for her proued incest and adultery yet his pride and wilfulness was so excessiue that rather then acknowledg his former error by a formal recantation he continued to exercise his scandalous supremacy so violently that he devised Articles of Religion made Cromwel his Vicar-general in spiritual affairs took upon him to define what was heresy what Catholick faith permitted the Scriptures to be translated by heretiks and read in English and to vexe the Pope countenanced and connived at any novelties though afterwards he burn't the novelists for heretiks and prohibited when it was too late their Translations of Scripture and other Books which he had formerly permitted But seing that notwithstanding his severity the Sacramentarian heresy which he most of all hated did increase in his Kingdom and that the spiritual sword in his lay hand did not work those effects which it had don when it was managed by the Bishops of Rome by whose sole authority all the heresies of the first 300. years were condemned and suppressed without the help of a general Councel and that the Keys which he had usurped served rather to open the doors of the English Church to all errors then shut them out and perceiving his end draw neer he began to think of a reconciliation with Rome but such a one as might sute with his humor which he termed Honour Therfore he sent his favorit Bishop Gardener to the Jmperial Diet with privat instructions to endeavour in such a manner his return to the unity and obedience of the Church through the mediation of the Catholick Princes of Germany and of the Pop's Legat that on King Henrys side it might look more like a princely condescendâ—ncy then a penitent conversion wherunto he seemed to incline at the solicitation rather of others then moved by a detestation of his own errors But God with whom none must dally nor Princes capitulat summon'd him to an account sooner then was imagined Whether he repented or despaired at his death is vncertain Some say his last words were omnia perdidimus all is lost In his last will and Testament he named 16. Tutors for his Son to govern during his minority with equall authority charging them not to bring in the Sacramentarian Religion But God permitted his will to be broken before his body was buried who had changed the last wills of so many thousands deceased and that but three days after his death for upon the 1. of February Seamor Earle of Hartford brother to Ed. 6. Mother was made Protector of the King and Kingdom by his own ambition and privat authority of his faction which prevailed amongst the 16. Executors without expecting any Parliament or consent to the Realm for so great a charge or for the change of religion which immediatly followed And because Wriothesly Earle of Southampton Lord Chancelor the Earle of Arundel and Bishop Tonstall and some others would not betray their trust and opposed the new reformation they were disgraced and displaced SVBSECT I. Of the English Religion and Reformers in King Edward VI. reign THe Earle of Hartford newly created Duke of Somerset and Lord Protector of England was a man fitter to be governed then to govern his judgment was weak but himself very wilfull and so blindly resolut in commanding and executing the designs of others by whom he was guided that without perceiving it he was made the instrument of his own ruin as wel as of his brothers and of the yong King also by the chang of the ancient Religion Dudley Earle of Warwick was his director both in Church and state affairs and yet was his greatest enemy which Somerset had not the wit to see though all the world knew him to be his Competitor And albeit Dudly had bin always a Roman Catholick in his judgment yet as most Polititians do he dissembled his belief and yet â—oothed the Protector in his inclination to the protestant reformation not doubting but that having once intoxicated the people with the liberty and inconstancy therof he might lead them from the contempt of spiritual authority to rebel against the temporal and humor so well their mad zeale that for their new Ghospel's preservation and propagation they would fix vpon him for their Director and stick to whom he would appoint for their Soveraign He was not deceived in his expectation the Protector Seamour was destroyed Dudly himself made chief Minister of England the King poysoned the Princess Mary excluded the Lady Jane Gray declared Queen because she was a Protestant and marryed to Dudlys Son All which things he compased in a short tyme though by degrees as you shall hear No sooner was K. Henry 8. dead but Dudly Earle of Warwick advised Somerset to take vpon him the Protectorship and to make him odious by his privat authority to alter the publick profession of faith and because he knew so notorious a fraud could not be effected without force he devised with the Protector the journy of Musselborough field and the war of Scotland vnder pretence of gaining by force the yong Queene of Scots to marry K. Edward 6. but in reality to get the power of the Militia into his own hands and therby to settle in England a Religion wherby he might in due tyme vpon the score of a refin'd reformation vnsettle the government and alter K. Henry 8. Testament and persuade England that his Daughter Marys reign would eclipse the light of the ghospel which then began to shine After that he had made the Protector so odious that none could endure to hear his name or to live vnder his government he thought it a proper tyme to establish by Parliament that new profession of faith which he knew could not be effected without the consent and concurrence of that great Assembly And though he was not ignorant of the absurdities contained in the best of the new reformations yet because since the setlement of the spiritual headship of our Kings he perceived the common people might be led any way and that an Act of Parliament was held sufficient to make them believe the ancient Christian Religion was profane and that any protestant reformation was the primitive and Apostolick faith he wrought so much by the feare of the army and the Kings authority that albeit in the first Parliament and year of Edward 6. reign nothing more could be obtained in favour of Protestancy but an indemnity for the preachers therof from penalties enacted by the ancient laws against married Priests and Heriticks and a repeal of the English Statuts confirming the Imperial Edicts against heresies yet in the second year and Parliament of Edward the VI. It was carried though by few votes and after a long debate of aboue four months that the Zuinglian or Sacramentarian reformation should be the Religion of England The charge of framing Articles of this Religion as also of composing the Liturgy and a book of rits ceremonies and administration of Sacraments had bin commited to
would follow the greater the authority is the more slow we ought to be in submitting therunto or which is the same the more inclined God is to truth and the more powerfull he is to practise the same and to keep the Church stedy to truth the more slow we ought to be in believing the Church or God's known Ministers and Messengers SECT XIV Reasons for liberty of Conscience and how much both Piety and Policy is mistaken in making Prelatick Protestancy the Religion of the state by continuing and pressing the sanguinary and penal statutes against the Roman Catholick faith and the Act of vniformity against sectaries THere is not any thing more damnable to soules or more dangerous to states then to make the laws of the land the rule of faith and temporal statuts the ground of spiritual jurisdiction It is endeed Christian piety to fence and favour Religion with Imperial edicts and Royal Decrees and therfore it was prophecied of the Church Kings shall be thy nursing Fathers and Queens thy Mothers but to found the belief of eternal verities and of Christian Religion vpon temporal statuts and to frame the doctrin of the Church and the Caracter of the Clergy according to Acts of Parliament and to the interest of the Prince is neither piety nor policy in lawfull and vndoubted Soveraigns What Queen Elizabeth did to salue the sore of her illegitimacy was as great a prejudice and ought as litle be made a president to the royall family of the Stewards as Oliver Cromwel's Tyrany the laws and Religion of both equaly tending to it's total ruin and exclusion from the Crown with this only difference that Queen Elizabeth destroy'd the Stewards by reforming the Old Religion whervpon their right was grounded but Cromwell destroy'd them by reforming the New Religion whervnto they had conformed and wherby they endeavored to setle their Throne And indeed Souveraigns can expect no greater security or better success then the Royal family of the Stewards hath had whilst the Religion which their Subjects profess hath no other certainty or setlement but what is received from an arbitrary interpretation of Scripture confirmed by temporal statuts That the Protestant prelatick Religion hath no other rule but this and the laws of the Lands is manifest by so many changes of it's articles liturgy caracter and Translations of Scripture by publick and Parliamentory authority That it hath no certainty from it's own principleâ— is manifest by the acknowledged fallibility of that Church and by the liberty of interpreting God's word and by the prerogative of judging controversies of faith which the Tenets of all the Reformations and example of the first Reformers allow to any particular person that will claim the privilege of a reformed Christian or the spirit of a godly or guifted Protestant This liberty of professing and the vncertainty of protestancy having proved in all places and persons wherunto it had access a seed of rebellion destructive not only of the substance of Religion but of the tye of alleigance it was thought necessary for the preservation of Princes and the peace of their subjects to reduce the variety and regulat the extravagancy of the dissenting reformed doctrines into publick professions of protestancy as sutable to the interest of the souveraigns and inclinations of the subjects and customs of their Countries as could be devised And because the government of England continued Monarchical and that Episcopacy doth favor Monarchy and is essential to Parliaments the protestancy of the Church of England was made prelatick notwithstanding the incoherency of Episcopacy with the very foundation of the first and pure pretended reformations And seing ther is such antipathy between the caracter of Episcopacy and the principles of protestancy that the Church of England in the beginning of Q. Elizabeths reign durst not claim that caracter or any spiritual jurisdiction by succession from the Apostles and their successors the ensuing Catholick Bishops it was content to receive both as also the confirmation of it's prelatick doctrin from an vnheard-of spiritual supremacy of a lay Prince and from Acts of Parliament and so was it made the legal Religion of the state contrary to the principles both of the ancient Catholick faith and of the new protestant reformations How contrary this setlement of prelatick protestancy by a persecution of Popery is to Christian piety may easily appeare to them who will remember what hath bin sayd hertofore of the sanctity antiquity and continuall succession of the Roman Catholick Religion from the Apostles to this present and reflect vpon the principles begining and progress of protestancy in general and of the prelatick in particular How inconsistent with policy it is to press by the severity of laws a profession so generally dislik't as the prelatick it being contrary to the ancient Religion and not agreeing with the new Reformations experience hath demonstrated when not only all foreign Roman Catholick Princes and people stood neuters not much concerned whether Protestant Prelacy or Presbytery should prevaile in England they pittied indeed the Royal family and wish'd them good success against their rebellious subjects but this they wish'd to them as Princes not as Prelatiks not only Isay foreign Catholicks were neuters but all the Protestant Churches abroad were more inclined to favor the Presbiterian and fanatick English and Scotch Congregations then the King's Religion for that they come neerer to them and to the primitive and fundamental principles of Protestancy The reason why the Prelatick persuasion is so odious to the reformed Churches abroad and so opposed by Presbiterians and other Protestant Congregations at home is because the formality of it's ceremonies and the legality of it's discipline are incompatible with the primitive spirit liberty and principles of protestancy The protestant Bishops would fain Lord it over their brethren not content with the name and power of Protestant superintendents they strive to imitat the authory and severity of the Catholick Episcopal jurisdiction in their Courts and do what they can to retain a ceremonious decency in there Churches but neither is agreable with the nature and spirit of the Protestant Reformations which consist in an independency and exemption from all spiritual superiority and ceremonie of a particular person being supreme Judge and Interpreter of Scripture This spiritual judicature is the spiritual birth-right of every Protestant and the ground wherupon Luther and his followers raised their reformations and their new sense of the Ghospel Wherfore the resâ—raiâ— of this Protestant evangelical liberty and birth-right by the rigor of our lawes in favor of the prelatick jurisdiction and disciplin must needs make the law-makers and their religion as odious to all zealous Protestants as liberty of opinion and fancied Scripture are deere to a stubborn and humorâ—om peopâ—â— Let it then be maturely considered whether any thing can be more daungerous to the safety of the Soveraign or to the tranquillity of the state then to enact lawes
designes against his Majesty and the Protector and though the Lord Admiral to be restored to Worcester but after Ridley was in possession of the sea of London he laught at Latimer and ioyn'd with 〈◊〉 to keep him humble without Bishoprick or benefice 〈◊〉 hath bin sayd After K. Edward 6. death Ridley was very 〈◊〉 against Q. Mary and preach't against her title adding â—ith all she was so earnest a Papist that she refused to heare 〈…〉 to her which injury notwithstanding she would have â—ardon'd him if he had given any signes of true repenâ—â—â—â—◠〈◊〉 a fair triall and confutation of his heresies he 〈◊〉 of a bag of powder which his Brother in law delivered 〈…〉 at the stake the sooner to be dispatch't of his torment 〈◊〉 Fox saith the design took no effect his martyrdom was 〈◊〉 which happened by accident and that he cryed 〈…〉 and desired the people to let the fire 〈…〉 〈…〉 of this manâ—s spirit by a part of his farewell to the 〈…〉 London set down by Fox thus Harken 〈…〉 of Babylon thou wicked limb of Anti-christ 〈…〉 staâ—est thou down and makest havock of 〈◊〉 Prophet's 〈◊〉 c. Thy God which is thy work of thy words and whom thou sayest thou hast power to make that thy dâ—â—f and dumb God I say will not in deed nor can not make 〈◊〉 to escape the revengfull hand of the high and almighty God c. O thou whâ—rish Drabbe thou shalt never escape In steed of my farewell to thee now I say Fye vpon thee fye vpon thee filty Drabbe 〈◊〉 all thy false Prophets Of Hooper Rogers Poynet Bale and Coâ—erdales hypocrisy and impiety JOhn Hooper by Fox his relation was a Priest in Oxford in the daies of King Henry 8. infected with Lutheranisme by books that came from Germany and lived in when he was arraigned for his heresies he spoke to he Lord Chancellor and Iudges so grossy carnaly and absurdly of his marriage with the Burgundian wench that his 〈…〉 though he seâ—s not down his words yet acknowledgeth that the whole Court cryed thaâ—â— vpon him calling him beast c. we shall heare more of this man in the following story of his Camerade Rogers John Rogers was a priest also saith Iohn Fox in the time of King Henry 8. when Luther's doctrin began first to be 〈◊〉 in England which he having read and finding himself by the spirit therof inclined to some novelties in Religion and to marry he went into Flanders and there became Chaplyn â—â— the English Merchants in Antverp there also he fell acquainted with VVilliam Tyndal and Miles Coverdale two other English Priests of the same humor and retired thither for the 〈◊〉 â—nd Rogers and Coverdale assisted Tyndal in falsifying the Scripture and setting forth his English Translation afterwards condemned by Act of Parliament for erronious false and wickâ—â— After that Tyndal was burned in Flanders in the yeare 1536. Rogers repaired to VVittemberg in Saxony to live with Martyn Luther by whom he was confirmed in his Religion and provided of a duch wife which as Fox testifyeth brought him forth no less then eight children in very few years with which load of wife and children after both King Henry 8. and Luther were dead for they dyed both with in the compass of one yeare Rogerâ— returned into England togeâ—ther with Friar Martyn Bucer and his wench resolved to accommodat them-selves in all points to the Protector 's will and to any Religion that should be established by the laws of the land and accordingly they forsook the Doctrin of their old Master Luther and embraced that of Zwinglius as being the more favored and countenanced by the Protector Both Hooper and Rogers came with hopes of ruling the Church of England because they thought them-selves more learned in the Reformation then Cranmer and Ridley who As Ridley had bin intruded into Bonners Bishoprick of London so Poynet was thrust into Gardiners of Winchester â— better Scholler saith Heylin pag. 161. then a Bishop He had taken a wiâ—e in Edward 6. time and not content 〈◊〉 duâ—ing her life married another whose Husband 〈◊〉 Butcher actualy living whether she had left her husband for some discontent or disease I do not know but between the Bishop and the Butcher became a great suit in law about the woman that the Bishop kept and claimed as his wife but at length he was forced to restore her to the Butcher which Bishop Gardiner hearing from some of the Lords he replyed that their Lordships he hoped would command Poynet to restore him his Bishoprick as they had ordered him to restore his wife to the Butcher It seems in those primitive times of Protestanâ—â— the purity of the reformed doctrin was practised in marâ—â—ages as wel as in other matters for though Bishop Poynet received not the benefit of that Protestant liberty which he sued for and his Lordship knew was due by the principles of that Religion yet it was granted to Sir Ralph Sadler by common consent of the English Church and Parliament for one Mathew Barrow having bin through jealousy driven beyond seas for some time his wife married her Lover Sir Ralph the husband returns and claims his wife but sentence was given in favour of Sir Ralph Sadler who was declared to be her lawfull husband and Mathew Barrow lest at liberty to marry whom â—e pleased This decree is agreable to the principles of Protestancy as may be seen in this Treatise part 2. Sect. 2. â—num 3. neither is it credible so learned a Protestant Bishop as Poynet would contest in a legal way with the Butcher for a thing not allowed by the reformed Church wherof he was so eminent a Prelat and one of the first English Reformers John Bale Bishop of Ossory was a Carmelite friar who hearing of the liberty which the Protestant Reformation gave to Priests and Religious persons to marry forsook his Monastical and Catholick profession and made a formal abjuration of the Bible condemned by act of Parliament and Fox pag. 1427. sets down the proclamation of K. Henry 8. and the publick instrument of the Bishops prohibiting again an 1â—46 Tyndal and Coverdales Translation of the new Testament notwithstanding all this Coverdale the corrupter of the Bible was by Cranmer's means made the Corrector of his own and Tyndal's Translation which went by the name of the Bible of Mathew And he set out the same again with litle or no alteration of the Text and it was called the Bible of the large Volume with which work the honest party of the Clergy were as much offended aswith Mathew's Bible as being the same or at least no less fraudulent and fals and yet it was not corrected in K. Henry 8. dayes and was imposed vpon England as authentick Scripture in K. Edward 6. and Q. Elizabeths reigns and is that in substance which was reprinted by order of the Convocation an 1562. by some caled the
best learned men I could get at that time Martyn Hearken good people what this man saith he made a protestation on day to keep never a whit of that which he would swear the next day was this the part of a christian man But will you have the truth of the matter King Henry 8. even then meant the lamentable change which after you see came to pass and to further his pittifull proceedings from the divorcement of his most lawfull wife to the detestable departing from the vnity of Christ's Church this man made the foresaid protestation and on the other side he letted not to make two solemne oathes quite contrary and why for otherwise by the lawes and Canons of this Realm he could not aspire to the Archbishoprick of Canterbury Cranmer I protest before you all there was never man came more vnwilling to a Bishoprick then I did to that In so much that when King Henry 8. did send for me in post that J should come over I prolong'd my Iourney by seaven weeks at the least thinking that he would be forgetfull of me in the mean time Martyn You declare well by the way that the King took you to be a man of a good conscience who could not find within all his Realm any man that would set forth his strange attempts but was inforced to send for you in post to come out of Germany what may we conjecture therby but that there was a compact between you being then Queen An's Chaplyn and the King give me the Archbishoprick of Canterbury and J will give you licence to live in adultery Cranmer You say not true Martyn Let your protestation joyned with the rest of your Talks give Judgment 〈…〉 Of that your execrable perjury and his coloured and too shamfully suffered adultery 〈◊〉 heresy and all mis-chief to this Realm And now to answer 〈…〉 of your Oration wherin you bring 〈◊〉 God's 〈…〉 you have it on your side and no man ells and 〈◊〉 the Pope hath devised a new Scripture contrary to the Scriptures of God you play here in as the Pharisees did which cryed alwais Verbum Domini Verbum Domini when they mean nothing so This bettereth not your case because you say you have God's word for you for so Basilides and Photinus the Hereticks sayd that they had God's word to maintain there Heresy So Nestorius so Macedonius so Pelagius and briefly all the Hereticks that ever were yea and so the Devill being Father of Heresies alleadged God's word for him saying Scriptum est it is writen so sayd he to Christ mittâ— to deorsum cast thy self downward saith he and so taught you to cast all things downward down with the Sacrament down with Muss down with the Armes of Christ and vp with a Lion and a Dog down with Abbyes down with Chauntrers down with Hospitalls and Colledges down with fasting and prayer yea down with all that is good and Godly c. And therfore tell us not you have God's word for God had given us by his word a mark to know that your teaching proceeded not of God but of the Devill c. For Christ sayd there shal come against his Church râ—vening wolves and false Apostles And by their fruits ye shall know them What be their fruits St. Paul declareth After the flesh they walk in concupiscence and vncleaness they contemn Potentates c. Whether these be not the fruits of your Ghospel I referr me to this worshipfull Audience whether the sayd Ghospel began not with perjury proceeded with adultery was maintained with heresy and ended in Conspiracy Now Sir two points more I marked in your raging discourse that you made here the one against the holy Sacrament the other against the Pope's Iurisdiction and the Authority of the Sea Apostolick Touching the first you say you have God's word with you yea and all Doctors I would here ask but one Question of you whether God's word be contrary to it self and whether the Doctors teach doctrin contrary to them-selves or no For you Mr. Cranmer have taught in this High Sacrament of the Altar three contrary doctrins and you pretend in every one Verbum Domini the word of God Cranmer Nay I taught but two contrary doctrins in the same Martyn What doctrin taught you when you condemned Lambert the Sacramentary in the King's presence in Whitehall Cranmer I maintained then the Popish doctrin Martyn That is to say the Catholick and Universal doctrin of Christ's Church and how when King Henry dyed did you not translate Justus Jonas Book Cranmer J did so Martyn Then there you defended an other doctrin touching the Sacrament by the same token that you sent to Lynne your printer that wheras in the first print there was an affirmative that is to say Christ's body realy in the Sacrament you sent then to your printer to put in a Not wherby it came miraculously to pass that Christ's body was clean conveyed out of the Sacrament Cranmer I remember there were two prints of my said Book but where the same Not was put in I can not tell Martyn Then from a Lutheran you became a Zwinglian which is the vilest heresy of all in the high mystery of the Sacrament and for the same heresy you did help to burn Lambert the Sacramentary which you now call the Catholick faith and God's word Cranmer I grant that then J believed otherwise then J do now and so J did vntill my Lord of London Doctor Ridley did conferr with me and by sundry persuasions and authorities of Doctors â—â—â—ew me quite from my opinion Martyn Now Sir as â—ouching the last part of your Oracion you denyed that the Pope's Holiness was supreme head of the Church of Christ. Cranmer J did so Martyn Who say you 〈…〉 head Cranmer Christ. Martyn But whom hath Christ 〈◊〉 here in earth his Vicâ—â— and head of his Church Cranmer No body Martyn Ah why â—ould you not King Henry this when you made him supreme head and now no body is This is treason against his own person as you then made him Cranmer I mean not but every King in his own Realm and Dominion is supreme head and so was he supreme head of the Church of Christ in England Martyn Is this always true and was it ever so Cranmer Jt was so Martyn Then what say you by Nero he was the mightiest Prince vpon the earth after Christ was ascended Was he the head of Christ's Church Cranmer Nero was Peter's head Martyn I ask whether Nero was head of the Church or no If he were not it is falls that you said before that all Princes be and ever were heads of the Church within their Realms Cranmer Nay it is 〈◊〉 for Nero was head of the Church that is in worldly respect of the temporal bodies of men of whom the Church consisteth for so he beheaded Peter and the Apostles And the Turck too is head of the Church of Turky Martyn Then he that beheaded the heads of
Mr. Walsingham nothing but a colerick Jnvective against the Author of the defence telling him first and facing him down that the cause why there was no publick disputation was in him and his fellowes as being afraid to come to that tryal Which kind of answer contented me not for that I expected he would have sayd that disputation should be procured and that he and all the rest of our Clergy would ioyn in that suit to her Majesty that then was Secondly to all the ways set down by the defence for trying of a Catholick and heretical spirit he sayd only that he and his would be tryed by Scriptures wheras the Controversies would be about the sense and Jnterpretation of Scripture Thirdly to that of Luther Zuinglius Calvin Beza their lives and doctrines which principaly I desired to see discussed he seemed to me to answer scarce any thing to the purpose but ran into a great exclamation of popish slanderers and against the absurdities of Indulgences c. which were not now in question he ought to have examined the place out of Luther's own writings about himself and others both for life and doctrin but this was not don only in general he would seem to excuse matters or rather to divert the reader from attention vnto them with this florish of words As for Berengariâ—s saith Chark Huss Wicleff Luther c. we measure them according to those times wherin the Lord stirred them vp and according to that measure of grace and light he bestowed vpon them and whatsoever were their Jmperfections therin we do not justifie them but give God the praise of his work and leave them to their place as men yet we may and will thus far defend them against that doggish tooth of yourâ—â— that in the principal points of faith wherupon dependeth salvation they were found with Athanasius and all other holy men of God These words J say may be as well applyed as an Apology to Turks Iewes and all hereticks as to Luther Calvin Beza Cranmer for Turks Iewes and all hereticks agree with Catholicks and Athanasius in some points of faith though in their imperfections as blasphemies Iudaisme Turcisme heresy c. They do not agree with Athanasius and therin we do not justifie them Were not this a good excuse thought J with my self And is it not a goodly Church that admits of such companions and fraternity saith VValsingham What he meant â—â—en he sayd in the principal points of faith wherupon dependeth salvation I could not tell seeing he giveth no certain rule to know them And besides I considered that Luther and 〈◊〉 Lutherans do affirm in their Books even to this day that we â—scanâ—ants of England are damned hereticks for denying the real pre 〈…〉 And on the contrary side we say that they are good protestants 〈◊〉 holy men and our Brethren though they hold the real presence which we deny and condemn for Idolatry To all the rest of my difficulties J found in effect no substantial answer at all Mr. VValsinghams last appearance before my Lord of Canterbury and his Doctors THe prefixed time of my appearance drawing neere I repaired to London and vpon the last day of Easter term I went to Lambeth to present my self to my Lord who was not yet come from Westminster though in 〈◊〉 absence there sate as I vnderstood divers Doctors and Prâ—lats about matters of Religion in his house at Lambeth At length my Lord came home and a great train with him coming out of his garden he cast his eye vpon me and presently said vnto me with a friendly countenanee and somewhat a low voice now Mr. VValsingham how do you are you satisfied To whom I answered no truly my Lord I am not yet satisfied wherunto he replyed nothing but went and sate down at his table in the parlor together with his Doctors and Prelats about him whither after a litle time I was called and then my Lord began to explain my case vnto them how I desired to be satisfied in matters of fact conteined in the defence what paines his Lordship had taken with me and others at his appointment and finaly that he had delivered vnto me two books of Mr. Bell's written against the Papists to satisfie me withall and then he called me closs vnto him at the tables end and asked me very seriously whether J had read them and what I thought of them To this I answered that I had read them over with diligence and that my Iudgment was that the Author was a golden Bell but his sound like as of a brazen Candlestick which I sayd in respect of the many golden advices inferences Corollaries and the golden sentences which he mentioned so often in his books but that his sound was no better then of brass according to the Apostle's similitude for that he seemed not only to have no charity in his writings but neither truth nor sincerity in his Allegations The Arch-bishop hearing me call him a golden Bell in the first part of my answer seemed much contented saying that is well but hearing the second demanded why so And Doctor Barlow Dean of Chester afterwards Bishop of Lincoln looking back vpon me with more displeasure as it seemed then the rest sayd why what say you to Mr. Bell and all the other Doctors in like manner cast their eyes vpon me But I gave the reason 〈◊〉 mentioned And then my Lord answering and willing me to shew wherin I had made that observation J layd forth vpon the table before them the two books that I had perused turning to the places of St. Chrysostom St. Augustin and other Fathers which I pretended to have bin vntruly alledged by him presupposing that my Lord would presently hâ—â—e commanded the said Fathers works to have bin brought forth out of his study and the places quoted to be examined in all their presence but no such matter ensued for my Lord having slightly looked over the places in Bell as he citeth them he layed them down again and the Doctors took them vp to peruse in which mean space his Lorship began to talk somewhat privatly and mildly with me concerning things objected by the defence of the Censure against Luther c. My Lord began to talk vnto Doctor Barlow who this while with the rest was looking on Bell's Books and began to speak somwhat concerning them seeming to maintain somewhat a good opinion of Bell's fidelity which yet appeared not to be great with my Lord himself as by some conjectures I gathered But none of them as I said so much as once offered to call for the Fathers works themselves to examin the places which was my desire But after some few words to and fro among themselves my Lord commanded me to stand a side whilst they talked Wherupon I retired my self by litle and litle down to the lower end of the parlour that they might confer more freely they talked together of this and other matters and after
of the two parties are guilty of counterfeiting evidences that is of changing the ancient letter and sense of Scripture and of corrupting and falsifying the Catholick Fathers and Councells It is but matter of fact and may be soon resolved We have given our charge against our Adversaries long since in our printed Books and in this do renew the same Let the Court command them to put in their answer And because the Protestant Clergy hath alwayes endeavored to make vs odious and obnoxious to the state as vnnatural subjects and ill patriots and will strive now to persuade the world that our zeale in manifesting their frauds and falsifications proceeds not from a desire of manifesting the truth but from covetousness of possessing their lands we doubt not but that in case reason and equity appeareth to be on the Catholick side the Catholick Clergy will resign vnto his Majesty all their claim and right to the Church livings of the three Kingdoms to be freely disposed of in pious and publik vses as he and his Parliament will think most fit for the honor of God and defence of this Monarchy against forrein enemies and seditious subjects Wherin we do no more then duty and our Brethren did in the like occasion in Q. Maries reign And as our offer can have no design but duty so this Tryal can not be against conscience and may prove to be of great consequence both for the salvation of soules and satisfaction of his Majestyes subjects It can not be against the tenderness of Protestant consciences because Roman Catholicks who pretend to a greater certainty of doctrin as believing the Roman Catholick Church to be infallible have admitted of such a tryal in France an 1600. in presence of the King then a Catholick the princes and of all the Court and hath bin translated into English in the third part of the 3. Conversions In hopes that Protestants may be moved by such an example and follow the same Method I will set down the summe of the Tryal SVBSECT IV. A brief relation of a Tryal held in France about Religion wherof the Lord Chancellor of France was Moderator IN the year 1600. there came forth a book in Paris vnder the name of Monsieur de Plessis a Hugonot and Governor of Samur against the Mass which book making great shew as the fashion is of abundance and ostentation of Fathers Councells Doctors and stories for his purpose great admiration seemed to be conceived therof and the Protestants every where began to tryumph of so famous a work Iust as our prelatiks have don of late when Doctor Ieremy Taylor 's Dissuasive from Popery was published in Ireland printed and reprinted in England wherupon divers Catholick learned men took occasion to examin the sayd book of Plessis as others have don lately with Doctor Taylors Dissuasive and finding many most egregious deceits shifts and falsifications therin divers books were written against it and one in particular by a French Iesuit discovering at least a thousand falshoods of his part And the Bishop of Eureux afterwards Cardinal Peron Protested vpon his honor in the pulpit that he could shew more then 500. Falsifications in the Book for his part Hereupon the Duke of Bovillon Monsieur Rosny Mr. Digiers and other Protestant Lords began to call for a tryal of the truth for that it seemed to touch all their honors as well as that of their Protestant Religion It were to be wish'd that some of our English Protestant Nobility and Gentry did imitat the French Hugonots rather in this example of the sense they shewed both of honor and conscience then in the fashion of their cloaths cringies and congies The English Protestants have more reason to vindicat Doctor Taylor 's Dissuasive from the aspersions of frauds and falsifications layd to that Bishop's charge then the french Hugonots had to vindicat de Plessis his Book which was but the work of a Lay-man or at least not set out by order of the Hugonot Clergy as Bishop Taylor 's Dissuasive was resolved vpon and published by order of the Protestant prelatik Convocation of Ireland and both the book and Taylor the Author or Amanuensis so much applauded in England that the Dissuasive hath often bin printed at London and the Dissuader's picture in his Canonical habit placed in the beginning of his book with a stern and severe countenance as if he were sharply reprehending St. Ignatius and his learned Jesuits for cheating and selling of soules of which crime they are accused with Mottos set vnder and over their pictures after Taylor 's preface If you add to this insulting dress the impudent drift of the book which is to dissuade all the Irish and English Catholicks from popery you will find that the credit and Religion of prelatik Protestants is more deeply engaged in maintaining the truth of Bishop Taylor 's cause then the French Hugonots in vindicating Monsieur de Plessis and defending his book against the Mass. But to our story Though Plessis had challenged Peron to prove the falsifications that Peron had layd to his charge yet when he saw that Peron accepted of the challenge Plessis began to shrink and seek delayes but by the King 's express command both parties appeared before his Majesty at Fontainbleau where Plessis came with five or Six Ministers on his side to which sort of people it seems he gave too much credit and vpon their word took all his arguments as appeareth by the words of Peron After that Peron had offered to shew 500. enormous and open falsifications in his only book of the Mass he addeth and moreover I say if that after this our conference ended he will take vpon him for his part to choose amongst all his citations of his Book or Books any such authorities as he thinketh most sure against vs I do bind my self for conclusion of all to refute the whole choice and to shew that neither in his sayd Book against the Mass nor in his Treatise of the Church nor in his Common-wealth of Traditions is there to be found so much as any one place among them all which is not either falsly cited or impertinent to the matter or vnprofitably alledged c. neither do J hereby pretend to blame him for any other thing then that he hath bin over credulous in believing the fals relations and Collections of others that have endeavored to abuse the industry and authority of his pen. This disputation saith Peron in his answer to Plessis Challenge shall not be like to others in former times wherein were examined matters of doctrin and the truth therof c. In examination wherof the shifts and sleights of the Disputers and other disguising of the matters might make the truth vncertain to the hearers But all Questions in this disputation shall only be questions of fact whether places be truly alledged or no for tryal wherof it shall only be needfull to bring eyes for Iudges to behold whether
in their old See the Sect. of the second Part of this Treatise and the first Part Sect. 1. See 1 p. Sect. 1. The King 's right to France My Lord of Clarendons policy censured by all Wise men One of the King of Spain his Ministers told me that the late King Philip 4. had disburs'd for the Defence of the Low Countries four hundred Millions of Ducats which amounts one hundred Millions sterl All this Treasure was sent out of Spain Monsieur de Silbon in his 3. Book of Policy Discourse 4 of the Alliance of of Princes c. Pag. 295. Perpetual miracles The miracle of St. Ianuarius at Naples This miracle failed once when it was shewed privatly to a yong english Lord and this failing was printed in the Italian Gazets as very strange news The famous and vndeniable miracle of St Francis Xaverius wrought in the person of Marcello Mastrilli I was at Lisâ—on when this holy Martyr embarcke there for the East Indy in order to his further navigation to Japan some 30. year since and I heard Marcello relate his own miraculous cure and do remember what strâ—ving there was between Passengers and Merchants to ship their goods and persons in the same vessel wherin Marcello was to embark not doubting of its safe arrival at Goâ— so satisfied were all sorts of people of the truth of the miracle and of the accomplishment of his Martyrdom in IapaÌ„ revealed to him by St. Xaverius Whitak de Ecclesia pag. 349. Bp. Laud against Fisher pag. 108. Calvin Harm in Marc. cap. 13. p. 302. miracula sigilla sunt verae doctrinae Nam quis vel cogit absque blasphemia DeuÌ„ commodaturum suam propriam vim virtutemque mendacio Chamier tom 2. Controv. lib. 16. cap. 14 p. 677. Gods veracity questioned by ProtestaÌ„ts when they answer to the argument deduced from Roman Catholick miracles A demonstratioÌ„ to prove that God can not permit true true miracles to confirm fals doctrin Ioan. 15.24 Matth. 11. â—â— Ioan. 10. â—â— 38 Ioan. â— â—â— Anti Christs Miracles are not credible if compared with ours Of visible miracles seen thought not observed by every Protestant in confirmation of our Roman faith The difference between true and fals miracles St. Bernard in vita St. Malac. c. 57. See Belarmin de Ecclesia lib. 4. cap. 29. St. Chrysostom de Sacerdotio lib. 6. cap 4. Adoration of the Blessed Sacrament St. Nilus in ep ad Anastasium St. Gregory Naz. Orat. 11. de obitâ— Gorgonia St. Cyprian in serm de lapsis Post medium Communion vnder one Kind Evagrius Orthodoxus lib. 4. c. 35. an Dom. 552 A miracle for the Communion vnder one Kind Transubstantiation Petrus Diac. Ioan Diac. in vitaâ— Gregorij Guiâ—muÌ„dus Anersanns Episc. lib 3. de Sacram Euch. St Antonin in Chron. p. 2. cap. 3. tit 12. §. 8. Primat Vshers falsificationâ— to discredit this story and the following Answer pag. 69. Vsher Answer pag. 69 Particulam carnis quam super Altare posueraâ— caâ—nem factam reperit Ioan. Diac. in vita S. Gregor lib. 2. cap. 41. Vsher in his Catalogue of Authors Vsher Answer paeg 77. Doctor Humphrey in Iesuitismi part 2. â—at 5. pag. 5. Thomas Waldensis Tom. 2. de Sacram. Eui char c. 62. Harpsfeild in Hist. Wicleff cap. 18. ex Waldens Regist. Arundell See Parsons sober Reckoning a pag. 508. How Protestants falsify and corrupt the very statuts and law Books Optatus Melevitanus l. 2 contra Donatistas Perrexit vnus obtulit ibi SacrificiuÌ„ Corporis Sanguinis Christi â—rans quantum potuit vt cessareâ— illa â—exatio Deoque protinus misâ—rantâ— cessavit Aug. de Civitate Dei l. 22 c. 28. Theodorus lector lib. 2. Collâ—ctaneoâ—rum Purgatory and Prayer for the Dead St. Gregory l. 4. Moral c. 55. St. Gregory 4. Dial. 40. Miracles wrought by St. Bernard to confirm every point of the Roman Catholick doctrin Gofrid in viâ— S. Bern. lib. 3. c 5. 6. Willelmus Abbas St Nicodorici Remensis l. 1. c. 10. Bernardus Abbas Banevallis See the Centurists Centur 12. col 1634.1635 1649. alledging St. Bernard giving Testimony of his own miracles Osiander in Epit. Cent. 12. l 4. c. 6. pag. 310. saith of St. Bernard miracula ei prope infinita à Pontificiis scriptoribus affinguntur quae ego partim ab otiosis Monachis excogitata puto partim permissione Dei praestigijs Sataniâ—is effecta existimo non quod SanctuÌ„ Bernardum magum fuisse putem sed quod vero simile sit Satanam talia miracula effecisse c. Tales fuisse puto St. Bernardi visiones post morteÌ„ suam apparitiones praestigias videlicet diabolicas quibus Satan ipsi Sancto Bernardo dum viveret aliis illusit Whitaker de Ecclesia pag. 369. ego quidem Bernardum vere fuisse sanctuÌ„ existimo Adomnem progressum atque promotum ad omnem aditum exitum ad vestitum calceatum ad lavacra ad mensaâ— ad lumina cubilia quaecumque nos conversatio exercet frontem Crucis signaculo â—erimus cujus disciplinae si legem expostules scripturam nullaÌ„ invenies traditio tibi praetenditur auctrix consuetudo confirmatrix fides observatrix Tertull. de Corona Militis c. 3. 4. Cyril Hiero. Catech. 13. S. Iren. l. 1. c. 20. 25. Epist. ad Philip. 3. Epiphan haer 21 28 Theoder 2. haer fab· 4. alij S. Paulinus natal 10. S. Felic S. Paulinus Nol. ep 11. ad Severum Ope rante virtute divina jugi miraculo in materia in sensata vim viâ—am tenens ita innumâ—ris paene quotidie hominum votis lignum suum commodauit vt detrimenta non sentiret quasi intacta permanserit quotidie dividâ—è sumentibus semper tota venerantibus Nicephorus lib. 8. cap. 29. S. Hierom in vita S. Hilarionis in fin S. Gregory Turon 2. hist. 3. Protestant miracles are but Cheats S. Gregory Nazian orat in Julian Theodoret lib. 3. c. 3. Some Protestants agree with pagans and Magitians in contemning the sign of the Cross and maintaining the Devils power against it Osiander Cent. 4. pag. 326. speaking of the Devils flying away at Julians making the sign of the Cross saith Diaboli simulata sua fuga voluerunt vulgi superstitionem confirmare quasi Cruciâ— signo Daemones abigantur The same say the Centurists Cent. 4. col 1446. Act. 5.15 Evagr. 4. hist. 29 St. Damasc. 4. de fide Orthod 17. Niceph. â— hist. 7. Metaphr 15. non in vitâ— S. Alexii Tom. 3. Concil Hadrianus Papa ad Carol. Magnum Methodius Episcopus apud Marian scot in Chron. an Dm. 3. S. Bedae de loc saÌ„ct c. 8. 5. Euseb 7. hist. 14 Niceph lib. 10. c. 30. Theophilactus in cap. 9. Math. Sozom. lib. 5. cap. 20. ad Metaphrast 20. Octob. Centur. 4. c. 13. col 1447. Iustus Lipsius Diva Sichimiensis edit Antuerp an 1605. cap. 45. The Protestant distinction of civil and Religious worship misapplied by Ministers to delude their flocks
noâ—is Ecclesiae cap 9 Apparatus ad Tom. 1. pag. 49. Sutcliff pag. 199. Sutcliff pag. 279. Instit. lib. 2. cap. 20. Luther de Captiuit Babylon in cap. 15 Ioan. in 6. art against the execrable Bull c. Melancton disp de paenitentia prop. 7. Concil Trid. Sess. 6. c. 8. Catech. ad Paroch de paen Sacram pag. 290. Luther lib. 1. de natura hominis art 4. Luther lib. contra Ambr. Cathar Luther in Concil Germ. cap. de Anti-Christo Calvin lib. 3. Instit. c. 20. â— 21. Calvin Instit. lib. 3. c 4. §. 1. See part 2. 3. Cor. 7. Cyprian ser. de caena Domini See St. Cyril of Hierusalem Cateches Missagog 4. S. Ambros lib. 4. de Sacram. c. 4. de ijs qui Mysterijs initiantur c. 6. St. August vide Canonean do consec dist 2. Answer 85. St. Basil. in Regulis brevioribus Interrogatione 288. St. Ambrose l. de paenit cap. 6. St. Austin hom 49. c. 3. Aug. lib. de vera falsa paenitentia cap. 10. cap. 14. St. Gregory Nyssen orat in eos qui durius alios judicant Petro Francisco Zeno. Interpret Pag. 128. St. Ambrose l. 1. de paenit cap. 2. ser. 10. in psal 128. St. Hierom. in proverb cap. 11. saith it is to be observed that although there be no hope of pardon after death yet be there soâ—e who may be absolved after death from such light sins as they carried with them out of this life They may be absolved I say either by suffering punishment or els by the prayer almes and masses of their living friends But to whom soever these things are don thy are don to them before the last Judgment and for lighter faults De hac quaestione nihil Ecclesia definiuit sunt autem multae opiniones Belarm lib. 12. de purgat cap. 6. initio pag. 178. passim St. Bernard ser. 66. in Cant. St. Gregory Nyssen orat de mortuis Purge me o Lord in ths life c. that I may not stand in need of that ameÌ„ding fire which is for those who shall be saued but so as by fire Aug. in psal 37. It is manifest that they aged persons dying in smaller sins being purged before the day of Judgment by temporary pains which their souls do suffer they shall not be deliuered to the punishment of eternal fire Aug. l. 20. de Ciuit cap. 13. Vsher's Answer pag. 179. Answer pag. 182. See Sir Edward Sands in his relations cap. 53.54 Hieremias Constantinopol Resp. 1. c. 12. 13. Gabriel Alexand ep ad Clem. 8 Hypathius Ruthenorum legatus in professione fidei Graeci Venetiad Card. Guisianum q 10 Zaga Zabâ— Ethiop in Confessione fidei Aethiop Gennadius Scholarius c. Purgatorio sec. 1. 5. Answer pag. 420 Reply against Harding p. 379. St. Austin contra Faust. Manichaeum lib. 20. c. 21. Answer pag. 377. Mathew 4. v. 10 St. Epiphan Haeres 79. parag 6. 7 Ibid parag 2. Vsher translates But thou o Lord and adds interrogations to help his fraud Adjuvent nos eorum merita quos propria impediunt scelera excuset intercessio accusat quos actio qui eis tribuisti caelestis palmam triumphi nobis veniam non deneges peccati Pag. 24. against Fisher Aug. serm 14 de verbâ— Apostoli in fine Laud pag. 33 Ibid. Pag. 34. B. Laud. E. Quae quidê si tam manifesta monâ—ratur vt in dubium venire non possit praeponenda est omnibus illis rebus quibus in Catholicateneor Ita si aliquid apertissimuÌ„ in Evangelis St. Aug. contra Fund c. 4. Pag. 38. Vincent Lirin cap. 23.24 he sayes the Pelagians erred in Dogmate fidei and yet they erred not in a prime maxime but in a superstructure Vin. Lirin cont haer c. 31. Impiorum turpiumerrorum lupanar vbi erat ante castae incorruptae Sacrarium veritatis Bp. Laud pag. 38. Pag. 39. Christi vero Ecclesia sedula cauta depositorum Custos nihil in ijs vnquaÌ„ permutat nihil minuit nihil addit non amputat necessaria non apponit superflua non amittit sua non vsurpat allena Vincent Lirin cap. 22. Se hertofore part 2. Ego vero Evangelio non crederem nisi me Ecclesiae commoveret authoritas Aug. lib. 1. contra Epist. Fund c. 5. Bishop Laud pag. 81. edit 1639. Vbi Ecclesia Catholica Episcopos populos à tempore Apostolorum vsque in hodiâ—rnum diem sibimet succedentium importat sic accipit nomeÌ„ Ecclesiae Augustinus cum asserit quod non crederet Evangelio niâ—â— eum authoritas Ecclesiae c. Ocham Dial. part 1. lib. 1. cap. 4. Hos. 4.15 A.C. pag. 58. Guilielm Malmesbur in prolog lib. 1. de gâ—stâ—s Pontif. Angl. p. 195. St Bed lib. 5. Eccl. Hist. cap. 20. Bede lib. 1. Eccl. Histor. cap. 29. See this Treatise par 1. sec· 1. Concil Afrik Can. 101. Ut Romam liceat Episcopis provocare ut Clericorum causae apud suarum provinciarum Episcopos finiantur etiam litteris nostris ad eundem venerabilis memoriae Zozimum Episcopum datis insinuari curâ— vimus c. Concil African ep ad Bonifac pap to which St. Austin subscribed St. Irenaeus l. 3. cap. 3. Gregor Nazian in Car de vita sua See D Lauds labyrinth p. 135. 136 Hierom. ep ad Evagrium Auferibilis non est usque ad consummationeÌ„ saeculi Vicarius sponsus Ecclesiae â— quin aliquis certus ei praeficiatur c. Gerson Consid 20. A faire offer to Protestants See the petition and instrument of the Catholick Clergyes resignation in Doctor Heylins Ecclesia restaurata pag. 43. and the Stat. 1. Mar. and in this Treatise part 1. No sacrilege to apply the Church revenues to the Crown in some cases See the Sentence of Pope Julius 3. sent to Queen Mary an 1554. And the reasons therof set down by Dr. Burges in his book No Sacrilege nor sin c. 52. 53. wherof the last reason is seeing the goods and possessions of the Church even by the authority of the Canon laws may be aliened for the redemption of Captives and that the same may be don by that Church only to whom such possessions do belong it is fit and reasonable that such dispensations should be granted for continuing of possession already gotten for so great a good of publick concord and vnity of the Church and preservation of the State as well in body as in soul pag. 54. edit 1660. A publick Trial and Conference desired by Catholicks See Doctor Allen in his Apol. for the Seminaries And Persons in his Defence of the Censure Arch. Lauds reason confuted See the Nullity of the Protestant Church and Clergy See also my Erasus junior and an other book of mine called Erastus seni See the late or last EditioÌ„ of the Common prayer book since his Maj. happy restauration and there you shall find the words Priest and Bishop put into this their new form which are not