all his other Ensigns cursing those who had perswaded them to shut themselves up in that Fort upon perjur'd Oaths of succour they yeilded themselves their lives only saved the which was denied to such as had served Henry the fifth to those who had sworne the finall Peace to those who were Complices in the Death of the Duke of Burgony and to such Souldiers as were Scotts Irish or Welsh together with Melene they surrendred all other Forts which were in their hands amongst which were Marchuse and Monliere those who would sweare fealty and Homage had their liberties granted them without Ransome the which all of them almost did in particular Greville mov'd therunto as I beleeve by his beleeving Charles to bee dead at Rochell for when hee knew the contrary hee was not long in forswearing himselfe This meane while Arthur Count de Richmond Brother to Iohn fift Duke of Britanny escaped away from the Earle of Suffolke Lord Lieutenant to the King in Normandy with whom ever since the Battell of Agencourt he had beene Prisoner A civill liberty was permitted him upon Oath and promise not to depart the which as long as the King lived was precisely observed by him not listning to his friends who had sundry times offered to backe him if he would fly away now thinking that by reason of the Kings Death he might with safety to his honour escape he fled pretending himselfe to be free from his Oath as personall to him that was dead but who shall well observe it shall find that bare promises not aggravated by curtesies no wayes due nor inforced as was this the largnes of his Imprisonment are of as much force in morall affaires with Princes and amongst such as are Nobly borne as is an Oath in Religion especially when as pretensions not dying with the King they together with their estates remaine in title and in substance intire unto their Successours if when the King dyed he had beene close Prisoner he could not without a note of folly have said himselfe to be disoblig'd from his promise so as having escap'd hee seem'd to repent that resolution which though at all times requisite was then the more to be esteemed of as it was now the more blame worthy since his owne Death and not the Death of any other was only able to acquit him of his Oath and promise made His first flight was to his Brother in Britanny from thence to his Cousin Philip in Flanders from whom he received a Commission to procure a Parley betweene him Britanny and Bedford so as being return'd from his Brother and having concluded the Interview Bedford went to receive them upon the confines of Normandie all three of them comming into an appointed place where Philip stayed expecting them the Confederacy which was contracted betweene them was confirmed by a double Marriage the one betweene the Duke of Bedford and Anne the younger Sister to Philip together with the County of Artois in portion in case they should have any Issue the other betweene Count Richmond and Philips eldest Sister Widdow to the Dolphin Lewis This being done Burgony and Richmond withdrew themselves to Arras Bedford to Paris and the Duke of Britanny to his owne Country to whom Bedford paid 6000. Crownes for his expences in that journey The inconstancy of the Dukes of Britanny in their friendship may seeme strange to some being subject to often and momentary changes but who will examine passages from the time that that State grew litigious will not wonder at it I have thought good to give you a short breviat thereof for the better understanding of the History and to ease the Reader of the paines of seeking that in others which I should have omitted Iohn the third Duke of Britanny who dyed without Issue married his Neece Iane of Britanny Daughter to Guy his next Brother but now dead to Charles of Blois second Sonne to Guy of Chatillione Count de Blois and Margaret Sister to Philip the sixt King of France to the end that shee being the true Heire other Woemen having beene formerly Heires to that Dukedome shee might have a Husband that might defend her When he was dead Iohn Count de Montfort his third Brother who during his life had no wayes opposed his Neece pretended by prerogative of sex to be Heire unto the State so as Blois relying upon France and he on England they had fierce Warre together for 23. yeares in which time 200000. Men were slaine in that quarrell To Count Montfort who as not having intirely possessed Britanny was not numbred amongst the Dukes therof did his Sonne Iohn succeed named Iohn the fourth after that Charles de Blois slaine in a great Battaile left him possessor therof The King of France who could not by force take from him his Estate indeavour'd to weaken him by Interposition Hee agreed upon this with the Widdow and the Sonnes of Charles the Defunct who renounced their pretensions to the Dutchy and he his pretences to the Vice-county of Limages restoring unto them together with other obligations the County of Pointevere an agreement which lasted not long among ulcerated minds The Duke beside these had two other great Enemies Beretrand de Gueschin and Oliver de Clissenne his naturall Subjects who having betaken themselves to the service of Charles the fift against the English proved so gallant Men that both of them one after the death of the other were Constables of France so as they having drawne unto the Kings pay the greatest part of the Lords and Commanders of Britanny who under their command had fought against Charles de Blois they left the Duke quite bereft of Captaines and Military affaires and but badly obeyed by his Subjects who were naturally inclin'd to the French so as wrought thereunto by gratitude Edward the third being his Father in Law who had put him into his Estate and by necessity the King of France being his Neighbouring powerfull Enemy hee turned sometimes one way sometimes another till being abandoned by his Subjects it behoved him to retire himselfe into England forsaking his Countrey least he should be made Prisoner by them not for that they hated him but for that they hated his friendship with the English whom they thought to be the cause of their ruine being at last aware that the King of France molested him not out of the pretended suspitions but to bereave him of his Estate they sent for him backe a little before the Death of Charles the fift wherby hoping now to be in quiet to please them he renounced his friendship with England and sided with Charles the 6 t who succeeded to Charles the fift Clissonne who was of greater power with the now King then he had been with the former finding him without his leaning stocke Ransomed Iohn Count de Pointevere from his Imprisonment in England upon whom as Sonne to Charles de Blois and Iane of Britanny Heire to Iohn the third the pretences to the Dutchy
possesse if you doe not this King of England I am the Head of Warre in whatsoever part of France I shall meet with your people I will drive them out will they nill they If they will obey I will receive them to mercy The Maid comes from the King of Heaven and if you will not obey her shee will make you so great an Hahai as the like hath not beene heard this thousand yeares in France for you ought firmely to beleeve the King of Heaven will give to her and her good Souldiers more force then you are likely to have goe to your owne Country in Gods name and bee not stubborne for you shall not hold France by permission of the King of Heaven Sonne of Saint Mary but King Charles the true heire shall hold it to whom-God hath given it and who shall enter Paris with a faire company You William Poole Earle of Suffolke you John Lord Talbot you Thomas Lord Scales Lieutenants to the Duke of Bedford and you Duke of Bedford who call your selfe Regent in the Kingdome of France spare the innocent bloud leave Orleans in liberty for if you will not doe reason to those you have done wrong unto The French will doc the bravest deed was ever done in Europe thinke well upon what God and the Maid sayes unto you No man will thinke it could produce any thing but laughter but by what soone ensued that laughter was turned to an other tone The Frenchmen say that the Trumpetter who brought the Letter was contrary to the law of Nations detained and that hee hardly escaped being burnt Chartier and Dupleix adde that after the siedge he was found in shackles which whither it was so or no I cannot tell for the English say nothing in this point and the French doe not all agree in one relation therefore let it bee lawfull for every one to beleeve as hee listeth but it is hard to beleeve if it were so that the rage of those who were driven away who formerly had a minde to burne him should not provoke them to kill him before they went since they did not depart in such hast as Chartier will have them to have done but that they might have time enough to have done it since it consisted onely in the striking of one stroake The besieged consulted what they had to doe being by the Maiden assured of certaine victory they resolved to begin with the Fort of Saint Lupe plac't over against the gate of Burgony and guarded by 400. Foote Fortune favoured their forwardnesse they set upon it the fourth of May with so much resolution as that though it were manfully defended it was after long contestation more manfully gotten the garrison was put to the sword the Fort burnt the Artillery and munition brought into the Citie and since Serres writes that the maid was the first that entred the towne crying Monjoy Saint Denis victory let us grant her this honour though the rest who speake of her as the head of the enterprise speake not one word thereof They left the towne the next day and tooke two Forts St. Iohn and Londre the first was easily taken the second not so easily where the Souldiers were cut in pieces and many French prisoners recovered the sixt day they assailed the tower upon the bridge defended by Gladisdale by them called Classidas and highly commended the fight continued from breake of day till Sunne set Gladisdale was slaine together with the Lord Merlin and Poinings and many Souldiers The maid was wounded with an Arrow betweene the necke and the backe but shee forbore not though to fight and to incourage her men Dupleix saith that the Bastard of Orleans seeing the stout resolution of the defendants would have sounded a retreate but being intreated to the contrary by her he did not That having retired herselfe to her Oraisons for halfe a quarter of an houre she returned more couragious then before emboldening the rest by her example and againe that shee having till then beene undervalued by the English they seeing her valour began now to thinke that there was somewhat more then humane in her which formerly they did not beleeve and that they were led to this by one of Merlins prophecies which foretold that they should be ruinated in France by the meanes of a maid To the first 't is answered that it was by him invented since that hee sayes that which others doe not the more to confirme the opinion of her pretended sanctity so the second that amongst all Merlins prophecies there is not any one such there is none of any understanding in England who doe not hold Merlins prophecies as invented tales the diversity of editions the one not agreeing with the other as every one of the compositors best liked his owne proves this clearely unto us but to leave generalls no historian mentions any such thing save himselfe so as the English could thinke no otherwise of the maid then as of an imposture chosen for that purpose neither is it they alone that doe beleeve this for the sharpest sighted of France did and doe beleeve it Things were brought to that passe as hath beene said to the besiegers great disadvantage so as the besieged pursuing their good fortune provided to invade such Forts as yet remained in the possession of the enemy the first was that of the Lord Talbot who not waiting for them lockt up within met them abroad fought with them and forced them to retire with the losse of some men and Artillery but this imported nothing to what remained to continue the siege was dangerous the Citie was free on the side of Soulogne the number of the enemie was increased and daily to increase more in number already then were they victualls could not be inhibited them to recover what was lost was impossible so as they resolved to rise from before the towne which was no sooner mention'd then put in execution but to take away all appearances that they should be driven away they resolved their Forts being forsaken to put themselves in battle array to expect the enemie to fight with them if they should come if not to retreat as they did for the French making them a bridge of gold by keeping within the Citie having expected them the greatest part of the day they marcht away in good order after seven monethes siege The Earle of Suffolke came with 400. men to Iergeau Talbot to Meune and the rest to other places Iohn Chartier sayes that at the end of the the siege there were left but 4000. of the English Serres sayes that they stole away by night in a squadron of 9000. and marched towards Baugences but since he is noted of falshood by his owne country men t is needlesse for me to endeavour to confute this flight by night for the rest relate it as we have done this was the end of the siege of Orleans A game blow for as in the losse there of Charles would have
that the English went to meete them that the French came to a little village called Lonvell and were onely parted from the enemy by a little River that great skirmishes were there made that finding them to bee in an advantagious place they would not set upon them that about evening they sent word by a Herauld to the Earle of Arundel that hee should either come forth to battle or else give backe his hostages the which being received they departed and that the English seeing themselves free returned too before Silli and tooke it by a fierce assault The rest differ not from him but adde that in their Articles the besieged specified that the English should quarter themselves neere such an Elme and fight there that whereunto the besieged were obliged according to Giles was to surrender themselves if the Towne were not succoured or the English fought withall neither of both which ensued To fight belonged to the French for they were to free the Towne The English were to keepe from fighting if they could and to inhibite succour so as the French not able to do the one should have tryed the other which they did not That the Earle of Arundel should give up the hostages was a piece of obedience not to be beleeved for since they could not fight with him they could not force him in this point that they should depart having received the hostages without putting them into Silli or succouring the Towne argues either simplicity which was not likely to be in such personages or want of strength and is not sufficient to excuse their retreate for say that the Earle had delivered up his hostages the more reason had they had to have kept the field to shew themselves masters thereof and to have seene the enemy first gone that they might have secured the towne for what concernes the Elme the besieged may by agreement prefix the day of succour but not the place of combate for that were to teach him what to doe who was to hinder their being succoured whose advantage it was to work his ends without danger or bloodshed Two armies equally resolved to fight may appoint a time place that they may know where to meet not out of any advantage but such appointments happen not betweene besiegers and besieged for the besieged have onely two things to looke unto necessity which enforceth them and reputation which makes them doe their utmost indeavour which when they have satisfied their being or not being succoured belongs no more to them since by yeelding they are freed from necessity and 't is not likely that the besiegers together with the prolongation of time which was much to their disadvantage would accept of a disadvantagious place whereby to be cut in peeces But this invention is like to that of the Duke of Orleans which hath beene spoken of who being taken prisoner in the battell of Aincourt where there neither was necessity reason nor yet time for capitulation those who were besieged in Orleans did notwithstanding alledge that by expresse agreement his territories were to be exempted from the damage of warre during his imprisonment whilst no such condition complies with the nature of warre nor can be witnessed by any president The English say that when the succour appeared the terme whereof was not 15. but 30. dayes they of their owne accord delivered up the hostages to those of Silli according to their Articles that they stood in face of the enemy without any skirmishing or any shew of battle that the French departed by night as if affraid whereupon Silli surrendred it selfe according to promise without assault or blood The Earle ended these his proceedings with the taking of Millay and Saint Laurence de Mortiers so as having in hostile manner succoured the country of Mayne hee retired sending his men to their wonted Garrisons Not long after a good part of the lower Normandy rise in insurrection against the English a fire as easily extinguished as it was lightly kindled They were all countrymen inhabitants upon the coast of that sea a Monstrous body a beast of few armes all head under the conduct of the Marishall de Rochefort Walter de Brusack and Charles de Mares who came with some troopes of horse to sustaine them they tooke Diepe Fescampe Harfleur Monstrevillier Tancherville and all the country of Caux except Arques and Candebec But going afterwards themselves alone towards Caen to incourage and incite the malecontents The Dukes of Sommerset and Yorke who commanded that Province dispatcht away the Earle of Arundell and the Lord Willoughby with 6000. bowmen and 1300. horse to take order with them The Earle who had notice which way they went sent Willoughby with part of the troopes before to light upon them in the way not fearing their numbers and hoping that the condition of an ill guided rabble would winne him the day as it did for Willoughby lying in Ambush as soone as they appeared he set upon them having formerly agreed upon a signe with the Earle so as being set upon before and behind they threw away their armes and cryed for pardon the Earle moved to compassion forbad the killing of them yet could he not so readily be obeyed but that about 1000. of them were slaine The heads of the insurrection were detained and afterwards severely punished the rest were suffered to returne to their owne homes having to their cost learned the difference betweene the handling of the Mattocke and the Sword the conquest of the forenamed places was not of long continuance after this for the Commanders who were therein left being of this summy multitude behaved themselves so insolently as that the countrey revolted from them and by reason of their rustique tiranny recalled the English so as this threatning storme was soone blowne over Iohn de Bressay Lievtenant to the Marshall de Rieux had taken the Fort of Rue a losse of great consequence to the English the country lying thereby open to incursions even to Estaples and Monstrolle which caused the Duke to commit the recovery thereof to the said Earle who with 800. men undertooke this enterprise but being come to Gourney he altered his resolution An old Fort called Gerberoy was seated betweene Gournay and Beauvois dismantled and ruinated a little before And because the situation thereof was convenient to suppresse the enemies incursions into the countrey of Beauvois La Hire had order for the rebuilding of it The Earle not thinking that in so short a space it could be in any condition of defence for hee thought to ruinate it in the beginning of its being reedified before that being built and fortified it might be the harder to be wonne Hee thought suddenly to have dispatcht the businesse not knowing that La Hire was there in person with a great many souldiers so as leaving his foot behinde him which followed him at leasure hee advanced with his horse which were not above 500. La Hire seeing him appeare with so few
the Sea hee should march up to London as to a certaine victory this advise was approved of by the three Earles so as having caused Monfords head to bee struck of and the heads of other twelve leauing good order for what belonged to Callais they came to Kent where they were met by the Lord Cobham and so vast a number of others as were esteemed to amount to 4000. fighting men The Lord Scales both a favorite of King and Queene hearing of their comming gathered some forces together and having in his company the Count de Candale Aguascon and the Lord Lovell hee hasted to secure London but being told by the Lord Major that hee stood not in need of that succour nor would permit that other men should meddle with what was his charge he much incensed entered the Tower understanding by that deniall that the City was not for the King as the effects made manifest for when the three Earles came thither they were received with generall applause and the Earles of March and Warwick going from thence with 20000. fighting men the Earle of Salisbury the Lord Cobham and Sir Iohn Vanlock tarried behind to keepe so important a City true unto them The Queene for the King had no thought but of his soules health had assembled a good army and Coventry which conducted the King to Northampton amongst other Lords there was in that army the Duke of Somerset who was newly returned from Guienes and the Duke of Buckingham they were no sooner come thither but they heard of the enemies approach so as passing the River they went to encampe themselves in the neighbouring fields the Earle of March egg'd on by his youth early in the morning began the battell their arrowes plaid on both sides whilest any were left then they came to handy blowes for 5. houres together without any indifferency At last the King was the looser with the death of 10000. men a great losse but not of so great a consequence as it was had hee not lost himselfe for being bereft of his defendors who were slaine round about his person hee fell into the power of the enemy There dyed of Lords the Duke of Buckingham Iohn Talbot Earle of Shrewsbery who fighting valiantly did not degenerate from his Father the Lord Egremont the Viscount Beamont besides many other Knights and Gentlemen great was the number of prisoners especially of Knights and Gentlemen for being lighted from horse to fight on foote they had no meanes to save themselves The Queene Prince Edward her sonne and the Duke of Somerset fled to the Bishoprike of Durham the victor being returned to London inflicted such punishments as are accustomed in the injustice of civill Warres upon such his adversaries as hee found in the City those who could escape fared better Thomas Thorp second Baron of the Exchequer endeavouring to escape was taken with his head shaven like a Frier and in a Friers habit hee lodged a long time in the Tower those of the Tower had yeelded upon certaine conditions which not being cleere enough for the Lord Scales his safety hee thought to escape unknowne but being discovered by certaine Watermen hee was taken slaine his body wallowing in his bloud and stript of all of his apparell left to the publique view of all men post after post was sent into Ireland to acquaint the Duke of Yorke with this victory so as perswading himselfe that nothing now remained to hinder him from possessing the Crowne hee tooke shipping and came to London at the same time that the Parliament was assembled hee made his entry with great troopes of men and trumpets sounded before him hee made the sword bee carried before as Kings use to doe onely with this difference that where as it is carried sheathed before them before him it was carried naked hee lighted from horse at the Kings pallace of Westminster and entring into the upper house of Parliament where the Kings throne was hee laid his hand a good while upon it as if by that act hee had taken possession of it when hee tooke of his hand hee turned to those that were by as desirous to reade in their countenances what successe hee should have and as it is usuall for us to flatter ourselves in what wee passionately desire hee thought they approved of what hee had done But the Archbishop of Canterbury standing up and asking him if hee would bee pleased to goe and see the King hee changed countenance and angerly answered him hee knewe not any in the Kingdome to whom hee ought that duty but that on the contrary all men ought it to him so as the Archbishop going forth to acquaint the King with this answer who lay in the Queens lodgings not in his owne hee likewise went forth and entered into the Kings lodgings where finding many doores sshut hee caused the doores to bee broke open to the much disdaine of those who could not brooke so great a pride since that the King living and in possession of the Crowne for 38. yeares not numbring those of his Grandfather and Father at his first arrivall hee by his owne proper authority pretended to bee King But they were more scandalized when comming againe into the Parliament house hee sate himselfe downe in the Kings Chaire under the cloath of State where after having set a while hee told them a long rabble of reasons why hee had sate downe in that place that by the law it was due unto him and that contrary to the law it had beene usurped by the three last Kings from the house of Mortimer the lawfull heire to the Duke of Clarence and lastly from his house of Yorke the others lawfull heire He exagerated the evill means Henry the fourth used in usurpingthe Crowne his cruelty in deposing and murthering Richard the second the injustice of Henry the fifth in causing his Father to be beheaded at Southampton that he might establish himselfe and that he being now of yeares without hope of ever enjoying what was his right by faire mean's was enforced to betake himselfe to force not for any respect of himselfe but to restore peace unto the kingdome which was not to be had by any other meâ—…n's that he ought rather to be praised then blamed for this since thereby the evills should be redressed which were sprung up and were to spring up especially under a weake King who to the so much shame of the English nation had lost France Normandy Maine Anjou and in one onely yeare Aquitany after the Crowne had beene hereditarily possessed thereof little lesse then 300. yeares that for these reasons hee had taken the Chaire wherein he sate as belonging to him and that his minde gave him that with their assistance he should restore it to its ancient glory and that it behooved them as peeres to concurre with him in equall actions affections and ends When he had done speaking the Lords wereall so astonished as looking for an answer no man opened
rather then to live in the miseries they hitherto had done They cal'd upon Alinighty God the King of Kings to inspire him with his light and to continue unto him in his Regall dignity those praise-worthy parts by meanes whereof he deserved to be King though he were not And that though his right needed not any publique Acts of Parliament he being King and heire unto the Crowne without them yet in regard the people might be ignorant of the cause of the deposing the one and assuming the other for this cause and to remove all doubts that might arise the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and Commons assembled in Parliament had in full Parliament pronounced decreed and declared that Richard the third their Soveraigne Lord was whilest hee should live the undoubted King of England and of all that within or without belonged thereunto and after him his heires That the high and mighty Prince Edward his sonne was his heire apparant and after him those who should discend from him This decree being registred among the Acts of Parliament and approved of by King Richard with order to be held authenticall in all the parts thereof made it be understood that the Kings of England have power to doe what they will when they are either loved for their vertues or feared for their force For what concernes love there is no proof in this present case but of feare sufficient feare being the prinium mobile of this businesse Richard having by the assistance of the Duke of Buckingham and their adherent raised a powerfull faction the lawfull King being a Child and prisoner the Tyrant a man of braines wel-spoken and of reputation in armes not likely to undertake such a businesse unlesse certaine to effect it all men doubting themselves since their forces being cut off and those put to death which might have re-united them they were exposed to the violence of so cruell a man as Richard who had given proofe of his cruelty by his detaining the King by his taking the Duke of York from the Sanctuary by his impudence in declaring them to be Bustards and by his shamelesnesse in publishing his mother to be a whore to boote with the death of so many Peeres This feare was that which gave a maske to the flatteries of Parliament and which furnisht it with some colour of pretence drawne from Doctor Shaw's Sermon and the speeches made by the Duke of 〈◊〉 in the City-Hall Richard being thus confirmed and believing to settle his tyranny by resting it upon un-accustomed circumstances hee went into Westminster-hall sate him downe in the Kings Bench where in doubtfull cases the Kings of England had wont antiently to sit and where hee avowed his accepting of the Crowne the which hee exprest in a formall Oration and in a manner so well composed as those who had not knowne him would have thought England had never beene blest with so good a King and to colour with the shew of clemency his innate cruelty hee caused one Fogge who had taken Sancturary and whom he had alwayes mortally hated to be brought before him hee tooke him by the hand in fight of all the people and made professions of loving him now as much as he had formerly hated Him by which act he made a great impression in the simpler sort but those who were better advised knew that this was but a Bait wherewith to catch better fish In his returne to his Palace Hee courteously saluted such as Hee knew loved Him not thinking by this servile flattery to infatuate their mindes and to establish his government Yet for all this he durst not rely upon his present fortune He ascertained His Coronation by unaccustomed forces causing five thousand men to come from the Northerne parts of the Kingdome in whom hee trusted aswell for that they tooke part with the House of Yorke as likewise that living in remote parts they were not acquainted with his actions as were the Londoners who having him alwayes in their eye abhorred Him These Northern men appeared ill clad and worse arm'd which made them be but laught at for t was thought that if He should have occasion to make use of them they would not serve His turne and that t was neither these forces not yet greater but a meere Fatality which had precipitated England into so dire and miserable a subjection The last act of His possessing the Crowne was His Coronation all things thereunto belonging being ready as prepared for His Nephews Coronation Hee went with his Wife and His Sonne to the Tower where the next day Hee created the Lord Thomas Howard Duke of Norfolke Thomas Howard Sonne to the same man Hee created Earle of Surrey Hee made William Barckley Earle of Nottingham and the Lord Francis Lovell Viscount and Lord Chamberlaine and Hee made seventeene Knights of the Bath The Archbishop of Yorke the Lord Stanley and the Bishop of Ely had beene prisoners in the Tower ever since the Chamberlaine lost his Head Hee set the first at liberty finding himselfe peaceably possest of the Kingdome otherwise Hee would not have done it for being an honest man hee would never have given his consent to the deposing of the true King Hee freed the second out of feare for His Sonne the Lord Strange was raysing great forces in Lancashire a place wherein Hee had great Power and was mightily followed it behooved him to appease Him but Hee did not set the Bishop of Ely at liberty who was a faithfull servant to King Edward for Hee was certaine Hee would never condescend to his Childrens deprivation nor to the unjust wayes whereby Hee usurped the Kingdome whereof Hee had made tryall in the Councells held in the Tower whilest by oblique meanes He set the businesse on foot The Bishop was of no great birth but having lived a long time in good repute in Oxford hee was taken from thence being but bare Doctor by Henry the sixt and made a Privy-Counsellour Edward knowing his integrity kept him still in that condition and chose Him at His death to be one of his Executors Richard therefore fearing Him would have kept Him still in Prison though Hee set the others at liberty had not the Vniversity of Oxford which Hee did alwayes very much favour interceded for Him so that desirous in part to satisfy the Vniversity Hee was content to take him from the Tower as being too publick a place but that Hee might not have His free liberty Hee committed him to the custody of the Duke of Buckingham who sent Him to a Castle of His in Brecknockshire where they joyntly laid the first ground-worke of Richards ruine Hee together with his Wife was Crowned in great pompe the sixteenth of Iuly his Wife was daughter to the great Earle of Warwicke who had made and unmade the two preceding Kings and Widow to Edward Sonne to Henry the Sixt Prince of Wales to whom she was give in marriage when Edward the Fourths ruine was agreed upon in
weary of the large promises made him by Charles to assist him with Powerfull succours was faine to content himselfe with very small ones in which he likewise found himselfe to be abused Whereupon thinking his men of warre upon the Narrow Seas and the troops of men he had disposed upon the Sea-coasts to be superfluous he recalled his ships and disbanded his men judging that the Nobility which inhabited the maritine parts particularly those of Wales were sufficient to take order that the enemy should not land unfought withalland unbeaten The information which was given to Richard though in effect it was false yet it bare with it so many likelyhoods of Truth as were sufficient to make him believe that the Earle of Richmond abandoned by Charles was not likely to trouble him with any forces he should receive from Him and this was the occasion Charles being in his Fourteenth yeere of age under the government of his Sister Anne wife to Peter of Bourbon Lord of Beau-ieu and according to the Ordinance of Charles the fifth his predecessour free from Guardian-ship the Princes of the Blood did notwithstanding aspire to the Regency under pretence of the weaknesse of his Constitution and of his being ill brought up he having till then been onely brought up in Childish sports not being taught so much as to Read The pretenders hereunto were the Duke of Orleans first Prince of the Blood and Peter of Bourbon in his wifes right she being thereunto named by the late Lewis and great troubles were likely hereupon to have ensued had not the State by committing the Kings person according to his fathers will to his sisters custody determined that the Kingdome should have no Regent but should be governed by the Counsell of State composed of Twelve personages to be chosen for their worth and Quality So as France being in this condition the Earle could not obtaine what was promised him since it was not the King Alone that could effect it and the Twelve though willing to assist him found many Difficulties therein but were especially hindred through feare of a Civill warre within themselves At the same time the Marquesse Dorset attempted to escape away his Mothers advertisements which filled him with high hopes and the rubbes he saw the Earle met withall made him tacke about and side with Richard He went out of Paris secretly by night taking his way for Flanders that from thence hee might passe into England but the Earle being informed thereof and having gotten leave from the King to stop him wheresoever he should be found sent into all parts after him and Humphrey Chenie had the fortune to light upon him who with Perswasions and faire Promises brought him backe otherwise he might have proved very prejudiciall to them for hee knew the very bottome of all their designes But this chance made the Earle very much apprehend that through delay he might either Lose or Ruine his friends he therefore judged it necessary to attempt that with a Few which he could not with Many He borrowed money of the King and many others to whom he left as in pawne Sir Iohn Bourchier and the Marquesse Dorset whom hee did not assie in to have him neere him Thus having assembled together certaine Souldiers hee went to Roan expecting there till the ships came to Harfleur which were to carry him over Here he understood of the death of King Richards wife how he had resolved to marry his neece who by her mother was promised unto Him and that Cecilie the Second daughter was married which was false to one of so base condition as his pedegree was not knowne hereat hee was much troubled as were likewise all the Lords that were with him since the hopes which they had built unto themselves upon the Yorkish faction were vanished by vertue of the aforesaid marriage Consultation was held what was to be done it was judged a rash resolution to undertake so dangerous a businesse with such a Handfull of people The resolutions which they pitcht upon were not to stirre till they should have new advertisements from beyond the Seas and to entice over to their party Sir Walter Herbert a Gentleman of a great family and of a great power in Wales promising that the Earle should marry His sister and to send a Gentleman to the Earle of Northumberland who had married the Other sister to the end that he might negotiate the businesse But nothing ensued hereon for finding the passage shut up the messenger returned not doing any thing But having much about the same time received Letters from Morgan Ridwell a Lawyer and a Confident of his with newes that Sir Rice ap Thomas and Captaine Savage two men of great retinue in Wales would declare themselves for him and that Reynald Bray had in his possession great summes of money to pay the Souldier so as he should doe well to make haste and land in Wales since delay might be prejudiciall to him hee tooke shipping on the fifteenth of August having but a few ships and two thousand Souldiers with him In seven daies space he landed at Milford-haven in Wales from whence passing on to Dale a place wherein all Winter long troopes of Souldiers had beene kept to hinder his landing he went to West-Hereford where he was entertained with all sort of content by the inhabitants Here he understood that Sir Rice ap Thomas and Captaine Savage had declared themselves for Richard which if it had beene true the businesse had beene ended Upon such like occasions diversity of Newes useth to be spread abroad good or bad according as people hope or suspect Those who were with him were much amated at this till they were comforted with a later advertisement Arnold Butler a very valiant Commander and one that in former times had been no great well-wisher to the Earle gave him to understand that those of Pembrokeshire were ready to obey Iasper Earle of Pembroke his unkle and their naturall Lord that therefore he might make use of this advantage the Earle being herewithall encouraged marched on to Cardigan his camp increasing every houre by people which flocked unto him But here he heard newes againe that Sir Walter Herbert he whose sister the Earle had thought to have married was in Caermarthen with intention to oppose him the which did much affright him for hee did thinke to finde him an enemy so as whilst they betake themselves to their Armes with an intention to fight with him the Scouts who were sent before to discover the Countrey returned with newes that there was no enemy to be seen the Countrey being open free and voyd of Opposition This contentment was augmented by the comming of Richard Griffith and Iohn Morgan with a great many fighting men and though Griffith was a confederate of Sir Walter Herberts and of Rice ap Thomas of whose inclinations he was doubtfull yet the Earle forbare not to march on fighting with and beating as many as opposed him
for that the war with Britanny might move some jealousies in him the true Reasons whereof not being known he gave him to understand that that Countrey being Feudatary to him it became him in his reputation to preserve his rights therein amongst which one was that the Heir could not marry without his Consent that the Dutchesse having done otherwise in freely disposing of her self without the Consent of Him her Soveraign it behoved him with his good leave to match her so as might not be prejudicial to his Crown to the which he hoped He would give way as to a thing becoming the reason of State and Justice Henry perceiving that the King of France would have him swallow up a bitter Pill wrapt up in Leaf-gold caused answer to be made to the Ambassadours That Peace ought not to be treated of thereby to make War upon one's Friends that to Demand it was Unjust Most unjust to Grant it He had too much of interest with Britanny to abandon it That the proceedings held by Charles were not like those of a Lord who intends to keep his right of Fee-farm but like those of an Enemy which intends Usurpation That his Correction say it were just and necessary needed not to be imposed by so Unjust means and such Unnecessary Arms against a Maiden That he did not dispute whether it were Charles his Right to marry her as he pleased or no though he thought few Presidents could be given thereof That Britanny's tenure in Fee was not subject to the Justice Laws and Will of the Lord thereof as were Other Common tenures That Gascoigne and Normandy in Former times and Flanders at the Present were not under so Servile a Subjection but say they were Marriages ought to be Free not made by Force the parties not Constrain'd otherwise they would be against the Laws both Humane and Divine and suppose his disposal of her did not contradict the Laws it might yet be averse to the interest of Other Princes who peradventure might be content he should marry her to some Other and not unto Himself As for Flanders he wonder'd so Wise a King as Charles should use such slight Arguments in so weighty a matter that he should term the Oppression of the Prince the People's Oppression the Rebellion of the One the Injustice of the Other that after having so many months detained him prisoner slain his ser vants bereft him of his Son and injuriously put him under their own Government they should pretend by Injuring to be injured being protected and confirmed in their Rebellion by Charles himself A thing which had not formerly happened and which now fell out opposite to the Interest and Dignity of All Princes for in time that might happen to Each of them which now befel This so as all Princes were bound upon such like occasions reciprocally to Help one another the which if it became Others much more did it become Charles who being Soveraign ought to chastise Rebellion in the people not to Authorize and Nourish it He thanked him for his acquainting him with his Secret designes which were So secret as not onely Italy but the whole World knew of them For his ends of Passing into Macedonia to make war upon the Turks they were not onely Christian but Generous so as if in stead of his demanding Peace he would grant his request in accepting of Him for a Companion in so holy an Enterprise he should think himself happie but that his arguments were of too Repugnant a Construction God did not command Evil to be done that Good might come thereof nor that what is offer'd on His Altars should be taken from Another's flock Yet if he thought he might with Justice set upon the Kingdom of Naples and that his pretended right thereunto was good meerly by the Renunciation of the House of Anjou what might He think of himself that was bereft of Normandy Anjou Gascoigne and All France which falling upon his person by natural Inheritance not by Anothers Renounsal was his Legal Patrimony if being instructed by him He should not do the like He would therefore follow his example and run the same carreer he had traced out to him Therefore if he would have Peace he might have it upon condition either that he would Renounce that which by an unjust title he Possessed or else pay such a Tribute as might be proportionable to what he should hold The Ambassadours not expecting such an Answer said They had no Commission to any such purpose but that they were sure their King's Sword was able to defend his Crown from losing any the least of his Flower-de-Luces that for what concern'd his marriage with the Dutchesse he never had any such Thought being already married to Maximilian's daughter To which the King reply'd He lookt for such an Answer and that he would send Ambassadours to him the better to be satisfied therein whereupon he dismissed them and Gaguine stayed in England till he had dispatcht Thomas Earl of Ormond and Thomas Goldenstone Prior of Christs-Church in Canterbury Ambassadours into France for that purpose Charles this mean while labour'd to remove from the Dutchesse Ann all scruples and detestations which withheld her from taking him for her husband He employed people of all conditions Divines Ladies Lords Counsellours and all such as had accesse unto her The Duke of Orleans and the Prince of Orange newly freed from their imprisonment pleaded for him so did the Count Dunois who after Orleans was tane prisoner turn'd again to the King's party The Marshal de Rieux Chancellour Mountalban the Ladies and Gentlewomen that were familiar with her and almost the whole Counsel were his instruments herein Madame de Laval her Governesse and Lady of Honour took more pains herein then All the rest Much ado there was to perswade the Dutchesse to forget how unworthily she had been dealt withal for Three yeers together how the Agreements made with the Duke her father and after with her Self had never been observed that Charles had destroy'd and sackt her Countrey that he was married to the Daughter of the King of the Romanes and the King of the Romanes married to Her So that if the Divines were troubled to remove from her her Scruples of Conscience Madame de Laval was no lesse troubled to rid her of the Hatred she had conceived against his Person She at the last yeelded thereunto upon the remonstrance of Peace the Necessity of embracing it and that there was no other way to compose it then by this Marriage Maximilian being Far off and reduced to such Poverty as in a time of so great need he could assist her with but Two thousand men Charles on the contrary was Neer at hand Powerful and not likely to give over till he had bereft her of her Countrey and brought her to Poverty and Misery the which if it should so fall out Maximilian would no longer care for her whose end was to possesse himself of Britanny
necessary for those who may happen not to be such as are the soule and sense to a living body nor ought they for this to thinke themselves ere a whit the lesse firmly rooted for as God is the more potent for the impotency he hath to sinne so their potency is more solide whilst incorporated into the Lawes it becomes impeccable otherwise if they stood onely upon their owne legges hatred and feare their naturall enemies were borne coetaneans with them to insnare them These my prayses of this Nation may perchance appeare not to be true to him who shall consider the beginning of our story since that passing over the relation of so many glorious Kings I take myrise from the unfortunate reigne of Richard the second who comming to the Crowne at eleven yeares of age doth prove the miserable condition of such States as are governed by an intant King But vertue and vice change together with the times a necessary vicissitude in governments not in a proper respect but in respect of the generall for if it were otherwise people endowed with equall generosity would either reciprocally destroy themselves or else they would all fall under the command of some one who were more eminent in vertue then all the rest Man hath his age prefixt so have Kingdomes to die of decrepite age is not usuall of disorders usuall Kingdomes perish more by disorders then by decrepit age so as the people members of the King their â—…ead cannot but languish when he languisheth I conclude that the end of these my slight endeavours are to represent as in a looking glasse to Princes moderation to subjects obedience for that violent changes draw after them slaughter misery and destruction Errata In the life of R. 2. of H. 4 and H. 5. Page 1. Line 10. Reade Cressy ibid. 25. This. 3. 4. Leon. ibid. 36. attestate 10. 38. Dukes ibid. Flanckers 18. 2. keyes Ibid. 28. seize 20. 2. to much wisedome 31 6. not the nearnesse 38. 9. Berkely 41. 14. incapable 44. 1. the. 50. 21. who 52. 26. Corâ—…eri 53. 27. unprovided 45. 22. lands 55. 32. fell'd 58. 2. King Richard had concluded for 30. yeares ibid. if it had beene ibid. 46. illegall 59. 6. a tree water'd ibid. 32. but under ibid. 48. heire to Richard Glendour using 69. 22. the oare 70. 43. who 74. 47. covering 76. 45. Corbeil 77. 6. might have been if of ibid. 18. Bourges 79. 29. Mowbâ—…ay ibid. 26. bolder resolves revenge being 82. 1. intending ibid. 39. and in another 89. 10. contumacy ibid. 35. Angoulesme 90. 24. Suburbs St. Maâ—…ceau 91. 12. was onely 101. 9 that the injury 105. 7. a Carthusian ibid. 13. Du Main ibid. 20. examine whether the late 106. 19 Meroveus were the son of Clodian 107. 1. Clotharius 110. 42. Malcolme 111. 12. more peace nor lesse trouble 113. 14. undertaken ibid. 41. rewarder 114. 3. Richard the third 115. 19 Seine ibid. 37. resolved 116. 44. Eu. 118. 22. puft up 119. 48 the arrowes 120. 31. Bornonville ibid. ead Hembert d'Agincourt ibid. 39. little lesse 126. 37. Valentiana 127. 48. Touque 130. 34. to 131 3 streets were to ibid. 5. Burgondy ibid. 13. others sex for 132. 9. Archery ibid. 35. many 143. 25. by the Duke 145. 44. Montague 146. 21. bloudy hands and Crocodiles teares 148. 11. Bride ibid. 15. Charenten 149. 19. Villa nova ibid. 27. rather to hinder the enemies ibid. 47. mine 152. 35. leaving ibid. 37. that ibid. 47. passion which in 154. 24. beset with jewels 155. 37. Swâ—…ton 157. 4. iâ—… is he that ibid. 8. any ibid. 14. price ibid. 17. Earle of Mortaigne ibid. 24. Thiam 158. 16 Marne invironing ibid. 41. besiegers 159. 35. Montague ibid. 42. went to her 160. 23. Senlis 162. 18. armes his Errata in the life of Henry 6. Page 7. Line 24. Reade Iohn the fift 10. 31. being arm'd and in march 11. 24. fortune 15. 4. Iaqueline 18. 8. Gough 24. 6. Touraine 29. 47. Amadeus 30. 21. not to loose ibid. 42. Ioyeuse 38. 23. Argentres Hall 39. 42. a Dukedome 42. 33. overburdened 43. 35. This is worthy 48. 21 yet are ibid. 32. once 56. 21. Hubbub 57. 33. to the second 67. 33. maugre those 68. 18. Huts 69. 29. Ioane 72. 11. mission 79. 13. river Soame confining 92. 29. Eugenius the 4. 104. 30. together all 105. 41. Bruges 106. 20. might serve 107. 29. not but. ibid. 36. Roxborough 112. 13. Iaquelina 113. 18. haven 114. 24. cultivated ibid. 39. Henry At the same time Longueville ibid. 42. Charles his obedience playing 115. 17. Tholouse ibid. 46. when 117. 34. unto him his 119. 18. Duchies ibid. 31. enmity 120. 21. Lewis 121. 11. not able 122. 1. Towne ibid. 26 whomsoever ibid 30. England These were 123. 33. environed with enemies ib. in marg 1443. 124. 26. a separation 125. 43. not acknowledge God 128. 12. humble devout ibid. 43. men and together with them the Queen perceiving 129. 20. a lover of his 130. 48. Fougeres 131. 9. did not approve ibid. 29. would not faile ibid. 35. Louviers 132. 14. emborsed by them ibid. 42. The Count of Dunois 133. 22. by Charles to the. â—…bid 36. of the same Castle ibid. 43. Argenion 134. 26. Fresnoy ibid. 42. towres ibid. 46. slaughter was greater of 136. 48. the 8 of December 137. 22. whence ibid. 25. Bresse Lord high Marshall of Normandy and. 138. 10. Guenne went handsomely forwards though ibid. 11. fast as ibid. 12. Guisâ—…in ibid. 17. 〈◊〉 138. 23. 60. ibid. 44. Fresnoy 139. 7. Sir Matthew Gough c. up ibid. 10. Formigni ibid. 16. among which were Tâ—…el Mowbray and Sir Thomas Drâ—…w Vere and Gough with the. ibid. 23. that they ibid. 41. Castres 140. 48. Cheriburg Bricquebec Valonges 141. 11. was very strong ibid. 13. conceale ibid. 42. that the. 142. 6. Falaise 145. 28. They. ibid. 42. the. 148. 2. kinsman ibid. 24. retire 149. 31. with ibid. 35. of some who shund 150. 14. Eeden 151. 35. 10000. 152. 15. found 153. 42. he 154. 19. sects the one doth not beleeve the other 155. 9. State ibid. 14 but. 156. 16. get 161. 12. forbare not ibid. 26. esteemed so much the lesse to be ibid. 48. Sudley 162. 33. not notwithstanding 166. 11. this ib. 22. bestead 169. 1. inhibit ib. 7. he 170 49. but to restore 172. 39. he should 176. 45. were upon 177. 4. cruelty The Reader may doe himselfe a pleasure and me a courtesie if with his pen he will correct these Errata before he reade the Book which if it take so well as may give encouragement for a second Impression I will take care the like shall not be committed THE CIVILL VVARRES OF ENGLAND FRom foure Edwards did Richard the second descend of which the first three were succeeding Kings the fourth Prince of Wales furnamed the Blacke Prince who dying before his Father Edward the third did not attaine the Crowne England could not boast of braver Princes nor Europe of more
growes there corrupted or is totally lost Hee not being allowed of for a good Souldier who is not brutish Piety conscience and other Christian affections are lull'd asleepe by extortion violence and the habite of being imbrued in bloud Charles had sent Reynauld de Schartres Archbishop of Rheims his Chancellor in company of the Earle Douglasse into Scotland to raise there 5000. men with the which being return'd into France hee brought along with him the Earle Boughan his Sonne in law and Iohn Stuart constable of Scotland to all which Charles gave divers possessions the better to incourage them to serve him To Douglasse and his Heires-male hee gave the Dutchy of Touraine in feâ—… farme though others write hee did but pawne it unto him Hee Earle Bowhan Lo. constable but neither of them injoy'd these honours long to Stuart he gave the Lordship of Aubenny which is by his posterity possest to this day and to captivate their good wils and make the Scottish-men partiall in his behalfe hee tooke a 100. of them for the guard of his person an institution to this day maintained by the Kings his successours Hee had likewise a little before this receaved an ayd of 1000. foote and 600. lances from Philip Maria Duke of Millan these forces being added to his owne hee made up the body of an Army consisting of 18000. men not counting those who were dispersed abroad in other Provinces Hee made use of these men as of a marching Machin conducted by gallant and experienced Commanders neither was hee long in setting them on worke though with ill successe The Count Richmond had at this time forsaken the confederacy made at Amiens by reason of some distast hee tooke at the Duke of Bedford but what the busines was I find no where specified save by Serres who taxing the Duke of too much haughtines sayeth that the Count being gone unto him to receave some charge worthy of him and his affinity Hee found him so hard and intractable as that being accustomed to the affability of the King of France hee tooke distast thereat and returned backe with a resolution of trying all meanes hee could to put himselfe into Charles his good opinion and to indeavour that the Duke his Brother should doe the like The garrison of Iury a place belonging by inheritance to Ambrose de Lore and which being taken by Henry the fifth was given in gift to this Count Richmond with all the emoluments thereof understanding his revolt declared themselves for France Bedford layd siedge unto this towne the which defended it selfe till such time as a myne being ready to play they yeelded the Castle remaining yet untaken which after some dayes siedge agreed likewise to surrender it selfe if it were not succoured on the day of the assumption of the virgin Mary Hostages were given hereupon and the Captaine was permitted to advertise the King thereof this place was of great consequence to Charles which had it not beene his reputation would have inforced him to succour it for it was a kind of defiance to bee advertis'd thereof by the consent of the enemy Resolving then upon it hee charged the Duke of Alansonne to succour it yea though hee should hazard the battaile Alansonne obeyed marching towards it with the aforenamed Army being come neare to the Towne hee sent 40. Horsemen to survay the Campe but such were the relations hee heard as hee thought it the lesser evill to loose Iury then to hazard a battaile A resolution which displeased the rest hee notwithstanding tooke on his way towards Vernuille presenting himselfe before it in so brave and stately manner that it not being to bee doubted but that hee came from Iury whether it was knowne hee was gone to raise the siedge hee easily made the inhabitants beleeve that he had defeated the Duke of Bedford slaine his men the Duke himselfe with some few being escaped on horsebacke A tale which bearing with it a seeming likelyhood was easily credited the place yeelded it selfe up unto him and t' was a purchase which properly belonged unto him for hee had not long before obtained it from Charles The Castle of Iury this meane while not succoured Gerard de Palliere as hee presented the keyes unto the Duke shewed him a letter signed and sealed by 18. Lords wherein they promised him to come upon the precise day with a resolution to fight and raise the siedge afterwards hee added that since they by falsifying their promise had given him so great a wound hee found no other salve whereby to heale it but by making their breach of promise knowne To which the Duke replied that since they would not daigne to come to him hee would goe to them with a resolution to end all disputes by Armes Hee commanded the Earle of Suffolke to follow him who taking with him 600. horse went to Bertrille where hearing of the losse of Vernuille hee by poste advertised the Duke thereof who marching forth-with thereupon sent word to Douglasse that hee intended to dine with him the next day that therefore hee desir'd him to expect him and see that dinner were ready Douglasse answer'd that being come from Scotland of purpose to visit him hee would not faile in preparing for him the banquet hee desir'd but neither was Douglasse nor any of the other Captains minded to give battaile for Iury being lost the thing for which they fought they should not doe well to hazard preposterously and without necessity against a victorious enemy those forces which were Charles his onely stay and support and that doing otherwise they should at least make good the place of advantage wherein they were having Vernuille upon their backe their souldiers likely to grow fresh with rest and weary if they should travell But the Viscount of Narbonne shewing what shame they were to undergoe if they should not abate the edge of Bedfords bravado's caused his troops take armes in a tumultuous manner compos'd of Provincials gascons and men of Tholouse all good souldiers saying that if the wisest would not follow him hee could doe no lesse then goe alone to defend with the hazard of his life the honour of France so as mov'd thereunto by shame they all confusedly followed him and were by the event too late taught that resolutions contrary to reason have beene seldome seene prosperous they made one onely Battalion of their men placing 1000. horsmen upon each side of their flankes and 400. of those that came from Millan in front to annoy the enemies ordnance to the end that they being opened the grosse battell might the easier enter The Duke of Bedford was not displeas'd with this order for finding himselfe to bee inferiour to them in number it behooved him to make one onely squadron of all his men Hee placed bowmen on their flancks and front secured by certaine sharpned poles which fastned in the earth with their points outward served for pikes against the shocke of the horse Hee made no use of
Blois belonging both to his Parrimony during his imprisonment Whereupon they ground this I know not for 't is a childish thing to article with a prisoner that is an enemy in what is advantageous to him and the contrary to ones selfe not being thereunto inforced neither by force nor reason but say this were so France is not so free from this fault as that shee should be the first that should cry whore I will onely alledge one agreement made if that of Bertigny was ever observed let England though innocent bee condemned The siege of Orleans being then resolved the Earle of Salisbury went from Paris with requisite provisions and 10000. fighting men accompanied by the Earle of Suffolke and Lord Talbot and desiring to have the way free betweene Paris and that Citie hee tooke the Towne of Ianville by assault and five dayes after the Castle thereof by composition causing some to bee put to death there as having forsaken the side they had formerly sworne unto Bogeances having yeelded it selfe hee caused Proclamation to be made that all priviledges and goods should be preserved unto such as would acknowledge Henry for their King Ierguo and Meung by reason of this offer brought in their keyes He tooke Nogunt Retrou Puisset Rochforte Bertanwurt Touri Mompipeo the Tower of Pleuviers and other places hee presented himselfe before Orleans the 12. of September Charles had sent to the defence of this Citie Mounsieur de Busacke and Mounsieur de Faiette both Marshalls of France the Bastard of Orleans who commanded in chiefe during this siege William Stuart Constable of Scotland William Albret Lord d'Orvall Mussieurs de Guicourt Tovars Chavigni Greville Chabannes Ponton de St. Treigle La Hire Valperga an Italian and Luis de Vancourt together with 1200. Souldiers Luis of Bourbone Count Cleremont went thither likewise uncommanded The inhabitants pull'd downe all the suburbs of the Citie amongst which 12. Parish Churches foure Monasteries places of pleasure Gardens Orchards and whatsoever else could hinder the sight of the besieged or bee of service for the Besiegers within the Towne they spared not for any fortification or fence either to secure themselves from the besiegers or whereby to be lesse exposed to their batteries the Earle could not pitch his quarters unmolested with continuall skirmishes which was the Souldiers daily exercise for three weekes together but without any remarkable effect Fortune disdaining to shew her countenance in things of so little moment but the Bastard having made a salley forth by the gate of the Bridge and being entertain'd with like bravery he lost many of his men and had many of them taken prisoners He made head againe at the great Tower upon the end of the bridge from whence he was beaten backe leaving the English masters of the Tower which was presently given into the custody of William Glasdale This secured the Bridge which was the safest way for victuals and succour The Earle built many Forts round about and especially over against the gates so as the Citie being little lesse then girt about seemed to be in a desperate case not able without difficultie to befurnish'd with victualls or re-inforced with defendants though the Citizens upon all occasions did voluntarily performe the duties of Souldiers but this Tower a purchase so appearingly advantageous was the losse of Salisbury and the ruine of this and all other enterprises for blowes from heaven are like lightning which wounds where it is not expected The Tower had a bard window in the highest part thereof in the very face of the Citie where the Captaines went oft times to discover such places as were most subject to danger and where the Earle of Salisbury accompanied by Sir Thomas Gargrave and William Glasdale came to looke out A Canoniere observing that many people used to appeare at that window levell'd a piece of Canon against it and going to dinner left order with his sonne that if hee should see any one at that window hee should give fire unto it which just as the Earle came thither hee did the Bullet broke the Iron barres which gave upon the Earles head striking out one of his eyes and bearing away one of his Iawes and wounded Gargrave so sorely as that he died thereof two dayes after at eight dayes end the Earle dyed likewise leaving one onely daughter behind him whose sonne shewed himselfe though to the publique losse to be descended from that gallant man no death was ever more lamented The Souldiers beleeving that in his losse all was lost as indeed it fell out for the good fortune of the English declined from that time forward even to their being wholly driven out of France The Duke of Bedford who was mainely sensible of this newes deputed the Earle of Suffolke in his place and made the Lord Scales and Lord Talbot and Sir Iohn Falstaffe chiefe under him in that Campe they did what they could not to loose the enterprise together with their Generall but their worth could not withstand the change of Fortune The first day of the yeare they essayed to scale the Bulwarke before the gate Saint Renard which being stoutly defended they retired the second day the Citie was succour'd with some small provisions brought by the Admirall Gallant who waded thorough the Loire in a season which being extraordinarily dry though in the midst of winter suffer'd them to passe and repasse without danger and in his returne meeting with some troopes that went a freebooting he set upon them defeated them and retired safely The Campe stood in great neede of Victualls Artillerie and munition wheresore they sent Sir Iohn Falstaffe Sir Iohn Ramstone and Sir Philip Hall with some Forces to the Regent to convey some unto them they were furnished with a great many Carts and Sumpters the Regent adding to their small numbers Simon Mosier Provost of Paris together with a part of the guard of that Citie and some of his owne Domestiques which in all made up 1500. not counting those who waited on the Carriages they marched in good order not meeting with any obstacle till being come to Rounray they might discover betweene 9. and 10000. of the enemy the French say betweene 4. and 5000. Serres but 4000. led by the Duke of Bourbonne to succour Orleans but as hee was deceav'd in the person of the Conductor taking the Father for the Sonne for the Duke of Bourbonne was then prisoner in England so was hee deceiv'd in the number though I doe not beleeve they were 9. or 10000. for so great a number would have beene sufficient to have fought with the besiegers Campe. But were they more or lesse they flew upon the English as if assured of victory for their Troopes being assuredly great and having nothing to hinder them the enemy incumbred fewer in number and weary with Marching they beleeved them not onely not fit to fight but neither yet to put themselves in defence The Scottish-men who were better acquainted with
runne in danger of loosing his whole kingdome so in the preservation thereof the English lost France the Citizens and Souldiers joy and the Maids glory is not to be exprest the Forts were throwne downe and trenches fild up and a Crucifix in brasse was erected upon the Citie bridge on the one side thereof was the effigies of King Charles and another of the Maide on the other side both upon their knees and in Armour as they are there at this day to be seene and a decree was made that the memoriall hereof should every yeare bee celebrated The first of two evills which forthwith ensued unto the English was weakenesse by reason of the death of so many of their valiant men the which though by them denied amounted to the number of 8000. as the French doe write as I doe beleeve Chartiers who judged their remainder not to exceede 4000. so as being dismembred that they might place the residue in requisite places they wanted a flying Army whereby they might be succoured so as in this their first change of fortune they were peece-meale if not totally destroyed the second that their enemies increased in all parts and laying aside their feares did put on as assured a confidence of helpe from heaven as was the meanes despiseable and of no availe whereby they thought God as hee was wont to doe in his great workes did serve himselfe the vulgar doe not truly observe the reason of their owne obscuritie in understanding God had made use of the Maid if of her selfe alone or together with the besieged who could not long defend themselves shee had freed the Citie but if wee adde to her opinion which though a phantome in it selfe is yet of substance in the elevating of mens spirits and which really brought her 7000. unexpected fighters over and above those of the Garrison and those that she brought with her we shall finde that it was not shee but the effects of this opinion which freed them The Maid departed in great pompe from Orleans to meet with Charles at Chinon and being by him honorably receiv'd she obtained from him such reinforcements as she desired of him The Court had layd aside solitarinesse by reason of the frequent concourse of Princes and great Lords for prosperitie invites and adversitie keepes men backe the first thing resolved upon was the recovery of such places as were situated upon the Loire for occasion was not to be let slip The overthrowing of the English was the setting up of France For this purpose Charles named Iohn de vallois Duke of Alansonne for his Lievtenant whilst the Bastard of Orleans beleeving to lose Iargeau without the assistance of others was inforced to withdraw himselfe from thence hindred by the Loire which had overflowne all the adiacent parts but Alansonne being come to Orleans accompanied by the Count de Vendome who was likewise Prince of the blood and by the Maid he together with them went to Iargeau the Earle of Suffolke was there with two of his brethren Iohn and Alexander they made terrible assaults on three parts so as the defendants who were but a few flocked all to the parts assailed so as S. Traile perceiving the walls bare where no assault was made had not much difficulty in scaling them nor in cutting in peeces those who fought amongst the which Alexander was one They tooke the Earle of Suffolk his brother Iohn and many other prisoners who being brought to Orleans the victors not agreeing in the dividing of them they all agreed in the putting of them to death upon could bloud sparing onely the Earle and his brother Avarice in hopes of their ransome outvying cruelty they were at the same time re-inforced by 7000. men sent unto them by Charles under the cōmand of Guy de Laval the Marishall Loeac his brother Chavignes de la Towre Vidame de Schartres with these and their former Forces Alansonne Vandome went to Meune they fought for the bridge and wonne it wherein leaving a sufficient Garrison they forbore to besiege the towne till a more fit time thinking it requisite for them first to make themselves masters of Beaugences Talbot this meane while tooke Laval by scaling ladders formerly wonne by him but which according to their naturall inclination had afterwards set up their first masters standard wherein though he found much riches yet wanted hee the conquest of the Castle to make it an intire victory Hither was Andrew de Laval Lord of Loeac retired not out of hopes of keeping himselfe there for hee wanted provision but to make a more reasonable composition so as ingaging himselfe to pay for the ransome of himselfe and all that were there with him 25000. Crownes remaining himselfe prisoner till such time as that summe should either be payed or sufficient securitie given in for the payment thereof Talbot placed a Garrison there and went to Paris whether assoone as hee was come he was forthwith dispatcht againe together with the Lord Scales to the succour of Beaugences which they were informed was besieged Hee presented himselfe before it with 4000. men but found it so straitly begirt as hee thought best to retire To this siege was the Constable come accompanied by Messieurs d'Albret Rieux Chasteaubri and Beaumanoir Marshall of Britanny Montalban St. Giles many others 1200. Horse and 1500. Foot wherewith he had so enforced Charles his Army as that the enemie was not able to stand before them and though the English make his Army to consist of betweene 22. and 23000. yet are they somewhat deceiv'd for the French count 7000. before Iargeau besides those who Alansonne and the Maid brought with them 7000. who Charles sent by Guy de Laval and 2700. which the Constable brought with him all which as they were formerly wont to run away from the Army so did they now flock therunto for Fortune favouring they hourly multiplied the which being perceived by the besieged and failing in their succour they yeelded themselves their Armes Horses and Baggage being saved Belleforest sayes that for what concern'd their Baggage they were limitted to a marke a man and were obliged not to take Armes for the space of ten dayes against the King of France How ever it was the two English Captaines retreat was more unfortunate then was their comming for thinking themselves to be able to force the Tower of the bridge of Meune and be there in safetie they could not doe it for they were so closely followed by the whole Campe as that the Avantguard was at Meune at the same time that they went from thence They indeavoured to recover Ianville but were hindred by those who followed them so as being come to Patay in Beausse and surrounded by the enemy they resolved to fight they were furiously set upon by 1400. Horsemen chosen out of the whole Campe to stay them by skirmishing with them till such time as the others should come up who were conducted by Messieurs de Vignolles
upon 78. articles some of which were Her change of Womans apparell for mans Ruines and Manslaughters partly committed by her partly by her directions that shee had seduced the people by making them beleeve shee was sent from God The falshood of her revelations that shee was a Sorceresse a Witch a foreteller of things to come that shee had disswaded Charles from peace with England that shee had boasted herselfe to know things to come that shee had said the Saints that convers'd with her had beene seene by the King the Duke of Bourbon and two or three Lords more That shee had so seduced the people as that many abused by her hypocrisie and fained devotion worshipped her as a Saint To these and the rest in some shee gave becomming answers in others very foolish ones Giles one of her chiefest advocates sayes these underwritten words For my owne part I intend not totally to take from any one the judgement of visions wherein this Maid hath shew'd her selfe too superstitious I am clearly of opinion that shee never was a whore nor vagabond as some have deciphered her to bee I likewise thinke that hee having rais'd the siege of Orleans and brought the King to bee crowned was not done by the Divels meanes but if there were any folly or lightnesse in her answers to her interrogations it should bee ascribed to the weakenesse of her sexe and the confusion of her mind caused by her miseries and imprisonment the like I say of her boldnesse which was somewhat more then became Christian humility The words of a man of integrity though said that hee might not faile in his judgement and for that they could not bee denied for amongst the rest of her vanities being asked by what name those who spoke unto her in vision did call her shee answered that after the siedge of Orleans they called her the Maid Iane daughter of God as if the freeing of Orleans her pretended worke had made her worthy of that name But Giles leaving the judgement of visions at liberty seemes not to approve that which hee defends for visions not honesty makes her what shee affirmes her selfe to bee and as touching her honesty though it bee a bad signe that her owne writers have doubted it yet will not I dispute it onely in as much as unchastity admits not the favour of divine mission which is the ground worke of the controversie Antient Idolaters give us Pithia and the Sybils Virgins nature shewing us that divinity is an enemy to pollution as for the freeing of Orleans and crowning of the King I doe not onely thinke them but all her other actions to bee done without the Divels meanes for it appeares not to me that she knew what the Divell was I with Polidorus praise her as parallell to Cloelia since it so pleaseth him but not as parallell to her in her actions Cloelia fought not fained not did no harme to any the Maid did hurt and as much unto her selfe as others I doe not praise her with Tillet who doth paragonise her to Deborah Iael and Iudith I doe not liken herto them nor yet the English and the French to the Canaanites and Israelites Israel was a chosen faithfull people the Canaanites Idolaters and reprobates The English and French both Christians Of the latter two let me bee permitted to say that Iael violated the lawes of Hospitality and friendship neither did shee doe it by the commandement of God so as her act may bee authorised Iudith deserveth praise for an act more generous then just Justice admits not of flattery deceit lies first to cousen and then to assasinate the enemy shee is praised for the good that ensued thereupon Her action being the more Heroique as done against an infidell by the hand of a Woman and in the service of her Country for the which all actions seeme lawfull though they bee not so deceit is vulgarly accounted lawfull against the enemy the which whether it bee to bee approved of or no in Christian religion I leave to bee decided by divines whilest in the meere respect of vertue the Gentles teach us the contrary The Athenians rejected the advantagious record of Themistocles because it was according to Aristides as much unjust as usefull But let us grant what paralell you please unto the Maid If shee had proceeded in this busines like Cloelia without any fiction out of much zeale to her Country no praise had beene too great for her but Hypocrisie without the which shee could not compasse her end cancell'd all worth leaving onely so much shadow thereof as may become a bold resolution and moreover that Cloelian worth vanished in her when swearing that shee never dream't of shee confest her selfe guilty when shee was not that shee might not die and being sentenc'd to bee burnt shee said then shee was with childe to prolong her end signes of a Spirit inconstant in sanctimony and vertue the which if at any time they entred into her it was not as into their owne house but as into a lodging or inne by way of passage Her first sentence was perpetuall imprisonment with bread and water abjuring the evils committed and the opinions contrary to the holy sense of Religion the evils committed not submitted to abjuration but to repentance and her opinions contrary to the holy sense of Scripture as voyd asignorant unlesse by opinions they understand her impostures and lyes in affirming herselfe to bee sent from Heaven and to have talked with the Saints Vanity which causing her to repent her repentance made her to bee thought relapsed and to bee reassigned over to the secular power which condemn'd her to bee burnt whereupon affirming her selfe to bee with child and her punishment deferr'd for nine monthes shee not being brought to bed nor proving with childe shee was the next yeare 1431. in the month of May burnt in the market-place of Roan where at this day stands Saint Michels Church and where her ashes were by the wind dispers't Belleforest relates one of the two miracles which you may read in the underwritten verses of Valeran Varan POstremo enituit pietas in morte Puellae In cinerem cunctos dum flamma resolveret artus Illaesus cor habet veâ—…as mirabile dictu Nec sinceri animi temerant incendia sedem Albaque tunc vita est igni prodire columba Et petere Aethereos multis spectantibus orbes But saying nothing of the dove and publishing the other of her incombustible heart hee leaves us in doubt whether Varan writ these by way of Poeticall Hyperboly or of true Miracle if by Hyperboly Belleforest should have made no mention at all thereof if by Miracle where hee alludes the one hee ought not to have conceald the other but say that the incombustibility were a truth and the dove a poeticall fiction how is it possible that this truth should bee onely written by a Poet and that the English should bee so obdurate as not to bee
Dolphin they would humbly begge forgivenes they all came and threw themselves before his feet Charles blamed his Sonne for his fault committed and the danger he had therby put the Kingdome to exhorting him to better thoughts and hee desiring his Father to pardon Tremoulle Chamount and Prie who were excepted in the pardon protesting hee would not accept of his unlesse they had theirs His Father rebuked him againe and was contented that being free from punishment they should retire themselves to their owne houses wherewithall he was notwithstanding to be contented unlesse they would abandon those In the time of these disorders Richard Beauchampe Earle of Warwicke and Regent of France dyed and the Duke of Yorke was the second time chosen who passed into Normandy accompanied by the Earle of Oxford the Lord Bourchier intituled Earle of Eu and many other gentlemen he presently found wherein to imploy himselfe for the losse of Pontouse being very incommodious for the Parisians they disbursed a great summe of mony to Charles that he might endeavour the recovery of it wherefore hee went to besiege it with 1200. old Souldiers and was followed by the greatest part of the Princes and Nobles of France the Lord Iohn Clifford who together with Talbot had but a little before surprised it commanded there in chiefe The River Ouse did much incommodiate the besiegers for they could not approach the Citie on that side wherefore having built a bridge of Boates over against the Abby of Saint Martins and made themselves masters of the Abby they made thereof a Fort which did much endamage the besieged yet were they not so begirt on all sides but that they were succoured as some will have it foure or five times Talbot was the first who furnish't them with men and victuals and the Duke of Yorke came thither with 8000. men sent to present battell by his heraulds which Charles would not by any meanes accept of for since the river parted the two Armies hee beleeved that as long as the bridge of Beaumont was well guarded by which the Duke was to passe hee could not be enforc'd to fight but the Duke having brought along with him in Carts great store of Boates Cordage timber and plankes hee passed some few of his men over the River who so speedily wove a bridge of Ropes whilest Talbot seemed as if he would force his passage over the bridge of Beaumont as that they were almost all past over before the enemy was aware so as it was too late to withstand them in the endeavouring whereof many were slaine and many taken prisoners Charles was commended for his wisedome in not entertaining the battle but he was blamed for his negligence in suffering the enemy to passe the River being thereby reduced to a necessitie of fighting against his will but being resolved not to come to handblowes he raised his siege by night and having put his Ordnance into the Fort Saint Martin the which hee left in the custody of Charles d'Aniou and the Admirall Coetery with 3000. men he retired himselfe to Poiesy The Duke who upon break of day had put himselfe in order to give him Battle finding him gone entered the Citie and having caused fresh supply of victualls to bee brought in and left Sir Iarvis Clifton there with a 1000. men to defend it he marched forwards towards Poiesy but Charles eschewing him after some few skirmishes hee went to Lamote and from thence to Rhoan Charles this meane while suffered in his reputation especially amongst the Parisians and Courtiers which made him resolve to returne to Pontouse and either take it or dye in the enterprise he went thither with new Forces he assaulted it on three sides he himselfe in person in one part the Dolphin in another hee entred the towne though in his entrance he lost 3000. of his men of the thousand that were in the Garrison 500. died in the assault and many afterwards so as very few of the Commander Cliston remained prisoners This losse was the cause of many others particularly of Corbeile Mellune and Eureux but this accident hindered not the Negotiation of peace which was adjourned the last yeare till the now present time the assembly was to be at Callais for the English would not give way it should bee else where Those that were imployed from England brought along with them the Duke of Orleans still a prisoner to the end that by his endeavouring the businesse he might procure his liberty the chiefe of those who were imployed from France were the Archbishop of Rheims and Narbone and the Bastard of Orleans On Philips behalfe came Monsieur de Croevaceur many dayes were spent in finding out a meanes of accommodation but all in vaine for it was impossible to agree so disagreeing interests The English held resolute to three points to repossesse the Dutchesse of Normandy and Gascony to repossesse whatsoever they had lost for 30. yeares before and to hold all this free from any dependency upon the crowne of France In the first there was no great difficulty nay it was yeelded unto but the other two were impossible for Charles would not restore backe any thing and much lesse quit that soveraignty which had beene informer times enjoyed by his predecessors so as the businesse being adjourned to another time the assembly was dissolved the private businesses concerning the Duke of Orleans had no better successe for monyes were not found ready for his ransome and the English would not rely upon his promises but he had his liberty by a meanes which no man would have imagined Philip began to consider that if this Prince should be set at liberty by any other meanes then his their amity would be immortall to the ruine of the one or of the other of them or rather of them both and of the kingdome and that if he should undertake to free him not onely a peace betweene them was likely to ensue but a friendship for which every one and the King himselfe would thanke him Yet that he might not walke on hud winckt and perad venture be deceaved in his beleefe he would first know for certaine whether hee could forget and forgive his fathers murther committed by Philips father the which as it was altogether unknowne to King Phillip till 't was committed so was hee much displeased thereat when 't was committed as likewise whether or no he would marry the daughter of the Dutchesse of Cleaâ—…e his sister this Prince had beene prisoner 25. yeares which caused so great a desire of liberty in him as hee with much willingnesse imbraced these propositions he promised for ever to forget his fathers death in respect of this present favour and gave his word to marry her whom he proffered him Hereupon Philip paid 300000. Crownes and took him from England he sent the Dutchesse his wife to meete him at Gravalein and came thitherafterward himselfe he brought him to Saint Omers where having sworne to the peace at Arras
honour made him his deputy to celebrate the formality of espousall and to bring his bride over into England He went then and had with him his wife and a great many of Ladies and Gentlemen carriages and letters for her father who was rich in titles of imaginary kingdomes as of Scicily and Ierusalem had not meanes to send her to her husband so as all the charge which was very vast fell to Henries share being come to Tours hee married her in the name of his master in the presence of the King of France The Queene and a great number of Princes and Lords amongst which were the Dukes of Orleans Calabria Alanson and Brittany the marriage was solemnized with feasts and tilting after which with the like or better shee was married by Henry in England and crowned Queene Normandy lay openly exposed by the surrendring of the two Provinces Count Armignac was scandalized and shortly likely to revenge himselfe the kingdome was fallen into an Abisse from whence it was not to be raised but by the death of the King the ruine of the Queene the desolation of the house of Lancaster the destruction of the Nobility the rebellion of the people and the alteration of the State This seperation of Armes caused the Duke of Yorke and many other Commanders returne to England that they might consult of what provisions were to be made before the expiration of the truce to the end that Normandy being well fortified Charles might be brought to a well conditioned peace and if not that they might be able to make a powerfull warre But England did in this an evill mannager who having a house covered with Lead sells the Lead and then covers it againe with straw to the end that a sparke of Fire by reason of this new covering may be sufficient to set it on fire the given Provinces were the Lead sould and prodigally squandred the provisions for Normandy the thatching over with straw the two Provinces might have entertained the warre and being lost have advanced time which is the father of the changes of fortune for losse in warre doth seldom happen in one action and at one instant To this purpose a Parliament was called subsidies paid Souldiers raised and the Duke of Sommerset made a Regent of France in stead of the Duke of Yorke the Marquesse of Suffolke were it either to boast of his favours or that hee foresaw the future danger made a long speech in the upper house relating his ownemerits in the making of this truce and this match and advertising the Lords that since the truce expired the next Aprill and peace did not ensue they should doe well to take such order as that Normandy might not be endamaged for it was to be beleeved that the French finding it ill provided would make use of their advantage that having advertised the King thereof he did now the like to them to the end that if any evill did happen it should not be said to have beene for want of any good admonition he desired them in discharge of his innocency to thinke on this the same thing was done the next day in the lower house the Messengers whereof entreated the Lords of the upper house that by joynt consent of both houses this present action might be registred amongst the acts of Parliament hee obtained what he desired the favours of favorites being like to little Rivolets which easily glide into the current waters even of the greatest rivers they sent their Speaker to the upper house where the Lords who did likewise waver with the wind did on their knees beseech the King that in respect of great services done by the Marquesse he would vouchsafe him this and whatsoever other favour for that he could not bestow his graces upon a more worthy subject and the King who of himselfe was wonderfull prodigall of his favours to him and loved to be entreated thereunto as not willing to seeme to doe it of his owne inclination answered them in such a manner as every one might see he made him the haven of his favours and the object of other mens respects the action was registred but not with that successe as was hoped for to witnesse that the peoples and Princes favours are of short duration and oftentimes unfortunate hee shortly after created him Duke he gave him two rich wardships that of the countesse of Warwick and of Margaret the daughter of Iohn Duke of Summerset who was afterwards the mother of Henry the seventh hee likewise at his request created Iohn de Fois Count de Longaville and Captaine de Bus Count de Candale both of them Guascons all these favours served onely to make his downe-fall the more sudden which usually doth not faile being caused either by the hatred of private men or of the Prince for such mens insolencies encreasing with their authorities and their authorities growing greater by their favour they become insupportable and having once offended cannot support themselves but by new offences whereby begetting hatred and envie amongst private men and societie in Princes they must needs fall and be overthrowne either by the one or the other According to Articles of marriage all places belonging to Aniou and Mayne were already surrendred except Manns the which being of more importance then the rest Charles did beleeve they had no intention to deliver it up so as having raised a convenient Army he prepared to have it by force which when Henry understood he gave order that it should be forthwith surrendered unto him not so much for that he should not have just cause to breake the truce as that by justice he was to doe it But Chartier and Monstrellet say that the English held it till the yeare 1449. at which time Charles besieged it and that the Lord Privy Seale being chosen Bishop of Winchester caused it to be yeelded up unto him but how ever it were this cessation from Armes wrought the like effects in England as in a healthfull body the forbearing of moderate exercises doth which by filling it with bad humours bringeth infirmities upon it The natures of the late married couple were if not opposite sufficiently differing the husband was of a womanish inclination the wife of a manlike spirit the King was humbled evout spiritually given caring onely for his soules health the Queene was proud ambitious worldly given and not to be quieted till having brought the kingdome to be governed as shee pleased shee might see her selfe free from Rivals in the government The Duke of Glocester was no wayes pleasing to her as well for that he had opposed her marriage an injury not to be forgotten as likewise that her husband being long since out of his minority was still governed by him as formerly when he was under age the which being observed by such as did not love the Duke they let slip no occasion whereby they might worke his ruine The Marquesse of Suffolke for that he could not rise to
their wills but very few willingly hee thought it would be base in him and prejudiciall for him to runne away since thereby he should lose his reputation with the People whereon his welfare did depend He therefore resolved to do his uttermost for should hee Overcome all things were likely to succeed well unto him and should hee lose the day Death would be advantageous hee having no hope at all of safety Enemies on all sides Scotland his onely refuge was but a fading hope notwithstanding the new Peace and lately contracted Marriage well might he trust thereto if his fortune should prove Good but not if otherwise and say it should Favour Him He had but little hopes of getting thither untaken by the way being so generally hated and 't was impossible for him to passe unknowne for his features and shape of body were such by those that had never seene him There is to be discerned a confused mingle-mangle of vertues in this wisdome in knowing his Danger to be such as was unavoidable and Fortitude in resolving to die since he could not eschew danger so as Writers have great reason to affirme that he wan more Honour in these two houres by his Death then he had done all the time of his Life For what concernes his Soules health God is able of Stones to raise up children unto Abraham but this is but when he pleaseth and although there be no differences to be made in Him of Easy or Uneasy since Hee framed the whole World by his bare Word Hee spake and it was made He commanded and it was Created yet let it be permitted according to humane conjecture to say That it is I will not say more Easy but more usuall for him to save one who is naturally Good then one who is naturally Bad since naturall Goodnesse may be said to be the Materia Prima of Salvation containing in her that Disposition which that wee might be saved was of His meere mercy bestowed upon us gratis So as though the rule of Christianity teacheth us not to Judge any one to the Damned yet it forbids us not to Doubt of a mans Salvation as wee do of Richards for as in the good Tree that beareth good Fruit some may be Wormy and Rotten so in Man-kinde man created to the fruition of Heavenly Glory may notwithstanding be damned if he be wormeaten with wickednesses and rotten with the obstinacy of sin His Death afforded invitation to those who yet fought to save themselves and the rest that like Spectatours had not moved from their station came to give obedience to the Conquerour by whom they were gratiously received as likewise were those who laying downe their Armes submitted themselves unto him Of the number of the Slaine it is diversly written some speake of a Thousand some of foure Thousand Sir Gilbert Talbot in an account which hee giveth to his friends in writing sayes there died onely Tenne of the Earles side Hall saies a Hundred Of the Peeres on Richards side were slaine the Duke of Norfolke and the Lord Ferrers of Chartley of Knights Sir Richard Ratcliffe and Sir Robert Brakenbury Lieutenant of the Tower but few Gentlemen The Duke of Norfolke was perswaded by his friends to withdraw himselfe from the Battell the which hee denying to doe two Verses were fastned to his Chamber doore the night before the Fight wherein he was advised not to ingage himselfe in the behalfe of a King that was Bought and Sold but hee having beene true to him in his Life would be so likewise in his Death and was praised for it The Prisoners were many amongst which was Sir William Catesby hee who betrayed the Lord Hastings a man of great esteeme among the Professors of the Lawyers and the chiefe of the Kings Counsell He was with some Others beheaded two dayes after at Leicester Of those that fled away the most considerable were Viscount Lovell and the two brothers Humphrey and Thomas Stafford who got into the Sanctuary of St Iohns in Gloucester Of those who would not fight was the Earle of Northumberland who comming to acknowledge the Conquerour was therefore by him received to grace and afterwards made Privy Counsellour Thomas Howard Earle of Surrey Sonne to the deceased Duke of Norfolke was not received into favour though hee layd down his Armes but was put into the Tower where he stay'd a good while the inward friendship hee had had with Richard doing him no good but being afterwards received to grace he was created Treasurer of England The Earle after the Victory made Te Deum be Sung Hee praised his Souldiers valour and thanked them promising to reward them according to their Loyalties He gave order to bury the Dead and to cure such as were wounded He Knighted such as he thought did most deserve that honour the which being done out of his Owne meere motion did so inanimate his Souldiers as they cryed him up King whereupon Stanley tooke Richards Crowne which was found amongst the Booty and put it on his Head so as he was chosen King by the Souldier according to the ancient custome of diverse Kingdomes The Lord Strange who as wee have said was delivered over to the custody of those who guarded the Tents Royall that when the Battell should be ended he might be given in charge to the Hangman at his guardians entreaties interceded for them the King granted him their Pardon received him with much Honour and his Father with much Joy He went from thence to Leicester where he stayed two dayes to refresh his men and take order for his going to London The day before Richard went from that City in great Pride and Pompe waited on by so many Lords Knights and Souldiers as made the World to wonder he returned thither whether the next day like a slaine Buck layd acrosse upon the Croupe of a Horse his Head and Armes hanging on One side his Legges on the other Scorned and all Naked save his Privy Members which were covered with a course piece of Cloth besmeared with Blood and dawb'd with Dirt a Horrid sight to behold The Heralds name that carried him was White-Bore and the White-Bore was Richards Impresa the which was torne and cut in pieces in as many places of the Kingdome as it was found His Body lay naked two whole dayes upon the bare Earth in a Church of the Minorites in Leicester whither it was carried nor could the People be satisfyed with that sight which being Gastfull in any Other was in Him Pleasing and Delightfull so much had his actions exasperated them against him Hee was buried in the said Church without any manner of Solemnity or Funerall rites King Henry shortly after made a Monument bee made for him with his Statue of Alablaster which represented him to the Life the which at the suppression of that Monastery was broken in Pieces the place where Hee was buried is since overgrowne with Weedes and Nettles so as it cannot bee novv said Here was
Destroy them The Duke of Britanny who knew his Forces too weak to withstand the King's had recourse to Henry to whom Charles had already sent Ambassadours to shew him That the chief Princes of the Blood and greatest Lords of his Kingdom being retired into Britanny under pretence of Refuge but in effect that being joyned to that Duke they might mischief Him the more he was forced to take up Arms and necessitated to war for his Own Defence and to Prevent him that sought His ruine that the war was Defensive on His side that he pursued Rebels in a Prince's Countrey who owing Homage to Him ought not to have received them and much lesse to have Conspired against him with them wishing him to remember that if the Duke of Britanny had done him any favour he had marr'd the merit of it since it failed on his part that he might have been utterly ruined by being deliver'd up to Richard that he did not pretend to remember him of the Assistance and Favours he had received from Him which were done out of meer Affection and contrary to what Reason should have perswaded him to for his Own good since it had been better for him that a Tyrant like Richard should have reigned in England then so vertuous a King as was he That if he would rightly weigh both their good turns he should finde His proceeded from true Friendship the Duke's from Self-interest That he did not desire a Requital of Assistance knowing that he was but Newly possest of the Kingdom which he had purchas'd with great Expence and Trouble but onely that he would stand Neuter That he would not by aiding the Duke hinder the just progresse of hiâ—… Arms justly to punish Rebels and to give due correction to him that had contrary to all Law received them He herewithaâ—… acquainted him with his having taken some certain Towns from the Archduke Philip in Flanders affirming he had not done it out of any Ill-will but for that it behoved him a little to Quell him the difference between them for any thing else being Little or Nothing they being Neighbours and he to marry his sister He said this to disswade Henry from believing that he made war in Britanny to Possesse himself thereof and to honest the Usurpation by Marrying the Heir as he intended and as he did and to make him believe this the rather he discover'd unto him as a businesse of great Trust his designes upon the Kingdom of Naples as if the attempt upon Naples which was but an imagination in Future were not compatible with his Present Real attempt upon Britanny Henry was displeased at this Embassie Two Princes being therein concern'd of which he knew not whether to prefer being obliged to them Both and equally favoured by them Both. He knew Charles did but Dissemble that the injury he did the Duke was unjust and hurtful for England that France might peradventure have reason enough to be Offended with Britanny but none to Subdue it The danger was great The Duke was Old Sickly and for the most part out of his Wits He had no issue Male Females the weaker they are and Marriageable the fitter are they to serve for an occasion of Oppressing the Countrey The Nobility was Mistrustful the People wavering He objected to himself that the Duke having preserved Him so many yeers against the Treacheries of so many Enemies he was in Honour obliged to do the like for him wherewithal it likewise became him to preserve the freedom of Commerce unto his Kingdom which would be Lost or much Lessen'd should it fall into the hands of such a King who if by reason of what he already possessed he were of so great might as he became formid able to his neighbours and those that lived further from him what would his greatnesse become when it should be Augmented by the Addition of a Dukedom equal to a Kingdom rich in Nobility People Seas and Ports But having been likewise Obliged to Charles he could not without the Badge of Ingratitude treat him like an Enemy To do then what he ought to do which was not to Declare himself Against the One nor Suffer the Other to be Undone it behoved him to have Evident Reasons should he do Otherwise whereby it might Appear that he was Perforce induced thereunto His Obligation being Equal his duty of gratitude could not be Dispensed withal to Either of them so as desirous to carry himself Indifferent where Circumstances were Equal as in his Obligations it behoved him to do Otherwise where Circumstances Differ'd as in Interest of State and Justice Two ponderous weights Both of which were put into the Duke's Scale Having then answer'd the Ambassadours in matters of Lesser importance as in the businesse of Flanders he told them He found himself bound in a Like bond of obligation to the King and to the Duke That the cause of his flight from Britanny into France was not from the Duke but through the wickednesse and malice of his Officer Landois He must confesse he Oft hath owed his Life unto him having had divers treacherous plots contrived against him by the corruption of his Servants that He never failed him neither in Will nor Deed So as finding himself in this condition with them Both he hoped that his Interposing himself as a Friend between them might produce that Peace which was to be desired and to which end he would forthwith dispatch away an Ambassadour to him They being dismiss'd with this answer he bent all his endeavours to work a Reconciliation between them that he might not be Enforced to take up Arms the which if against his will he Must do he was resolved to employ them to Preserve Britanny neither did he believe fortune would prove so favourable to Charles but that He might have time to Negotiate this businesse grounding his Confidence upon the great Oppositions he had on the one side Maximilian on the other the Forces of Britanny and the Orleanists in the Bowels of his Kingdom ready to raise a Civil war which he was not likely Quickly to quit his hands of together with the Inconstancy of his Young yeers able to make him Change his minde especially he being environ'd with men of Mean condition who rather make their fortunes in Court-changes then in Chances of War Upon these supposals which proved all false he sent his Chaplain Christopher Ursewick into France he gave him order that if he found Charles disposed to Peace he should instantly go to Britanny and conclude it in the best manner he could Ursewick came to France where Charles made him believe he did passionately desire Peace whilst he was far from it he therefore past on into Britanny thinking he had done Half of his work but he found he was deceived for the young King handled the businesse with so much Subtlety as he that had been longest Experienced and Verst in businesse could not have done it better He seemed to be very
unawares and was victorious slew Eight thousand and got all their Artillery and Baggage The cause of so great slaughter was this Morley being the onely man who amongst so many fought on Horse-back was unhors'd and slain whereat his men were so enraged that they slew their Prisoners and together with them all those that could not flee away not above Two hundred of Them being slain Monsieur Daubeny returned to Callis having left his wounded men and the booty at Newport affording thereby a thought of Recovering it to Monsieur Cordes who was at Ypre he brought Twenty thousand men with him thither play'd upon the Town and gave an Assault The Defendants did their parts Manfully and were helped by such as were left Wounded there after a long fight they lost one Tower upon which Cordes planted the French Colours and was likely to have won all the Rest had not Fortune disfavour'd him at that very Instant by a Small Succour which entred the Town from Callis for Dawbeny knowing the slendernesse of the Garison had embarked Fourscore chosen Souldiers to Abet them till such time as he might send Greater Forces to Free them Altogether These men arriving in the Heat of the fight whilst the Defeudants fought out of Meer Courage for New wounds being added to what they had Formerly received they could scarcely stand upon their legs they ran to the Walls drave back the Besiegers regained the Tower and this with such Forward Valour as Cordes believing them to be a much Greater number raised the Siege whereupon this Personal Disgrace added to his former National Hatred he swore He would be content to be Seven yeers in Hell so he might have the fortune to take Callis from the English Henry not contented to have assisted Maximilian with Arms endeavoured to do the like with Counsel he perswaded him to re-assume the businesse of the Marriage and to Conclude it with the Dutchesse as hath been said Which counsel he presently embraced and sent Four Ambassadours to her to whom he gave the Count de Nassau for their Chrief with Commission that when all things were agreed upon the Count should marry her in His name as he did and used therein a Ceremony not accustomed in those times for ought I know The Dutchesse being lay'd in her Bed the Count in the presence of many Lords and Ladies put one of his Leggs between the Sheets in signe of Consummation of the Marriage holding all the while Maximilian's Proxie in his hand Belforest denies this Marriage by Proxie and to boot with the reasons he alleadges for his opinion one chief one is That if it had been so the Annales of Britanny would have made some Mention of it I confesse I have not read Them nor do I know the Author's name I have read Argentres the last who hath written thereof and he alleadges for his Testimony the Records of that Countrey he says That the Dutchesse after this Marriage assumed the title of Queen and that the publike Acts and Proclamations were made in the Names of Maximilian and Anne by the Grace of God King and Queen of the Romanes Duke and Dutchesse of Britanny But Maximilian did not pursue this his advantage with requisite effects for believing he had so Consummated this Marriage as it could not be Broken he neglected the sending of Aid into Britanny so as leaving it to Fortune which favours the Provident it did frown upon Him who Negligent in his affairs did not almost ever do any thing which though it might Begin well had a good End He was endued with very Excellent qualities but abounding with Bad ones likewise by which his good parts being born down all his undertakings proved for the most part unfortunate His Valour Knowledge in Military affairs and his good Understanding in matters of Counsel became un-useful to him through his ill Government He never raised Moneys for making of a War but that he had Spent them before the War was Begun he was one of those that can tell how to Propound but not how to put in Execution wise in Discourse foolish in Action so as if it had been possible to have furnished him with one to have Executed his Projections nothing had remained to have been desired in him I have sometimes thought it impossible that the understanding Conceiving aright should work Evil Effects and that it being our Directour it should not be of force enough to make our Actions conformable to those Idea's upon which they depend but daily practice shews me I was in an Errour He then not having done what he ought to have done Charles believed it behov'd him to do what became him wherefore Charles betook himself to a double remedy To the Dutchesse in Countermining her Marriage with Maximilian by endeavouring to marry her Himself for so he was advised to do by those who bore the greatest sway with him and to Henry by sending Ambassadours to him who were Francis Lord of Luxenburgh Charles de Marignan and Roger Gaguine the Writer of the French Story Their Instructions were to treat a League or Peace with him which was desired by him not that he Charles might the more securely turn his Forces upon Italy but out of an Affection that he bore unto him Henry from the first day he saw him either out of Natural Sympathie or Heavenly Constellation He knew there was no Enmity between them but that the casual encounters of their Subjects in Flanders and in Britanny did require a Confirmation thereof that he did not accuse his actions in this behalf it being a thing certain that Frontire-wars draw Princes to them as Wounds do Humours so as such effects being Natural they ought not to be esteemed the motives of Ill-will that for such he esteemed them and so interpreted them wherefore he likewise desired to be excused for if he had made war upon Britanny 't was for that his Honour and the Preservation of his due Prerogative would not suffer him to do otherwise and if upon Flanders still out of the same considerations because those of Flanders being under the Soveraign Protection of France oppressed by their Prince and fleeing to Him for Succour he could not chuse but assist them and though the casual encounters of the French and English Nations had not thereupon raised a Formal War yet a Consolidation of Friendship between those Two Nations was requisite to the end that when he should have turned his Arms elsewhere the World might not rest in doubt of it that he would acquaint him with his more Secret designes as an Earnest of the Confidence he would always use with him that his intention was not to conquer the Kingdom of Naples a Kingdom which of right belonged to him and that from thence by God's assistance he would passe into Turkey and wage war with those Infidels a thought worthy to be favour'd by all Christian Princes much more by a Christian King and a Friend as was Henry and