quotes Ger. Vossius de Hist. Lat. who saith onely that Bale mentions a piece of his de Antiquitate Avalonica but he adds that Bale deserves no credit in Writers of great Antiquity But the person Cressy means or at least his Authour was another Gerard Vossius Dean of Tongres who published part of this pretended piece of St. Patrick among other ancient Writings which will have no great authority among considering men if they have no other Characters of Antiquity than this Charter of Saint Patrick However Mr. Cressy is pleased to call it a monument of the goodness of God towards this Nation so early in the very beginning of Christianity because therein mention is made of some Writings of St. Phaganus and Diruvianus wherein was declared that twelve Disciples of the Holy Apostles Philip and Jacob built the said ancient Church to the honour of the Blessed Virgin by the appointment of the Archangel Gabriel And moreover That our Lord himself from Heaven dedicated the said Church to the honour of his Mother As likewise That three Pagan Kings bestowed upon them twelve Portions of Land If this hold good it goes a great way towards the proving the ancient Tradition although Joseph of Arimathea be not mentioned But St. Patrick goes on and saith That in other Writings of a later date he found that Phaganus and Diruvianus obtained from Pope Eleutherius thirty years of Indulgence as himself likewise procured from Pope Celestine twelve years And towards the Conclusion he grants a hundred days of Indulgence to those who would clear the way to a certain Oratory there mention'd And to make all plain it begins with the Date Anno Dom. 425. in these Words In the Name of our Lord Iesus Christ. I Patrick the poor humble Servant of God in the four hundred twenty fifth year of the Incarnation of our Lord being sent by the most holy Pope Celestine into Ireland c. I confess this Charter offers very fair play towards the discovery of it's own Forgery by such open Marks and Characters as these For it is certainly known that in St. Patrick's time no such way of Computation was used from the year of our Lord. For Dionysius Exiguus writ his first Epistle to Petronius Anno Dom. 525. where he first mentions The reducing the Cycle to the years of Christ's Incarnation that People might be better acquainted with it after which it remained a great while in private use with the Paschal Cycle and was not publickly received saith Bucherius till about the time of Charles the Great Joachim Vadianus saith He never saw the Year of our Lord in any ancient Charters of which sort he had seen many Some observe That it was never used in Charters before the ninth Age and therefore the more subtile Pretenders to Antiquity always left it out Joh. Aventinus affirms that the use of it in Epistles and Charters was brought in by Carolus Crassus with whom Nic. Vignier agrees as to the Imperial Diplomata But it seems probable to have been brought into England before that time for in the Council at Celichyth Anno Dom. 816. Every Bishop was required to take an Account of the year of our Lord. And by some Charters in Ingulphus it appears to have been used here before it was used in France or the Empire but not long before the eighth Century and the first publick Acts we find it applied to were those of Councils as in that of Becanceld under King Withred Anno Dom. 694. But the same King doth not use it in the Years of his Reign The like Instances about Councils especially in the eighth and ninth Centuries are produced by Mabillon Who thinks That Bede was the first who brought it into the use of History But that could not be before Anno Dom. 725. at which time he began to write his History and he adds That from him by the means of Boniface it came into the use of the French Councils and Histories and at last of all publick Charters both in France and the Empire as well as here But from all this it appears that there is no Colour for this Charter of St. Patrick which reckons from the Incarnation a hundred years before Dionysius Exiguus first introduced that way of Computation Besides it cannot possibly agree with the time of St. Patrick's going first into Ireland for William of Malmsbury confesseth He was made Bishop by Celestine and sent by St. German into Ireland as an Apostle But it is on all hands agreed that Palladius was sent thither before him and Prosper who lived at that time fixeth the sending Palladius to the year wherein Bassus and Antiochus were Consuls which was Anno Dom. 431. The year of the first Ephesine Council So that this Charter of St. Patrick cannot be true no not although we allow the different Computation in Capgrave who reads it 430. But Alford Confesses both Malmsbury and the Glassenbury Antiquities have it 425. It is strange that Alford should say He found no Exception against the Credit of this Charter since even Capgrave himself mentions it not without doubt and Suspicion of the truth of it And his own Brethren Henschenius and Papebrochius deride his simplicity for believing it And among other Arguments they produce that of the mention of Indulgences against it which Name they Confess was not used for the Relaxation of Penance till the eleventh Century a very Competent time after the Date of this Charter The question is not as Mr. Cressy would put it Whether every Bishop or the Pope as Chief hath a Power to relax Penance But Whether the Name of Indulgences were then applied to such a Sense as this Charter uses it Which those learned Jesuites deny Add to all this that St. Patrick saith He obtained from Celestine twelve years of Indulgence which being understood of Glassenbury implies a plain impossibility For St. Patrick is said to retreat thither towards the end of his Life and Celestine dyed soon after his first sending into Ireland So that I need not to insist on the Style or the Names contained in this Charter to prove the Forgery of it it being so manifest by the Arguments already produced I now proceed to the Charters whereof there are several extant in the Monasticon The large Charter of King Ina seems to be most considerable and to favour the old Tradition as it makes the Church at Glassenbury dedicated to Christ and the Blessed Virgin to be the Fountain of all Religion and the first in the Kingdom of Britain But upon a strict enquiry into the Circumstances of this Charter I see great reason to call in question the Truth of it and not merely from the dissimilitude of Style between this and other Charters of the Saxon times which are allowed to be Authentick such as those in Ingulphus William of Malmsbury the Additions to Matthew Paris c. But for these
Picts and Scots their mortal Enemies p. 242. The true original of the Picts from Scandinavia p. 246. That Name given to the new Colonies not to the old Inhabitants p. 241. The Scotish Antiquities enquired into p. 248. Fordon's Account of them compared with that of Hector Boethius and Buchanan p. 250. Of Veremundus Cornelius Hibernicus and their ancient Annals p. 255. The Modern Pleas for their Antiquities considered p. 261 282. An Account of the Antiquities of Ireland and of the Authority of their Traditions and Annals compared with Geffrey's British Antiquities in point of Credibility p. 266. A true Account of the fabulous Antiquities of the Northern Nations p. 277. The first coming of the Scots into Britain according to the Irish Writers p. 280. The first Cause of the Declension of the British Churches was the laying them open to the Fury of the Scots and Picts p. 286. Of Maximus his withdrawing the Roman Forces and the Emperours sending Numbers of Picts to draw them back p. 288. The miserable Condition of the Britains thus forsaken and Supplies sent them for a time and then taken away p. 293. Of the Walls built for their security and the Roman Legions there placed p. 297. The great degeneracy of Manners among the Britains p. 302. Of intestine Divisions and calling in foreign assistence p. 304. Of the Saxons coming who they were and whence they came p. 305. Bede's Account examined and reconciled with the circumstances of those times p. 313. Of the Reasons of Vortigern's calling in the Saxons p. 319. Of the dissatisfaction of the Britains upon their coming and Vortigern's League with them p. 320. Of the Valour of Vortimer and Aurelius Ambrosius against the Saxons p. 322. The different Account of the Battels between the Britains and Saxons among our Historians p. 325. The sad condition of the British Churches at that time ibid. The imperfect Account given by the British History p. 332. Of King Arthur's story and success p. 334. Of Persons in greatest Reputation then in the British Churches and particularly of St. David p. 346. Of the Britains passing over to Aremorica and the beginning of that Colony p. 351. Gildas there writes his Epistle the scope and design of it p. 354. The British Kings he writes to p. 355. The Independency of the British Churches proved from their carriage towards Augustin the Monk p. 356. The particulars of that Story cleared And the whole concluded p. 357. A Catalogue of Books published by the Reverend EDWARD STILLINGFLEET D. D. Dean of St. Paul's and sold by Henry Mortlock at the Phoenix in St. Paul's Church-yard A Rational account of the Grounds of the Protestant Religion being a Vindication of the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury's Relation of a Conference c. from the pretended Answer of T. C. wherein the true Grounds of Faith are cleared and the false discovered the Church of England vindicated from the imputation of Schism and the most important particular Controversies between us and those of the Church of Rome throughly examined the second Edition Folio Sermons preached upon several occasions with a Discourse annexed concerning the true reasons of the Sufferings of Christ wherein Crellius his Answer to Grotius is considered Folio Origines Britannicae or the Antiquities of the British Churches with a Preface concerning some pretended Antiquities relating to Britain in vindication of the Bishop of St. Asaph Folio Irenicum A weapon Salve for the Churches Wounds Quarto Origines Sacrae or a Rational account of the Grounds of Christian Faith as to the Truth and Divine authority of the Scriptures and matters therein contained Quarto The Unreasonableness of Separation or an impartial account of the History Nature and Pleas of the present Separation from the Communion of the Church of England to which several late Letters are annexed of eminent Protestant Divines abroad concerning the Nature of our Differences and the way to compose them Quarto A Discourse concerning the Idolatry practised in the Church of Rome and the hazard of Salvation in the Communion of it in answer to some Papers of a revolted Protestant wherein a particular account is given of the Fanaticism and Divisions of that Church Octavo An Answer to several late Treatises occasioned by a Book entituled A Discourse concerning the Idolatry practised in the Church of Rome and the hazard of Salvation in the Communion of it the first Part Octavo A second Discourse in vindication of the Protestant Grounds of Faith against the Pretence of Infallibility in the Roman Church in answer to the Guide in Controversie by R. H. Protestancy without Principles and Reason and Religion or the certain Rule of Faith by E. W. with a particular enquiry into the Miracles of the Roman Church Octavo An Answer to Mr. Cressy's Epistle apologetical to a Person of Honour touching his Vindication of Dr. Stilling fleet Octavo A Defence of the Discourse concerning the Idolatry practised in the Church of Rome in answer to a Book entituled Catholicks no Idolaters Octavo Several Conferences between a Romish Priest a Fanatick Chaplain and a Divine of the Church of England being a full Answer to the late Dialogues of T. G. Octavo The grand Question concerning the Bishops Right to vote in Parlament in Cases capital stated and argued from the Parlament Rolls and the History of former times with an Enquiry into their Peerage and the three Estates in Parlament Octavo Sermons preached upon several Occasions by Edward Stillingfleet D. D. Dean of St. Paul's not yet collected into a Volume THE Reformation justified in a Sermon preached at Guild-hall Chapel Sept. 21. 1673. before the Lord Mayor c. upon Acts XXIV 14. A Sermon preached Nov. 5. 1673. at St. Margaret's Westminster upon Matt. VII 15 16. A Sermon preached before the King at Whitehall Feb. 24. 1674 3. upon Heb. III. 13. A Sermon preached on the Fast-day Nov. 13. 1678. at St. Margarets Westminster before the Honourable House of Commons upon 1 Sam. XII 24 25. A Sermon preached before the King at White-hall March 7. 1678 9. upon Matt. X. 16. The Mischief of Separation a Sermon preached at Guild-hall Chapel May 11. 1680. before the Lord Mayor c. upon Phil. III. 16. Protestant Charity a Sermon preached at S. Sepulchre's Church on Tuesday in Easter Week 1681. before the Lord Mayor c. upon Galat. VI. 9. Of the nature of Superstition a Sermon preached at St. Dunstan's West March 31. 1682. upon Colos. II. 23. A Sermon preached before the King Feb. 15. 1683 4. upon Job XXIII 15. A Sermon preached at a publick Ordination at St. Peter's Cornhill March 15. 1684 5 upon 1 Tim. V. 22. THE Antiquities of Nottinghamshire extracted out of Records Original Evidences Leiger Books and other Manuscripts and authentick Authorities beautified with Maps Prospects and Portraictures by Robert Thoroton Dr. of Physick Folio THE ANTIQUITIES OF THE British-Churches CHAP. I. Of the first Planting a Christian Church in Britain by St. Paul
he saith That Anno Domini 601. the King of Dompnonia i. e. Devonshire and Cornwall gave to the old Church in Glassenbury the Land called Ynis Withrin or the Island of Avalon Who this King was he saith he could not learn but he concludes him to have been a Britain by calling the Island by the British Name But as to Arviragus that there was a British Prince of that name cannot be denied since Juvenal mentions him in Domitian's time Omen habes inquit magni clarÃque Triumphi Regem aliquem capies aut de Temone Britanno Excidet Arviragus The Authour of the Chronicle of Dover understands this Passage as spoken to Nero which agrees much better with the Tradition of Glassenbury but will by no means agree with Juvenal who saith plainly enough that Satyr related to Domitian and his Flatterers And this was a very insipid Flattery to Domitian unless Arviragus were a considerable Prince then living and an Enemy to Caesar. For what Triumph could he have over a Subject or a Friend as Aviragus is supposed after the reconciliation with Vespasian And no such Enemy could appear at that time in these parts of Britain For Petilius Cerealis had conquer'd the Brigantes and Julius Frontinus the Silures and Agricola after them the Ordovices And in the time of his Government Tacitus saith Even the consederate Cities among the Britains who stood upon Terms of Equality before then submitted themselves to the Roman Power and received Garrisons among them After this Agricola proceeded Northwards against new People and destroyed them as far as the Frith of Taus Tweed Then he fortified the Passage between Glota and Bodotria Dumbretton and Edenborough Frith So that the Romans were absolute Lords of all this side having cast out the Enemy as it were into another Land as Sir H. Savil translates the words of Tacitus From which it is evident there could be no such King as Arviragus at that time in these parts of the Island over whom Domitian could expect a Triumph But suppose there were what is this to the eighth of Nero when Joseph of Arimathea is said to have come hither at what time Arviragus is said to be King in Britain It is possible he might live so long but how comes he to be never mention'd in the Roman Story as Prasutagus Cogidunus Caractacus Togodumnus and Galgacus are Arviragus his name was well known at Rome in Domitian's time why not spoken of before Some think he was the same with Prasutagus but this cannot be for Prasutagus was dead before the Revolt of the Britains under Boadicea which was occasion'd by the Romans ill usage of the Britains after his death And Prasutagus left onely two Daughters what becomes then of his Son Marius whom White would have to be Cogidunus But Marius is said to succeed Arviragus who was alive in Domitian's time and Cogidunus had the Cities conferred upon him before Suetonius Paulinus came into Britain as appears by Tacitus which are things inconsistent Others say that Arviragus was the same with Caractacus for this Opinion Alford contends and Juvenal he saith mentions the name by a Poetical Licence although he lived long before But what reason is there to suppose that Fabricius Veienti should make such a course Complement to Domitian that he should triumph over a man dead and triumphed over once already by Claudius who was never known at Rome by any other name than Caractacus as far as we can find by which he was so famous for his long Opposition to the Romans But it is very probable that in Domitian's time after the recalling Agricola and taking away the Life of Salustius Lucullus his Successour The Britains took up Arms under Arviragus And the Learned Primate of Armagh mentions an old British Coin in Sir R. Cotton's Collections with these Letters on it ARIVOG from whence he thinks his true name was Arivogus which the Romans turned to Arviragus And the old Scholiast there saith that was not his true name The Britains being now up in Arms as far as we can learn were not repressed till Hadrian came over in Person and built the first Wall to keep them out of the Roman Province For before this Spartianus saith The Britains could not be kept in subjection to the Roman Power So that here was a fit season in Domitian's time Agricola being recalled in the beginning of Domitian's Reign for such a King as Arviragus to appear in the head of the Britains and it was then a suitable Complement to him to wish him a Triumph over Arviragus But Alford saith that Claudius sent Caractacus home again and after many years he dyed in Peace being a Friend to the Romans How then comes Tacitus to take no notice of him as he doth of Cogidunus Is it probable the Romans would restore so subtile and dangerous an Enemy as Caractacus had been to them Cogidunus had been always faithfull to them but Caractacus an open Enemy and the Silures still in being over whom he commanded and not over the Belgae as he must have done if he were the Arviragus who gave the Hydes of Land to Joseph of Arimathea and his Companions These things I have here put together to shew for what Reasons I decline the Tradition of Joseph of Arimathea's coming hither to Preach the Gospel And although they may not be sufficient to convince others yet I hope they may serve to clear me from unexcusable Partiality which Mr. Cressy charges on all who call this Tradition into question 2. But notwithstanding I hope to make it appear from very good and sufficient Evidence that there was a Christian Church planted in Britain during the Apostles times And such Evidence ought to be allow'd in this matter which is built on the Testimony of ancient and credible Writers and hath a concurrent probability of Circumstances I shall first produce the Testimony of ancient and credible Writers For it is an excellent Rule of Baronius in such Cases That no Testimonies of later Authours are to be regarded concerning things of remote Antiquity which are not supported by the Testimony of ancient Writers And there is a difference in the force of the Testimony of ancient Writers themselves according to their Abilities and Opportunities For some had far greater judgment than others some had greater care about these matters and made it more their business to search and enquire into them and some had greater advantages by being present in the Courts of Princes or Councils of Bishops whereby they could better understand the Beginning and Succession of Churches And for all these there was none more remarkable in Antiquity than Eusebius being a learned and inquisitive Person a Favorite of Constantine the first Christian Emperour born and proclaimed Emperour in Britain one present at the Council at Nice whither Bishops were summoned from all parts of the Empire and one that had a particular curiosity to examine