes in the Papers which Sir William Boswell sent over to me If he did send his Son to that end then I discovered his Plot for I caused those Papers to be examined by the King and the Lords as is before related Besides in my Poor Judgment the Pope must be a very simple Man it may be Mr. Nicolas thinks him so compared with himself that a Youth of Seventeen at the most should insinuate himself to Fish any thing out of him for his Fathers Service Lastly he pressed that my Interest continued with Mr. Secretary in all these Courses of his 'T is well known in Court the old Interest did not continue between us but for old Friendships sake I will not be drawn to say more As for his releasing of any Priests he must give an account of that himself But for my self I was so careful in this Particular that I never put my Hand though Publick at Council-Table or Star-Chamber to any Release in all my time I might be named as present when such Release was made which I could not avoid but act in any I did not Nay I was so careful that I refused to set my Hand to any License to Travel lest if any Young Man should be perverted abroad in his Travels any thing might be imputed to me And this all the Clerks of the Council can Witness But I see no Wariness no Care can prevent the Envy and the Malice of the Many and the Mighty The Eighth Charge was my Correspondence with Popish Priests And for Proof of this they produced divers Witnesses 1. The First Witness was one Wadsworth one of the Common Messengers used to attach such Persons He says that Smith aliàs Fludd bragged to him that he had acquaintance with me Here 's nothing but a Bragging Report of Smith who what he is I know not So here 's no Proof He says that Four Pound was sent to himself to free him out of Prison and that Davis told him it came from me This is but a Hearsay from Davis as the former was from Smith But say my Lords if I did send him Four Pound to free him out of Prison doth he not now very thankfully reward me for it The Truth is my Lords I did send him Four Pound And the Motive that made me send it was because I heard he was a Convert from Popery to be a Protestant and that his Imprisonment was as much for that as for any thing else And this was attested to the Lords by my Servant Mr. 〈◊〉 who was one of them that moved me for him 2. The Second Witness was Francis Newton another Messenger He says that when he had taken Henry Mors a Priest he should have been carried to a private Committee that he disliked it and Complained to Mr. Secretary Cook who he says sent him to me and that when he came to Lambeth Mr. Dell told him I was in my Garden with Sir Toby Matthew My Servant Mr. Dell being appointed my Solicitor was now present in Court and denyed all this And well he might for Sir Toby was never in my Garden with me in all his Life And if Mr. Dell told him that I would not meddle in the Business as he says he did Mr. Dell must give the Account for it not I. Yet if there were a Reference of this Mors to a private Committee the hindring of that was more proper to Mr. Secretary than to me Howsoever here was no hurt done For he confesses that Mors was sent back to Newgate And if as he farther says he was discharged by Mr. Secretary Windebank that is nothing to me He says he was informed by Stukely that Smith aliàs Fludd was acquainted with me But if he were but informed so himself that 's no Proof to inform your Lordships He says that Brown a Priest was dismissed out of the High-Commission Thus it was He was called in thither for very foul Uncleanness In process of this Business he there openly confessed himself a Priest Hereupon that Court sent him to Newgate What became of him after I know not save that I know he was strictly examined by Mr. Pym and others concerning me This Newton upon what Grudge I know not calls me Rogue and all to naught in all Companies and with so much I acquainted the Lords 3. The Third Witness was Tho. Mayo a Messenger also He says that Sir Toby Matthew was accounted a Priest when he was in parts beyond the Seas and that he saw him in Coach with me and that he went over with me in my Barge First I gave in Two Exceptions against this Witness One that he was a Man of no Conscience for he had shifted his Religion from Protestant to Papist and back again three or four times Which was a thing known The other was that he kept a Brothel House at this present And that his Fellow Wadsworth knew this and called him Pimping Knave saying he kept a Brace of Wenches at this time in his House And these Words he spake of him but the Fifth of this present July in the Bull Tavern in the Palace-Yard So I thought him no fit Witness But he was heard for all this And afterwards Wadsworth meeting my Servant Mr. Snath he told him that he did say so to Mayo and wondred how I should come to hear it Being admitted and saying as he did I told the Lords that he began with a very bold Oath and like a shifter of his Religion For I had Four of my Servants there Three of which usually attended me when I went and returned from Court Mr. Dell Mr. Snath Mr. Goodwin and Mr. Dobson and they all attested the contrary and I never went but one of these at least was with me Besides he is single in this Testimony He says that he saw Sir Toby several times in my House But he confesses withal that he never saw him near me For my own part I cannot say that ever he was within my Doors But if he or others of his Quality do come to pry out any thing in my House how is it possible for me to hinder it My Porter could not see it written in their Foreheads who they were He says That one Price was often seen at my House But he doth not say he was seen with me or there with my Knowledge He says That one Leander was Reported to have been my Chamber-Fellow in Oxford First this is but a Report and so no Evidence Secondly if he were my
Chamber-Fellow in Oxford when we were Boys together I am sure he was then no Priest and he was but a Boy when he left the College He confesses that I gave Order to observe who and how many resorted to Embassadours Houses and Signior Conn's and says he thought I could prove it But I believe he would never have confessed it but that he knew I could prove it And thereupon I shewed the Lords many Papers certifying me what Numbers were found resorting to each place respectively And Thomas Mayo's Hand to many of those Papers He says he took one Peter Wilford and brought him to me to Whitehall while Sir Jo. Lambe was with me But he confesses withal that Wilford then shewed Mr. Secretary Windebank's Warrant to Discharge him And then what could I do to him Nay I have some Cause to think he would never have apprehended him had he not known he had that Warrant Lastly he says that once at the Star-Chamber I told him he was too quick and nimble for me And I hope it is no Treason if I did say so Nor could I mean he was too quick in apprehending Priests for I found both him and his Fellows after Crosse's Death slow enough at that But if I said so it was because I could not tell how to trust his Shifting and his Wyliness 4. The Fourth Witness was Elizabeth Graye Wife to another Messenger And this is a very fine Witness For first she says Her Husband was committed by my Means And then with a Breath she says She doth not know by whom he was committed but she thinks by Secretary Windebank and me But since she doth not know but think only I hope her Thinking can be no Evidence She says that she delivered me a Petition and that I flung it away saying I would not meddle with any Priest-catching Knave The Witness single and I doubt doating and the Words far from Treason 5. The Fifth Witness was John Cooke a Messenger too and one that for his Misdemeanour had stood in the Pillory This I urged against him as unfit to witness against me My Witness that saw him in the Pillory was so threatned that he sent me word he durst not come I may not say from whom this Threatning came But the thing was so true that Cooke himself confessed it but excused the Cause And his Testimony received He told how Fisher the Jesuit was taken by Graye That when he was brought to the Council-Table Secretary Cooke and I went to the King to know his Pleasure about him That we brought back word from his Majesty to the Lords that he should be Banished All this while here 's no hurt done Then he says that notwithstanding this Order of his Majesty Graye and he met Fisher at Liberty by a Warrant from Secretary Windebank That hereupon Graye repaired to Secretary Cooke and to me and that Dell told him I would not meddle with it My Secretary must answer this I remember it not But if Mr. Dell received any such Answer from me that I would not meddle with it there were two apparent Reasons for it One that I would not meddle with it alone his Majesty's Order being to all the Lords The other that Fisher was the Man I had written against and Men would have been apt to say that when I could not answer I sought means to destroy So I no way fit alone at least to meddle with him of all Men. He says that Graye was committed to the Fleet for Railing on me in my own House Yet he confesses that he was not committed by me And I presume your Lordships will think there was Cause of his Commitment if he did Rail upon me And 't is confessed by Mr. Pryn though he had then received no Answer from my self that he said he saw now how the Game went and hoped e're long to see better Days c. He says that Smith alias Fludd desired Sir Kenelm Digbye as he was going to Lambeth to tell me that he could not Dine with me that Day but desired his Business might be remembred No such Man ever Dined at my Table to my knowledge And if any Priest would say so to Sir Kenelm how could I possibly hinder it And Sir Kenelm when this Cooke was Examined was a Prisoner in Winchester-House why was not he Examined to sift out this Truth If Truth be in it 6. The Sixth Witness was John Thresher a Messenger too He says that he took Mors and Goodwin two Priests and that Secretary Windebank took away his Warrant and dismissed them saying he would speak with me about it And that when he came to me I was angry with him about the Warrant Mr. Secretary Windebank will I hope be able to answer for his own Actions Why he dismiss'd the Priests I know not But he had great Reason to take away his Warrant And I a greater Reason to be angry with him for it For no Warrant can issue from the High-Commission Court but under three of their Hands at least Now Thresher having gotten my Hand to the Warrant never goes for more Hands but proceeds in his Office upon this unwarrantable Warrant Had not I Reason to be offended at this He says that at the same time I said that Graye was an ill-tongued Fellow and that if he kept him Company I should not regard him I had good Cause to say this and more considering how Graye had us'd me And I believe no Arch-Bishop would have born his Words Lastly he says that by a Warrant from me he Arrested Sir Toby Matthewe and that the Earl of Strafford stayed him from going to Prison saying he should answer it before the Lords Here by the Witness himself it appears that I did my Duty And Sir Toby did appear before the Lords as was assumed he should In the mean time I was complained of to the Queen And a great Lady who perhaps made the Complaint stood by and made her self Merry to hear me chid The Queen was pleased to send to the Lords and Sir Toby was released Where my Fault was in all this I do not yet see 7. The last of these famous Witnesses was Goldsmith Who says nothing but that one Day before the High-Commission Court began I forewarned the Messengers of that Court of Graye in regard he was openly spoken against at the Council-Table Which all things considered I had great Reason to do He says likewise that then Graye's Wife tender'd me a Petition which I rejected saying I would meddle with no Priest-catching Knaves I think his Carriage deserv'd no better of me than to reject his Petition But as for the Words I cannot own them let the Goldsmith look to it that he have not Forged them And I would very willingly know whether when the Apostle required that an Accusation should not be received against an Elder but under two or three Witnesses 1 Tim. 5. he had any meaning they should be such as
endeavour to imbitter the King this way so the smart Passages which Mr. Nicolas says are there I hope will not be thought such when 't is consider'd whose Mouth was to utter them and upon what occasion Yet if such they shall be thought I am heartily sorry for them and humbly desire they may be pass'd by However they can make no Proof that I am an Enemy to Parliaments And this Answer I gave Mr. Brown in the House of Commons for he there omitted it not The Third Proof that I am an Enemy to Parliaments is the Testimony of one Mr. Bland A forward Witness he hath been against me in other Particulars Here he says That Sir Sackvil Crowe shewed him a Paper in which were fifteen or sixteen Passages concerning Parliaments with some sour Aspersions to boot and that this Paper was Subscribed W. Laud. First my Lords This Man is but a single Witness Secondly he says he had this Paper from Sir Sackvil Crowe and he is now in Turkey and cannot be produced that the Truth may be known Thirdly As I never gave Sir Sackvil any such Paper so had he come by any such 't is more than probable some body else might have seen it beside Mr. Bland to make a second Witness Fourthly This is a very bold Oath for he Swears The Paper was Subscribed with my own Hand W. Laud Whereas I being then Bishop of S. Davids never writ my Name to any thing other than Guil. Meneven Let him bethink himself of this Oath Ne quid gravius dicam Besides it may be considered too that this with some Particulars mentioned by Mr. Bland was charged in the First Additional Article and now brought in upon the Fourteenth Original partly to confound me that I might not see how or against what to defend my self and partly to make me secure because they had quite passed over the first Additional But especially because they had therein charged me that these Propositions of mine had caused that Parliament to be Dissolved And yet in the same Article and within three Lines 't is said expresly that my Propositions were deliver'd to my 〈◊〉 Duke of Buckingham after that Parliament was Dissolved So this Article hangs as well together as Mr. Bland's Testimony concerning it Mr. Brown pressed this also hand against me but I answered according to the Summ of that which is above-written And as for the Particular said to be in that Paper were it mine as it is not or were the Words thought Treasonable as well they cannot be yet the Statute of Queen Mary makes it that no Words nor Writings nor Cipherings nor Deeds shall be Treason but only such as are within the Statute of 25 Edw. 3. and no other And this Statute I then read to the Lords though I conceive there was no need of it The Fourth Proof was out of my Diary at June 15. 1626. The Words these Post multas agitationes privata Malitia in Ducem Buckinhamiae superavit suffocavit omnia publica negotia nihil actum est sed Parliamentum solutum And this was applied first by Mr. Nicolas and after by Mr. Brown as if I had charged this private Malice upon the Parliament But this is utterly mistaken For I spake not this of the Parliament but of some few particular Men some of the House Men well enough known to the World and more not of the House but Sticklers at large who went between and did very ill Offices and so wronged both the King and the Parliament which is no new thing in England That my Words there cannot be meant of the Parliament is two ways apparent First in that I say Privata Malitia Private Malice did it but name not the Parliament nor charge any thing upon it Secondly Because had I spoken this of the Parliament it could not have been called Private but Publick Malice nothing being more publick in this Kingdom than what is done in and by the Parliament The Fifth Proof was That a Proclamation for calling in of the Remonstrance was found in my Study And Mr. Nicolas said they conceived I had a Hand in it It was as lawful for me to have and keep this Proclamation as for any other Subject And their Conceit that I had a Hand in it is no Proof Mr. Nicolas says That my Preferments followed very quick upon this and infers that I was preferred for my ill Services in this kind But all the Proof that he brings for this his uncharitable Inference is the comparing of the Times and I shall be content to be tried by that For by his own acknowledgment this Proclamation came out June 16. 1622. I being then Bishop of S. Davids And he confesses I was not made Bishop of Bath and Wells till June 20. 1626. full Four Years after nor a Privy-Counsellor till April 29. 1627. which was Five Years after Whereas Rewards for such Services are found to come much quicker And Mr. Brown when he made his Summary Charge slighted this and passed it over The Sixth Proof of my Enmity to Parliaments was a Paper of Reasons Mr. Nicolas said against Parliaments But First when this Paper was shewed and read to the Lords it was found otherwise and was but a Paper of Hopes and Fears which were conceived of a Parliament Not Reasons against them Secondly these Fears and Hopes were not of a Parliament then in being but of one in deliberation whether it should be or not at that time which all Men know is often disputed and without offence And any considering Man may privately do it for his own use and tryal of his Judgment Thirdly in this deliberation I was not the Author of these Fears and Hopes but an Amanuensis to higher Powers in regard their Hands were slower though Commanded also to set down my own Opinion which I did Fourthly I was then either a Counsellor or a Sworn Servant to the King and required upon my Oath to deliver truly both my Fears and my Hopes and I durst not Perjure my self And I hope the keeping of my Oath and doing my Duty in that kind shall not now prejudice my Life Fifthly these Fears and Hopes what-ever they contain did relate to the being or not being of that one Parliament only as appears in the very Paper it self and the Hope 's prevailed and that Parliament sate And this Answer I gave to Mr. Brown who made all the use of this Paper that could be against me Here Mr. Nicolas brings in Mr. Bland again who says that the four last Heads in this Paper were in that Paper also which was shewed him This single Witness hath an Excellent Memory that can remember four Heads of a Paper punctually Sixteen Years ago I asked why he did not complain of me then when his Memory was fresher and his Witness Sir Sackvill Crowe nearer 'T was replyed He durst not for my Greatness Why but he knows well enough that Parliaments
was my Complaint general that my Papers were Seized but that the Papers prepared for my Defence were taken from me and not restored when I needed them and Petitioned for them He said my Third Complaint was That many of the Witnesses produced against me were Separatists I did indeed complain of this and I had abundant Cause so to do For there was scarce an active Separatist in England but some way or other his Influence was into this Business against me And whereas the Gentleman said the Witnesses were some Aldermen and some Gentlemen and Men of Quality That 's nothing for both Gentlemen and Aldermen and Men of all Conditions the more 's the pity as the Times now go are Separatists from the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England Established by Law And I would to God some of my Judges were not My Fourth Complaint he said was of the excessive Number of the Witnesses And he added that if I would not have so many Witnesses I should not have given occasion for it by Committing so many Crimes But First whether I have committed so many Crimes as are urged against me is yet in Question And Secondly 't is one thing to give Cause and another thing to give Occasion For an Occasion may be taken when 't is pretended as given And so I hope it will be found in my Case But the thing here mistaken is That these are all said to be Legal Witnesses whereas almost all of them have at some time or other been before me as their Judge either at Star-Chamber or Council-Table or High-Commission or as Referee And then I humbly desire it may be considered First how impossible it is for a Judge to please all Men. Secondly how improbable it is that Witnesses displeased should be indifferent in their Testimony And Thirdly how hard it is to convince a Man by such interessed Witnesses now upon the matter becoming Judges of him that Judged them And as S. Augustin speaks Quomodo potest how is it possible for one that is Contentious and Evil to speak well of his Judge From these Generals the Gentleman passed to the Particulars of the Charge and he caused the 7 8 9 10 11. Original Articles and the 7. Additional to be read That done he divided the Charge into two main Heads The one an Endeavour in me to subvert the Laws of the Kingdom And the other a like Endeavour to alter the true Protestant Religion into Popery The Evidence given in the Lords House began at the Laws and ended in Religion but this Gentleman in his Summ both there and here began with Religion and ended with the Laws The Charge concerning Religion he said would bear two Parts the Ceremonial and the Substantial part of Religion 1 And he professed he would begin at the Ceremonial where having First charged in general the Statute of the 3 and 4 of Ed. 6. 6. 10. for the destruction of Images he gave these particular Instances following to shew my Intention to alter Religion 1. The setting up of Coloured Glass with Pictures in the Windows of my Chappel the Communion-Table Altar-wise Candlesticks thereon with Reverence and Bowings 2. A Bible in my Study with the Five Wounds of Christ wrought upon the Cover in Needle-Work 3. Three Pictures in my Gallery The Ecce Homo the Four Latin Fathers and the History S John 10. of the True Shepherd entring in by the Door and the Thief by the Window 4. The Crucifix hung up in the Chappel at White-Hall on Good-Friday And what happened there upon Dr Brown's coming in and doing Reverence 5. The Copes and Bowings used in Cathedral Churches since my time 6. The Ceremonies used at his Majesty's Coronation 7. The Abuses in the Universities especially Oxford 1. The Titles given me from thence 2. Divers Particulars in the new Statutes 3. Images countenanced there by me in divers Chappels 4. The Picture of the Virgin Mary at S Mary's Church-Door 5. Nothing to be done without me in Congregations 8. The Ceremonies in some Parish-Churches and some punished for neglect of them Instances in some of Beckinton some of Lewis and in Mr Chancy of Ware 9. That I preferred no Men but such as were active for the Ceremonies 10. Passages expunged out of Books if contrary to these Courses as that in Dr. Featly's Sermons concerning Images 11. Bibles with Pictures in them 12. The severe Punishment of Mr. Workman of Gloucester only for a Sermon against Images 13. Words spoken to take Bishop Jewell's Works and the Book of Martyrs out of some Parish-Churches 14. The Consecration of Cree-Church and S. Giles in the Fields In all which as I humbly conceive here 's nothing especially my Answers being taken to them that can co-operate to any alteration of Religion Nor is there any Treason were all that is urged true 2 From hence Mr. Speaker this worthy Gentleman passed over from the Ceremonies to those things which he said concerned the Substance of Religion In which the Particulars which he Charged were these 1. A doubtfulness if not a denyal of the Pope's being Antichrist 2. Dislike of the Name the Idol of Rome 3. The alteration of some passages in the Publick Prayers appointed for Novemb. 5. and the Coronation Day 4. The Antichristian Yoak left out of the Brief for the Palatinat with an expression as if we and those Reformed Churches were not of the same Religion 5. That Men were punished for Praying for the Queen and the Prince 6. That the Church of Rome is a true Church 7. That the Communion-Table or Altar is the Chief Place For there 's Hoc est Corpus meum 8. Restraint of all Books against Popery Instances in a Book of Bishop Carleton's One tendred by Sir Edward Hungerford Dr. Clarke's Sermons Dr. Jones None called in but Sales That I my self did expunge some Passages out of a Sermon of Dr. Sibthorp's Popish Books seized re-delivered to the Owners That for these I must answer for my Chaplains since John Arch-Bishop of York was fined for his Commissary's Act against the Bishop of Durham who having a Patent could not so easily be put out of his Place as I might change my Chaplains 9. Three Ministers in my Diocess suspended for not reading the Book of Recreations on the Lord's Day 10. The Feoffment for buying in of Impropriations overthrown to the hindrance of Preaching and Scandal to Religion 11. Incroachment upon the Lord Chamberlain for naming of Chaplains to the King and upon the Master of the Wards for giving of Benefices 12 Familiarity with Priests and Jesuits S. Clara and Monsieur S. Giles 13. The Testimonies of Mr. Challonor Sir Henry Mildmay and his Brother Mr. Anthony what Opinion was held of me beyond the Seas for my cunning introducing of Popery 14. That an Offer was made unto me to be a Cardinal And thus far this Gentleman proceeded in points of Religion But because there hath passed divers things done at
will not be perswaded to take it down We have therefore called her into the High-Commission where by excuse of Sickness she hath not yet appeared But at the next Term God willing we intend to proceed with her which is but necessary for the avoiding of Scandal in the Country These few are the most observable things whereof I can give your Majesty any reckoning And if there were any thing else worthy the reporting I should not conceal it But there being nothing more it may be the great comfort of your Majesty that in so large and diffuse a Multitude both of Men and Matters upon strict Examination there is so little exorbitancy to be found Lambeth Jan 2. 1632. Your Majesty's Humble Servant G CANT INSTRUCTIONS Sent from the King to Arch-Bishop Laud in the Year 1634. Ex Registro Laud Fol 217. Charles R. INstructions for the most Reverend Father in God our right Trusty and right entirely Beloved Counsellor William Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury concerning certain Orders to be observed and put in Execution by the several Bishops of his Province I That the Lords the Bishops respectively be commanded to their several Sees there to keep Residence excepting those who are in necessary Attendance at our Court. II That none of them Reside upon his Land or Lease that he hath Purchased nor on his Commendam if he hold any but in one of his Episcopal Houses And that he wast not the Woods where any are left III That they give Charge in their Triennial Visitations and at other convenient times both by themselves and the Arch-Deacons that our Declaration for setling all Questions in difference be strictly observed by all Parties IV That there be a special care taken by them all that their Ordinations be Solemn and not of unworthy Persons V That they likewise take great care concerning the Lecturers within their several Diocesses for whom we give the special Directions following 1 That in all Parishes the Afternoon Sermons be turned into Catechizing by Question and Answer when and wheresoever there is not some great Cause apparent to break this ancient and profitable Order 2 That every Bishop take care in his Diocess that all Lecturers do read Divine Service according to the Liturgy Printed by Authority in their Surplices and Hoods before the Lecture 3 That where a Lecture is set up in a Market-Town it may be read by a Company of Grave and Orthodox Divines near adjoyning and of the same Diocess and that they ever Preach in such seemly Habits as belong to their Degrees and not in Cloaks That if a Corporation do maintain a single Lecturer he be not suffered to Preach till he profess his willingness to take upon him a Living with Cure of Souls within that Corporation and he do actually take such Benefice or Cure so soon as it shall be fairly procured for him VI That the Bishops do countenance and encourage the Grave and Orthodox Divines of their Clergy and that they use means by some of the Clergy or others to have knowledge how both Lecturers and Preachers within their several Diocesses behave themselves in their Sermons that so they may take present Order for any abuse accordingly VII That the Bishops suffer none under Noblemen and Men qualified by Law to have or keep any Private Chaplain in his House VIII That they take special care that Divine Service be diligently frequented as well for Prayers and Catechism as Sermons and that particular notice be taken of all such as absent themselves as Recusants or otherwise IX That no Bishop whatsoever who by our Grace and good Opinion of his Service shall be nominated by us to another Bishoprick shall from the Day of that our nomination presume to make any Lease for Three Lives or One and Twenty Years or Concurrent Lease or any way renew any Estate or cut any Wood or Timber but meerly receive the Rents due and quit the Place For we think it a hateful thing that any Man's Preferment to a better Bishoprick should almost undoe the Successor And if any shall presume to break this Order we will refuse him at our Royal Assent and keep him at the Place which he hath so abused X That every Bishop give his Metropolitan a strict Account yearly of their Obedience to our late Letters prohibiting them to change any Leases from Years into Lives and that they fail not to certifie if they find that the Dean or Dean and Chapter or any Arch-Deacon or Prebendary c. within their several Diocesses have at any time broken our Commands in any particular contained in the aforesaid Letters XI That every Bishop to whom in regard of the small Revenues of his Bishoprick we either have already or shall hereafter not only give Power but Command to receive and hold as in Commendam any Lease expired or near expiring and belonging to their See or any Ecclesiastical Benefice or Benefices or other Promotion with Cure or without being in his or their own Gift by Letters given under our Signet and sent to those Bishops respectively do likewise give an Account yearly to his Metropolitan that he doth not put any of the aforenamed Benefices or other Preferment out of his Commendam to give to any Son Kinsman Friend or other upon any pretence whatsoever thereby to frustrate our gracious Intentions to those several Sees and the Succeeding Bishops therein XII That every Bishop respectively do likewise in his yearly Account to his Metropolitan give notice of any notable Alteration or other Accident within his Diocess which may any ways concern either the Doctrine or the Discipline of the Church established XIII That whereas John Bancroft Dr. in Divinity and Bishop of Oxford hath very worthily at his own proper Cost and Charges Built a House for himself and the Bishops of Oxford successively by our both leave and encouragement upon the Vicarage of Cuddesden near Oxford which Vicarage is in the Patronage and Gift of him and his Successors And whereas our farther Will and Pleasure is that the said House together with the Vicarage aforesaid shall ever be held in Commendam by the Bishops of Oxford successively That therefore the said Bishop for the time being do yearly give his particular Account of his holding both the House and Benefice aforesaid to the end that we and our Successors may upon all occasions be put in mind of keeping that House and Vicarage to the See of Oxford at all times of change when or howsoever that Bishoprick shall become void XIV Lastly we Command every Bishop respectively to give his Account in Writing to his Metropolitan of all these our Instructions or as many of them as may concern him at or before the Tenth day of December yearly And likewise that you out of them make a Brief of your whole Province and present it to us every Year by the Second day of January following that so we may see how the Church is Governed and our Commands
enim quod nemo nostrum quando apprehenditur reluctatur nec adversus injustam violentiam vestram quamvis nimius copiosus noster sit Populus ulciseitur Cyprian Epistola ad Demetrianum Quum tam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ne verbe quidem reluctamur sed Deo 〈◊〉 ultionem Lactant. L. 5. Divin Instit. c. 22. Neque tunc Civitas Christi quanquam haberet 〈◊〉 magnorum agmina Populorum adversùs impios persecutores pro temporali salute pugnavit Sed 〈◊〉 ut obtineret 〈◊〉 non repugnavit S. Aug. Lib. 22. de Civitat Dei c. 6. a Nec singulis civibus nec universis fas est summi Principls vitam famam aut fortunas in discrimen 〈◊〉 si omnium scelerum c. Poenis acerbissimis statuendum est in eos qui 〈◊〉 scriptis subditos in Principes armare consueverunt Bodin L. 2. de Repub. c. 5. p. 210 212. b Temporibus Locis nimium servientes c. Nec hoc locum habet in privatis tantum sed nec Magistratibus inferioribus hoc licet c. Grotius L. 1. de Jure belli pacis c. 4. n. 6. c Ibid. n. 8 9 10 11 12 13 14. d Rebellem propriè strictè dici qui contra Imperatorem vel ejus officiales resistit in pertinentibus ad statum Imperij Asserit Lancelot Conradus L. 1. de praestantia potestate Imperat. n. 12. * Greg. Turonens L. 5. Hist. n. 18. e Aristoteles citat apud Grotium L. 1. de Jure 〈◊〉 c. 4. n. 2. f Seneca Epist. 73. g Tacitus L. 4. Histor. h Nec 〈◊〉 nec licitum Regis 〈◊〉 manus 〈◊〉 Plutarch In vit Agidis Cleomen Boni expetendi qualescunque tolerandi k 〈◊〉 L. 1. Epist Fam. Epist. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nec patriae vim offerri oportere Jerem. 38. 5. * Procured Rushw. Pryn. * p. 9. † Worse Rushw. Pryn. * Conjunction † 〈◊〉 Rushw. Pryn. * By 〈◊〉 Rushw. Pryn. † It 〈◊〉 * 〈◊〉 * Superstitions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Desunt 〈◊〉 in Rushw. † put to Rush Pryn. Who was Register or Secretary to the Scotch Commissioners Decemb. 14. 1640. Decemb. 18. 1640. Ecclus. 51. 〈◊〉 † Conjunction Psal 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Decemb 15. 1640. * Profess Rushw. Pryn. † The Scottish 〈◊〉 The Survey of the Discipline * Thereafter Pryn Rushw. † Skill † Ceased Rush. * Brought Rushw. * 〈◊〉 in Platinae Hyginum Vide autem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dissert 1. 4. 2. W S. A. C. Rom. 1. 8. a Jewell's Reply to Dr. Harding * United Rushw Pryn. † The same is added from Pryn and Rush. * Jan. 22. 1641. * 〈◊〉 habens Lutherus rem sine Ecclesiae pernicie abrogari non posse quod unum potuit nomen sustulit 〈◊〉 puriore vocabulo Graeco parum Latinum supposuit pro Episcopis Superintendentes pro Archiepiscopis Generales Superintendentes appellans Tilenus 〈◊〉 ad Scotos c. 6. And he well knew the state of his Neighbour Churches Saravia similiter Praefat. L. de diversis Ministrorum Evangelii gradibus Zanchius de Relig. Observat. c. 25. n. 10 11. Jacob. Haerbrand Lutheranus In 〈◊〉 Commun p. 699. Saving that he dislikes not the Alteration of the Name a S. Aug. L. 19. de Civ Des c. 19. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Latinè superintendere possumus dicere quod ille qui 〈◊〉 eis quibus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sc. 〈◊〉 * Recombustion after this Rushw. Pryn. See Rushw. par 3. vol. 2. pag. 135. 152 153 154. 174. 183 184 187. 193 194 c. 207. 235. c. 282 c. See the Petitions of these three Men presented to the House of Commons against the Arch-Bishop apud Rushworth par 3. vol. 1. p. 74 c. * It was 〈◊〉 Libel indeed in strictness of Law having the Author's Name set to it but it is called a Libel for the scurrilous and soul Language of it H. W. † Jan. 26. 1641. Dec. 21. 1640. * There were present and concurring in the Sentence Sir The. Coventry Lord Keeper of the Great Seal 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Manchester Lord President of the Council W. Earl of Pembroke Lord Steward Philip 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 Lord Chamberlain Edw. Earl of 〈◊〉 Oliver Lord Viscount Grandison George Lord Bishop of London Rich. Lord Bishop of Duresme Sam. Lord Bishop of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lord Bishop of Rochester William Lord Bishop of Bath and Wells Sir 〈◊〉 Coke Secretary Sir Hen. Martin Jo. 〈◊〉 Dean of St. Pauls Walt. 〈◊〉 Dean of Rochester Tho. 〈◊〉 Doctor of Divinity Edm. Pope and Hugh Barker Doctors of Law and Sir Charles 〈◊〉 who only desired to be spared and so gave no Sentence * Close Prisoner from the High-Commission-Court was not to shut him up in his Chamber but only not 〈◊〉 suffer him to go out of the Prison W. C. † Jan. 28. 1641. † Jan. 21. 1640. Feb. 26. 1640. Rushworth saith they were carried up by Mr. Pym Mr. Hampden and Mr. Maynard and inserteth Pym's Speech made at the 〈◊〉 of them to the Lords Par. 3. Vol. p. 195. 199. c. So also Pryn pag. 24 25 28. who also Exhibits p. 23 24. the Preliminary Votes and Orders of the 〈◊〉 made Febr. 22 23 24 26. for the framing and carrying up the Articles to the Lords H. W. * 'T is Article 10. There are Printed also in Rushworth par 3 vol 1. p. 196. c. 〈◊〉 Compl. Hist. p. 25 c. † Rushw. * This Kingdom of England Rush. Pryn. Ad 〈◊〉 * Arist. L 3. Polit. c. 11. Ad Secundum † 〈◊〉 King Ad Tertium Rushw. Pryn. Desunt in Rushw. Pryn. Ad Quartum All this about Stone is afterward more perfectly related and so this to be omitted here according to the Arch-Bishop's Direction p. 159. Only compare them first together W. S. A. C. The Account being short I thought it better to let it stand here than 〈◊〉 the History for the sake of one single Repetition H. W. Desunt in 〈◊〉 Pryu Ad Quintum * Rush. 〈◊〉 Ad Sextum * Rushw. 〈◊〉 Ad Septim * Other Rushw. Pryn. † Commendation Rushw. Pryn. Ad Octavum * Pryn Rushworth Ad 〈◊〉 Ad 〈◊〉 † Arift l 2. Rhetor. c. 5. Arift Rhet. l. 2. c. 7. §. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 | Non omnis 〈◊〉 perficit 〈◊〉 boni sed solùm illa à quâ dependet esse perfectum 〈◊〉 Tho. 1. 2. q. 36. Art 3. ad quint I would not adventure to 〈◊〉 and disjoint the History The Reader if he so pleaseth may 〈◊〉 by such Repetitions H. W. * I find that some things in my general Answer to the Articles are repeated again in the beginning of my particular Answers when my Tryal came on I desire for I had no time to do it my self that to avoid tediousness all those may be left out of the first Answer that are perfected in the 2d W. 〈◊〉 2. 3. 4. 2 Cor. 13. 8. 5. 6. 7. 〈◊〉 *
Legat should be so familiar with the King and the King make much of him instead of banishing him is a Riddle * The Archbishop therefore and he had some familiarity and acquaintance at first * This offer appears under the Arch Bishop's own hand in the 〈◊〉 of his Life The Papacy of Cant. and this otherWorld is of greater value than an Italian Cardinalship But he kept not him from the Court. Jesuits are both diligent and able to remove their 〈◊〉 at Court from out of Place and Favour too It is admirable this Faction should be so powerfully predominant as to displace the greatest and faithfulest Officers Jesuit I will be sure to move Hell when they cannot prevail with Heaven Jesuits cannot indure neuters If a man may be saved in any Religion be may safely imbrace any and cleave close to none * The Bishop's Tyranny against Puritans the best advantage and greatest advancement of Popes designs * He means the Scottish Prayer-book the alterations whereof from the English were found in the Original Copy under the Arch-Bishop's own hand when his Chamber was 〈◊〉 The Jesuits love to Fish when the Bishops trouble the Streams with their Innovations and Popish Ceremonies The Jesuits the plotters and chief directors of the Scottish War * The King tied to Conditions by Papists before they aided him † Now practised in Oxford Wales and the Northern parts by open toleration * The more shame and pity and a good Caveat for the Parliament henceforth to look to it † The King then must needs be in great danger among Papists now * Jesuits make but a vaunt of poysoning Kings † The Jesuits it seems know very well King James was poysoned belike by some of their Instruments * It seems some Noblemens Chaplains are but the Popes and Jesuits Intelligencers if not their Confederates All foreign Popish States contribute their best assistance to reduce England to Rome * A meet Guerdon for such a Service Jesuits will not give over acting till they 〈◊〉 their Designs Bishops Sons oft-times the Pope's greatest Agents 〈◊〉 industrious Activity should shame our Slothfulness The Protestants want of such mutual correspondency and intelligence is a great weakning to their cause Let them learn Wisdom by their Enemies * A 〈◊〉 place for their intelligence and correspondency with Ireland lying in the midst between both The Jesuits 〈◊〉 make 〈◊〉 use of all Nations and 〈◊〉 * O that such Romish Seducers should obtain such Power and Rewards for being seducing Instiuments The Jesuits it seems are very powerful at 〈◊〉 The Pope's weekly intelligence at Rome from hence can 〈◊〉 no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 England Jesuits 〈◊〉 how to 〈◊〉 their Names and 〈◊〉 There are more Popish Chapel in and about London than are 〈◊〉 known Jesuits can 〈◊〉 any 〈◊〉 or Part to delude the 〈◊〉 Papists large Contributions to undermine our Religion should make us liberal to defend it Jesuits are as wise as Serpents though not so innocent as Doves The Jesuits 〈◊〉 of the Serpent to seduce men by female 〈◊〉 to their ruin Her Voyage to Rome to visit the Pope made her frequently to visit his Legat The Countess belike was his forerunner 〈◊〉 No wonder theEarls Debts be so great A School of Nunns Is not the King in gre it danger who hath such a Person in his Bed-chamber now keeper of the great Seal Both King and Prince have Jesuitical 〈◊〉 in their Bed-chambers All businesses and imployments must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aside to 〈◊〉 this Plot. A Jesuitical Secretary his 〈◊〉 and Articles in Parliament confirm 〈◊〉 this and more Papists spare no cost The other Conspirators Names A sit Cover for such a Dish It seems their Purses were strong and their hopes great A good Caveat for England now † Jesuits know well how to equivocate thus * Ij Popes must not favour Protestant Princes it s a Miracle that they should favour them or harbour any of their Agents now neer them a I did all I could and the whole Business was examined at a Committee of Lords his Majesty being present And Sir William Roswell's last Answer to these Lords Committees came after I was committed when it lay not in my Power to follow it any farther * This must needs be the 〈◊〉 or one employed from him b Yet by 〈◊〉 c Most false d This is added * Page 171. e 'T is no Challenge neither f Most false g I could not prosecute him Nor the Author of this Tract had he been in my place h The slanderous Tongues of your Faction made him presume if any thing i These Words are not mine Besides take the whole Sentence and then c. * See the General Hist. of France in the Life of H. 3. 4. ‖ See the English Pope k I had 〈◊〉 with either of them And have received Blame from some Great Men that I would not make use of them as my Predecessor 〈◊〉 have done k I had 〈◊〉 with either of them And have received Blame from some Great Men that I would not make use of them as my Predecessor 〈◊〉 have done l I had good reason to write them in my own Hand Yet shall they never be proved to be all 〈◊〉 And if they were yet c. m This is according to the First Book of Edw 6. * With which his Speech in Star-chamber agrees There it is Hoc est corpus meum c. n This is no greater Proof of Corporal Presence than the retaining of it is only to make a bare remembrance c. * To elevate the Hostia as Papists do o It was never meant of Dr. 〈◊〉 p I hope I shall not answer for other Men if they prove not as they should * See the Articles against him in Parliament q He was 〈◊〉 inward with another Bishop and who laboured his Preferment more 〈◊〉 I. r Go Potlids s My Chaplains have answered their Faults or may when 〈◊〉 t Who told you so u Vtterly False x I helped on that Parliament And Sir Henry Vane was the Man that brake it for ought I know y When 't is prepared it shall be welcome to me to have any end * 〈◊〉 Eccles. 〈◊〉 p. 322. Ead. lib. 1. and 〈◊〉 Acts and Mon. Vol. 1. Edit ult p. 926. * 23 Eliz. c. 1. 35 Eliz. c. 2. 3 〈◊〉 c. 3 4 5. * See 1 2 Phil. Mary c. 8. * Joh. 10. 10 11 12 13. † 2 Joh. 10 11. * Gratian. caus 23. a Sir Henry Vane wrought him out * Gen. 3. † 1 King 11. ‖ Qui amat 〈◊〉 peribit in co * Chamberlain Cardinal Richelieu his Agent * Now a Prisoner in the Tower and taken in the Field in actual Rebellion in Ireland * Grimston in his Life Fox Speed † General History of France * 〈◊〉 Grimston † See Dr. 〈◊〉 Book and the Commons Charge against the Duke of 〈◊〉 * It should seem that this Popish 〈◊〉 had assumed a wrong Name and made use of that of a much 〈◊〉 Person then a Member of the Vniversity who perhaps being absent at that time might have unadvisedly left a Commission with this Emissary to receive the Letters directed to him at Oxford For from Dr Bayly's Answer to the Arch-Bishop it appears that after all the enquiry he could make into the matter he could not find any reason to fasten any Suspicion upon Mr. Pully or that he was in the least inclined to Popery * His Name is Weale Ethic. l. 1.