knowledge in them But I doe not doubt but some will here make a question in this time wherein wee are The Catholicke religion and the Reformed are all one that is What Religion ought to be accounted Christian whether the Catholicke or reformed Hereunto I answere That we ought not to make two of them and that it is but one same Religion and as the names Catholicke and Evangelicke and Reformed are all one name so is the thing it selfe for the one and the other acknowledgeth Christ which is the foundation and hold the articles of the faith of the Apostles Symbole approve the Trinitie and the Sacraments of Baptisme and the holy Supper although there be some diversitie in the intelligence of certain points we may not for that make them two divers Religions For in breefe the one and the other is Christian seeing they take Christ for the foundation But for this purpose I will here recite a discourse of a learned man in my opinion which I lately heard at my lodging in my iourney from Paris to Basle By which discourse this good person although he was Evangelike maintained That the Catholikes and Evangelikes do agree not only in name but also in doctrin although Sophisters will persuade the contrary This proposition at the first seemed unto me a very Paradox but when I heard and understood the reasons of that good man his saying seemed very true unto me There was in the companie a gentleman Catholike none of these great talkers and bablers but a man very gentle and affable who tooke great pleasure to heare this discourse asked many questions of this good man whom I cannot name for I never saw him before He was no man of great shew neither was there any great estimation made of him at the beginning before we heard him speake but at the end of our Table wheÌ„ we had given thanks upon certain talke we had of Religion he put forth the said proposition All the company prayed him to cleare and illuminate that point and to speake his full opinion therein for there was neither Catholike nor Evangelike which desired not greatly to understand that point He begun then in this manner after he had prayed all the company to take in good part what he should say and humanely to excuse his faults if any escaped Masters saith he I see well that all this company casteth their eies upon me attending to heare of me the proofe of the proposition which I uttered To satisfie then your desires although I have not premeditated all the reasons which might be spoken to maintain that I say yet I will alledge some which I hope you will not iudge impertinent I will then here repeat my proposition that is That the Catholikes hold the same points of Christian Religion that we of the Reformed or Evangelike do True it is that the sophisters wil needs persuade the Catholikes that we hold another doctrine than they doe especially touching the Sacrament of the Altar or the Supper for all is one and touching good works and certaine other points and in veritie the doctrine of our Religion differeth farre from that of the Sophisters yea in principall points as is seene by the conference of our confession of Faith with their articles But I say and will maintaine That the most part of the Catholikes understand not the articles of the Sophisters neither can they comprehend them because they consist in certaine subtile distinctions and sophisticall tearmes The schoole doctors knowing that their doctrine cannot be comprehended by the simple sence and common iudgement of men make the people beleeve that it makes no matter though they understand nothing if so be they beleeve generally that the articles of their faith bee true And this they cal an implicit wrapped or entangled faith that is to say it is so covert and hid that the people understand nothing But I meane not to speake of the Sophists doctrine but of such points of Religion whereof the Catholikes have some knowledge by the apprehension of sence and common iudgement For I maintaine it is true That in these points or in the most part and especially in the cheefe things they agree with us although the Sophisters make them beleeve the contrary And by the way to make it appeare let us a little discourse upon the principall articles of our Christian Religion as of the Sacraments of Iustification of Workes and certaine other points and we shall see plainely that the Catholikes agree with us First if you aske of a good Catholike if when he receives the Sacrament on Easter day he crusheth and bruseth with his teeth the very flesh and bones of our Lord Iesus Christ he will answere you hee beleeves it not and that hee detesteth and abhorreth that talke of crushing and brusing with the teeth the flesh and bones of our Savior If you demand of him if he do not beleeve that when he receiveth the Sacrament he receiveth spiritually the body and bloud of our Lord Iesus Christ he will answer yea that he beleeves so If you yet aske him if when he receives the sacrament of the Host he beleeve that he receiveth and drinketh by the same meanes the sacrament of the blood by Concomitance and that the cup which is given him to drinke in is not but for him to rince his mouth withal he will say he beleeves not this and that eating is not drinking and that hee knoweth not what that CoÌ„comitance is that he beleeveth that receiving the Host he eateth the Sacrament of the body and that drinking on the cup he drinketh the Sacrament of the blood If you demand of him if he beleeve not that in the holy sacrament there is made a TransubstantiatioÌ„ he wil answer you that he beleeves it not because he knows not what Transubstantiation is nor what they meane by that long and prodigious word that he thinketh it is some obscure word invented by the Sophisters to hide from simple people holy things and to darken cleare things And truly it is a strange thing and abhorring from common sence and from all humanitie and Christianitie to bruse and burst the humane flesh bones of our Savior Christ betwixt our teeth And the Sophisters would so persuade the good Catholikes if they could and that they found this goodly doctrine upon a Canon which beginneth Ego Beringarius Where there is this in proper tearms I Beringer unworthy Ego Ber. de Conse dâ—st 2. deacon of the church of S. Maurice of Angiers knowing the true Catholicke and Apostolicke faith detest and anathematize all heresie and even that whereof I have ben before diffamed Therefore I confesse with hart and mouth that the bread and the wine which are set on the altar after the consecration are not only the Sacrament but are chaÌ„ged into the body and blood of our Lord Iesus Christ and that the priest toucheth not only sensually the Sacrament but that also he handleth with his hands the very bodie of
not be corrupt and become cowards by too great peace and prosperitie for want upon whom to make warre The resolution of the Senat was in a meane betwixt these two opinions For it was ordained That the Carthaginians should be permitted to remove their towne into any other part tenne mile from the sea But the Carthaginians found so strange the removing of their towne that they had rather suffer all extreame things insomuch as by long warre they were wholly vanquished and their towne altogether rased and made inhabitable Very memorable also to this purpose is the advice of the Chancellor de Rochefort Annales upon the year 1488. who was in the time of king Charles the eight For many counselling this yong king to make war against Francis duke of Bretaigne to lay hold of his dutchie this good Chancellor shewed That the rights the king pretended to that duke were not yet well verified and that it were good to seeke further into them before warre was attempted for it should be the worke of a tyrant to usurpe countries which belong not to him According to this advice embassadors were sent to the duke who then was at Reves to send on his side men of counsell and the king would doe so on his side to resolve upon both their rights This was done and men assembled to that end but in the meane while duke Francis died and the king espoused Madame Anne his daughter and heire and so the controversie ended The same king enterprising his voyage of Naples caused to assemble all his presidents Annal. upon Anno 149â— of his courts of Parliaments with his Chancellor his privie Counsell and the princes of his blood to resolve upon his title and right to Naples and Sicilie These lords being assembled visited the genealogie and discent of the kings of Sicilie and Naples they found that the king was the right heire of these kingdomes so that upon that resolution this voyage was enterprised Hereby is seene the vanitie of Machiavell who presupposeth That king Charles had enterprised that voiage to get all Italie but that Fortune was not favourable unto him for that was never his deseigne nor purpose neither assayed he to seize upon any thing in Italie but of certaine townes necessarie for his passage in determination to yeeld them up again at his departure as he did And if the king would have enterprised upon Italie hee had had a farre more apparent title than the magnificent Lawrence de Medicis seeing all Italie was once by just title possessed by Charlemaine king of France his predecessor But this hath been alwayes a propertie in our kings not to run over others grounds nor to appropriate to themselves any seignorie which appertained not unto them by just title We reade also of Charles the fift called the Sage That being incited by his nobilitie Frois lib. 1. cap. 245. 25. and people of Guienne to seize againe that countrey which was occupied by the English he would not enterprise it without great good deliberation of good Counsell And therefore he caused well to be viewed by wise and experienced people the treatie of peace made at Bretaigne betwixt his dead father and the king of England for that it was told him that the king of England had not accomplished on his side that which he was bound to doe After they had as they thought well resolved him of this point yet he was not content to be satisfied himselfe but would that his subjects should be also well resolved thereof and especially such as were under the English obedience and to that purpose hee sent preachers covertly into such good townes as were occupied by the English insomuch that readily by the preachers inducements there were more than threescore townes and fortresses which revolted from the Englishmen and offered themselves unto the kings obeisance This then is a resolved point That a prince ought not to enterprise to obtaine a If by warre any can be constrained to be of any Religion countrey where hee hath no title under colour to deliver the inhabitants thereof from tyrannie But here may arise a question if it be lawfull for a prince to make war for religion and to constraine men to bee of his religion hereupon to take the thing by reason the resolution is very easie For seeing that all religion consisteth in an approbation of certaine points that concerne the service of God certaine it is that such an approbation dependeth upon the persuasion which is given to men thereof but the meanes to persuade a thing to any man is not to take weapons to bear him nor to menace him but to demonstrate unto him by good reasons and allegations which may induce him to a persuasion But he that will decide this question by examples of our auncestors he shall find divers to be for and against For to reade our French hystories in the lives of Clowis the first Charlemaine and some other kings of Fraunce it seemeth that their studie was altogether bent upon warre Annales upon Anno 718. against Paynims for nothing but to make them become Christians with hand-blowes and force of armes But what Christians That is when the Paynims were vanquished and that they could no more resist they were acquited upon condition to be baptized without other instruction And most commonly as soone as they could againe gather strength they returned to their Paynim religion And this is well shewed us by the hystorie of one Rabbod duke of Fricse who being upon the point to be baptized and his clothes off and having one foot in the font hee demanded of the archbishop of Sens which should have baptized him Whether there were more of his parents in hell or in paradice The archbishop aunswered him that the most must needs be in hell because his predecessors were never baptized Then the duke drawing his foot out of the water Well said he then I will goe to hell with my parents and friends and I will not be baptized to be seperated from them so he withdrew himselfe denying to be baptized Here I leave you to thinke if this man were well instructed in the Christian doctrine It seemeth that at that day to be a Christian it sufficed to be baptized and commonly Paynims were baptized by force of armes We reade also That our auncient kings of Fraunce made many voyages into Turkie and into Affrica for the augmentation of the Christian Religion and to revenge as they said the death of our Lord Iesus Christ upon the Paynims and Infidels But one time the Paynims themselves shewed them well that they enterprised such warres by an inconsiderate zeale For the armie of Fraunce whereof the duke of Bourbon was cheefe being in Affrica making warre against the Infidels in the time of king Charles the sixt the captaine generall of the Turkes and Saracens sent an herauld to the duke of Bourbon to know wherefore he discended into Affrica to
respected and doubt honoured for as the Poet Euripides saith At the good accounted â—â— of Noble blood to bee Euri. in Hecu. But double is his honour whom wee vertuous doe see Heere will I ende these present discourses exhorting and praying the French Nobilitie and all other persons which love the publike good of France to marke and earnestly consider the points which above wee have handled against Machiavell For so may they know how wicked impious and detestable the doctrine of that most filthie Atheist is who hath left out no kind of wickednesse to build a tyrannie accomplished of all abhominable vices They which know this I beleeve will couragiouslâ—e employ themselves to drive away and banish from France Machiavell and all his writings and all such as maintaine and follow his doctrine and practise it in France to the ruine and desolation of the kingdome and of the poore people I could much more have amplified this discourse if I would have examined all the doctrine of Machiavell For hee handleth many other very detestable and strange things as the meanes to make conspirations and how they must bee executed as well with sword as with poyson and many other like matters But I abhorre to speake of so villanous and wicked things which are but too much knowne amongst men and have contented my selfe to handle the principall points of his doctrine which merit to bee discovered and brought to light I pray God our Father and Creator in the name of our Lord Iesus Christ our onely Saviour and Mediator that he will preserve his Church and his elected from the contagious and wicked doctrine of such godlesse and prophane men as are too common in the world and that he will not suffer them which are of his flock to bee tossed and troubled by a sort of turbulent and ignorant spirits But that he will grant us grace alwaies to persevere in his holy doctrine in the right way which he hath shewed us by his word and well to discerne and know abusive lying and malitious spirits to detest and flie them and continually to follow his truth which will teach us his feare and his commandements and by his grace will bring us unto eternall life So bee it FINIS THE INDEX OR TABLE OF Machiavels Maximes confuted in those discourses divided into three parts The Maximes of the first part doe handle such Counsell as a Prince should take A Princes good Counsell ought to proceed from his owne wisedome otherwise he cannot be well counselled Max. 1. The Prince to shun and not to bee circumvented of Flatterers ought to forbid his friends and Counsellors that they speake not to him nor counsell him any thing but only in those things whereof hee freely begins to speake or asketh their advice Max. 2. A Prince ought not to trust in Strangers Max. 3. The Maximes of the second part handling the Religion which a Prince ought to observe and be of A Prince above all things ought to wish and desire to bee esteemed Devout although he be not so indeed Max. 1. A Prince ought to sustaine and confirme that which is false in Religion if so be it turne to the favour thereof 2. The Paynims Religion holds and lifts up their hearts and makes them hardie to enterprise great things but the Christian Religion persuading to Humilitie humbleth and too much weakeneth their minds and so makes them more readie to be injured and preyed upon 3. 4. The great Doctors of the Christian Religion by a great ostentation and stiffenesse have sought to abolish the remembrance of all good letters and antiquitie 4. When men left the Paynim Religion they became altogether corrupted so that they neither beleeved in God nor the Divell Max. 5. The Romane Church is cause of all the calamities of Italie Max. 6. Moses could never have caused his lawes and ordinances to bee observed if force and armes had wanted 7. Moses usurped Iudea as the Gothes usurped a part of the empire 8. The Religion of Numa was the cheefe cause of Romes felicitie 9. A man is happy so long as Fortune agreeth to his nature humor 10. The Maximes of the third Part entreating of such Policie as a Prince ought to have That Warre is just which is necessary and those Armes reasonable when men can have no hope by any other way but by Armes Max. 1. To cause a Prince to withdraw his mind altogether from peace agreement with his adversarie he must commit and use some notable and outragious injurie against him Max. 2. A Prince in a conquered countrey must establish and place Colonies or Garrisons but most especially in the strongest places and to chase away the naturall and old inhabitants thereof Max. 3. A Prince in a countrey newly conquered must subvert and destroy all such as suffer great losse in that conquest and altogether root out the blood and race of such as before governed there 4. To be revenged of a citie or countrey without striking any blow they must be filled with wicked manners 5. It is follie to thinke with Princes and great Lords that new pleasures will cause them to forget old offences 6. A Prince ought to propound unto himselfe to imitate Caesar Borgia the sonne of Pope Alexander the sixt 7. A Prince need not care to be accounted Cruell if so be that hee can make himselfe to be obeyed thereby 8. It is better for a Prince to be feared than loved 9. A prince ought not to trust in the amitie of men 10. A prince which would have any man to die must seeke out some apparent colour thereof and then hee shall not bee blamed if so be that he leave his inheritance and goods unto his children 11. A prince ought to follow the nature of the Lyon and of the Fox yet not of the one without the other 12. Cruelty which tendeth and is done to a good end is not to be reprehended Max. 13. A Prince ought to exercise Crueltie all at once and to doe pleasures by little and little Max. 14. A vertuous Tyrant to maintaine his tyrannie ought to maintain partialities and factions amongst his subjects and to slay and take away such as love the Commonweale Max. 15. A Prince may as well be hated for his vertue as for his vices 16. A prince ought alwaies to nourish some enemie against himself to this end that when he hath oppressed him he may be accounted the more mightie and terrible 17. A prince ought not to feare to be perjured to deceive and dissemble for the deceiver alwayes finds some that are fit to be deceived 18. A Prince ought to know how to wind and turne mens minds that he may deceive and circumvent them 19. A Prince which as it were constrained useth Clemencie and Lenitie advaunceth his owne destruction 20. A wise prince ought not to keepe his Faith when the observation therof is hurtful unto him that the occasions for which he gave it be takeÌ„ away 21. Faith Clemencie and Liberalitie are vertues very domageable to a prince but it is good that of them he only have some similitude likenes 22. A Prince ought to have a turning and winding wit with art and practise made fit to be cruell and unfaithfull that he may shew himselfe such an one when there is need 23. A prince desirous to breake a peace promised sworn with his neighbor ought to move warre against his friend with whom he hath peace 24. A prince ought to have his mind disposed to turne after every wind and variation of Fortune that he may know to make use of a vice when need is 25. Illiberalitie is commendable in a prince and the reputation of an handicrafts man is a dishonour without evill will 26. A prince which will make a strait profession of a good man cannot long continue in the world amongst such an heap of naughty wicked people 27. Men cannot be altogether good nor altogether wicked neither can they perfectly use crueltie and violence 28. He that hath alwayes caried the countenance of a good man and would become wicked to obtain his desire ought to colour his change with some apparent reason 29. A prince in the time of peace maintaining discords and partialities amongst his subjects may the more easily use them at his pleasure 30. Civile seditions and dissentions are profitable and not to be blamed 31. The meanes to keepe subjects in peace and union and to hould them from rebellion is to keepe them alwayes poore 32. A Prince which feareth his subjects ought to build fortresses in his countrey to hold them in obedience 33. A Prince ought to commit to another those affaires which are subject to hatred and envie and reserve to himselfe such as depend upon his grace and favour 34. To administer good Iustice a Prince ought to establish a great number of Judges 35. Gentlemen which hold Castles and Jurisdictions are very great enemies of commonweales 36. The Nobility of France would overthrow the Estates of that kingdome if their Parliaments did not punish them and hould them in feare 37. FINIS
A DISCOVRSE VPON THE MEANES OF VVEL GOVERNING AND MAINTAINING IN GOOD PEACE A KINGDOME OR OTHER PRINCIPALITIE Divided into three parts namely The Counsell the Religion and the Policie vvhich a Prince ought to hold and follow Against Nicholas Machiavell the Florentine Translated into English by Simon Patericke OVIBVS RESPVBLICA CONSERVETVR LONDON Printed by Adam Islip 1602. TO THE MOST FAMOVS YONG GENTLEMEN AS WELL FOR RELIGION MODESTIE AND OTHER VERTVES AS ALso for kinred Francis Hastings and Edward Bacon most heartie salutations AFter Solon right Worshipfull yong men had seene Thespis his first edition and action of a Tragoedie and meeting vvith him before the playe demaunded If he vvere not ashamed to publish such feigned fables under so noble yet a counterfeit personage Thespis answered That it vvas no disgrace upon a stage merrily and in sport to say and do any thing Then Solon striking hard upon the earth vvith his staffe replied thus Yea but shortly vve that now like and embrace this play shall finde it practised in our contracts and common affaires This man of deepe understanding saw that publicke discipline and reformation of manners affected and attempted once in sport and ieast vvould soone quaile corruption at the beginning passing in play vvould fall and end in earnest Therefore Tacitus vvorthily dooth extoll the manners of the Germanes of his time amongst vvhom vices were not laughed at For laughters begun of some publick shame and dishonestie wil assuredly procure him some miserable calamitie Hereof France is unto all ages and nations a vvofull view yet a profitable instruction at this day For vvhē the cleare light of the Gospell began first to spring and appeare Sathan to occupie and busie mens minds vvith toyish playes and trifles that they might give no attendance unto true vvisedome devised this policie to raise up jeasters and fooles in Courts vvhich creeping in by quipping and prettie conceits first in vvords and after by bookes uttering their pleasant ieasts in the Courts and banquets of kings and princes laboured to root up all the true principles of Religion and Policie And some there vvere vvhom the resemblance of nature or vanitie of wit had so deceived that they derided the everlasting veritie of the true God as if it were but a fable Rabelaysus amongst the French and Agrippa amongst the Germanes were the standerd bearers of that traine which with their skoffing taunts inveighed not only against the Gospell but all good arts whatsoever Those mockers did not as yet openly undermine the ground work of humane societie but only they derided it But such Cyclopian laughters in the end prooved to be onely signes and tokens of future evils For by little and little that which was taken in the beginning for iestes turned to earnest words into deedes In the necke of these came new Poets very eloquent for their owne profit which incensed unto lust lightnesse such mindes as were alreadie inclined to wantonnesse by quickening their appetites with the delectable sause of unchast hearing and pricking them forward with the sharp spurres of pleasure Who could then bridle vices and iniquities vvhich are fed with much wealth and no lesse libertie seeing them not onely in play mirth and laughter entertained but also earnestly accepted and commended as being very excellent Yet some troad the steps of honesty which now lay a dying and practised the ould manners and fashions which were almost forgotten For although the secret faults of the Court were evill spoken of yet shame stoode in open view hainous infamous crimes kept secret corners princes were of some credit and faith lawes were in reasonable good use magistrates had their due authoritie and reverence all things onely for ostentation and outward shew but none would then have feared an utter destruction For than Sathan being a disguised person amongst the French in the likenesse of a merry ieaster acted a Comaedie but shortly ensued a wofull Tragoedie When our countrie mens minds were sick and corrupted with these pestilent diseases and that discipline vvaxed stale then came forth the books of Machiavell a most pernitious vvriter vvhich began not in secret and stealing manner as did those former vices but by open meanes and as it vvere a continuall assault utterly destroyed not this or that vertue but even all vertues at once Insomuch as it tooke Faith from the princes authoritie and maiestie from lavves libertie from the people and peace and concord from all persons vvhich are the onely remedies for present malladies For vvhat shall I speake of Religion vvhereof the Machiavellians had none as already plainelie appeareth yet they greatly laboured also to deprive us of the same And although they have vvrongfully bannished us our native countrey yet fight vvee still for the Churches defence Moreover Sathan useth strangers of France as his fittest instruments to infect us stil with this deadly poyson sent out of Italie vvho have so highly promoted their Machivellian bookes that he is of no reputation in the Court of France vvhich hath not Machiavels vvritings at the fingers ends and that both in the Italian and French tongues can apply his precepts to all purposes as the Oracles of Apollo Truly it is a wonderfull thing to consider how fast that evill weede hath growne within these fewe yeares seeing there is almost none that striveth to excell in vertue or knowledge as though the onely way to obteine honour and riches were by this deceivers direction But now to turne mine eyes from beholding so many miseries of poore afflicted France as often as I see or remember our neighbour countries which thing I doe daily so often doe I bevvaile our miseries Yet am I right ioyfull for your felicitie chiefely because God of his great bounty hath given you a most renowned Queene as well in deede as title even in the middest of so many troubles For she comming to the crowne even when England was tossed with tempestuous stormes so dispersed those cloudes with the brightnesse of her counsell and countenance that no civile dissention nor externall invasion hath disturbed your peace tranquilitie these many yeeres especially so many vvarres sounding on every side For shee by maintaining vvholesome unitie amongst all degrees hath hitherto preserved the State of her realme not onely safe but florishing not by Machiavelian artes as Guile Perfidie and other Villanies practising but by true vertues as Clemencie Iustice Faith Therfore goeth she her progresse throgh her realme of England entertained in all places with happy applause reioysing prosperitie of all her subiects she being a princesse of both Nobles and commons by dew desert most entirely beloved Whereas vve against our vvils behold our countrie svvimming in blood and disfigured by subversion vvhich is a ioyfull obiect to the eyes of strangers yea and those labour most to vvork her destruction vvho should bee most carefull to rescue deliver poore France out of her long calamities but the Lord vvill at
would please you to have pitie and compassion upon them They are your naturall subjects and they and their ancestors have ever been under the obedience of your majestie and your auncestors Alas Sir what greater evill hap can there come unto us than to be now cut off and alienated from the kingdome and from the Crowne of France They are borne and have been nourished in the French nation They are of manners condition and language naturall Frenchmen What a strange and deplorable miserie should it now be to them to bend themselves under the yoke and obedience of the English a strange nation altogether different from us in manners conditions and language shall not this be unto them a cruell and slavish servitude now to become subjects unto them which of long time have not ceased to vex this poore kingdome with warre For if upon some divine punishment and for our sinnes the poore town of Rochell must needs be violently plucked and seperated from France as the daughter from the mothers dug to submit it selfe unto the sad servitude of a stranger yet that evill should be farre more tollerable to serve and yeeld to the yoke of any other nation than to that which so long time hath been a bloudie enemie of Fraunce and hath shed so much of our bloud Wherefore most humbly we beseech you Sir said they with teares that you will not deliver us into the hands of the English your enemies and ours If in any thing we have offended your Majestie for which you will now leave and abandon us we crie you mercie with joined hands and pray you in the name of God and of our Lord Iesus Christ that it would please you to have mercie and compassion upon us and to retaine us alwaies under your obedience as we and our auncestors have alwayes been We are not ignorant Sir that your Majestie having been prisoner in England hath been constrained to accord with them to their great advantage and that we are comprehended in the number of the Townes and Countries that must be delivered but yet we have some hope that we may be taken from that number by silver and for that purpose your poore town of Rochell offereth contribution to yoâ—r Majestie all that it hath in her power and besides we offer to pay with a good heart hereafter for our Subsidies and taillies halfe the revenue and gaines of all our goods Have pitie then Sir upon your poore Towne which comes to retire her selfe under your protection in most humble and affection at obedience as a poore desolate and lost creature to his Father his King and his naturall Lord and Soveraigne We obtest and beseech you most deare Sir in the name of God and of all his Saints that you will not abandon and forsake us but that it would please your clemencie and kindnesse to retaine for your subjects most humble them which cannot live but in al vexation languishment and bitternesse of heart unlesse we be your subjects The king having heard the piteous supplication of these poor Rochellois mourned and pitied them greatly but he made them answere That there was no remedie that which he had accorded must needs be executed This answere being reported at Rochell it is impossible to speake what lamentations there were through all the Towne this newes was so hard that they which were born nourished French should be no more French but become English Finally they being pressed constrained by the kings Commissaries to open the Towne-gates to the English Well said the most notable townsmen seeing we are forced to bow under the yoke and that it pleaseth the king our soveraigne lord that we should obey the English we will with our lips but our hearts shall remaine alwaies French After that the English had been peaceable possessors of Rochell and all the other countries abovenamed king Edward invested his eldest sonne the prince of Wales in that government a valiant and very humble Prince towards greater than himselfe but haughtie and proud towards his inferiors who came and held his traine and court at Bourdeaux where having dwelt certaine yeares he would needs have imposed upon the countrey a yearely tribute of money upon every fire But to withstand this new impost and tribute the Lords Barons and Counties of those countries but especiall the Countie d' Armignac de Perigourd de Albret de Commenges and many others all which went to Paris to offer in their appeales against the Prince of Wales Arriving there they dealt with king Charles le Sage for king Iohn was then dead about their appeale who answered them That by the peace of Britaine which he himselfe had sworne the dead king his father for him and his successors to the Crowne had acquited and renounced all the soveraignetie of the said countries and that he could not with a good conscience breake the peace with the English and that it greeved him much that with good reason he could not accord their appeale The said Counties and Barons contrarily shewed him by lively reasons That it is not in the kings power to release acquite the soveraigne power and authoritie of his subjects and countries without the consent of the Prelats Barons Cities and good Townes of those Countries and that was never seene nor practised in France and that if they had been called to the treatie of Britaine they would never have consented unto that acquittance of soveraigntie And therefore humbly praied his Majestie to receive their appellation and to send an huisher to adjorne in case of appeale the Prince of Wales to appeare at Paris at the Court of Fraunce to the end to quash and revoke the said new ordinance for the said tribute Finally the king Charles was nothing offended to heare them so speake of a kings power much unlike our Machiavelistes at this day which call them culpable of treason which speake of Estates neither replied unto them that the power of a soveraigne Prince ought not to be limited neither that they spoke evill to revoke into doubt that which his dead father had done but contrary rejoycing at that limitation referred the cause to the debating and resolution of the wise men of his Counsell And after he was resolved that it was true which they said he accorded unto these Counties and Barons their demaund and sent to adjorne in case of appeale to the Court of Paris the Prince of Wales which done the said Counties and Barons easily revolted from the English obedience so did Rochell get all Englishmen out of their towne and castle This done the duke of Berry the kings brother would have entred there but for that time with good words they refused him the entrie thereinto saying they would send unto the king certain Delegates to obtaine some priviledges and therefore desired of the duke a safe-conduct which he willingly granted and having the same they sent twelve chosen for that purpose amongst their Burgesses which finding the king
in hearing interrogating and confronting them with him that is accused Therefore hee sent the cause and the parties to Iunius Rufus Governour of Macedonie commaunding him to examine diligently the witnesses and take good advisement whether they were good men worthy of credit and if Alexander the accuser could not prove well his accusation that he should banish him to some place This commandement of the emperour Adrian hath since been marked by the Lawyers which since made a law thereof Behold how men must proceed when it lies on mens lives and not to beleeve Marmosets and reporters neither beleeve papers without seeing or hearing witnesses and the accused without searching whether the witnesses be good men or no as is done at this day for at this day there is nothing wherof magistrats make a better market than of mens lives But let us passe on Froissart lib. 2. cap. 173. lib. 3. cap. 63 68. and other following and lib. 4. cap. 92. c. I would now rehearse an example truly tragicall of king Richard of England who was sonne of that valiant and victorious prince of Wales This king came to the crowne very yong and had three good uncles about him the duke of Lancaster Yorke and Glocester by whose counsell for a certaine time hee governed well his kingdome But the earle of Suffolke whom the king made duke of Ireland entred so farre into the kings favour that he governed himselfe after his fancie Then took he occasions to talke so of the kings uncles as was very strange for he told him that his uncles desired nothing but to deale in the affaires of the kingdome to obtaine it to themselves a thing which they never thought And did so much by his reports that the king put his uncles from his counsell and from dealing with any of the affaires of the kingdome whereof the people and especially the Londoners were so evill contented that they rose up and made warre against the king or rather against the duke of Ireland and they were at a point to give the battell one against the other But the duke of Ireland who was generall of the kings armie lost his courage with great feare that he had to be slain or taken and therfore fled passed into Flanders where he finished his dayes never after returning into England As soone as he was fled his armie was dissipated the kings uncles seized upon the kings person established a new Counsell by justice executed some of them which were of the duke of Ireland his adherents A longtime after another Marmoset called the earle Marshall gained the duke of Ireland his place and was so farre in the kings good grace that he governed all as he would One day this earle Marshall talking with the earle of Darbie eldest sonne of the duke of Lancaster the earle of Darbie chanced to say Cousin what will the king do will he altogether subject the English nobilitie there will soone be none it is plainely seene that he desireth not the augmentation of his kingdome But he held this talke because the king had put to death chased away a great number of gentlemen and caused the duke of Glocester to die a prince of his blood and yet continued in that rigour to make himselfe be feared and revenging still that which was done in the duke of Irelands time The earle Marshall answered nothing to the speeches of the earle of Darbie but only marked them in his heart Certain daies after he reported them to the king and to make them seeme of more credit he profered and said hee was readie to enter into the campe against the earle of Darbie to averre the said words as outragious injurious against his Majestie The king not measuring the consequence of the deed in place to make no account of these words sent for the earle of Darbie his cousin germane and after hearing before him the earle Marshall speak his wil was they should enter into the camp and fight it to utterance But the kings Counsell conceiving it might come to be anevill example such great lords to slay one another and that the earle Marshall was not of equall qualitie unto the earle of Darbie they counselled the king to take another course namely to banish from England for ever the earle Marshall because he had rashly appealed and challenged unto single combat a Prince of the bloud to banish also the Earle of Darbie for ten years only for speaking the aforesaid words of the king his lord The king following the advice of his Counsel by sentence given by himself banished the earle Marshall out of England forever the earle of Darbie for six years only moderating his Counsels advice foure years When the earle of Darbie came to depart there assembled in the streets before his gates at London more than fortie thousand which wept cried lamented his departure extreamly blamed the king and his Counsell insomuch that going away he left in the peoples hearts an extreame anguish and greefe for his absence and a very great amitie towards him yet notwithstanding he left England and came into France Whilest he was in France the duke of Lancaster his father died The king to heape up his evill lucks caused to be taken seized into his hands all his lands goods because they fell to the earle of Darbie Hereby hee got great hatred and evill will of the Nobilitie and of all the people Finally the Londoners which are a people easie to arise made a complot and part against the king and secretly sent word to the earle of Darbie that hee should come and they would make him king The earle arriving in England found an armie of the Londoners ready So went he to besiege the king Richard in his castle unprovided whom he tooke and imprisoned and caused him to resigne unto him the Realme and Crowne of England King Richard was put to death in prison after hee had raigned two and twentie yeares a thing very strange rigorous and unheard of in England or in any kingdomes nigh unto it And so the earle of Darbie who had beene banished from England remained a peaceable king and was called Harry the fourth of that name This earle Marshall who kept at Venise knowing these newes died ragingly This was the end of this Marmoset and the tragicall evill hap whereunto he brought his master and that upon words reported which were never spoken as any evill speech of the king but onely for the greefe hee had that they of his Counsell governed so evill the kingdomes affaires Which words should nor ought not to have been taken up nor reported to the king and being reported unto him he should have made no account of them to have alwaies presumed rather well than evill of his cousin Germane Herodes borne of a lowe and base race was created king of Iudea Galalie Samaria Joseph Antiq â—ib 14. cap 23.
our Lord and that he breaketh it and that the faithfull break and bruse it betwixt their teeth Behold the goodly doctrine of this Cannon which the Sophists would make the Catholikes beleeve but of five hundred you shall not find one that will beleeve it And verily this Cannon makes me remember what Achaemenides sayth in Virgil of the great Polyphemus who did eat the companions of Vlysses Poore humane creatures he did eat the bodie blood and all Aeâ—â—i â—i 3. My selfe did see him claspe and gripe in his so deepe a den Two men of ours in his huge hands their heads on dore Lintall He knocked so that blood gusht out and in my sight those men He tore and brused betwixt his teeth yet dead they were not cleane And how should Catholikes beleeve this Canon seeing the priests themselves beleeve it not I prove it For if they beleeved it they would never say masse upon fridaies nor in Lent or other sasting dayes and the Charterhouse Celestines nor Ensumine Friers and Monks would say no masses for feare to eat slesh O but will one say This is a strange reason I confesse it but the aforesaid Cannon is as strange and how strange soever yet can it not be overthrowne without giving some spirituall interpretation unto the manducation of the Sacrament But straight as soone as a man comes there behold we are at an agreement You see then how the Catholikes yea the priests themselves beleeve not in that Canon which notwithstanding is the only foundation of the masse Yea but you will say The Catholikes go to masse and find it good I confesse it but it is upon custome they go thither not because they understand or beleeve any other thing touching the Sacrament than that we have already said And therefore seeing they do agree with us in the principall there shall be no great danger nor losse for them to send away and banish into the Cyclopian Islands or into Poliphaemus den their masse yea though but for a time to see and prove whether they might well and commodiously spare it or no. As wee read Pope Clement the sixt did who excoÌ„municated all the people of the country of Flanders for a certaine rebellion that they had made against the king of France their soveraigne who also interdicted all the priests of the countrey upon paine of eternall damnation to say no masses nor to administer any Sacraments to the Flemmings til they had obtained absolution of his fatherhood The poore Flemmings seeing themselves without masses for in no sort their priests would say any they writ to the king of England making unto him great coÌ„plaints The king of England sent them word not to be dismayed nor troubled for want of masses for he would send them priests out of his country to say them masses ynough But the priests of England went not fearing to be comprehended in that fulmination of the Pope In the meane while the Flemmings attending whilest the king of England sent the priests accustomed so much themselves to be without masses being merry and making good cheare that they were well and no more it troubled them Many other countries also at this day which have no masses passe the time well ynough to their content as England Scotland and Denmarke the most part of Almaign I beleeve also if men did assay it in France to obtaine peace and union they would not find it so evill as they thinke For already we agree upon the Sacrament as is abovesaid we hold also the Epistles Gospels the lessons which are taken out of the Psalmes of David and the Prophets for we shall alwayes find that in our Bible yea farre more faithfully enregistred than in the Missall all the remainder is not worth the holding For as for their massing garments men of good iudgemeÌ„t know wel That apparell addes no holinesse to the masse seeing also that Frenchmen naturally staie not long in one fashion of apparrell but easily chaunge from one to another I confesse in regard of the common people which only stay upoÌ„ that they see that they will take no great lust in a masse without the masse garments as if the Curate said it in his doublet and hose without more or in his ierkin it is certaine that commonly the parishioners would greatly scandilize it and would not find it good And yet a true thing it is that apparell makes not the masse better neither have they any sanctitie in them to deserve to be retained For if it were true that such garments made the masse better and added any holinesse unto it then would it follow that the better the garments and habites are so much the better should the masses be then would there be found great inequalitie in the bountie and goodnesse of masses and so would it follow that the masses of rich men should be better than poore mens a thing very absurd and odious that were also to make village masses of no account because their masse garments are often tattered and rent So that theÌ„ we must come to this resolution to shun these absurdities That garmeÌ„ts bring no holinesse to the masse and that in retaining the holy Sacrament the Gospell the Epistles and the lessons of the Psalmes and Prophets which are in the masse there would be found no danger to let go all the rest Now then if we lay by through all France the superfluous things of the masse are not all the rest of the exercises of religion alike The Catholikes go to the church to pray unto God so doe we also They goe to heare sermons of the word of God so do we also They go thither to praise God in singing of the Psalms of David and we also They go thither to keepe their Easter and we also For it is all one to celebrate the Easter and the Supper Breefly all our exercises of Religion are alike I know well you will say there is a difference because the Catholikes pray and sing psalms in Latin and we in French But I answere you that that is nothing so that men understand what they say For God understandeth well all languages You will say unto me also that the preachers of the one and of the other preach not the same doctrine Yet I answere that though it be so yet do we agree in all the principall points of Religion which are necessary to be knowne for the salvation of our soules If in any other points our preachers cannot agree we must let theÌ„ agree amongst theÌ„selves and content our selves to know the articles which are necessary for our salvation For it cannot be said that if we cannot be as subtil and sharpe as S. Thomas of Aquin Bonaventure Scot Bricot or other like doctors of Theologie that therefore we must needs be damned It were a very straunge thing to beleeve that God would have his holy Religion so obscure that none
but Sophists should think to understand any thing of it But contrary we must beleeve That God hath given it unto us simple cleare and intelligible that even plaine people might comprehend and understand it So if it please God we need not leave to be saved although wee know not what meaneth Transubstantiation Concomitance and such like tearmes which are not read in the Bible and although we be not so sharpe and quicke to understand the nature of quiddities the subsistence of Accidens seperated from the subiect the effects and operations of second intentions the motion of the Chimaere in Vacuitie and other like deepe subtilties of speculative Theologie But I have above shewed that the Catholikes and we do well accord in the Sacrament of the Altar or the Supper so do we in the principall points of Christian Religion Demand of a Catholick if he do not beleeve That he shall be saved by the merite of the death passion of our Lord Iesus Christ he will say yea that he beleeveth it Aske yet of him if he do not beleeve That one onely drop of the precious blood of our Savior the eternall sonne of God is sufficient to save all the world hee will say yea Make upon it this consequence That it followeth then that the death and passion of Iesus Christ who shed all his blood for us is more than sufficient for our salvation hee will not deny this Aske him after if he beleeve that for our salvation there must be mingled the blood of martyrs supererogatorie works merits of Saints good works with the blood of Christ the sonne of God he will answere you That hee beleeves not that there must be such a mingle mangle since the blood of the sonne of God is sufficient for our salvation and that that should be to pollute it and that he knowes not what supererogatorie workes are And touching good workes which they say we reiect aske of the least child which learnes his Catechisme if a Christian ought not to do good workes to shew himselfe a Christian he will answere you yea Demand of him also if good workes bee not meritorious towards God he will answere you That they so please God that in regard of them as by merit an infinit sort of good things are given us as health long life children and other graces except eternall life which he gives us by the only merit of Iesus Christ I beleeve there is no Catholike in the world which will say more of good workes than this As for faith in generall we receive both the one and the other the holy Scripture of the old and new Testament Touching Baptisme we agree in the substance namely that it ought to be done In the name of the Father the Sonne and the Holy ghost and with the signe of the water We differ about spittle salt and the coniurations of devils which the Catholike priests do say to be within the body of little children and they chase them out wee indeed cast off all this as mens inventions which would be wiser than God who prescribeth them what they shall doe therein And I assure my selfe that the most part of the Catholikes would willingly that those things were reiected and that priests would not spit in the mouths of their little children and that they had no salt at all neither doe they beleeve there are divels within the bodies of their little children We also differ in certaine other ceremonies which I will not discover now at length But must wee hereupon say that the Catholikes and we are of two divers religions The Friers and Iacobins and many other sorts of Monkes in Christendome have all different ceremonies in habits in rules in doing their services and in all the exercises of their orders yet they are all held to be of the Christian Religion Moreover though there were some difference betwixt us touching doctrine seeing we accord in the principall points of Christian Religion must there be accounted a pluralitie and diversitie of Religion amongst us for the Canon Ego Beren garius Must men make all that stir to rore out all the Canons and artillerie of France and thunder at all the townes and castles of the kingdome to fill all places with armes soldiors and all the townes with the blood of Christians and to make red the rivers for such a quarel as this Must brother arme himselfe against his brother the father against his sonne must needs the Nobilitie ruin at it selfe must all the people be trodden under feet the whole realme be brought into a combustion For verily none makes war upon us but because we wil not beleeve in the aforesaid Canon and yet they which do this unto us do not beleeve in it themselves as we have before shewed But yet there is a point that seemeth to be one of the most principall points of Religion wherein we differ namely touching the Pope in whom we beleeve not But I am of opinion that the most part of Catholikes beleeve in him no more than we and that the matter is not of sufficient weight to make any great contention of Our ancestors in times past have wel passed their time without a Pope and wherefore should not we do so as well as they In the time of king Charles the sixt le bien ayme there were two popes in Christendome the one at Rome called pope Vrbane and the other at Avignon who was called Clement The Christian princes and commonweales at this time knew not which was the better of them yet some followed the pope of Rome and they were called Vrbanists and others the Pope of Avignon and they were called Clementines and when that the pope died at Rome or in Avignon men elected alwayes another in his place so that it appeared that this pluralitie of popes would ever endure The king of France and his Counsell were occasioned to exhort both of them to submit themselves to a Counsell which might advise and ordaine which of thē two should be Pope or if the one or the other ought not to be The king could never persuade them to come to this accord and especially the pope of Avignon was more backward than the other Hereupon the king caused to assemble the vniversitie of Paris and especially our masters of Sorbonne to have their advice what he should doe in this case At that time was there a learned Doctor in Theologie in Sorbonne Colledge who was called M. Iohn de Gigenconet who maintained That the Catholike church might wel for a time be without a Pope yea for ever alledged many good reasons which for times sake I will not here recite Breefly the Vniversitie was congregated and thereby it was resolved that the king ought to withdraw himselfe and all his kingdome from the obedience of both the Popes untill there were another legitimately elected And that there were good means to be dispatched of the pope viz. to leave the collations
answeres devised at the pleasure of priests to deceive men in the Temples of Apollo of Iupiter Ammon or of any other of the Paynim gods he sheweth himselfe to be very ignorant and to have read little yet I will not deny but sometimes the priests entermedled somewhat of their owne many times but it is certaine that the said Oracles were diabolicall answeres which the devill made himselfe or caused to bee made by some hee or shee priest which he brought into extasies and out of their sences and so caused them to say what hee would and most often hee answered in verses but commonly ambiguous in two sences For how could those hee or shee priests which commonly were unlearned and knew nothing give an answere in verse It was also impossible that they could have advertisements from Religions so farre off as men came to consult of those Oracles yea especially of such particularities whereof ordinarily answeres were demanded of those Oracles to bee able to give answeres to any good purpose But I will not stay more amply to proove this point for they which have read very little of ancient writings know well how certain it is that these Oracles were voices proceeding from devils which the Painims served under these names of Apollo of Iupiter and other like gods Plutarke in a treatise he made of the defect of Oracles sheweth That the Oracles were not things invented by priests but concerning the failing of Oracles he is found very much distracted and troubled not knowing how to resolve that question For there must be presupposed that in his time which was during the kingdome of the emperor Traianus and before a good while there were no more Oracles insomuch that that good philosopher was much abashed and perplexed from whence it should come But because that point is well woorth the knowledge and dooth come well for our purpose in this place I will handle the same more at large You must then understand that Plutarke who was a great Paynim philosopher Of the defailance of Oracles to finde out the cause of the failing and decay of Oracles entreth into a question whereof he like a Paynim resolves himselfe but to prove his opinion he useth certaine narrations which may well bring us to the truth of the cause of the defailancie and ceasing of Oracles He then entreth into disputation of the nature of the gods and after many discourses hee resolveth that there are but one sort of gods which the Elders called Demi-gods which are mortall although they lived long as five hundred or a thousand years and he thinketh that these demi-gods are they which the gods have engendred with mortall women For the auncient superstition wherwith certaine philosophers have beene led beleeved that the gods sometimes descended below to cohabitate with women and this served to keepe the honours of great Ladies which sometimes forgot their duties Plutarke then would hereof inferre that it might be those gods which answered at Delphos and Delos and other places were but halfe gods and so might be dead and that therefore might happen the said ceasing of Oracles Yet hee held not this opinion nor any other very resolutely but he propoundeth it for such as would like it and it seemes to be the opinion which he himselfe best approveth But I doe not thinke that any at this day will be of this opinion for in truth it tasteth of his Paganisme being ignorant and far straying from the true knowledge of God of Religion yet to prove that the said demigods are mortal he makes a discourse very notable and worthy the knowledge An hystorie of the death of the god Pan. He saith then that in the time of the emperour Tiberius one Epitherses a schoole-master in a towne of Greece embarked himselfe upon the sea to saile into Italie and placed himselfe in a ship charged with marchandize and wherein there were many people Making their way they passed one day at night nigh unto the Islands called Echinades and there the sea was so calme that they could perceive no wind insomuch that the ship floating upon the water brought them by little and little nigh unto Paxo Where being arrived as some supped and other did other things behold an high and intelligible voice which cried Thamus Thamus This Thamus was the master of the ship whose name the most part of the passengers knew not This voice cried twice before the master would answere At the third time hee answered unto which the voice yet cried with an higher sound That as soone as hee should be come against the Palodes he should make knowne unto the inhabitants there that the great Pan was dead Epitherses said That at that word all the companie which were within the ship were exceedingly afraid and astonished So it came into a consultation amongst that people if the shipmaster Thamus should doe that which was commanded him by that voice And this resolution was taken That if when they came against the Palodes the winds were strong and good for them they should passe on without stay or saying any thing but if the sea were calme and had no winde that then Thamus should signifie unto the inhabitants of Palodes that which the voice had commaunded him Beeing then there arrived and having the sea calme without wind Thamus got him into the hind-decke or sterne of the ship and turning his face towards land right against Palodes hee begun to crie with an high voice The great Pan is dead He had no sooner atchieved ended this speech but all the whole companie in the ship heard a great crying and lamentation of many mixed with a great admiration Finally when they were arrived at Rome each of them within the ship spread abroad the fame of this thing insomuch that it came to the notice of Tiberius the emperour who sent for the captaine or master of the ship Thamus who told him al at length Tiberius beleeving it was true that the great god Pan was dead desired to know what god that was Some learned people which he had about him told him That that Pan was the sonne of god Mercurie and of Penelope Behold here the account which Plutarke makes of god Pan his death and further sayth That in his time many heard this hystorie rehearsed by one Aemilianus sonne of the said Epitherses But if we consider the circumstances of this hystorie we shall find That this voice was a signification of the death of Christ which caused Oracles to faile and overthrew the power of the devill And it is credible that those lamentations which were heard at Palodes were the complaints of evill spirits to which were delivered the signification of their kingdomes destruction And to prove that this hystorie should bee so understood First wee must consider that it is reported to be in the time of Tiberius under whom our Lord Iesus suffered death and passion Certaine also it is That Tiberius enquired of Iesus
Christ and understanding of his miracles he required of the Senat that they would cause him to be enrolled in the Letanie of their gods at Rome but the Senat would not Moreover credible it is that in the time of our Lord Iesus Christ when amongst the Paynims the fame was dispersed of Christs miracles as to raise to life the dead from their graves to make see such as were borne blind to heale Paralatike persons and such like that they beleeved that he was God for upon lesse reasons they beleeved others And because he called himselfe the true shepheard and the shepheard of shepheards it is very likely that the Paynims understanding this would divine and gather that it must needs bee the god Pan which they said to bee the god of shepheards and because also that hee said that hee was sent of god his father to preach to men his will they sometimes also gave him the name of Mercurie whom they said to be the messenger and deliverer of the will of the great god Iupiter This may be gathered by Dion the hystoriographer who saith That the emperour Antoninus making warre against the Marcommans obtained raine from heaven of the Dion Capitol in Marco Antonino god Mercurie And Capitolinus speaking of the same matter saith That the Emperour Antoninus to obtaine raine had recourse to a strange Religion but Mercurie was no strange god to those Paynims so that we must needs understand that saying of Dion of another Mercurie than they knew yet gave they him that name as it is likely because they had heard say he was sent from God to signifie and preach his will To come againe then to our purpose the aforesaid learned men that were about Tiberius the emperour hearing it spoken that so many miracles were done by Iesus Christ they easily resolved that he was a god understanding he called himself the great shepheard they concluded thereof that hee was Pan hearing also that he said he was sent to deliver out the will of God and that he was borne of a virgin they made this illation as is to be presumed that he must then needs bee the sonne of Mercurie messenger of the great Iupiter and of some chast woman such as was Penelope for as is likely they could never beleeve that hee was a virgins sonne because it repugned the order of nature that a virgin should bring forth a child And therefore of all those conjectures laid together those wise men or rather ignorant which were about the emperour gathered the aforesaid answere which they made him That the god Pan which died at that time was the sonne of Mercurie and of Penelope applying that to their gods which they had heard spoken of our Lord Iesus Christ Behold then how this hystorie drawne from the Paynims is a perfect witnesse that by the death of Christ came the defailancie and ceasing of Oracles and indeed wee find in no hystories that since his death Oracles have been of any account or fame as they were before True it is that the men and women priests of those gods which answered by Oracles seeing that their master abandoned and forsooke them yet delivered answeres themselves of their own devices but their trumperies deceits and fictions were soone discovered by the divulgement and dispersion of Christian Religion in such sort as the Oracles and the Oracle deliverers became greatly discredited Nero himselfe discovering the abuse overthrew one Dion in Nerone of the temples of Apollo wherein were delivered Oracles and slew all the priests belonging thereunto For a resolution then I hold That at the comming of our Saviour Iesus Christ Oracles failed as the comming of the Sunne causeth darkenesse to depart from the At the comming of Christ the world was amended earth at his comming hee preached the true and pure heavenly doctrine to men and after him his Apostles and Disciples preached it also so that by the doctrine of Iesus Christ and of his Apostles Disciples all Christians were instructed to feare love and honour God above all things and to serve him according to his commandements in puritie and simplicitie rejecting all idolatries superstitions and divine services invented by men Moreover they are in true doctrine taught good maners to love their neighbours as themselves and none to doe to another that which hee would not to be done to himselfe to use towards his the like same charitie that each one would should be used to him to obey superiors and magistrates to live contented every one in the vocation whereunto God hath called him yea generally Christians were taught in all true vertue whereas before the Paynims did teach nothing as I may say but the maske and resemblance of vertue For Christ his Apostles taught men to be just charitable temperant gentle obedient pitifull loving good shunning evill and they taught not so to be outwardly onely but inwardly also without feignednesse or any dissimulation of heart whereas the Paynims cared not to be inwardly vertuous and mannerly so that in outward appearance they shew so to The vertue of the Paynims in outward appearance be to obtaine honour glorie and advauncement unto greatnesse which was the marke and end for which commonly they desired vertue and not for conscience sake nor to please God The examples of Caesar of Pompey of Cicero and generally of all the old Romanes which have had any great reputation of vertue doe prove that this is true and that they never aspired to verrue but to obtaine honour and to encrease their greatnesse Cato likewise of Vtica which seemed in all his behaviors to despise honour wherefore slew he himselfe Was it to please God or to satisfie his conscience It is very certaine that no for he was not so ignorant but he knew well that murder displeased God and that no man should murder himselfe more than another Nothing could move his conscience to incite him to slay himselfe for he felt not himselfe culpable of any thing that deserved it How then Wherefore should he murder himselfe For this not to receive that dishonour to fall alive into the hands of Caesar although he knew well ynough that there needed no more but a little humiliation to have his life goods and dignities saved as hee himselfe confessed and declared to his son and to his friends a little before he slew himselfe but his heart was so sore swolne with glorie and honour that he loved better to slay himselfe than to humble himselfe to Caesar Here behold how those Paynims aspired not to have vertue but for honour and an outward shew whereas the doctrine of Christ teacheth us To desire and to lust after vertues not only to bring them unto outward appearance but also to adorne our hearts and our consciences inwardly therwith and so to please God Moreover also we have heretofore shewed That the Christian doctrine comprehendeth much more perfectly the vertues of good maners than the Paynims
make warre upon them The duke of Bourbon assembled the greatest lords of the armie to resolve what answer to make to the herauld After by the advice of all it was answered That they Christians made warre upon them to revenge the death of Christ the sonne of God and a true Prophet which their generation had put to death and crucified The Turkes understanding this answere sent againe to the duke of Bourbon and the lords of France that they had by some received evill information upon that matter for they were the Iewes which crucified Iesus Christ and not their predecessors and if the children must needs suffer for their auncestors faults they should then take the Iewes which were then amongst them and upon them revenge the death of their Iesus Christ Our Frenchmen knew not what to answere hereunto yet they continued the warre where was done no notable exploit but by contagion of the aire they were constrained to returne after they had lost the most part of their armie Likewise in the yeare 1453 the Pope having proclaimed a Croisado in Christendome to run over Turkie to avenge the death of our Lord Iesus Christ and to constraine the Turkes to be christened the Turke writ letters unto him wherein he signified that they were the Iewes which crucified Christ And as for him hee descended not of the Iewes but of the Trojans blood whereof hee understood the Italians were likewise descended And that their dutie were rather both one of us and the other to restore rather the great Troy and to revenge the death of Hector their auncestor against the Grecians than to make warre one upon another as for his part he was readie to doe having alreadie subjugated the most part of Greece And that he beleeved that Iesus Christ was a great Prophet but that he never commanded as he was given to understand that men should beleeve in his law by force and by armes as also on his part he so constrained no man to beleeve in the law of Mahomet Behold the substance of the Turkes letter to the Pope which seemed to bee as wel yea better founded upon reasons than the Popes buls For verily Iesus Christ would that by preaching his law should be received into the world and not by force of armes In the time when Christendome was devided into Clementines and Vrbanists by reason of a schisme of Popes we may well presuppose that the one thought the Froisar lib. 2 cap. 132. 133 lib. 3. cap 24. other to be altogether out of the way of salvation and our hystorians say That the one part called the other dogs miscreants infidels c. Their reason was because they said that as there was but one God in heaven so there ought to bee but one on earth and the aforesaid Clementines held assuredly That Pope Clement was the true god on earth and Pope Vrbane the false god and that the Vrbanists beleeved in a false god and by consequent that they all strayed from the faith For as no religion can stand without beleeving in God so esteemed they that they which beleeved not in the true earthly god were altogether without all religion as dogs miscreants our hystoriographers which held that opinion as well as the other said That from that time the faith was shaken and readie to fall to the ground The same opinion had the Vrbanists of the Clementines as the Clementines had of the Vrbanists We have before in another place said That under colour of this diversitie in religion the king of England who was an Vrbanist enterprised to make warre upon the kings of France and Castile Clementines Likewise also the Clementines enterprised no lesse against the Vrbanists yea against the Pope Vrbane himselfe whom they besieged in the towne of Peronse where he was in great danger to have been taken yet in the end he saved himselfe at Rome The king of Fraunce determined to have passed into Italie by warre to have destroyed the Vrbanists but in the end he tooke another resolution which was to cause the schisme to cease so he caused to convocate a great and notable assembly in the towne of Rhemes in Campaigne whither in person resorted the emperour Sigismund and there a conclusion was made to exhort the two Popes to submit themselves to the new election of a Pope wherein their right should bee conserved unto them and if they would not submit themselves thereunto that the Christian princes and their subjects should withdraw themselves from the obedience both of the one and the other After this subtraction was made because the said Popes would not obey the exhortation that was made there was a new election of a Pope in a Counsell held at Pise by the emperors and the kings authorities called Pope Alexander the fift a Frier minor and the other two Antipopes were cursed as is said in another place And thus ceased the warres for Religion in all Christendome To this purpose also you must know That during the said schisme of the Clementines Froisar lib. 4 cap. 33. and Vrbanists the duke of Bretaigne had peace with the king of Fraunce and a great assembly was made betwixt them in the towne of Tours The duke appearing there some of the kings Counsell shewed him that hee was disobedient to the king being of another religion than the king was for the king was a Clementine and the duke an Vrbanist and it was not meet that the vassale should be of another religion than his soveraigne lord The abovesaid duke aunswered wisely That it could not bee called a rebellion or disobedience for no man ought to judge of his conscience but only God who is the soveraigne and only judge of such a matter and that he beleeved in Pope Vrban because his election was before Pope Clements Some of the kings Counsell of the meanest sort made a great matter of this diversitie of religion but the dukes of Berry and Bourgoigne the kings uncles were opinioned that it was not a sufficient point to stand upon to put by an accord with the duke of Bretaigne insomuch that following their advice an accord was concluded yea a mariage of one of the kings daughters with the said duke of Bretaigne This example and advice of these two good dukes mee thinkes all Christian princes should follow and not cease to agree together for diversitie of Religion but to remit the judgement thereof unto God who alone can compound and agree the differences of the same And not onely amongst princes the bond of amitie ought not to bee broken for difference of Religion but also princes ought not to use armes against their subjects to force them unto a Religion but they ought to assay all other meanes to demonstrate unto them by lively reasons their errors and so bring them to a good way and if it appeare not that their subjects doe erre and stray they ought to maintaine them and not persecute them at the
of the commons which committed those barbarous inhumanities was called Cappeluche the executioner or hangman of Paris Those comparteners of the house of Burgoigne not contented to suscitate such popular commotions stirs in France but brought also the English men into Fraunce which were like to have beene masters therof yet not herewith content they caused king Charles the sixt to war against his owne son who after was called Charles the seventh and one moietie of the kingdome against another And not to leave behind any kind of crueltie no not towards the dead they caused to bee spread and published all over Fraunce certaine Popes buls wherby they indicted and excommunicated all the house of Orleance and his partakers both quicke and dead insomuch as when there died any in the hands of the parteners of Bourgoigne either by ward prison or disease they buried them not in the earth but caused their bodies to be carried to dunghils like carrion to be devoured of wolves and savage beasts What could they have done more to the execution of all barbarousnesse and crueltie Behold what fruits civile warres doe bring wee see it even at this day with our eyes for there is no kind of crueltie barbarousnesse impietie and wickednesse which civile warres have not brought into use The prince then that is wise will leave nothing behind to appease civile warres under his owne governement but will spend all his care power and dilligence to hinder it after the example of that good and wise king Charles the seventh king Lewis the eleventh his sonne Charles the seventh being yet Daulphin the duke Iohn Monstr lib. 2. ca. 175. 180 181 182 183 186 187. of Bourgoigne a man very ambitious and vindicative after by secret practise hee had caused to be slaine Lewis duke of Orleance the onely brother of king Charles the sixt and after hee had filled the kingdome with warres both civile and strange contented not himselfe herewith but laid hold of the king who by a sickenesse was alienated of his wits and of the queene to make warre upon the Daulphin These occasions seemed sufficient to such as then governed the Daulphin and at last to the Daulphin himselfe being yet very yong to enterprise an hazardous blow He then sent to the said duke that hee would make a peace with him and prayed him they might appoint a place and day together to meet for that purpose The day was appointed the place assigned at Montean-fant-Yonne whither the said duke came under the trust of the word of the Daulphin his faith and assurance As soone as hee arrived making his reverence unto Monsieur le Daulphin he was compassed in and straight slaine and withall also certaine gentlemen of his traine Philip sonne and successor of this duke Iohn tooke greatly to heart this most villanous death of his father and sought all the meanes he could to be revenged which still continued the civile warres This meane while the English did what they could in France and conquered Normandie Paris the most part of Picardie and marched even unto Orleance which they besieged The abovesaid king Charles the sixt died so that Monsieur le Daulphin his son who was called Charles the seventh comming to the crown and finding himselfe despoiled of the most part of his kingdome insomuch as in mockerie he was generally called the king of Bourges This wise king well considered That if civile warres endured he was in the way to loose all one peece after another hee therefore laid all his care power and diligence to obtaine a peace and an accord with the duke of Bourgoigne Therefore he sent in embassage unto him his Constable Chancellor and others his cheefe Counsellors to say that he desired to have peace with him and that he well acknowledged that by wicked counsell he had caused his father duke Iohn to be slaine at Monterean and that if he had been then as advised and resolute as hee was at that present hee would never have committed such an act nor have permitted it to have beene done but hee was young and evill counselled and therefore in that regard hee offered to make him such amends and reparation thereof as he should be contented therewith yea that he would demand pardon althogh not in person yet by his embassadors which should have expresse charge thereof and prayed him to forgive that fault in the name of our Lord Iesus Christ that betwixt them two there might be a good peace and love for hee confessed to have done evill being then a young man of little wit and lesse discretion by bad counsell so to sley his father And besides this he offred to give him many great lands seigniories as the Countie de Masconnois S. Iangon the Counrie de Auxerre Barsur Seima la Counte de Boloigne Surmer and divers other lands that during his life he would acquite him and his subjects of personall service which he ought him as vassale of Fraunce yet made many other faire offers unto him This duke Philip seeing his soveraign prince thus humiliate himself to him bowed his courage justly exasperated for his fathers death harkened unto peace which was made at Arras where there was held an assembly of the embassadors of all Christian princes of the counsell of Basil of the Pope insomuch as there were there above 4000 horses All or the most part of those embassadors came thither for the good of the king and his kingdome but there was not one there which found not the kings offers good and reasonable as also did all the great princes lords of the kingdome all the kings counsel so that his majesties embassadors which were the duke of Bourbon the countie of Richemont constable of France the archbishop of Rhemes chancellor the lord de Fayette marshall many other great lords in a full assembly in the king their masters name demanded pardon of the duke of Burgoigne for his fathers death confessing as abovesaid that the king their master had done evil as one yong and of litle wit following naughtie counsell therfore they praied the duke to let passe away all his evill wil so to be in a good peace love with the king their master And the duke of Burgoign declared that he pardoned the king for the honor reverence of the death passion of our Lord Iesus Christ for compassion of the poor people of the kingdome of France to obey the Counsels reasons the Pope other Christian princes which praied him Moreover besides the aforesaid things it was accorded to the said duke that justice punishment should be done upon all such asâ—ed slain his father of such as had given the Daulphin counsell to cause his slaughter that the king himself should make diligent search through all his realme to apprehend them Here may you see how king Charles 6 appeased the civile wars of his kingdome by humilitie and
acknowledgement of his faults and from thence forward he prospered so well that after he had ended his civile wars he also overcame his forrain wars against the English And this came of God who ordinarily exalteth the humble overthroweth the insolent proud For assuredly it doth not evill become a great prince to temperat his majestie by a gracious humility softnes affabilitie but saith Plutarch it is a very harmonious consonant temperation yea so excellent as there cannot be a more perfect than this But if the said king had then had such Counselors as many kings now adaies have what counsell would they hereupon have given him they would have said That thus to humiliate himselfe to his vassall as to ask him forgivenes to confesse his fault to acquitehim and his subjects of personall service these were things unworthy of a king and that a king ought never to make peace unlesse it be to his honor but such articles were to his dishonor and disadvantage and that he ought to have endured all extremities before he had made any peace whereby he should not remain altogether master to dispose of persons goods at his pleasure For how would not they say thus seeing they say at this day That it is no honorable peace for the king to accord his subjects any assurances with the exercises of their religion a reformation of justice yet you see that all K. Charles 7 his Counsell all the princes of his blood all the great lords of his kingdome all strange princes embassadors compelled the K. to passe more hard uneasie articles to digest for the good of peace Should we say that in so great a number of great personages ther was not any so wise and cleare sighted as the counsellors at this day as these Mesiers Machiavelists nay contrary they were al wise men of great experience in wordly affairs they were also of great knowlege as the delegates of the counsel of the universitie of Paris of the parliaments wheras at this day men know litle more than their Machiavell Likewise king Lewis the eleventh as soone as hee came to the crowne removed De Com. lib. 1. cap. 3. 5. others from charges and offices many great lords and good servants of the dead king Charles the seventh his father which had vertuously emploied themselves in chasing the English out of the kingdome of France and in lieu of such persons he placed and advanced men of meane and base condition Heereupon straight arose civile discention against the king which was called the warres of the common weale and these men complained that the kingdome was not politikelie governed because the king had put from him good men and of high calling to advance such as were of small estimation and of no vertue It was not long before the king acknowledged his great fault and confessed it not onely in generall but also in particular to every of them which he had recoyled and disapointed and to repaire this fault he got againe to him all the said lords and ancient servants of the dead king his father delivering them againe their estates or much greater and in somme he granted to these common wealth people all that they demanded as well for the generall as for the particular good of all people and all to obtaine peace with extinguishment of civile wars If he had had of his Counsell the Machiavellists of these daies they would not have counselled him thus to doe but rather would have told him That it became not a king to capitulate with his subjects nor so to unable himselfe unto them and that a prince ought never to trust to such as once were his enemies but much lesse ought hee to advance them to estates and that hee should diligentlie take heede of a reconciled enemie yet notwithstanding hee did all this and it fell out well with him for he was very well served of the pretended reconciled enemies and to this purpose Messier de Commines his chamberlaine saith That his humilitie and the acknowledgment of his faults saved his kingdome which was in great danger to bee lost if hee had stayed upon such impertinent and foolish reasons as those Machiavelists alledge for all things may not bee judged by the finall cause What dishonour then can it bee to a prince to use pettie and base meanes if so bee thereby hee make his countrey peaceable his estate assured and his subjects contented and obedient what makes it matter for him that is to ascend into an high place whether he mount by degrees and staires of wood or of stone so that hee ascend But this is not all to say That a prince ought to bee vigilant and carefull to make peace in his countrey for hee must after it is made well observe it otherwise it is to Peace ought to be well observed no purpose made unles men will say that one ought to make peace for after in breaking it to trap and ensnare them which trust therein But they which hold this opinion are people which make no account of the observation of faith as are the Machiavelists of whom wee will speake upon this point in another Maxime But indeede that a peace may bee well observed it must bee profitable and commodious to them with whom it is made to the ende by that meanes it may bee agreeable unto them and that they may observe it with a good will and without constraint for if it be domageable and disadvantageous making the condition of them to whom it is given worse than of other subjects and neighbours certaine it is it cannot long endure for people that have either heart or spirit in them cannot long endure to be handled like slaves Heereunto serveth the advice of that noble and sage companie of the ancient Senators of Rome There was a neighbour unto the Romanes which were called the Titus Livi. lib. 8. Dec. 1. Privernates upon which the Romanes made warre and many times vanquished them They seeing it was impossible any more to make head against the Romane forces sent embassadors to Rome for peace they were caused to enter into the place where the Senate did sit and because they had not well observed the precedent treatie of peace some Senators seemed hard to draw to give their cause any hearing thinking it a vaine thing to accord a peace unto such as would not keepe any notwithstanding some demanded of those embassadors what punishment they judged themselves to haue merited which had so often broken the precedent peace One of them speaking for all and remembring rather the condition of their birth than of their present estate answered That the Privernates merited the punishment that they deserve which esteeme themselves worthie of a free condition and which have a slavish condition This answere seemed to some Senators too hautie and unbeseeming vanquished people yet the president of the assembly who was a wise man benignly demanded
upon the king and his race the imprecations which all the world made against him and indeede it came to passe by the just judgement of God that as this poore gentlewoman had caused her owne children to or die so Philip made to dye by poison his lawfull sonne Demetrius a prince of exceeding great towardnesse by the false accusation of Perseus his bastard-sonne After certaine time this king having discovered that by a false accufation he had murdered his owne sonne hee would needes disinherite the bastard Perseus and beeing continually tormented with the shaddow and resemblance of his sonne Demetruis which his conscience alwaies brought before his eies he dyed desperately detesting execrating that wicked Perseus This Perseus then his only sonne which remained to succeede him in his kingdome after a few yeeres raigne was taken prisoner by the Romanes and led in a triumph to Rome where hee miserably dyed in a prison So the imprecations and curses which the poore people chased from their countrey and goods by the king had poured out against him and his race fell upon him and his Is not this an example to make the haires to stand upright on princes heads when men persuades them to dispossesse naturall inhabitants of their countrie and goods yet at this day are there too many Machiavelists which say It is good to chase away the naturall inhabitants of France or at the least from certaine places and corners to people them with some race that is good faithfull and loyall as Italians Lombards yea what wants thereof an Italian colonie in the towne of Lyons for besides that a great part of the inhabitants are Italians and that other people of the countrey conforme themselves by little little to their actions behaviours manner of life and language that scant shall you finde any so vile or paltrie an artisan but hee will studie to speake Italian for these magnificall Machiavelists will give no countenanee nor willingly heare any but such as use their owne language by that meanes seeking to bring credit both to themselves and their tongue The townes also of Paris Marseille Grenoble and many others of France are they not full of Italians 4. Maxime A Prince in a country newly conquered must subvert and destroy all such as suffer great losse in that conquest and altogether root out the blood and the race of such as before governed there MEn saith Machiavell doe vvillingly change their lords thinking Cap. 3. of a Prince to amend themselves and this opinion commonly makes them revolt but most commonly they find themselves deceived seeing by experience themselves in vvorse case than before Wherfore to such such kinds of revoltings a prince ought to take out of the vvay all such as he thinks are displeased vvith the change by any enormious or great losse that hee hath suffered For I am persuaded saith he that all men of good iudgement hold this without doubt that the estate of a prince or commonweale cannot long endure in a countrey unlesse all such be taken away which for some great harme they have sustained by the change are contrarie unto him And herein Lewis the twelfth king of Fraunce dealt not vvisely therefore in as little time lost he the dutchie of Millane as before hee had conquered it For the Milanois found themselves deceived in opinion and frustrated of the advantages and commodities which they looked for at his hands and also could not suffer the proud handling of that new prince here vvas then his fault that he tooke not away all male-contents vvhich suffered losse in the change and especially because hee utterly rooted not out the race of the Sforces But Caesar Borgia did not thus for having occupied Romania of all the lords that he had dispossessed hee left not one alive that he could catch and very few escaped Therefore it is better to follow the example of Borgia than of king Lewis For sometimes it succeeds not vvell to imitate the best men For it vvas domageable to Pertinax and Alexander Severus to imitate the mildnesse and bountie of Marcus Antonius and to Caracalla Commodus and Maximine that they desired to resemble Severus MAchiavell meaning to shew that his purpose tendeth and aimeth onely to instruct a prince in all sorts of tyrannie giveth Dionisius Halic lib. 4. him heere a precept which in old time Thrasibulus the Milesian gave to Periander a tyrant of Corinth by Tarquine the proud king of Rome to Sextus his sonne For Periander having tyrannouslie obtained the domination of the crowne of Corinth where he had no right fearing some conspiration against him sent a messenger to Thrasibulus his great friend to desire his counsell and advice how to bee assured master and lord of Corinth Thrasibulus made him no answere by mouth but commanding the messenger to follow him he went into a field full of ripe corne and taking of the highest eares there the most eminent hee brused them betwixt his hands and wished the messenger to returne to Periander his master saying no more unto him As soone as Periander heard speake of brusing of the most ancient eares of corne hee presently conceiued the meaning thereof to wit to overthrow and take out of the way all the great men of Corinth which suffered any losse and were grieved at the change of the Estate as indeed he did As much did Sextus Tarquinius the sonne of Tarquinius the proud for hee making a countenance of some great discontentment with his father for his great crueltie towards him purposely caused a fame secretly to runne to the Gabinians then his fathers enemies that for his safegard hee would flye unto them if it pleased them to receive him and would bring with him a good troupe of his servants and friends These poore Gabinians not suspecting the intelligence betwixt the father and the sonne sent him word hee should bee very welcome Hee failed not with a good troupe by stealth to goe thither where ariving they welcommed him and because hee gave them to understand that hee would make warre upon his father to revenge the injurie done by his father to him them they elected him their captaine As soone as hee saw his foote in hee secretly sent a messenger to his father to let him understand what command hee had in the towne and to send him word what hee should doe The abovesaid Tarquin led the messenger into a garden where amongst many other hearbs then growne up to seede there were great store of poppie whose highest heads he struck of a pace with a little staffe he had in his hand and made no other answere to the messenger who returning to Gabium told Sextus his fathers actions so as hee well understood what he should doe Then made hee the people understand That Antistius Petra the chiefe lord and magistrate of the Gabinians with certaine of his complices had conspired to deliver him to Tarquin his father either dead or
and that by nature violent things cannot endure as also that God sets in foot and exerciseth his justice upon them yet for all that is there not a better nor more expedient meane to establish a tyrannie than to place and plant a Partialitie amongst the people And this is the marke and end whereat Machiavell shooteth to establish a tyrannie as we have before shewed in many places It may be Machiavell learned this Maxime of Claudius Appius who was a man of courage and very tyrannicall towards the Romane people and if all other Senatours had been of his humor assuredly the Senate had usurped a tyrannie in the citie and changed the Aristocraticall estate into an Oligarchie but most commonly he remained alone in his opinion But wee must understand that at Rome there was tenne Tribunes of the people which were magistrates established to conserve the liberties and franchises of the meane people against the tyrannicall enterprises of the great men of the citie which had power to oppose themselves against all novelties as new lawes new burthens and imposts and after a firme opposition none might passe any further They also had power to propose and pursue the reception of new lawes as they knew it was requisit and profitable for all the people whereby it often came to passe that the Tribunes sought to make passe and to receive lawes to the great dislike of the Patricians and Senatours and to the utilitie of the meane people The abovesaid Claudius Appius alwaies gave the Senate advice to sow a Partialitie Titus Livius Dec. Dionis Halic lib. 9. amongst the said tenne Tribunes and by the practise of that same amongst them they might oppose themselves against laws which others would have to passe For said he by this meanes the Tribunes power shall ruinate it selfe without that we shall seeme any way to meddle therein and without that the people shall know that any of our action is in it This counsell of Appius was many times followed but in the end they found it did them no good For after the Tribunes were partialized one against another and that thereby nothing could passe nor be concluded by way of deliberation and accustomed suffrages then fell they to armes and seditions So that in the end the people were constrained by force to plucke from the Patricians that which they would not permit to bee handled and disputed by the accustomed way of good deliberation and conclusion by pluralitie of voices Thus oftentimes the Patricians were constrained to appease the people to grant them things which by reason they might have persuaded them to leave for it is the nature of men to desire alwayes that which is denied them as the Poet Horace sayth very well expressing that which happeneth ordinarily in the world That which denied is most commonly Desired is of us most ardently Moreover it often came to passe that the Patricians desired to make passe to the people by meanes of the Tribunes some law which seemed unto them profitable for the commonwealth but they could not come to their pretences because they had fashioned the Tribunes to a contradiction one of another And of those Tribunarie partialities arose at Rome great insurrections of the people and great murthers and effusion of blood as there did when the two brethren Graccht were slain And therefore that goodly counsell of Appius whereupon Machiavell hath made his Maxime was cause of great evils and calamities as surely it is easie to judge That all Partialities and divisions are cause of ruine and desolation amongst a people whereof we are also advertised by him who is truth it selfe our Lord Iesus Christ who saith That every kingdome divided in it selfe shall be desolate And if there be any Machiavelist so grosse headed as hee cannot comprehend this in his spirit yet may he see this by experience in Fraunce if he be not altogether blind and if hee be French he cannot but palpably touch it in the losse of his goods and in the death of his parents and friends unlesse he be a lazer or without sence For all the late ruines of Fraunce from whence have they proceeded but from the partialities of Papists and Hugenots which strangers sowed and maintained thereof It is solly to say that the diversitie of Religion was cause thereof For if men had handled all controversies of Religion by preachings disputes and conferences as at the beginning they did they had never falne into any Partialitie but since men came to armes and massacres and that by constraint they will force men to beleeve partialities sprung up which was the onely marke whereat all strangers shot that thereby they might plant in Fraunce the government of Machiavell The Chalcedonians were well advised not to beleeve the counsell of the Aetolians which resembled this doctrine of Machiavell and the counsell of Appius for when the warre was open betwixt the Romanes and the king Antiochus the Chalcedonians allies and friends of the Romanes caused to be assembled the States of their countries to resolve upon that which Antiochus made them understand That his onely comming into Greece was to deliver the countrey from the subjection and servitude of the Romanes and therefore required them to allie and conjoyne themselves with him The Aetolians which were very unconstant and mutable people with each wind as are the Machiavelists chanced to be in that assembly and persuaded the Chalcedonians that it was certaine that the king Antiochus had passed from Asia into Europe to deliver Greece from the Romanes servitude and that they thought it best that all the cities of Greece ought to allie and contract amitie with both the two parties the Antiochs and the Romanes For said they if wee allie our selves with both parties when the one would offend us the other will revenge us The Chalcedonians not finding good this counsell of the Aetolians knowing well that as none can serve two contrary masters so neither can they allie themselves with two nations enemies and that they which will entertaine two contrarie parties shall often fall into the malegrace of both And therefore Mixtion one of the principals amongst the Chalcedonians made to the Aetolians a very wise and notable answere Wee see not masters Aetolians say they that the Romanes have seized upon any towne in Greece neither that therein they have placed any Romane garison nor that any payeth them tribute neither know we any unto whome they have given any law or any thing changed their estate And therefore we do not acknowledge our selves entangled in any servitude but that we alwaies are in the same libertie which we have alwayes been Being therefore free we stand in no need of a deliverer and the comming of the king Antiochus into Greece cannot but hurt us who can performe no greater good unto us than to withdraw himselfe farre from our countrey And as for us we are resolved to receive none within our townes but by the authority of
came there was much beloved of the souldiors as well because he resembled his father Amilcar as for his militarie vertues Not many yeares after he was chosen captaine generall of the Carthaginian armie But as soone as he was setled in that estate he accomplished the prophesie of Hanno for hee lighted the great fire of the Punicke warres against the Romanes whereby in the end the Carthaginians were utterly ruined All this proceeded but from the Partialitie which was at Carthage for as soone as the Hannonians reasoned one way the Barchinians must needs reason to the contrarie and they studied for nothing but that by the pluralitie of their voices their opinion might obtaine the upper hand without any care or consideration what opinion was the best And thus ordinarily happeneth it where there is any Partialitie For then men give themselves more to contradiction than to judge after an wholesome sentence and without passion of that which is profitable and expedient The Partialities of the houses of Orleance and Burgoigne in our grandfathers memorie were they not cause of infinit miseries and calamities wherewith France was afflicted by the space of more than threescore yeares and of the entier ruine of the Bourgonianne house Lewis duke of Orleance the alone brother of king Charles the sixt tooke for his devise Mitto Duke Iohn de Bourgoigne tooke for his Accipio challenging as it were thereby an egalitie with the only brother of the king under colour that he was richer than hee This commencement of contrarie devices which they caused to paint in their banners of their launces and on their servants liverie coats erected a great Partialitie insomuch as the duke of Bourgoigne enterprised to cause the duke of Orleance to bee slaine as hee did The children of the duke of Orleance because justice was not executed on their fathers massacre levied armes Duke Iohn also by armes resisted them insomuch as all the realme was partialized about the quarrell of these two great houses After duke Iohn was slaine at Monterean-fante-Yonne in a strange manner whereupon his sonne Philip willing to revenge himselfe sent for the Englishmen which he caused to passe through Fraunce and occupied at least the third part of the kingdome of France This duke Philip made peace with the king but he had a son Charles his successour who would never put trust in the king of Fraunce fearing himselfe because of the warres which his father and grandfather had raised in the kingdome but would needs graple with king Lewis the eleventh This king who was too good for him raised him up so many enemies on all sides that the house of that duke came to ruine Behold the fruits of partialities which Machiavell recommendeth so much to a prince And hereupon should well be noted the saying of master Philip de Comines That Divisions and partialities are very easie to sowe and are a sure token of ruine and destruction in a countrey when they take root therein as hath happened to many monarchies and commonweales De Comines to prove his alledged saying setteth down other examples The Partialitie of the houses of Lancaster and Yorke in England whereby the house of Lancaster was altogether ruined and brought downe and the one house delivered to the other seven or eight battailes betwixt three and fourscore princes of the royall blood of England and an infinit number of people This here is no small thing but it is rather an example which should make us abhorre all Partialities Hee further saith That by the meanes of the said Partialitie betwixt these two houses many great princes and lords were banished and chased from England and amongst others that he saw a duke of the house of Lancaster the cheefe of the league of that house and brother in law of king Edward the fourth who saved himselfe in Bourgoigne yet in so poore estate that hee went bare foot and without hose after the traine of duke Charles of Bourgoigne demaunding his almes from house to house Hee after reciteth the tragicall acts of the duke of Warwicke of the kings Edward and Henry of the prince of Wales of the dukes of Glocester and Somerset which are strange hystories that cannot be heard or read without great horror and cannot but make men detest all Partialities and divisions In the time that Anniball made warre upon the Romanes there were created Titus Livius lib. 1. 7. Dec. 3. lib 4. 5. Dec. 1 Consuls together at Rome Marcus Livius and Claudius Nero which bore great enmitie one towards another and of long time The Senate fearing that these enmities betwixt those two Consuls should cause some Partialities in the administration of their estate which might turne to the domage of the publicke good admonished them both to be reconciled together Marcus Livius made answere That it was not needfull and that their enmities and Partialities should cause them with envie to seeke one to doe better than another but the Senate was not of that advice For they remembred that in the time of the Proconsulship of Quintius Paenus Caius Furius Marcus Posthumius and Cornelius Cossus the Romane armie had been vanquished and chased by the Veians because of the Partialities of the cheefetaines which could not accord in their counsels and deseignes but tended alwayes to contrarie ends The like also happened in the Proconsulship of Publius Virginius and Marcus Sergius But the most memorable and latest example which the Senate had before their eyes was the losse of the battaile at Cannes where the Romans lost fiftie thousand men which losse happened by the discord Partialitie of two cheefetaines Paulus Aemylius and Terentius Varro These examples mooved the Senate to exhort these two Consuls Livius and Nero to a reconciliation not beleeving that their Partialitie could serve them for any thing but evill to conduct the affaires of the commonweale insomuch as being constrained by the Senates authoritie they accorded and reconciled themselves together and very well acquited themselves in their charge and overthrew together a succour of fiftie thousand men which Asdruball conducted and brought over into Italie to Anniball his brother In this defeat also Asdruball himselfe was slaine and his head secretly carried and cast into Annibals campe who yet knew no newes of that journey When Anniball saw the head of his brother he then deplored his fortune and despaired of his affaires knowing that the Roman vertue would never bow nor stoope for either misfortune or calamitie The reconciliation then and concord of Marcus Livius and Claudius Nero were the cause of a great good and utilitie to the commonwealth and remounted the affaires Concord very profitable to the common-wealth thereof into a great hope and abated the pride that Anniball had taken of the battaile at Cannes as also by the contrarie the Partialitie of Paulus Aemylius who was a wise captaine and of Terentius Varro who was very rash and headie was the cause that the Romane
it as wee reade in the Gospell and that therefore they thought it should bee permitted unto them so to have also Moreover they said by rejecting the goods and testimentarie legacies that good Christians would give them that they so should bee homicides of them selves and tempters of God because they deprived themselves of things necessarie for the conservation of their lives Also that this great and High Povertie leadeth to the estate of bestialitie because wee can obtaine no knowledge without having bookes either in proprietie or in use Also suppose they ought to have nothing at all proper in particular it therefore followeth not that they ought to have nothing in common and therefore that his Holinesse might well permit them to have goods under the common name of the Covent And that the blessed S. Francis having commanded them by his rule to beg hardly without shame by consequent hath permitted them to take whatsoever any man giveth them in almes be it moovable or unmoovable silver or cloth to enjoy or use as their owne Moreover they humbly remonstrated unto him That often in cases of maladies and other necessities they were forced to borrow which they could not repay unlesse they had whereof to doe it and that therefore it was necessarie unto them to be permitted to acquire heape up to satisfie such as had lent them in their necessitie for their credit sake Vpon this supplication and remonstrance Pope Nicholas caused to assemble the colledge of Cardinals which in their Conclave examined well this great cause and by their advice hee ordained and declared That the Friers Minors could have nothing in proprietie neither in particular nor in common because the true perfection of the order consisteth in this point to be dispropriated every way of all goods without having or retaining in them any right But he reserved unto them the fact and not the right of the usage of goods which by legacies or otherwise might fall and appertaine unto them retaining to himselfe and to the Romane Church the proprietie of those goods Conditionally also that this fact and deed of usage bee not excessive and that in the said Friers there alwayes shine a notable and apparent Povertie And answering to their reasons hee said That our Lord Iesus Christ desiring to yeeld to our infirmities and to condiscend to our imperfections thought it good to have a purse and silver in it but yet that notwithstanding to have a purse and silver is of it selfe an action of humane infirmitie and of imperfection And as for that they say that the abdication and rejection of all proprietie of goods may proove an homicide of himselfe and a temptation of God he answereth no but that the true way to perfection is altogether to commit himselfe to the providence of God without having any care to provide for living and that the meanes of begging which by their rule was permitted unto them could never faile them and that also neither was it needfull to have store of victuals that they might the better observe their said rule but especially in that article whereby they are enjoyned to fast every Friday the Vigiles Advent and Quadragesima which commeth to halfe the yeare or therabouts And that as their Povertie ought to be straight so their victuals also ought to bee straight and sober and that they ought to eat little for it agreeth best with that so high Povertie And as for that they say that it may be lawfull for them to have goods in common hee answereth that is very evident no because the rule restraineth them to a rejection and abdication of all proprietie and that which is common to many may well be said by right to be proper to all in Genere or generall and to every one in Specie or particular And finally upon that last point wherein the Friers doe understand that in cases of necessitie they are forced to borrow and that therefore they desire permission to acquire to repay Pope Nicholas answereth them That they have not well proceeded therein to contract either borrowing or lending because in that kind of contract there is a translation of proprietie from him that lendeth in him which receiveth And as the Legists say Mutuum est cum fit de meo tuum that is A thing is lent when that which is mine is made thine To shun therefore this inconvenience hee gave them an acute and an ingenious counsell which was to procure and find meanes that they which had devotion to give to their Covent should appoint for them principall payers in their place of things which were necessary unto them in their maladies or otherwise towards them which would furnish them thereof or that they should name some one of whom they might be assured to him that would give them any legacie to be executor of his will by employing the legacie to satisfie the furnitures made or to make for the Friers Vpon condition notwithstanding that the proprietie and possession of the silver or other thing bequeathed bee in no sort transferred unto the said Friers but alwayes to remaine with him that bequeathed it Behold in summe how Pope Nicholas resolved the difficulties of the Mendicants touching the practise of their povertie For he permitted unto them the use of goods which fell unto them and reserved the proprietie of them to the Roman Church and besides permitted them to accept Testamentarie legacies by persons interposed Wherein hee well shewed what a good friend he was of that order and that he forgot not the place wherein he was nourished in his youth yet left he a scruple in his bull wherupon there fell out no lesse contentions than before because he circumscribed his permission or indulgence with this condition That alwayes there should shine in these Friers an holy and manifest Povertie This was a condition which touched them very nigh as shall bee said hereafter Yet the Mendicants seeing themselves to have a permission by his Apostolicall bull of Pope Nicholas to cause legacies and foundations to be given unto them incontinent they begun to practise themselves diligently to have them And because they considered that by sermons they might easily draw the devotion of the people towards them they rushed upon that practise with all their might which so well succeeded unto them because the bishops and curates of that time as for the most part they were at that day were but beasts and could not preach at all neither well nor ill but the most sufficient onely knew their masse at the most The Sermons then of these Mendicants being of great estimate and credit with the people they straight drew unto them store of legacies pensions and foundations they never forgetting either at the beginning or end of their Sermons to recommend the works of charitie towards their covents deciphering their necessities at large and very eloquently assuring the good people that they might thereby gaine Paradice for them and theirs by