by learned Fathers and Divines by Synods and generall Councels but by great Lords and Barons yea by the whole Peerage of these Kingdomes of England and France Peter Lord Primandy and Barree who writ the French Academy and dedicated the same to Henry the 3. King of France and Poland in that booke and chapter of the causes that bred change saith that Bishops and Prelates neglecting their charge to bestow their times in worldly affaires grew to misliking and contempt have procured great offences and marvellous trouble which may more easily be lamented then taken away or reformed being such abuses as have taken deepe root And what he affirmeth did the Peeres of France unitely deliver That Bishops should follow Saint Peters steps to winne soules and not to meddle with wars and murder of mens bodies But to come neere and to speake of this Kingdome of England let us heare what the English Lords did declare we read that they did decree in the time and reigne of King John that Bishops should not intermeddle in civill affaires or rule as Princes over their Vasâ—alls and the reason is â—enderd for Peter say they received no power but onely in matters pertaining to the Church and further enlarging themselves use these words It appertaines not to Bishops to deale in secular affaires since Peter onely received of our Saviour a power in matters Ecclesiastic all what say they hath the Prelats to entermeddle with wars such are Constantines successors not Peters whom as they represent not in good actions so neither doe they in authority Fie on such Rascal Ribaulds the words in Paris are Marcidi Ribaldi how unlike are they to Peter that usurpe Peters place But this point of intermedling in secular affaires though I have often digressed and intermingled with the former parts is proved in its proper place to bee unlawfull viz. in that part that treateth therof craving pardon for this deviation I will pursue the present argument the obnoxiousnesse of their sitting in Parliament and come to the points I intended to insist on viz. the entrance of Bishops into the Parliament house and by what meanes they came there and continued That they have sate there from the first Parliament to this is not denied But as we are not now to consider an suerunt but an profuerunt so are we not to debate and discusse an factum but an sieri debuit for it was the argument of a Pagan viz. Symmachus to the Emperor Theodosius recorded by Saint Amb. servanda est tot saeculis fides nostra sequendi sunt majores nostri qui secuti sunt faelicitur suos Our religion which hath continued so many yeares is still to be retained and our ancestors are to bee followed by us who happily traced the steps of their forefathers but with Tertullian nullam vâ—lo conâ—uetudinem defendas if good no matter how short since if bad the longer the worse Antiquity without truth as saith Cyprian is but ancient error The first Parliament as I reade began 1116. or thereabouts and in the sixteeneth or seventeenth yeare of King Henry the first who being an usurper brought in by the Bishops to the disherison of Robert his elder brother admitted the said Bishops to be members of the said high Court partly ingratefulnesse but rather for that he durst not doe otherwise for was not Ralfe the then Archbishop of Canterbury so proud and insolent a Prelate that was read of him that when Roger Bishop of Salsbury was to celebrate the Kings Coronation by reason of the palsie of the Archbishop this â—holerick outdaring Prelate could hardly be intreated by the Lords to withhold his hands from striking the Crowne from the Kings head Of such spirits were these spirirituall Prelates and the jealousie to lose their pompous preheminence of honors yet had he no other reason for this his sauâ—ines and bold attempt but for that Roger did not this by his appointment At the same time Tâ—urstoâ— was Archbishop of Yorke who though a disloyall and perjured man by breach of his oath to the King yet was hee highly favoured and countenanced by the Pope and put into that See by him in dispite of the said King And as hee so the rest of the Bishops not lesse guilty nor much lesse potent were likewise admitted members of that high Court and to speake plainly how could he spare their being in that house who were to justifie his title to the Crowne Now passe we to King Stephen another usurper nephew to the former King Henry him though he had an elder brother and before them both the title of Anjou by his wife Maud the Empresse as also of his son Henry to precede the Bishops did advance to the Royal Throne no lesse persidiously then traiterously having formerly sworne to Maud the Empresse We are also to understand that the Bishop of Winchester was his brother a very potent man in the State and it is worthy our noting that the Bishops did endeavour to salve their disloyalty and perjury by bringing in the Salicke Law to this Kingdome traiterously avowing that it was basenes for so many and so great Peers to be subject to a woman Nay it seemeth the Bishops did not intend to be true subjects to him though a brave and worthy Prince had his title to the Crowne been as good as the Prelates at his election did declare for read we not that the Bishops of Salisbury Lincolne Ely and others did fortifie Castles against him and advanced to him in armed and warlicke manner nay did not his brother the Bishop of Winchester forsake him and in a Synod of Clergie accursed all those that withstood the Empresse Maud blessing all that assisted her Surely this curse ought to have fallen on himself and the Archbishop who did trouble the Realm with fire and sword Sure as these were too great to bee put out of Parliament so were they very dangerous therein Vnto Stephen succeed Henry 2. In this time Thomas Becket was Archbishop of Canterbury what his demeanour toward his Soveraigne was and what mischiefe was by him occasioned to the Kingdome would take too much time to declare and though some Papists that adore him for a Saint will say he resisted on just cause yet I will deliver what I read and render him with the Chronicles an Arch-traytor and tell you that the Doctors in Paris did debate whether he were damned for his disloyalty Rogerus the Norman avowing that he deserved death and damnation for his contumacie toward the King the Minister of God From him I passe to his sonne Richard the first who had two brothers that were Bishops the one of Duresme the other of Lincolne and after Archbishop of Yorke and going to the holy Land appointed for Governour of the Kingdome William Longchampe chiefe Iusticiar and Lord Chancellour of England and Papall Legat. This Viceroy or rather King for so
grandchilde who succeeded him we read that when in Parliament in London the Laity had granted a fifteenth on condition that the Clergie would likewise give aâ—tenth and a halfe William le Courtney then Archbishop did stifly oppose it alleaging they ought to be free nor in any wise to be taxed by the laity which answer so offended the Lords and Commons that with extreame fury they befought the King to deprive them of their temporalties alleadging that it was an almesdeed and an act of charity thereby to humble them that was then deliverd for an almesdeed and an act of charity which is now accounted sacriledge and cruelty The next that succeeded him was Henry the fourth but an usurper also for at that time there were living of the house of Yorke others whose right by the title of Clarence was before his as Mortimer c. In opposition to his claime and right the Bishop of Carlile made a most eloquent oration but to what purpose to perswade his dethroning now vested in the regall government and therby to engage the Kingdome in a civill warre which when his oratory could not effect he laboured and so farre prevailed that by his subtile insinuations and perswasions many Princes of the bloud royall and other great Lords were drawne to a conspiracy himselfe laying the plot and together with the Abbot of Westminster the chiefe wheeles of all the practice as moving the rest for the Kings death whereby he brought to the block those noble Peeres and as his pestilent counsell had infected their minds so was the bloud of them and theirs tainted by this foule treason but as I discommend his disloyall actions so I no better approve the other flattering and timeserving Bishops who did pleade the right of the title of the said King more eloquently then honestly more rhetorically then divinely for which their expressions they were imployed as Embassadours to forraigne parts to declare and justifie his title and right to the Scepter the Bishop of Hereford to Rome the Bishop of Duresme to France the Bishop of Bangor to Germany and the Bishop of St. Asaph to Spaine which Bishop of Asaph sate as Iudge in that Parliament and pronounced the sentence of deposition against King Rich. The forme as neare as I remember was We John Bishop of St. Asaph John Abbot of Glastenbury Commissioners named by the house of Parliament sitting in place of judgement c. Here you may note that the Bishop did passe judgement of a great inheritance no lesse then two or three Kingdomes and though not betweene two brothers but cosins yet did adjudge most wrongfully as was most apparant I note withall that the title of Lord is not assumed by this King-deposing Bishop nor any other that I reade of Now what hee had judged in Parliament his holy brother of Canterbury must make good in Pulpit delivering What unhappinesse it was to have a childe either of age or discretion to be a King and what felicity it was to a Kingdome to have it governed by a man Certainly a most dangerous position to an hereditary Monarchy I also note that this Archbishop was brother to the Earle of Arundell and at the same time the Archbishop of Yorke a neare kinsman to the Earle of Wiltshire and who durst then plead against the right of the Bishops sitting in Parliament In the same Kings reigne Richard le Scroope the Archbishop of Yorke did in Parliament enter into conspiracy with Thomas Mowbray Earle Marshall against the said King for which they were both beheaded I say the Archbishop as well as the Earle Marshall had his head cut off iterate it because some have doubted whether an Archbishop may be beheaded And now in the said Kings reigne in the Parliament of Coventry let me also tell you that in the said Parliament as in other both before and after a Bill was exhibited against the Temporalties of the Clergy who called that Parliament Parliamentum indoctorum saying that the Commons were fit to enter Common with their cattle having no more reason then bruit beasts This is Speeds delivery but I take it that he repeateth it as the Prelates censure of the house of Commons But to him succeeded Henry the 5. in his time did not Henry Chichley in an eloquent oration in Parliament revive the warres with France by declaring the Kings right thereunto to the effusion of much Christian blood and to the losse of all we had there To expiate which he built a Colledge in Oxenford to pray for the soules slaine in France Though what hee did then deliver was true of the Kings right to the Crowne of France as was also the other of Iohn Archbishop of the same See in Ed. 3. time and no lesse true was that of Carlile against Hen. 4. title Yet I may say it was not the office or function of a Bishop to incense warres domesticke or forraigne Nay this Bishop did set this warre on foot to divert the King from reformation of the Clergy For in that Parliament held at Leicester there was a petition declaring that the temporall lands which were bestowed on the Church were superâ—â—uously and disorderly spent upon hounds and hawkes horses and whores which better imployed would suffice for the maintenance of 15. Earles 1500. Knights 6200. Esquires an hundred Almeshouses and besides of yearly rent to the Crowne 20000. pounds From him I come to his sonne H. 6. I reade many accusations that Gloucester the good protector did lay to the charge of Beaufort the Cardinall of Winchester and Lord Chancellor great uncle to the King living sonne to Iohn of Gaunt alledging him a person very dangerous both to the King and State his brother of Yorke a Cardinall also together with the other Bishops no better For wee reade of Archbishop Bourchier and other Bishops that they did shamefully countenance the distraction of the time These as I delivered before though bad in Parliaments yet too great to put out I will not now speake of many other particulars that I might either in this Kings reigne or his successors to King H. 8. for that I desire to declare what they did since the reformation yet therein will be as briefe as I may having already too much provoked your patience for which I crave humble pardon To Henry the sixt succeeded Edward the fourth who indeed had the better title to the Crowne notwithstanding Archbishop Nevill Brother to the King-make-Warwick with others did conspire and attempt his dethroning and after tooke him prisoner and kept him in his Castle of Midleham and after in Parliament at Westminster did they not declare him a traitor and usurper confiscate his goods revoke abrogate and make frustrate all Satutes made by him and intaile the Crowne of England and France upon Henry and his issue male in default thereof to Clarence and so disabling King Edward his elder Brother But to hasten I will passe over
A SPEECH OF VVilliam Thomas ESQVIRE IN PARLIAMENT In May 1641. Being a short View and Examination of the Actions of Bishops in Parliament from Anno Dom. 1116. to this present of 1641. in the severall Reignes of 23. Kings and Queens of this Kingdome of England c. In all and each of their times it is made to appeare they have been most obnoxious to Prince and People and therefore that it is not fit or convenient that they should continue members of that Honourable House in which they have beene so disloyally and traiterously affected to Regality And no lesse mischievous and pernicious to Church and Commonwealth A SPEECH OF WILLIAM THOMAS ESQVIRE I Have formerly spoken of the present Church government by Archbishops Bishops c. Declaring the corruption and unsoundnesse thereof and how farre degenerate if not contrary to the pure Primitive Apostolicall institution Also I have touched a little of the other parts as how unlawfull it was for them to intermeddle in temporall affaires to use civill power or to sit as Iudges in any Court much lesse in the Court of Parliament where they passe censure and judgement not onely of our lives and liberties but on the Estates and inheritance and blood as of us so of our posterity And as this is unlawfull by the Divine Law so by the Canons of the Church yea of this Church and Acts of Parliament of this Realme whereof I shall further enlarge myselfe in my â—â—â—â—ing discourse So hath their sitting there beene prejudiciall and obnoxious to Kings and Subjects Now I desire briefly to declare when and how the Bishops came to be members in the Parliaments in the House of the Lords and by what meanes they continued their sitting there because prescription is much insisted upon although long usage as King Iames truly delivereth confirmeth no right if unlawfull originally or at convenient times interrupted And whereas it hath beene demanded why the first of our reasons viz. that it hindreth Ecclesiasticall vocation was not urged 600. yeares agoe I answer There was then no cause for the first beginning of Parliaments was not 74. yeares after But if this had beene delivered of the lawfulnesse and conveniency of their intermedling in temporall affaires I should have replyed that it hath beene declared not onely 600. but 1600. yeares agoe and in each century since But supposing and granting that it was meant of such Parliaments as were before the Conquest you shall finde that above 600. yeares agoe the Prelates are charged by their intermedling in secular affaires to neglect the office of Episcopall function For this we read The Clergy altogether were unlearned wanton and vicious for the Prelates altogether neglected the office of Episcopall function which was to tender the affaires of the Church and to feed the slocke of Christ lived themselves idle and covetoâ—s addicted wholly to the pompe of the world and voluptuous life little caring for the Churches and soules committed to their charge And if any saith Higden told them that their lives ought to be holy and their conversation without covetousnesse according to the sacred prescript and vertuous example of their Elders they would scoffingly put them off with a Nunc aliuá tempus alii pro tempore mores Thus saith he they plained the roughnesse of their doings with the smoothnesse of their answers Briefly they were so loose and riotous saith Gervasius of Canterbury that they fell so fast to commit wickednesse as to be ignorant of sinfull crimes was then held to be a great crime it selfe And the Clergy saith Malmsbury contenting themselves with triviall literature could scarcely hack and hew out the words of the Sacrament Robert was then Archbishop of Canterbury who instigated King Edward the Confessor against his mother queene Emma charging her with incontinency with Alwyn Bishop of Winchester observe how one Locust stings another which she washt away and cleared her selfe of by a sharpe tryall of fire Candentes ferri being put according to the Law Ordalium to cleare her selfe by passing nine Plough-shares glowing red hot bare-footed and blind-folded which she did without hurt And as this Bishop had charged the queene his mother with incontinence so did he likewise the queene his wife Edith or Egith with adultery but no lesse untruly and unjustly then maliciously and enviously as saith Malmesbury shee being a Lady incomparable as for beauty so for vertue in whose breast there was a Schoole of all liberall Sciences And the like testifies Ingulphus that had often conference with her that as she was beautifull and excellent well learned so in her demeanour and whole course of life a virgin most chaste humble and unfainedly holy milde modest faithfull and innocent not ever hurtfull to any And doe we not reade that about the yeare 1040. that Bishop Alfred had his hand deepe in the murder of Prince Alfred who having his eyes inhumanely put out lived not long after in torment and griefe Some say he died by a more horrible kinde of cruelty as his belly was opened and one end of his bowels fastned to a stake his body pricked with sharp poniards till all his entrailes were extracted in which most savage torture he ended his innocent life These Bishops little regarded Ecclesiasticall vocation or function but worldly pompe and courtly rule They cannot bee at assemblies of States and Parliaments but their neglected flock must be starved these feed not their hungry sheepe but hunger to feed on them and this care of the world volves them in a world of cares What hath beene spoken of those Bishops I wish had not been delivered of other latter Prelates wherein I crave leave to speake what others write That they are growne to that height of idlenesse the mother of ignorance and luxury within themselves and by reason thereof in contempt and base estimation with the people that it is thought high time that blood should bee drawn from their swelling veines I will not though perhaps I might say with them that the Commonwealth hath little use of such I mean of over Lordly Bishops out for that they are so far degenerated from the Primitive institution I wish there were reformation I speake not of demolishing but of amendment and restitution and untill it appeare that the whole is unsound I shall not assent to utter extirpation or eradication Thus much I have made bold to deliver though not in due place nor in any purpose to plead against those or any of them that have declared themselves to bee of contrary opinion I am not ignorant of my disability to enter the lists with any or to contend with such Worthies in this or other argument but I hope there will not be denied to me leave and liberty to declare the cause and reason of my vote in this house in which I have the honour to sit as a member and if I have erred I have beene mis-led not onely
Paris calles him Rex Sacerdos had joyned with him Hugh Bishop of Duresme for the parts beyond Humber This Kingly Bishop as Authors deliver did use incredible insolence and intollerable tyranny and commit a most sacrilegious and barbarous out-rage upon the person of Ieffery Archbishop of Yorke and naturall brother to K. R. the first for which afterwards being taken in a Curtesans apparrell and attire velut delicata muliercula hee was banished the Realme Now as it was very difficult to turne such Papall Bishops and Regulos out of Parliament so certainly such Lord Bishops did there worke no little mischiefe to Regall power the subjects liberties and the weale publick Certainly this was not the duty and office of a Bishop surely the Silke and Scarlet Robes of Princes and Iusticiars were as undecent for these Bishops as was the coat of Iron of the Bishop of Beavois taken prisoner by this King which hee sent to the Pope with a vide an tunica silii tui sit an non to which hee made answer That he was not his sonne nor the sonne of the Church For hee had put off the peaceable Prelate and put on the warlicke Souldier tooke a Shield in stead of a Cope a Sword for a stole a Curacâ— for an Albe a Helmâ—â— for a Miter a Lance for a Bishops staffe perverting the order and course of things Thus we see that a Bishop must destroy mens lives either as a Iusticiar in Court or as a Souldier in Camp Qui si non aliqua nocuisset mortuus est they will doe any thing but what they ought to doe Feed the Flocke they desire rather to sit in Parliament then stand in a pulpit accounting preaching according to B. Iuel so far below their greatnesse as indeed it is above their goodnesse We neither deny or reject Episcopacy or Church government it selfe but the corruptions thereof and we say that the Bishops who stiffely maintained those corruptions have inforced this our distaste When Iacob was forced to depart from Laban for ill usage I conceive that the breach was in Laban not in Iacob So also those that did forsake Babylon God commanding to depart from it lest they should be partakers of their punishment as they were guilty of their crimes did not occasion the schisme or breach but the sinnes of Babylon And we confesse that true it is that we refuse and forsake the present Church government but no further then it hath forsaken pure and primitive institution therefore let none say that wee are desirous of innovation for I thinke we may boldly with the forenamed reverend Bishop Iewel affirme Nos non sumus novatores From K. R. I come to K. Iohn an usurper likewise who was advanced to the Regall Throne by Archbishop Hubert and the Prelates This lewd Bishop unjustly declaring this and all other Kingdomes to bee elective and that no man hath right or fore-title to succeed another in a Kingdome but must be by the body of the Kingdome thereunto chosen with invocation of grace and guidance of Gods holy Spirit alledging further and that most plainly by example of David and Saul that whosoever in a Kingdome excelled all in valour and vertue ought to surmount all in rule and authority and therefore they had all uâ—anâ—â—â—â—usly elected Iohn first imploring the Holy Ghosts assistance as well in regard of his merits as royall bloud And thus the Bishops blanch their disloyall assertion with sacred Writ and their lewd devised plot with the holy Ghosts assistance Hereby they rejected the just Title and hereditary succession of Arthur his elder brothers sonne And as he did this disherision unjustly and disloyally so did hee this election lewdly and fraudulently as himselfe after confessed when being demanded the reason of his so doing he replied That as Iohn by election got the Crowne so by ejection upon demerit he might lose the same which after he did endeavour to his utmost and at last effected by depriving him of life and kingdome Let me not be misconceived I know Hubert died eight or ten yeares before him but what he did begin and forward was furthered and pursued by Stephen Langton and other Bishops and Prelates too long to rehearse His other brother being Archb. of York a strange example saith Malm. to have a King ruled by two brethren of so turbulent humours Many of their treasonable acts and disloyalties I will omit and passing by as well particular Bishops and Prelates as Stephen Archdeacon of Norwich and others as also of them in the generall I will onely relate one villanous passage of traiterous disloyalty whereof as good Authours deliver the Archbishops and Prelats were principall Abetters and Conspirers The King being at Oxford the Bishops and Barons came thither with armed multitudes without number and forced him to yeeld that the government should bee swayed by twenty five selected Peeres Thus one of the greatest Soveraigns was but the six twentieth petty King in his owne dominions c. To him succeeded his sonne K. H. 3 who being at Clarkenwell in the house of the Prior of S. Iohns was told by him no lesse sawcily then disloyally if I may not say trayterously that he should be no longer King then hee did right to the Prelates Whereto hee answered What doe you meane to deprive me of my Kingdom and afterward murder me as you did my Father And indeed they performed little lesse as shall hereafter appear But now to take the particular passages in order In this Kings reigne Stephen then Archbishop of Canterbury as we read was the Ring-leader of disorders both in Church and State and no better was Peter Bishop of Winchester But not to speake of them in particular but of them all in generall and that in Parliament at Oxford thus wee read To the Parliament at Oxford saith Matth. Paris and Matth. Westm. came the seditious Earles and Barons with whom the Bishops Pontisice's ne dicam Pharisei those were his words had taken counsell against the King the Lords annointed who sternly propounded to the King sundry traiterous Articles to which they required his assent but not to reckon all the points you shall heare what the same Authours deliver of their intent I will repeat the words as I finde them These turbulent Nobles saith M. West had yet a further plot then all this which was first hatched by the disloyall Bishops which was that foure and twenty persons should there bee chosen to have the whole administration of the K. and State and yearly appointment of all great Officers reserving onely to the King the highest place at meetings Primus accubitus in caenis and salutations of honour in publicke places To which they forced him and his sonne Prince Edward to sweare for feare as mine Authour saith of perpetuall imprisonment if not worse for the traiterous Lords had by an edict threatned death to all that resisted And the perfidious
and wicked Archbishop and Bishops cursing all that should rebell against it which impudent and traiterous disloyalty saith Matth. Paris and Matth. Westm. the Monks did detest asking with what fore-heads the Priests durst thus impaire the Kingly Majesty expressely against their sworne fidelity to him Here we see the Monks more loyall and honest then the Lord Bishops wee have cashiered the poore Monkes and are we afraid of the Bishops Lordlinesse that they must continue and sit in Parliament to the prejudice of the King and people And so we may observe that this traiterous Bishop did make this King as the former had done his father meerely titular From him I passe to his son Edward the first In his reigne Boniface was Archbishop of Canterbury and Brother to the Queene what he and the rest of the Prelats did in prejudice to the regall authority and weale publique I will passe over the rather for that they declare themselves in his sons reigne so wicked and disloyall that no age can parallell of which thus in briefe doth not Thomas De la More call the Bishop of Hereford Arch plotter of treason Omnis mali Architectum and not to speake of his contriving the death of the late Chancellour and other particular villanies he is branded together with Winchester then Chancellour and Norwich Lord Treasurer to occasion the Dethroning of this Prince nay after long imprisonment his very life taken away by Bishop Thorltons aenigmaticall verse though he after denied it Edwardum occidere nolite timere bonum est But this Adam de Orleton alias Toâ—leton and his fellow Bishops in this Kings reigne I may not slightly passe over Therefore I desire wee may take a further view of them First of this Adam Bishop of Hereford we finde that he was stript of all his temporalties for supporting the Mortimers in the Barons quarrell Hee being saith Thomas de la More a man of most subtile wit and in all worldly policies profound daring to doe great things and factious withall who made against King Edward the second a great secret party To which Hâ—nry Burwash Bishop of Lincolne for like causes deprived of his temporalties joyned himselfe as also Ely and others Walter Stapleton Bishop of Exeter a turne-coat left the Queen and came to England to inâ—orme the King of his Queenes too great familiarity with Mortimer which after cost him his head Perhaps some now as Thomas de la More will say he was therein a good man yet I will take leave to thinke nor doe I feare to speake it This was no part of Episcopall function But I will passe him by not concluding him either good or bad every man may thinke as hee pleaseth I will declare the traiterous and disloyall actions of the other Bishop formerly mentioned This Bishop of Hereford whom I finde called the Queens bosome Councellour preaching at Oxford tooke for text My head my head aketh 2 Kings 4. 19. concluding more like a Butcher then a Divine that an a king and sick head of a kingdome was of necessity to be taken off and not to bee tampered with by any other physicke whereby it is probable that he was the authour of that aenigmaticall verse formerly recited Edwardum occidere c. And well may wee beleeve it for we finde that he caused Roger Baldock Bishop of Norwich the late Lord Chancellour to die miserably in Newgate Not much better were Ely Lincolne Winchester and other Bishops that adhered to the Queene Mortimer and others of her part Nor can I commend those Bishops that were for the King and the Spencers The Archbishop of Canterbury and his Suffragans decreeing the revocation of those pestilent Peers the judgemen given against them judged aâ— erroneous Thus these Lord Bishops as all in a manner both before and after in stead of feeding the flock oâ— Christ only plotted dismall warres death and destruction of Christians I might tell you how in this Kings reigne as in others they perswaded the Lords and Peeres of the Realme that they had power and right not onely to reform the Kings House and Councell and to place and displace all great Officers at their pleasure but even a joynt interest in the regiment of the Kingdome together with the King And now will any say No Bishop no King yet one word more before I part with these Bishops What ground-worke they layd and what meanes they used for the ruine of King and Kingdome was it not their working upon the impotence of a womans will insinuating what indignity it was that a she daughter of France being promised to be a Queene was become no better then a waiting woman living upon a pension and so nourishing in her great discontents perswaded her going to France which was the matter and Embrion and as I may say the chiefe cause of common destruction which after ensued God keep all good Princes from hearkning or consenting to the pernitious counsels of such pestilent Priests and prating Parasites To declare all their disloyalties in Parliament and out would fill a large volume But now Brevis esse laboro therefore I onely say that as it was not for their goodnesse but greatnesse that they satâ— in Parliament so their sitting there did I thinke I may say almost evert Monarchy yea Regality with what face can they inculcate that aspersion No Bishop no King Certainly by what I have already delivered and shall now declare in the reignes of succeeding Princes it will appeare quite contrary that where Lordly Bishops dominsere and beare rule and sway neither Kings nor Kingdoms themselves or subjects are secure Now to the reigne of King Edward the third did not John Archbishop of Canterbury perswade and incite this King and the Parliament to a most dangerous warre with France whereby the death of millions hath been occasioned To such mischiefe dâ—e they use their learning and eloquent Orations in Parliament What Epiphanius delivered of Philosophers that they were In re stulta sapientes so may we say of such Bishops that they are In malo publico facundi But to passe by particular men and actions I shall only deliver unto you some notable passages in Parliament Anno 1371. The Parliament did petition the King to have them deprived of all Lay Offices and government they being commonly the plotters and contrivers of all treasons conspiracies and rebellions the very incendiâ—ries pests and grievances both of tho Church State the chiefest instruments to advance the peoples usurped authority though with prejudice of the kings which they never cordially affected and the Arch-enemies of the Common-wealth through their private oppression covetousnesse rebellion and tyranny when they have been in office as may appeare by Antiquitates Ecclesiae Britannicae in the lives of Anselme Becket Arundel c. Here we see that they never affected the authority of Kings but rather were scourges to their sides and thornes in their eyes Now wee come to Richard the second his
Edward the fift whose Crowne by meanes of the Prelates as well as the Duke of Buckingham was placed on the head of his murtherous Vnkle that cruell Tyrant for had not the Cardinall Archbishop by his perswasion with his mother taken the Brother Richard Duke of Yorke out of Sanctuary the Crowne had not beene placed on his Vnkes head nor they lost their lives and not to speake of Doctor Pinker and Doctor Shaws Sermons and other foul passages of Prelates as Morton others who sought also the destruction of K. Richard and that when his Nephewes were dead and none had right before him to the Crowne which he then wore what disloyall long speeches made he to the Duke of Buckingham to perswade the said Duke to take the Crowne to himselfe From Richard I passe to Henry the seventh I told you before that Morton would have perswaded Buckingham to dethrone King Richard the third and take the Kingdome to himselfe to which he had no right and failing therein he adressed himselfe to Henry then Earle of Richmond and as by his counsell he prevailed with him so he prevailed against and wonne from Richard the garland this perswader and furtherer of bad Titles was advanced to the See of Canterbury his desire whereof perhaps caused his disloyalty and being in high favour with this Prince by his speciall recommendations procured one Hadrian de Castello an Italian to be be made first Bishop of Hereford after of Bath Wells who also was made Cardinall by that Antichristian and divelish Pope Albert the sixt and as Morton had endeavoured the dethroning of his Lord and King so did the other conspire the murther of Pope Leo the tenth when hee was told by a Witch that one named Hadrian should succeed As to Henry the eighth I need not speake much of his opinion of Bishops who he saith were but halfe subjects if subjects at all to him when he caused Sir Thomas Audley Speaker to read the oath of Bishops in Parliament And that it was so appeared when Wolsey and Campeius refused to give judgement for the unlawfulnesse of the marriage of Henry the eighth and thereupon a divorce Whereupon the Duke of Suffolke said and that truly It was never merry in England since Cardinall Bishops came amongst us It were too large to repeate all the petitions and supplications and complaints of Divines against them in this Kings Reigne as of Doctor Barnes Latimer Tindal Beane and others This last named saith that the Bishops alone have the keyes of the English kingdome hanging at their girdles and what they traiterously conspire among themselves the same is bound and loosed in Star-chamber Westminster Hall privie Councell and Parliament This and much more hee But as their sitting there hath been obnoxious so it is useles as may appear by the Statute 31. Hen. 8. yet in force where it is enaÌ„cted That as the then Lord Cromwell so all other that should thereafter bee made Vicegerents should sit above the Archbishop in Parliament nay hold generall visitations in all the Diocesses of the Realme as well over the Archbishops Bishops Archdeacons as Laity to enquire correct their abuses to prescribe Injunctions Rules and Orders for reforming of religion for abolishing of superstition and Idolatry and correction of their lives and manners c. And read wee not that in the 37. of this Kings reigne letters patents were granted to Laymen to exercise all manner of Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction as the Kings officers not the Bishops Thus wee see the government of Bishops as well as their sitting in Parliament may bee spared And that they neither have nor heretofore had any Ecclesiastical jurisdiction in making of Canons or Constitutions but by the Kings Writ nor promulge or execute any such without the Kings Royall assent and licence under paine appeares by the Statute of the 25. of the same King upon the Clergies owne submissive petition And the Bishops themselves in the prosecution of this Act 1603. in the beginning of King Iames his reigne did decree the same and pronounce excommunication ipso facto upon all or any that should ordain or execute the same without Royall assent Now you have seen their demeanor in Parliament for three or four hundred years or there abouts The delivery hereof hath taken up much time and perhaps thereby most are satisfied that they have been hurtfull and therefore that it is not convenient they should longer continue members of that honourable House where they have done such mischiefe to King and Common-wealth yet in regard of my promise and undertaking to declare them prejudiciall from the first Parliament to this present by testimony of credible authours in each Kings reigne as also to meet with an objection which I conceive will be offered to make all that hath been proved as extravagant so invalid That those actions practises plots conspiracies or treasons were done and perpetrated in time of Popery and that it was done by Papall command I will deliver their actions no lesse detestable nay rather more heynous after the reformation then before In the severall reignes of King Edward the sixth Queen Mary Queen Elizabeth King Iames of blessed memory and our present Soveraigne whom God long preserve But I desire I may bee rightly understood that when I charge these reverend Bishops that were very good men chiefe pillars of the Church great lights of learning and charge them to have done those things as Bishops which I beleeve they would not have done as private Ministers if I say I declare that they to hold their Bishoprickes and in expectance of great preferment and to please great Lords and Princes Kings and Emperours have not only yeelded to but perswaded to introduce Idolatry to dis-inherit the right heirs of Kingdomes and force good Princes to doe acts unnaturalll and unjust Let me not be thought to speake in depravation or detraction I doe not intend their infamy and so desire to be understood their memory ought to be dear to us all and it ever hath been and is pretious in my esteeme but I thereby insinuate that corrupt Lordly Episcopacie hath an infection in it tainting the purest Divines and godliest Ministers I pray you misconceive me not I am not against Episcopacy truly understood or a Church-government rightly used but I conceive and therefore under correction say that it hath with Theseus ship received so many new pieces and additions to the first building that it doth justly occasion a dispute whether it be the same little or nothing of the first substance and materialls remaining So that wee have Episcopall government in name but want the substance Vox praeterea nihil With Iâ—ion we imbrace but a cloud in stead of a Iuno or at best but a bleare-eyed Leah in stead of a beautifull Rachel This tree I say is almost rotten this salt somewhat unsavoury this light very dimme this building scarce sound
his equall and his fellow Minister And as I am not for equality and parity so I would not have too great a distance the danger whereof to any Estate be pleased to heare as I receive it from an Authour formerly mentioned in these words rendred Too much increase and unproportionable growth is a cause that procureth the change and ruine of Common-weâ—les For aâ— the body is made and compounded of parts and ought to 〈◊〉 by propoâ—â—â—on that 〈◊〉 may sleep a â—ust treasure so eâ—â—ry Common-weale beiâ—g compounded of orders and estates as it were of parts they must bee maintained in concord one with another as it were with equall and due proportion observed betweene each of them For if one estate be advanced too much above another dissention ariseth equality being the nursing mother of peace and contrariwise inequality the beginning of all enmity factions hatred and part-taking But seeing it is meet that in every well establisht policy there should be a difference of rights and priviledges betwixt every estate equality may continue if provision be made that one estate grow not too much before the other but more of this elsewhere in its more proper place And as for these reasons I yeelded my vote for the unlawfulnesse and inconvenience of their sitting there therefore I wish they may be no longer members of that most Honourable House I humbly crave leave to adde a word or two to what I formerly spake I am not ignorant that the foresaid assertion No Bishop no King is received as the delivery of King James but though it might be admitted in the sense he meant and intended to wit that those that dislike a Church-government will hardly admit Regall rule yet we can no way allow thereof as it is commonly offered and pressed that the Regall power cannot subsist without the present Episcopacy Now what that wise learned and religious King did conceive of the rules and tenents of Bishops and Prelates how consonant to the majesty of temporall Princes or whether he thought them rather to tend to the trampling thereof under foot and laying their honour in the dust may appeare by his quotations in the latter end of his Apology for the Oath of Allegiance which I thought fitter to annex hereunto then to have delivered then in the proper place when I spake of Bishops in the reigne of E. 2. being then desirous to continue the Historicall narration of their sitting and actions in Parliament having too much transgressed by my so often enterweaving other passages therewith I overpassed the same King Iames Collection out of Cardinall Bishop Bellarmine are as followeth 1 That Kings are rather slaves then Lords 2 That they are not onely subjects to Popes to Bishops to Priests but even to Deacons 3 That an Emperour must content himselfe to drinke not onely after a Bishop but after a Bishops Chaplaine 4 That Kings have not their authority nor office immediately from God nor his Law but onely from the law of Nations 5 That Popes have degraded Emperours but never Emperour degraded the Pope nay even * Bishops that are but the Popes vassals may depose Kings and abrogate their Lawes 6 That Church-men are as farre above Kings as the soule is above the body 7 That Kings may be deposed by their perple for divers respects 8 But Popes can be deposed by no meanes for no flesh hath power to judge of them 9 That obedience due to the Pope is for conscience sake 10 But obedience due to Kings is onely for certaine respects of order and policy 11 That those very Churchmen that are borne and inhabit in Soveraigne Princes countries are notwithstanding not their Subjects and cannot be judged by them although they may judge them 12 And that the obedience that Churchmen give to Princes even in the meanest and meere temporall things is not by way of any necessary subjection but onely out of discretion and for observation of good order and custome Here we find what base estimation Prelates had of Princes may we not then justly except against their delivery as it is by them urged No Bishop no King Hollinshead Rand. Higden Policron lib. 6. cap. 24. Gervasius Dâ—â—oberneâ—sâ— William Malmsbury Wâ—ll Malmsbury W. Caxtonâ— Eadmerus Matth Paris â—no 1119. 〈◊〉 â—7 c. 15. â— Stephen Matth. Paris â— Huntingâ—n â—â—ndâ—ver â—â—is â—â—lmsbury H. 2 Caesarius Dial. lib. 8. c. 69. Bâ—le Bâ—â—â— Cent. 2. R. 1. Fox â— 289 Paâ—iâ— Hovedon â—llâ—â— Guil. Nuâ—â—â— â— 4. â— 14. Hovedon Nub. l. 4. c. 17. Hovedon p. 399. Matth. Paris Hollin â—n 〈◊〉 John Paris â—â— major Matth. Paris R. Hovedon Girald Carâ— who called him Principio â—â—aenum Paris H. 3. Paris Westm. R. 2. â—ho Walâ—ngham H. 4. 〈◊〉 yward Ioh. Stow ex â—onymo â—â—al â—ron Ioh. Stow. â—â—nâ—ll â—â—â—l ex Tho. Walsingh Fabian 1. concor Hall ex Fab. H. 5. Hall in 8. R. a. Matt. in E. 5. Rich. 3. H. 7. Goodw Caâ—â—l of BB in Bath c. pag. 309. Paulus Jovius â—ede â—s supplic â—i ry 8. 31. â— â—ry 8. 37. â—ry 8. 25. â— 6. â—x acts and â—n Speed Q Maries Lâ—tter to the BB. and LL. from Keningâ—ll 9. July 1553. Their answer from the Tower die anno praedict. B. Ridley his Sermon at Pauls crosse defending Ianes title Jo. Stow pag. 1034. Conference at Hampton court upon Thursd. January 12. 1 De laicâ—â— câ— 7. 2 De Pont Rom. l. 1 cap. 7. 3 Ibid. 4 Ibid. de clâ—r cap. 20. 5 De Pontif lib. 3 cap 16 * Lib. 5. cap. 8. 6 De Laicâ—s ◠〈◊〉 7 De Pontif l. b. 5 cap. 8. 8 De Pontif. lib. 2. cap. 26. 9 De Pontif. lib. 4 cap 15. 10 De Clericis cap 28. 11 Ibidem 12 Ibidem
or sure which if propping will helpe I would not have demolished till a modell of a better be agreed upon In King Edwards reigne did not the reverend Bishop O griefe to heare saith mine Authour perswade and subscribe to the dis-inheriting of the two daughters of Henry the 8. the sisters of his King contrary to the Statute of the 35. of Henry the 8. as also in prejudice of the right of Scotland Margaret being eldest sister to Mary grandmother to Iane on whose head they would settle the Crowne which plot I thinke I may say wicked and disloyall if it had taken effect in all likelihood the blessed union of both Kingdomes had not ensued which as I said before was hindred by Betton Bishop of Saint Andrewes in Henry the 8. time I have not yet spoke any thing as to the point of Idolatry the most wicked highest degree of treasons being against the King of Kings did not the Archb. Cranmer and Bish. Ridley perswade nay earnestly presse K. Edward the sixth that the Lady Mary might have Masse said in her house and that to be done without all prejudice of Law the greatnesse of her person being the immediate successor and the might of Charles the Emperor moved those Bishops too forword and so farre urged this to the King and from Divines becomming Politicians alleadged the danger in breach of amity with the Emperor and when hee convincing them by scripture and tould them he would rather hazard his life then grant that which was not agreeable to truth they alledge the bonds of nature at last tell him they would not be said nay this they offered and thus farre they pressed although they could not prevaile with this pious Prince These were not the baits that Peter angled with to catch soules or the weapons that Saint Paul fought with when he professed they were not carnall but mighty through God to cast downe holds they propose not honour and security to Christs disciples but hazard and basenesse A most godly speech of a good Christian Prince the like whereto I reade that King Iames uttered in his protestation made to Watson as he after confessed to the Earle of Northampton upon some occasion offered All the Crownes and Kingdomes in this world saith he shall not induce me to change one jot of my profession which is the pasture of my soule and earnest of my eternall inheritance A pious speech of a magnanimous King whose memory shall ever bee justly blessed and I doubt not but our gracious Soveraigne as he holdeth his Kingdomes so possesseth the like religious courage and constancy But to returne to our former Bishops viz. Cranmer Ridley c. did they repent them of this upon better consideration and upon the death of this good King advance the title of the right heyre Nothing so for when queen Mary hearing that Iane her cosin was to be proclaimed queene writ her letter to the Lord declaring her owne right and marvelling that they so unjustly attempted to put her from it contrary to their loyalty allegiance and the Statute which had formerly settled the Crowne upon her they I meane the Bishops as well as the Lords for I finde Canterbury and â—ly to have subscribed told her that she had no right thereto but â—â—nâ— must be queene and she must submit her selfe to her as her Soveraigne And what they wâ—it did Ridley Bishop of London preach And though this was not done or spoken in Parliament yet no men doubteth but if it had been effected they would have pleaded in justification thereof and confirmed it as rightfull in the next Parliament that should have been called Now I have declared them disloyall traytors and most unjust and ungodly in these passages To passe from this Queen to the next I finde that in the first yeare of good Queen Elizabeth there was a further reformation desired and what was then earnestly pressed by good Divines as Doctor Scorie Cox Mr. Iewel Elmer Grindal Whitehead Horne Gest was thus farre granted by that godly Princesse that there should bee a conference at Westminster where being come they were opposed by the Bishop of Winchester Lincolne Lichfield Carlile and Chester together with some others These Bishops saith mine Author Stow abruptly broke off this conference pleading a mistaking of their directions and in the next sitting utterly refused either to write their owne or to read the others reasons whereby all was undone that was intended whereof part was imprinted by Richard Iugge and Iohn Cawood as is to be seene and this was in time of Parliament Much more I might declare of Bishops actions in this queenes time as that the Bishops at queene Elizabeths inauguration did refuse to anoint or consecrate her viz. Yorke Canterbury dying a little before also these chiefe Bishops denied the same as London Duresme Winchester Ely Lincolne Exeter Bath and Wells Coventry and Lichfield Chichester and Peterborough But I hasten to conclusion And as this vertuous Queene did yeeld that a disputate should bee had for reformation so did the gracious Prince King Iames grant the like at Hampton Court where were Doctor Reynolds and Doctor Sparkes of Oxford and Knewstubs and Chaderton of Cambridge Now who resisted the reformation Sure none other but the Bishop of Canterbury Duresme London Winchester Chichester Worcester Carlile and Saint Davids and the Deanes of Westminster Windsor Paules Chester Worcester and Christchurch alledging that there was no need of reformation But God and good men did know the contrary but I will not trouble you with their actions 〈◊〉 this Kings reigne their introduction of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and idolatry of â—opery and 〈◊〉 and what not of irreligion to the Deity mischiefe and danger to the King and prejudice to the people and Kingdome few or none within these walles but know them and felt the harmfull fruits thereof As for their actions in his Majesties reigne which I thinke doe poyâ—e downe and over-ballance all formerly done since the beginning of Parliaments put together in the other Scale I will referre them to the reports of the Committees for the â—ope of Lambeth and his Cardinalls Wren and others and briefly conclude That whereas from their first sitting in Parliament to this time they have as well in Parliament as ouâ— beene so prejudiciall and appeared to have during their sitting there plotted and contrived treasons and conspiracles rebellion and war domestick and forraigne beene incendiaries and grievances to State and Church and Arch-enemies to King and Common-weale introducing Salique Law making this Kingdome elective and our Princes onely Kings durantâ— bene gâ—rend or rather bene placiâ— in worse case and lesse hold then a Duke of Venice I hope his Majestie will â—ege talionis make their Episcopacie to bee onely titular which is as much as is due to them whether Archbishops or Bishops for they are to have priority or precedencie quoad ordinem not quoad ministerium wherein the poorest Curate is