haue not vsed rigorous courses haue won the hearts of their people to be more faithfull vnto them this meanes being in his power they humbly beseeched him to imitate herein the most debonaire and gentle Princes It appeared by his Highnesse answere that he took but little pleasure in this intercession but much more by the effects that followed For hee answered that notwithstanding that for his part he made no enquiry how the Prince Palatine of the Rhine and other Princes of Germany gouerned their Subiects and being a Soueraigne Prince he was not to yeeld an account vnto any of his courses and resolutions yet neuerthelesse he thanked the said Prince and all the rest that were thus charitable towards him his Estate and his Subiects as to wish their content and peace but that the miseries and calamities that haue happened amongst them by the diuersity of Religions had made him to desire to haue in his State but onely one and that must be that which he there found and in which he had been alwaies brought vp for feare lest vnder the mantle of Religion and liberty of conscience he must dispute with his subiects as a companion of those things which by iust title were in his power to determine as a Master as it had happened to other Princes in Europe that in this case had no power to rule their Subiects as Soueragines And that in might appeare vnto them that he loued peace he had maintained his Subiects the Waldenses dwelling in his State in the Valleys of the Alpes vnder an edict which he caused to be obserued vnuiolably That if without the said Valleys he had in his State any itching busie spirits affecting nouelties those he caused to be punished as Rebelles That he thought that as the said Princes had compassion of his Subiects that they might enioy the exercise of their Religion so he assured himselfe that they would not take it in ill part so iust and iudicious they were if he prouided for his surety and preseruation of his State by punishing the seditions that he would inquire in consideration of this their intercession more narrowly into the estate of his Subiects making profession of their Religion and would giue them some refreshing And because they had spoken particularly of a certaine Minister named Giles whom he detained locked vp in a dungeon he caused him to be brought forth and placed in a chamber and after inquiry made of what he was accused that is that he had writ to those of Geneua to the preiudice of his seruice he set him at liberty He disclaimed a certaine captaine of a Castle of the Valley Meane for some thing he had done against the Waldenses of the said Valley but for the rest the Counsellor was hardly gone halfe his way home-ward but the persecution grew greater then it was before Amongst others the Gouernour of the New-lands in the end of Nouember following proclaimed with the sound of a trumpet that whosoeuer would not within the space of a Moneth goe to Masse were to auoide the Lands and Territories of his Highnesse within that time vpon paine of confiscation of body and goods These poore people of the New lands they could conuey themselues to no place without danger of their liues For in Prouence they burnt those whom the Parliament of Aix called Lutherans In the Territories of Honorat Earle of Tendes they were deliuered into the hands of the Executioners Gonsague Duke of Neuers commanding for the King of France in the Marquisate of Saluces put them to death In Dauphine as many as the Arch-bishop of Ambrun could apprehend so many he caused either to rot in the dungeons or to perish in the Tower Brun with cold and famine and out of Piedmont they were banished There remained no other succour but in the dead time of winter to make their passage by night ouer a high mountaine almost inaccessible couered with ice and snow into the Valley of Frassiniere if possibly they could They therefore betooke themselues vnto the mountaine about the feast of the Natiuity of our Lord in the coldest time of all the yeere But before they could come to the height thereof the greatest part of the women and children were benummed with cold and the night ouertaking them being in the top of the hill they were inforced to lie vpon the ice where a great part of them in the morning were found dead They that escaped the danger retired themselues into the Valley of Frassiniere Now after that the houses of these poore people had remained for a time void of Inhabitants there was no man that would seise or take possion of their Lands much lesse till and husband them and therefore their Gouernours permitted the said Waldenses to continue there and to tolerate them making profession of their beliefe onely they were to depart out of the confines of the State of the Prince for the exercise of their Religion They haue re-peopled the said Valley Thus you haue heard as much as is come to our knowledge touching their sufferings howsoeuer they haue been persecuted from time to time from the father to the sonne as the rest of the Waldenses in Dauphine and Piedmont but their indictments are not come to our hands CHAP. VII Of the Waldenses dwelling in Calabria and the persecutions which they haue suffered ABout the yeere of our Lord 1370 1370. the Waldenses of the Valleys of Pragela and Dauphine grew to so great a number in so small a Country that they were enforced to send away a certaine number of their yonger people to seeke some other Country to inhabite in In their trauaile they found in Calabria certaine waste and vntilled land and ill peopled but yet very fertile as they might well iudge by those parts neere adioyning They therefore finding the Country fit to bring forth corne wine oyle of Oliues and chestnuts and that there were hilles fit for the breeding and nourishing of cattle and to furnish them with fuell and timber fit for building they came vnto the Lords of those places to treate with them touching their abode in those Countries The said Lords receiued them louingly agreed to their lawes and orders to the great aduantage of these new Inhabitants came to an agreement with them touching their Rentes Tenthes Toles penalties in case there fall out any differences or offences amongst them and so hauing assigned vnto them certaine quarters or parts of the Country they returned for the most part of them to aduertise their parents of the good aduenture that had happened vnto them in a rich country likely to abound in all temporall benedictions They brought backe with them from their parents and friends whatsoeuer it pleased them to bestow vpon them to begin their house-keeping many of them married and brought their wiues into Calabria where they built certaine small Townes and Citties to which their owne houses were as walles as namely Saint Xist la Garde la Vicaricio les
offered And though I be now worne with yeares yet neuer had I greater courage or better resolution The Earle Remond on the other side intreated the King of Aragon not to abandon their cause offering vnto him both his goods and his life to fight vnder his authoritie The King of Aragon being ouercome with these intreaties and moued with compassion towards the afflicted in the end tooke armes and sent this ticket of defiance to the Earle Simon by two Trumpetters Indeuour without delay to execute the will of the Pope or to fight with your Lord and if you fall into my hands you shall pay for it It is your dutie and I will haue it so and I rather desire it than to put my selfe to the charge of a great Army for your ruine The Earle Simon made good vse of this Letter of defiance for hee sent it into diuers parts of Europe shewing by the Bishops and Monkes that preached the Croisade that the care was not now for the Earle of Toulouze Foix Comminge or the Prince of Bearne but for a puissant King who had made himselfe the Generall of the Albingenses and that if he were not assisted extraordinarily the cause of the Church was at an end and therefore he entreated all good Christians especially the King of France to giue his best assistance in these holy warres and extreme necessitie On the other side the King of Aragon writ to the King of France that the Earle Simon of Montfort had a spirit puffed vp with high conceits farre exceeding both the capacitie of his vnderstanding and his forces That al his intentions were no other than plaisterings vnder the pretence of Religion and in the meane time he intended nothing so much as to bee a King in deed and Simon by name He beseecheth the King by Letters and by his Agents that hee would not interpose himselfe in this warre neither on the one part nor the other Which he obtained of the King insomuch that it troubled him to see his Subiects continually drawne to the shambles of this warre of the Albingenses vnder a pretence of the Popes pardon and to see so many of his great Lords his Kinsmen so vexed by the Earle Simon When the Earle Simon vnderstood that the King of France was made a Neuter he was much afflicted therewith hauing now no other recourse but to the threats of the Legat to excommunicate him if he should proceed any farther The Legat sent him an Ambassage and Letters The King of Aragon returned this answer Goe speedily and tell your Master that I will come and see him and giue him an answer with ten thousand fighting men and will him to defend himselfe for I will teach him to play with his Peere The Monke of the Valleis Sernay Chap. 89. Euery one makes preparation The Earle Simon sent into France to the Archdeacon of Paris and Master Iaques de Vitri to preach the Croisade The King Phillip Anguste would not haue this Leuy to bee made in his Realme but yet neuerthelesse there went a great number from Auuergne Normandie and about Lion The Pilgrims arriued before the King of Aragon had prepared his Armie which gaue great aduantage to the Earle Simon for hee tooke in the meane time Graue came into the Earledome of Foix tooke Tudelle of the Albingenses Chass chap. 17. pag. 177. and slew all that hee found in it without distinction of age or sex besieged St. Antonin and tooke it and caused thirtie of the principall of that place to bee hanged and strangled and that in cold bloud and after he had granted them their liues and permitted the Conuent of Monkes that was in that place to be sacked and ransacked He besieged Penes and receiued it by composition as he did likewise Marmande He ceased vpon the Castle of Biron neere the Sea The Earle Simon caused Martin Alquay to bee tyed to the taile of a horse and to be dragged through his Armie and afterwards hanged him because he had before deliuered vp the place to the Earle Remond Moreouer the Castle Sarrazin and Agen were yeelded to the Earle Moissac opened the gates to the Souldiers of the Crosse and all this did the Earle Simon before the King of Aragon or his Armie did appeare CHAP. XI The exploits of the Earle Simon before the King of Aragon had prepared his Armie The King of Aragon would come to no composition with the Earle Simon being weakned The Citie of Muret taken by the King of Aragon Battell giuen The King of Aragon is slaine and his Armie dissipated IN the yeere of our Lord one thousand two hundred and thirteene and the thirteenth of September the King of Aragon with the Earle Remond of Toulouze Remond Earle of Foix and the Earle of Comminge and Prince of Bearne appeared in the field with their Armie composed of seuen thousand horses and thirtie thousand foot They tooke Muret a little Citie vpon the borders of the Earledome of Foix seated vpon Garonne but they tooke not the Castle The Earle Simon was of opinion that that was the place where the Armie of his enemies should waste and spend it selfe because the Castle was good and strong and that if he made resistance for some time it would of it selfe bee scattered and ouerthrowne Hee therefore put himselfe into that Castle with some small number of his most expert and valorous Souldiers and furnished it with munition and gaue by his presence such assurance vnto the besieged that they thought themselues inuincible of such power is the good opinion that the Souldiers haue of their Captaine to confirme those that are most weake There were some that began to enter into consideration of the proceedings of the King of Aragon in that he would not accept of a composition so aduantagious for himselfe and the Lords of the Albingenses as the Earle Simon had offered him when hee saw the inequalitie of their forces For the Earle Simon had not aboue seuen hundred men on foot and fiue hundred horse It is not good to assault a man that hath no hope to escape but by armes for there is not a more violent Schoole-mistris than necessitie But the King of Aragon thought it no time to smoothe and to flatter after so many insolent brauados against his Lord of which the Monke hath noted some The Monke of the Valleis Sernay Chap. 126. as where hee saith that hee writ certaine letters vnto him without any salutation containing these tearmes that if hee continued in his obstinate defiance hee returned the defiance vpon himselfe and that from thence forward he held not himselfe bound to doe him any seruice and that hee doubted not by the helpe of God to defend himselfe against him and his confederates The King of Aragon hauing these insolent speeches engrauen in his memorie thought him vnworthy of any grace or fauour in this his weaknesse especially imagining that this his submission might onely bee to auoid this dangerous
either die valiantly in fight or vanquish his enemies And to this purpose he many times conferred with the sonne of the King of Aragon lately slaine how he might carrie himselfe to finde a meanes to be reuenged of his Fathers death The Legat Bonauenture in the meane time vseth the same subtletie with the Earle Remond of Toulouze He perswadeth him to goe to Rome to determine his affaires with the Pope more peaceably than with the Earle Simon The Monke of the Valley Sernay Chap. 133. especially because he was charged with the death of his owne Brother the Earle Baudoin taken in the Castle d'Olme in the Country of Cahors because he had there borne Armes against him an action that had made him odious both to God and men and which his enemies did exaggerate to the end they might stirre vp the Pilgrims to take vengeance on him saying That at the very point of death they had denied him a Confessor and that the said Bodoin prayed vnto God that he would raise vp some good Christians to reuenge the wrong done vnto him by his brother as by another Caine. The son of the Earle of Toulouze named also Remond vnderstanding that his Father was to take his iourney to Rome he went with letters from his Vncle the King of England to the Pope intreating him to doe iustice to his brother in Law The young Lord had beene brought vp vntill then in England where he could no longer spend time seeing his Father oppressed with warres and continuall trauels he therefore resolued to vse his best endeuours for his deliuerance either by composition or by armes The cause of the Earle Remond was debated before the Pope There was a Cardinall that maintained Idem Chap. 152. that great wrong had beene offered those Lords who had many times giuen of their best lands to the Church to witnesse their obedience The Abbot of St. Vberi also tooke their part with great courage and resolution The Earle Remond likewise defended his owne cause charging the Bishop of Toulouze with many outrages and that if hee had beene constrained to defend himselfe he must accuse those that had driuen him to that necessitie for had he not made resistance he had long agoe beene vtterly ouerthrowne That the Bishop of Toulouze had many times caught vnto him the fairest of his reuenewes and being neuer satisfied did still continue to vex him parting his goods with the Earle Simon of Montfort and that their onely auarice had beene the cause of the death of ten thousand men of Toulouze and of the pillage of that faire and great Citie a losse which could neuer be repaired The Charterie of Lion did also shew vnto the Pope that the Bishop of Toulouze had alwaies kindled the fire and warmed himselfe at the flame Arnaud de Villemur did also present himselfe before the Pope demanding Iustice for that the Legat and the Earle Simon had inuaded his lands he knew not wherefore since he had neuer bin but obedient to the Church of Rome relating at large the euils murders saccages robberies burnings which the said Legat and Earle vnder the cloake of the seruice of the Pope and the Church had done and therefore it was necessarie that that maske should be taken away which would otherwise turne to the dishonour of the Pope and the Church and some speedy course should be taken for the establishing of peace and procuring the good of the Church Remond of Roquefeuil of the Country of Querci Chass lib. 4. Ibid. related also many villanies committed by the said Earle of Montfort beginning with that which had beene done against the Earle of Beziers whom he caused miserably to die in prison inuaded his Lands and ruinated his Subiects and so proceeded to all that had passed against the other Lords who were constrained to defend themselues against his violences The Pope was much moued with these outrages and would willingly haue done some iustice but that it was told him that if hee should cause the Earle of Montfort to make restitution of that which was taken for the seruice of the Church that he should not from hence-forward finde any that would fight either for the Pope or the Church As also that if hee should determine the restitution yet the Earle Simon had reason not to giue ouer his hold vntill hee were fully satisfied for his trauels and expences The Pope returned these affaires to the Legat commanding him in generall termes to restore the Lands to all those that shewed themselues faithfull to the Church and as touching the sonne of the Earle Remond The Monke of the Valleis Sernay Chap. 152. his pleasure was that that Land that the Earle Remond had in Prouence that is to say The Earldome of Venisse should be reserued either in part or all for the maintenance of his sonne prouided that he gaue good and assured testimonies of his loyaltie and good conuersation shewing himselfe worthy of diuine mercy They being returned demanded of the Legat the execution of their Bulls requiring the restitution of their Lands The Legat answered that he had certaine restraints for the determining whereof there needed some time that therefore they should in the meane time shew fruits worthy their amendment and that then they should receiue what the Pope had decreed otherwise not When the Earles saw how they were deluded they resolued to come to blowes CHAP. II. Remond the sonne of the Earle Remond tooke Beaucaire The Bishop of Tholouze betrayeth the Citizens of Thoulouze The Earle Simon vseth the Inhabitants of Tholouze very ill They defend themselues to his confusion A new expedition Remond taketh Thoulouze Simon of Montfort comes thither and after many combats he is in the end slaine with a stone cast by a woman His armie is put to flight THe first exploit of warre of Remond the the sonne of the Earle Remond was the taking of Beaucaire where hee made himselfe Master of the Citie afterwards hauing almost famished those in the Castle the Earle Simon being no way able to succour them made a composition for those that were within it that is that they should depart onely carrying with them their baggage and necessary furniture The Earle Simon lost at that place a hundred Gentlemen which he laid in ambush neere the Citie which they within perceiuing made a salley forth and cut them in peeces The young Earle Remond wonne great renowne at this siege and gaue the Earle Simon to vnderstand that his sonne Aimeri should haue in this young Lord a thorne in his foot that should make him smart as much as in his time he had giuen cause of trouble and vexation to his father The Earle Montfort went from hence to rauage and make spoile at Thoulouze The Bishop was gone thither before and told the Consuls and Principall of the Citie that they were to make their appearance before the Earle Simon They went vnto him but to their great losse for they
MARTINVS LVTHERVS Roma orbem domuit Romam sibi Papa subegit Viribus illa suis fraudibus is te suis. Quanto is to maior Lutherus maior et illa Jstum illámque uno qui domuit calamo Cum priuill LVTHERS FORE-RVNNERS OR A CLOVD OF WITNESSES DEposing for the Protestant faith Gathered together in the Historie of the Waldenses Who for diuers hundred yeares before Luther successiuely opposed Popery professed the truth of the Gospell and sealed it with their bloud Being most grieuously persecuted and many thousands of them martyred by the tyrannie of that Man of sinne and his superstitious Adherents and cruell instruments Diuided into three parts The first concernes their originall beginning the puritie of their Religion the persecutions which they haue suffered throughout all Europe for the space of aboue foure hundred and fiftie yeares The second containes the historie of the Waldenses called Albingenses The third concerneth the doctrine and discipline which hath bene common amongst them and the confutation of the doctrine of their aduersaries All which hath bene faithfully collected out of the Authors named in the page following the Preface By I P. P. L. Translated out of French by SAMSON LENNARD LONDON Printed for Nathanael Newbery and are to be sold at the signe of the Starre vnder Saint Peters Church in Cornhill and in Popes-head Alley 1624. TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE WILLIAM EARLE OF PEMBROOKE BARON HERBERT of Cardiff Lord Parre and Rosse of Candale Lord Fitz Hugh Marmion and Saint Quintin Lord Chamberlaine of his Maiesties House Lord Guardien of the Stannery and Gouernour of the Towne and Castle of Portesmouth Knight of the most noble order of the Garter and one of his Maiesties most honorable priuie Counsell RIght Honorable The more then honourable and princely Prophet Dauid entring into a due consideration with himselfe how to shew himselfe thankfull vnto God for his great and vnspeakable mercies and fauours bestowed on him he cryeth out Quid retribuam Domino what shall I render vnto the Lord for all his benefits bestowed on me and finding nothing could be returned that could carrie the least proportion to his bounties he presently answereth I will receiue and not render I will take the cup of saluation and call vpon the name of the Lord. A strange kinde of retribution it is to repay by taking more and yet thus stands the case at this time betwixt your Honor and my selfe I haue many a time and oft meditated with my selfe how to do your Honor seruice and to shew my selfe thankfull in some measure for that honorable fauour and readinesse I haue euer found in you to do me good but finding nothing in my selfe that might any way paralell your goodnesse I was enforced to say with Dauid I will take and not giue I will requite by asking more My humble petition therefore to your Honor is that you would be pleased to honor these my weake labours with your honorable protection The reasons that embolden me to request this fauour at your hands are principally three First the loue you once bare to my honorable friend and deare cozen Henry Lord Dacres of the South the want of whom I feele the lesse because I finde no want of loue in your selfe towards me for his sake The second is that loue and dutie I did euer owe to your more then honorable Vncle Sir Philip Sidney whom I followed in the warres of the Netherland when he receiued his fatall wound The last and principall is your loue to God and true religion which hath made God to loue you and the world to honour you The truth of which religion and visibilitie of this our Church of England is made manifest in this history for the last foure hundred and fifty yeares which confutes that common and triuiall obiection of the common Aduersarie that our religion began with Luther The Lord of his infinite mercie make you euer constant in the profession and defence of the same truth and religion which you haue bene borne and bred in that as your loue towards God doth daily increase Gods loue towards you may increase too to your euerlasting honour in this life and eternall happinesse in the life to come Your Honors in all dutie to be commanded Samson Lennard TO THE MOST HIGH AND PVISSANT LORD FRANCIS DE BONNE Duke Peere and Mareschal now Constable of France Lieutenant Generall for his Maiestie in Dauphiney Lord of Lesdiguieres c. MY very good Lord this Historie doth rightly belong vnto you and you may challenge it as your due for many reasons First because the most populous Churches of the Waldenses are within the circuite and enclosure of your gouernment they haue had no time to breath in with libertie but onely then when about some fortie yeares since you defended them from the outrages of their enemies both within and without the Realme God chearing them vp by his goodnesse they haue had a sure protection by your loue and fauour and a strong bulwarke vnder your name Besides the proofes of the sufferings of their forefathers in passed ages are the holy booties and spoyles that were made in the taking of Ambrun when you reduced that City to the obediēce of the King The Archbishops of that place haue carefully kept for aboue these last 4. hundred yeares the processe and proceedings against the said Waldēsian Churches which hath brought vpon those that persecuted thē an euerlasting shame and dishonour and contrarily haue eternized the pietie and iudgement of that follower of yours that kept the bagge of the said processe from the fire of the Archbishop of the said place whose accesse to the Tower where they were saued the enemie endeuoured to withstand It was the Lord of Vulcon Counseller to the King in the Court of Parliament at Grenoble that recoured them and brought them to our hands contenting himselfe in all that conquest with that onely bagge which inditeth the diuell himselfe with all his adherents being reserued for the good and edification of the Church of God All which being well considered this benefit comes from you my Lord and the fruite of your armes Hauing therefore resolued with my selfe to bring this historie to light vnder your name I haue but brought it to it first originall by restoring it to it first benefactor and dedicating this edifice to him that hath furnished it with the most substantiall matter And herein I haue wrought the more certaintie vnto it in that I haue dedicated it to him that hath seene and knowne more of the state of the said Waldenses then I can write And herein especially doth the worke of God shew it selfe when men of one and the same name and one and the same Prouince haue bene so different in their designes For it is aboue three hundred yeares since that the noble Arroas de Bonne persecuted in Dauphiney the fathers and grandfathers of those whom our noble and great Francis de Bonne hath restored
profited in his whole life in the Scriptures as he had done in those few dayes of his conference with the said Waldenses in examining the Articles of their Confession by the passages of Scripture cited by them This Bishop not being satisfied by this triall sent a companie of yong Doctors that came lately from Sorbonne to confound them by the subtiltie of their questions But one there was among the rest that said at his returne with a lowde voice that he had learned more touching the doctrine neccessarie to saluation in attending to the answers of the little children of the Waldenses in their catechizings then in all the disputations of diuinitie which he had euer heard in Paris Bern. de Gir. in his history of Fraunce lib. 10. Bernard de Girard Lord of Haillan saith that the Waldenses haue bene charged with more wicked opinions then they held because saith he they stirred the Popes and great men of the world to hate them for the libertie of their speech which they vsed in condemning the vices and dissolute behauiour of Princes and Ecclesiasticall persons Vesemb in his Oration of the Waldenses King Lewis 12. hauing bene informed by the enemies of the Waldenses dwelling in Prouence of many grieuous crimes which were imposed vpon them sent to make inquisition in those places the Lord Adam Fumee maister of Requests a Doctor of Sorbon called Parui who was his Confessour They visited all their Parishes and Temples and found neither images not so much as the least shew of any ornaments belonging to their Masses and ceremonies of the Church of Rome much lesse any such crimes as were imposed vpon them but rather that they kept their Sabbathes duely causing their children to be baptized according to the order of the Primatiue Church teaching them the Articles of the Christian faith and the Commandements of God The king hearing the report of the said Commissioners said and he bound it with an oath that they were better men then he or his people It appeareth by the memorials of the Archbishop of Ambrun named Rostain The same king vnderstanding that in Dauphiney namely in the valley of Fraissiniere in the Diocesse of Ambrun there were a certaine people that liued like beasts without religion hauing an euill opinion of the Romish religion he sent a Confessour of his with the Officiall of Orleans to bring him true information thereof This Confessour with his colleague came vnto the place where they examined the Waldenses dwelling in the said valley touching their beleefe and conuersation The Archbishop of Ambrun who made account that the goods of the said Waldenses were annexed to the demaine of his Archbishopricke as being confiscable for the cause of heresie pressed the aforesaid Commissioners speedily to condemne them for heretickes but the said Commissioners would not obey his desire but rather iustified thē as much as in them lay insomuch that before their departure the said Confessour of the king in his chamber at the signe of the Angell in Ambrun wished in the presence of many that he were as good a Christian as the worst of the said valley of Fraissiniere Ioachim Camer in his historie pag. 352. King Francis the first of that name and successour to Lewis 12. vnderstanding that the Parliament of Prouence had laid heauie burthens vpon the Waldenses dwelling at Merindol and Cambriers and other places thereabout desired to be informed of the beleefe life and conuersation of the said Waldenses and to that end commanded William de Belay Lord of Langeay at that time his Lieutenant in Piemont to make a diligent inquiry into those affaires whereupon the said Lord sent into Prouence two honest reuerent men to whom he gaue in charge to make inquiry both of the liues and religion of the Waldenses as also of the proceedings of the Court of Parliament against them These two deputies to the Lord de Langeay reported that the greatest part of the countrie of Prouence did affirme that the said Waldenses were a kind of people very painfull and that about two hundred yeares since they departed from the countrie of Piemont and came to dwell in Prouence and taking vpon them the profession of husbandmen and sheepheards they made many villages that were destroyed in the wars and other desart sauage places very fertile by their labours And that they had found by informations in the said countrie of Prouence that the aforesaid men of Merindol were a peaceable people beloued of their neighbours men of a good and godly conuersation carefull to keepe their promises and to pay their debts without suites of law very charitable not suffering any amongst them to fall into want and beggery liberall to strangers and poore passengers to the vtmost of their power As also that the inhabitants of Prouence did affirme that they of Merindol were knowne from others of the countrie because they could neuer be perswaded to blaspheme or so much as to name the diuell or in any sort to sweare except it were vpon certaine contracts or in iudgement And that they were likewise knowne by this that whensoeuer they fell into company of such as vsed either idle or wanton or blasphemous discourse against the honour of God they presently departed Thus you see how many of the aduersaries of the Waldenses haue giuen honourable reports of them enforced thereunto by the force of truth it selfe Let vs now see in what esteeme they haue bene with those that succeeded them in the same beleefe CHAP. VI. Testimonies giuen of the Waldenses by many great personages that haue made profession of the reformed religion THeodor Beza calleth the Waldenses the seed of the most pure ancient Christian Church Beza in his historie of worthy men which was miraculously preserued in the middest of the darknesse and errours which haue bene hatched by Satan in these latter times Constans vpon the Reuelation Const vpon the Apocalypse sheweth that the reformatiō of the Church in the Westerne parts of the world began in France by the meanes of Waldo and that from this source it spread it selfe through the rest of Europe Bullinger speakes thus of the Waldenses Bullinger in the Preface of his sermons vpon the Reuelation VVhat should we say saith he that aboue foure hundred yeares since throughout France Italy Germany Poland Bohemia and other countries and kingdomes of the world the Waldenses haue made profession of the Gospell of Christ Iesus and in many their writings and continuall preachings accused the Pope to be the true Antichrist of whom the Apostle Saint Iohn had prophesied and therefore we were to flie from him These people being tortured with diuerse most cruell torments haue with vnspeakable constancie giuen testimony of their faith by glorious martyrdomes and the like they suffer euen at this very day It is beyond the power of man to banish them or to roote them out notwithstanding it haue bene often attempted by most mightie kings
a great worke of God that how diligent soeuer the Popes with their Clergie haue bene vsing likewise the assistance of secular Princes and magistrates to roote them out yet they could neuer do it neither by proscriptions nor banishments nor excommunications nor publications of their Bulles nor Indulgences and Pardons to all those that shall make warre against them nor by any manner of torments fire flames gibets or other cruell effusion of bloud could they euer hinder the current of their doctrine but it hath spread it selfe almost into all the corners of the earth This hath le Sieur de Saint Aldegonde writ of the Waldenses But forasmuch as doubt may be made whether we haue in these dayes any proofes in the world of their beleefe it is necessary that we produce hereabouts an inuentorie of bookes which they haue left vnto vs to the end that when there shall be any question of their doctrine euery one may vnderstand what the writings are out of which we haue gathered that which they taught CHAP. VII That Peter Waldo and the Waldenses haue left bookes which make proofe of their beliefe and what they are In the former Chap. THat Waldo left something in writing vnto vs it appeares by that which Math. Illyricus saith that he hath certaine parchments of his which shew him to be a learned man Historie of the Estate of the Church p. 307. The Author of the Historie of the Estate of the Church giues this testimonie that followeth Waldo at the same time saith he made a collection in the vulgar tongue of sundry passages of the ancient Fathers to the end he might defend his opinions not onely by the authoritie of the holy Scripture but also by the testimonie of the Doctors against his aduersaries About fortie yeares since le Sieur de Vignaux Pastor of the Churches of the Waldenses in Piemont writ as followeth in his memorials that he made Of the beginning Antiquitie Doctrine Religion Manners Discipline Persecutions Confessions and progresse of the people called Waldenses I that write saith he can witnesse that being sent vnto these people to preach the Gospell of our Lord Iesus Christ which I did about some fortie yeares together I had no need to take much paines to win them from the ceremonies of the Church of Rome not to roote out of their minds the Pope the Masse Purgatory and such other things wherein they were a long time Doctors before my coming although the greatest part of them knew neither A nor B. It is to this seruant of God to whom we are much bound for the multitude of bookes written by the Waldenses For as oft as he lighted vpon any he gathered them together and kept them carefully which he did the more commodiously for that as he saith he conuersed with them almost for the space of fortie yeares which was about some fourescore yeares past For it was about the end of his dayes that he deliuered to some particular persons his said Memorials which he had gathered touching the Waldenses and all those ancient bookes which he had collected in their vallies touching the substance of which he thus speaketh We haue saith he certaine ancient bookes of the Waldenses tontaining Catechismes and Sermons Ibid. p. 3. which are manuscripts written in the vulgar tongue wherein there is nothing that makes for the Pope or poperie And it is wonderfull saith he that they saw so clearely in those times of darknes more grosse then that of Egypt Le Sieur de Saint Ferriol Pastor in the Church of Orange being carried with an holy curiositie gathered together many of the said bookes In his first table p. 153. which he shewed to le Sieur de S. Aldegonde who made mention of them in his first table wherein he saith that there are other manuscripts written in a very ancient letter in the Library of M. Ioseph de la Scale Now all the bookes hereunder mentioned being deliuered vnto me to furnish me with proofes for this Historie I will reduce into this Catalogue First we haue in our hands a new Testament in parchment in the Waldenses language very well written though with a very ancient letter Also there is a booke intituled the Antechrist which thus begins Qual cosa sia l'Antechrist en datte de l'an mille cent vingt In the same volume there are contained diuers Sermons of the Pastors of the Waldenses With a Treatise against sinne and the remedies to resist sinne Also a booke entituled The booke of Vertues In that volume there is another Treatise with this inscription De l'enseignament de li filli that is to say of the Instructions of children A Treatise of Mariage A Treatise entituled Li parlar de li Philosophes Doctors that is sentences of Philosophers and Doctors All which bookes are written in the language of the Waldenses which is partly Prouenciall and partly Piemontaine All of them sufficient to instruct their people to liue well and to beleeue well the doctrine of all which bookes being conformable to that which is taught and beleeued at this present in all the reformed Churches From hence we conclude that that doctrine that hath bene maintained in our times against humane inuentions is not new but to those that haue buried it wilfully or whose ancestors haue detested it out of their ignorance of the goodnesse thereof there being found diuers writings and that in great number which make good that for these foure hundred and fiftie yeares the doctrine of the reformed Churches is the selfesame which for many ages hath bene buried by ignorance and ingratitude Which our aduersaries themselues haue in some sort auouched when they say and confesse that that doctrine which they call new is but the substance of the errors of the ancient Waldenses as may appeare by their owne writings from whence we haue gathered that which remaineth in the Chapter following CHAP. VIII That the aduersaries of the Waldenses haue acknowledged that the doctrine of the Waldenses is conformable to that of those that at this present make profession of reformation LIndanus makes Caluin an inheritor or heire of the doctrine of the Waldenses Lindan in his analiticke tables The Cardinall Hosius saith Hosius in his fiâ—â—â— booke of the heresies of our times that the leprosie of the Waldenses hath infected all Bohemia at what time following the doctrine of Waldo the greatest part of the kingdome of Bohemia was separated from the Church of Rome Gwalt in his Chro. table sec 12. Chap. 15. pa. 494. Gwaltier Monke the Iesuite in his Chronographicall table or to speake otherwise in his mole-hill of lyes makes the Waldenses and those they call the poore abused and the Ministers of Caluin to be of one and the same beleefe in twentie seuen Articles Claud. Rubis in his historie of the Citie of Lions lib. 3. pa. 269. Syluius and Dubrauius in their Histories of Bohemia Tho. Wal. in his 6. volume of
things sacramētall Tit. 12. Chap. 10. Le Sieur de la Popeliniere in his hihorie of France l. 1. Claud. Rubis saith that the heresies that haue bene in our times haue bene grounded vpon the heresies of the Waldenses and he cals them the reliques of Waldo Aeneas Syluius who was afterwards Pope Pius the second of that name And Iohn Dubrauius Bishop of Olmusse in their histories of Bohemia make the doctrine taught by Caluin all one with that of the Waldenses Thomas Walden who writ against the doctrine of Wickliffe saith that the doctrine of Waldo crept out of the quarters of France into England Whereunto agrees le Sieur de la Popeliniere who addeth that the doctrine of the moderne Protestants differs very little from that of the Waldenses which saith he being receiued into the parts of Albi the Albigeois communicated it vnto the English their neighbours who then held Guienne from whence it was dispersed into many parts of England and so at the last as it were from hand to hand it came to the vnderstanding of Wickliffe a famous professour of diuinitie in the Vniuersitie of Oxford and Pastor of the parish of Luterworth in the Diocesse of Lincolne who for his eloquence and rare gifts wonne the hearts of many of the English euen of the greatest men amongst them insomuch that a certaine scholler carried vnto Prage a booke of Wickliffes called the Vniuersalities which being diligently read ouer by Iohn Hus he increased and explaned the doctrine long before sowed in Bohemia by the Waldenses and was in a manner hid from the time of Waldo in such sort that many of the people schollers Nobles and Ecclesiasticall persons themselues followed the same doctrine The Cardinall Bellarmine saith Bellar. Tom. 2. lib. 1. Chap. 26. col 86. Ecchius in his common places Chap. 28. that Wickliffe could adde nothing to the heresie of the Waldenses Ecchius layes an imputation vpon Luther that he hath done nothing else but renew the heresies of the Waldenses Albig Wickliffe and Iohn Hus long since condemned Alphonsus de Castro saith Alphonsus lib. 6. against heresies pa. 99. that Wickliffe hath done nothing else but brought to light the errours of the Waldenses Arnold Sorbin priest of Monteig reprocheth the cities and townes of Saint Antonin Montauban Millan In the historie Frier Peter of the valleys Sernay fol. 172. Castres Puylorens Gaillac and others of the Albigei and Languedoc that they haue done nothing but reuiue the errours of the Albigeois Iohn de Cardonne in his Rimes in the forefront of the historie of the said Monke of the valley Sernay saith thus In the historie of the Monke of the valleys Sernay What the sect of Geneua doth admit Th'hereticke Albigeois doth commit Anthony d'Ardene of Tholouse in the same booke saith Ibid. Wherewith our Hugonites seasoned were The same intention the selfesame care We need not therefore dispute any longer of the antiquitie of this doctrine but onely of the puritie thereof since that not onely by the affirmation of those that were aduersaries to the Waldenses and the last reformation there are whole ages during the which the substance of that beleefe hath remained in diuers persons who crying out against the abuses which haue crept into the Church haue bene oppressed by persecutions And for as much as it is denied that we haue had a succession of such instruments who haue opposed themselues from time to time against those corruptions and errours which haue borne sway we will produce in the Chapter following a catalogue both of those which our aduersaries haue named and put to death and of those whom the Waldenses haue had for their Pastors for these foure hundred and fiftie yeares last past at leastwise of as many as haue come to our knowledge CHAP. IX The names of those Pastours of the Waldenses who haue instructed them for foure hundred yeares last past and haue come to our knowledge WAldo from whom the Waldenses tooke their name began to teach the people in the yeare of our Lord a thousand one hundred and sixtie In his first table of Differ pa. 150. Le Sieur de Sancte Aldegonde obserueth that at the same time that Waldo began to shew himselfe and to teach at Lions God raised others in Prouence and Languedoc among whom the principall were Arnold Esperon and Ioseph of whom they were named Arnoldists Iosephists Esperonists though because their doctrine was first receiued in Albi in the countrie of the Albigeois they were commonly called Albigeois in such manner that on the one side the Waldenses and on the other the Albigeois were as the two Oliues or the two lampes which Saint Iohn speaketh of whose light did spread it selfe through all the corners of the earth At the same time saith he followed Peter Bruis whereupon many called them Peter Brusiens To whom there succeeded in doctrine one Henry the one being a Priest the other a Monke and they taught in the Bishoprickes of Arles Ambrun Die and Gap from whence being chased away they were receiued at Tholouse There was a certaine man saith he called Barthelmew borne at Carcassonne Idem ibid. p. 151 that ordered and gouerned the Churches in Bulgaria Croatia Dalmatia Hungaria and appointed Ministers as Mathew Paris reports naming him their Pope or Bishop and alledging to that purpose the letter which the Bishop of Portuense Legate to the Pope in the parts thereabouts writ to the Archbishop of Roan and his suffragans demanding succours and assistance against them insomuch that they were at the last constrained to retire themselues into desarts following that prophesie in the 12 of the Reuelation which saith that the woman great with child that brought forth a man child which is the true Church of God should in such sort be persecuted by the Dragon which cast out of his mouth water as a flood after the woman that he might cause her to be carried away of the flood so that she was constrained to flie into the wildernesse where she should be nourished for a time and times and halfe a time or for the space of forty two moneths or a thousand two hundred and threescore dayes Rainerius makes mention of two famous Bishops of the Waldenses viz of one Belazinanza of Verona one Iohn de Lugio who taught amongst them after the abouenamed about the yeare a thousand two hundred fifty Arnold Hot pastor amongst the Waldenses maintained the disputation at Mont Real whereof we shall make mention in his due place Lollard was also in great reputation amongst them both for a Commentary which he had written vpon the Reuelation as also for that he had giuen knowledge of their doctrine in England of whose name the Waldenses were called Lollards The Waldenses of the valleys of Angrongne of Dauphiney Prouence and Calabria haue had for their Pastors these whose memories they haue preserued for aboue three hundred yeares past that is to say
in Piemont It appeares by the memories of Vignaux fol. 14. Paul Gignons de Bobi Peter the lesse Anthony of the valley of Suse Iohn Martin of the valley Saint Martin Mathew de Bobi Philip of the valley Lucerna George of Piemont Steuen Laurence of the valley Saint Martin Martin de Meane Iohn of the valley of Lucerna who for some offence was suspended from his office for seuen yeares during which time he remained at Gennes where the Pastors had a house as they had also another very faire one at Florence Iohn Girard de Meane surnamed with the great hand Of the valley of Angrongne Thomas Bastie who died in the seruice of the Waldenses Churches at Pouille Sebastian Bastie who died in Calabria Iohn Bellonat of the same valley who was the first amongst the Pastors that married a wife Of the valleys of Perouse Iames Germain Benedict Gorran Paul Gignous de Bobi Iohn Romagnol of Sesena in Italie Of Dauphiney Francis of the valley of Fraissiniere Michel Porte of the valley Loyse in Briançonnois Peter Flot of Pragela Of Prouence Angelin de la Coste Daniel de Valentia and Iohn de Molines These two were sent into Bohemia to serue in the Churches of the Waldenses gathered together in the said Realme but they betrayed the Churches and brought much mischiefe vpon them by discouering vnto the enemies of the said Waldenses whatsoeuer they knew of their troupes and meetings whereby there happened a great persecution which occasioned the Churches of Bohemia to write to the Waldensian Churches of the Alpes from thence forward not to call to such vocations any persons whose faith honestie and zeale was not throughly knowne by long proofe and experience The last Pastors which they had were George Maurel and Peter Masçon who in the yeare of our Lord 1530. were sent into Germany to confer of religion with Oecolampadius Bucer and others Peter Masçon was taken prisoner at Dijon Steuen Negrin and Lewis Paschal were sent into Calabria in the yeare 1560. to the Waldensian Churches at Montald Saint Xist and other places thereabout Steuen Negrin was taken prisoner and sent to Cosence where he died in prison for want of sustenance Lewis Paschal was sent to Rome where he was condemned and burnt aliue Pope Pius the fourth of that name being present and his Cardinals whom he summoned to appeare before the throne of the Lambe to giue an account of their cruelties There are a great number of others as may appeare by the processe commenced against the Waldenses of Dauphiney which are come to our hands wherein mention is made of diuers Pastours which they haue had It appeareth by that bagge of procese which was found in the Cabinet du Sieur d' Auençon Archbishop of Ambrun at the last taking of AmbruÌ„ against the Waldenses of Froissiniere Largenâ—ere who haue bene many times imprisoned and deliuered vnto death by the Monkes the Inquisitors who caused them to be watched euen vpon the high Alpes when they trauelled from one companie to another This small number may suffice to giue vs to vnderstand that though their enemies did their best endeuour wholly to banish them and to roote them out from off the earth yet the eternall God hath not ceassed to prouide laborers for his haruest when there was any need to preserue euen to this present day only in Dauphiney and Prouence many thousands that thinke it their glory to haue come from the ancient Waldenses and are rather inheritours of their zeale and pietie then their earthly substance which their persecutors do possesse as the Pope doth at this present who hath ioyned to his pretended Apostolike chamber all the inheritance of the Waldenses who haue had any thing in his countrie of Venecin and vnder the pretence of heresie if he could he would take away their liues too so far is he from thinking to restore that which in vaine he hath bene importuned to do which his officers haue promised to restore with more vanitie and falshood then honestie or true meaning Now forasmuch as the Reader not knowing what manner of men their Pastors were they may be the lesse esteemed we will in the Chapter following insert what we find in their writings which may make proofe of their vocation the exercise of their charge zeale and pietie CHAP. X. What manner of men the Barbes or Pastors of the Waldenses were what their vocation with what zeale and fidelitie they haue exercised their charge THe Monke Rainerius reports many things touching the vocation of the Pastors of the Waldenses which neuer were Rain de forma haret fol. 8. As that which is imposed vpon them that they haue one greater Bishop and two followers which he cals the elder sonne and the yonger and a Deacon that he laid his hands vpon others with soueraigne authoritie and sent them whither he thought good like a Pope Against these impostures I haue here set downe what is found in their writings touching the vocation of their Pastors All such say they as are to be receiued for Pastors amongst vs The booke of the Pastors George Maurel and Peter Masçon pa. 8. notwithstanding they remaine yet with their parents are to intreat vs to receiue them to the ministerie and that we will be pleased to pray vnto God for theÌ„ that they may be made capable of so great a charge Which the said suppliants do to no other end but to shew their humilitie They are to learne certaine lessons and to learne by heart all the Chapters of Saint Matthew and Saint Iohn and all the Epistles which they call Canonicall a good part of the writings of Salomon Dauid and the Prophets Afterwards hauing good testimonies of their learning and conuersation they are receiued with the imposition of hands into the office or function of preaching The last that are receiued are to do nothing without the leaue and licence of their Seniours receiued before them As also they that are first ought not to attempt any thing without the approbation of their companions to the end that all things might be done amongst vs in order We Pastors do asseÌ„ble our selues together euery yeare once to determine of our affaires in a general Councell Our nutriment and apparell are willingly administred vnto vs and as it were by way of almes very sufficiently by the people whom we teach The money that is giuen vs by the people is carried to the aforesaid generall Councell and is deliuered in the presence of all and there it is receiued by the most ancients and part thereof is giuen to those that are trauellers or wayfaring men according to their necessities and part vnto the poore When any of vs that are Pastors shall fall into anie foule or vncleane sinne he is cast out of our companie and forbidden the charge of preaching Amongst other power and authoritie which God hath giuen to his seruants it belongs vnto them to chuse guides of the people and
Rousses Argentine Saint Vincens and Montolieu The Lords of the said Countries thought themselues happy in that they had met with so good Subiects as had peopled their Lands and made them to abound with all manner of fruits but principally because they found them to be honest men and of a good conscience yeelding vnto them all those duties and honours that they could expect from the best Subiects in the world Onely their Parsons and Priests complained that they liued not touching matter of religion as other people did they made none of their children Priests nor Nunnes they loued no chaunting tapers lampes belles no nor Masses for their dead They had built certaine Temples not adorning them with images they went not on pilgrimage they caused their children to be instructed by certaine strange and vnknown School-masters to whō they yeeld a great deale more honour then to them paying nothing vnto them but their tithes according to the agreement with their Lords They doubted that the said people made profession of some particular beliefe which hindred them from mingling themselues ioyning in alliance with the naturall home-borne people of the Land and that they had no good opinion of the Church of Rome The Lords of those places began to feare that if the Pope should take notice that so neere his Seate there were a kinde of people that contemned the lawes of Romish Church they might chance to lose them detained their Priests from complaining of these people who in euery thing else shewed themselues to be honest men such as had enriched the whole Country yea and the Priests themselues for the onely tithes which they receiued of that great abundance of fruites which arise from those lands out of which in former times they receiued no profit at all were such as might very well giue them reason to beare with other matters That they were come to inhabit in those places from far Countries where perhaps the people were not so much giuen to the ceremonies of the Church of Rome but yet since in the principall they were faithfull and honest charitable towards the poore and such as feared God they were very willing they might not be molested by any more particular enquiry into their consciences These reasons wrought much with those that bare them ill will For the Lords of those places stopped the mouthes of their murmuring neighbours who could by no meanes draw them into any alliance with them and who saw their goods their cattell and all that they possessed blest after a more particular manner then other mens that they were a temperate people wise not lewd or dissolute not giuen to dancing or haunters of Tauernes and out of whose mouthes there did neuer proceed any blasphemy and to be briefe liuing in a Country where the Inhabitants were giuen to all manner of wickednesse they were as precious stones in a common sinke and therefore both enuied and admired but yet alwaies maintained by their Lords who comparing these subiects and vassals with others that they had could not satiate themselues with their praises Thus were they maintained by their Lords against all enuy and that maugre the Priests vntill the yeere 1560 1560. at what time they could no longer defend them against the Popes thunderbolts The occasion was because they then vnderstood that in their Valleys of Pragela and Piedmont there were Pastors that with a loud voyce did preach the Gospell For they had sent to Geneua to be furnished with teachers and they sent them two that is to say Steuen Negrin and Lewis Paschal who at their arriuall did their best endeauours to establish the exercise of their Religion Pope Pius the fourth of that name being aduertised hereof the Colledge of Cardinals was assembled and presently concluded and resolued vpon the vtter ruine and extirpation of this people who so neere the Popes Seate durst to plant the Religion of the Lutherans The charge of this persecution was giuen to Cardinall Alexandrin a violent man if there were euer any amongst the Cardinals Hee chose two Monkes of his owne humour to be his Informers that is to say one Valerio Maluicino and a Dominican Monke named Alphonsus Vrbin who began with the Inhabitants of Saint Xist Being in the place they assembled the people giuing them good speeches and protesting that their comming thither was not any way to molest them but onely louingly to aduertise them that they were not to heare any other Doctours and teachers then those which should be giuen vnto them by the Prelats of their Diocesse That they knew well that they had receiued teachers from Geneua but by quitting themselues of them and liuing hereafter according to the lawes of the Church of Rome they should haue no cause to feare any thing but if they presumed to keepe their said teachers amongst them they did put themselues in danger to lose their liues their goods and honours because they were to be condemned for Heretickes And that they might the better know who they were that had wholly forsaken the lawes of the Church of Rome they caused a bell to be rung to Masse inuiting the people to goe thither but in steed of going to the Masse they quit themselues of their houses and with their wiues and children that could follow them they did flie into the woods leauing onely within the Citty some few decrepit men and women and little children The Monkes dissembled this flight that they might the better intrap them all at once They went to la Garde not threatning any one of those that stayed in Saint Xist Being there they caused the gates of the Towne to be locked and the people to be assembled They told them that they of Saint Xist had abiured their Religion and being gone to the Masse had asked pardon at Gods hands promising them if they would doe the like that no man should offer the least hurt that might be These poore people thinking the Monkes had spoken a truth vnto them they were content to yeeld to whatsoeuer they would haue them doe But when they had vnderstood that their brethren of Saint Xist had refused to goe to Masse and that they were fled into the woods they were ashamed of their weaknesse and much displeased with their reuolt and therefore instantly resolued with themselues to goe with their wiues and children to their bretheren of Saint Xist but the Lord of the place Saluator Spinello would not suffer them to retire themselues in so miserable a manner promising to defend them against whomsoeuer prouided saith he that they caried themselues like good Romish Catholikes In the meane time the Monkes sent after those of Saint Xist two Companies of foote-men who ran after these poore people as after wild beasts crying out Amassa amassa that is kill kill They slew diuers of them But they that could get to the top of the mountaine being on the hight of the rockes intreated they might be heard which being
the hauen it suffereth shipwracke These godly admonitions preuailed much for the confirmation of the more weake and they came in very good time for those who presently after were sifted with many tempestuous outrages and euen one of those that brought the Letters made good vse of them that is to say Peter Masson who was apprehended at Diion where he was condemned to death for a Lutheran George Morel saued himselfe with his letters and papers and came sound and safe into Prouence where he bestowed much paines and with happy successe in the establishing of the Churches of the Waldenses of which the Court of Parliament at Aix did euery day apprehend one faithfull member or other whom they either condemned to the fire or sent to the gibbet or dismissed with markes in their foreheads vntill in the yeere 1540 1540. the Inhabitants of Merindol were summoned in the person of fiue or six of the principall at the earnest importunity of the Kings Atturney in the Parliament of Aix and the sollicitation of the Arch-bishop of Arles the Bishop of Aix other Ecclesiasticall persons A sentence was giuen against them the most exorbitant cruell and inhumane that euer was in any Parliament like in all things to that edict of King Assuerus granted at the instance of Aman against the people of God as it is written in the History of Hester For besides that the men and women that were summoned for contumacy were condemned to be burnt aliue by the said sentence their children and families outlawed it was decreed that the place of Merindol should be altogether made vnhabitable the woods cut downe two hundred paces round about it and all this without any audience or leaue granted to any to speake a word The King being informed of the rigour of this Edict sent into Prouence the Lord du Langeai to enforme him of the manners and beleefe of the said Waldenses and vnderstanding that many things were laid to the charge of this people which they were not guilty of King Francis the first of that name sent Lett es of grace and fauour not onely in behalfe of those that had offended by contumacy but all the rest of the Country of Prouence expresly commanding the Parliament from thence forward not in that case to proceed so rigerously as they had done in times past These Letters were supprest They that were personally summoned made request that it might bee lawfull for them to answere by a Proctor Francis Chai and William Armand appeared for all the rest requesting in their names that it might be made to appeare vnto them in what they had erred and that by the word of God being ready to abiure all heresie if once they might know that they were fallen into any And for this cause they deliuered vnto them in writing a confession of their faith to the end if they found any thing worthy reprehension by the holy Scriptures they might be instructed concerning that which they were to recant or if they found nothing that they could reprehend that they might be no more molested by so many and so grieuous persecutions for feare lest thinking they made warre onely against men it should appeare that they made it against God and his truth and those that maintained it All their petitions serued to no other end then to prouoke them the more for the Iudges being possessed with an opinion that they were Heretikes refusing to take the paynes to know and examine the truth they made all their Acts in fauour of the Priests that accused them In such sort that when the Cardinall of Tournon had obtained at a high price Letters from the King for the execution of the aforesaid Decree notwithstanding the pardon and reuocation before obtained it was executed This was in the yeere 1545 1545. that the President of Opede Gouernour of Prouence in the absence of the Earle of Grignan deputed for Commissioners the President Francis de la Fon Honoré de Tributiis and Bernard Badet Counseller and the Aduocate Guerin in the absence of the Procurator Generall He dispatched sundry Commissions and proclaimed the warre with sound of trumpet both at Aix and at Marseilles So the troopes being leuied and the fiue ensignes of the old bands of Piedmont ioyned with them the army marched to Pertuis and the next day being the fourteenth of Aprill they went to Cadenet and the sixteenth they began to set fire to the Villages of Cabrieres Pepin la Mothe and Saint Martin belonging to the Lord of Sental then vnder age There the poore labourers without any resistance were slaine women and their daughters rauished some great with childe murdered without any mercy The breasts of many women were cut off after whose deaths the poor infants died with famine d'Opede hauing caused Proclamation to be made vpon paine of the with that no man should giue any reliefe or sustenance to any of them All things were ransaked burnt pilled and there were none saued aliue but those that were reserued for the Galleys The seuenteent day Opede commanded the old bands of Piedmont to draw neere and the day following hee burnt the Villages of Lormarin Ville Laure and Trezemines and at the same time on the other side of Durance le Bieus de la Rocque and others of the Towne of Arles burnt Gensson and la Roque Opede being come to Merindol he found not any there but onely a yong lad called Morisi Blanc a very simple fellow who yeelded himselfe prisoner to a Souldier with promise of two crownes for his ransome d'Opede finding none other vpon whom he might wreake his anger payed the two crownes to the Souldier and so commanding him to be bound to a tree caused him to be slaine with the hargubuse shot Afterwards he commanded the said Towne to be pilled sacked and vtterly razed and laid leuell with the ground where there were aboue two hundred houses There remained the Towne of Cabrieres compassed with walles which were beaten with the Cannon These poore people being sicke within who were about some threescore boorse or Pesants of the Country called vnto them that they needed not to spend so much powder and paines to batter the Walles because they were ready to open the gates vnto them and to quit themselues of the place and Country and to depart to Geneua or into Germany with their wiues and children leauing all their goods behind them onely that their passage might be free The Lord of Cabrieres treated for them that their cause might be determined by iustice without force or violence But Opede being within the Town he commanded the men to be brought into a field and to be cut in peeces with swords the valiant executioners striuing who could shew the best manhood in cutting off heads armes and legges He caused the women to be locked vp in a barne full of straw and so put fire vnto it where were burnt many women great with childe Wherewith a Souldier being moued to
Origine Confes Eccl. Bohemia Wiclesus à Waldensibus adiutus Hussium nostrum excitauit pa. 264. From hence it was said to the Husites that Wicklif had awakened their Iohn Hus. This Wicklif writ aboue a hundred volumes against Anti-christ or the Church of Rome the Catalogue whereof is in the booke of the Images of famous men that haue combated with Antichrist CHAP. XIII Of the Waldenses that did flie into Flanders and were there persecuted AFter the great persecution of the Waldenses in the time of Phillip the faire S. Aldeg in his 1. Table of the diff fol. 149. Iohn Dubrauius in the Hstory of Bohemia lib. 14. Historigraphers make mention of their repaire into Flanders whether he pursued them and caused a great number to bee burnt And because they were constrained to retire themselues into the woods to flie from those that pursued them they were called Turlupins that is See before l. 1. c. 1. dwellers with wolues as you haue heard before in that Chapter where we haue shewed what names were giuen vnto them Mathew Paris saith that a certaine Iacobin Monke Math. Paris in the life of Henry 3. named Robert Bougre had liued amongst the Waldenses making profession of their Religion but hauing afterwards forsaken them became a Monke and a very violent persecuter in such sort that he caused many to be burnt in Flanders Now his owne friends hauing taken knowledge that he much abused the power and authority of his office laying to their charge many things whereof they were innocent and executing his authority against many that were altogether ignorant of the beliefe of the VValdenses he was not only depriued of the office of an Inquisitor but cast into prison and being conuicted of diuers crimes was condemned to perpetuall prison CHAP. XIV Of the VValdenses that were persecuted in Poland ABout the yeere of our Lord 1330 there were many that made profession of the Religion of the Waldenses in the Kingdom of Poland 1330. The Bishops had recourse to the meanes established by the Pope that is to say the Inquisition whereby they deliuer many of them into the hands of the executioner Flat Illy in his Catol of the wit pa. 539. The Author of the Catalogue of the witnesses of the truth hath written that he hath lying by him the forme of the Inquisition which the Inquisitors made vse off in this persecution Vignier in his Biblio pa. 130. In his History lib. 1. Vignier saith that at their departure out of Picardy many of them that were persecuted there retired themselues into Poland Le Sieur de Popeliniere hath set downe in his History that the Religion of the Waldenses hath spred it selfe almost into all parts of Europe euen amongst the Polonians and Lutherans and that after the yeer one thousand one hundred they haue alwayes sowed their doctrine little differing from that of the moderne Protestants and maugre all the powers and Potentates that haue opposed themselues against them they haue defended it to this day CHAP. XV. That many Waldenses haue been persecuted at Paris IN the yeer 1210 1210. The history of Languedoc 1. Ferier fol. 7. foure and twenty VValdenses were apprehended at Paris wherof some were imprisoned some burnt It happened also that during the one twentieth schisme and during the time of Pope Iohn the one and twentieth of that name the persecution was great throughout all France against the VValdenses but especially at Paris Againe in the yeere 1304 the Monkes Inqusitors 1304. 1. Tab. pa. 152. appointed for the search of the VValdenses apprehended at Paris a hundred and fourteene who were burnt aliue and endured the fire with admirable constancy We find also in the Sea of Histories 1378 The Sea of histories in the yeere 1378. that in the yeere 1378 the persecution continuing against the VValdenses there were burnt at Paris in the place de Greue a very great number CHAP. XVI Of the Waldenses inhabiting in Italy and the persecutions which we can proue they haue there suffered IN the yeere 1229 the Waldenses were spread abroad in great numbers throughout Italy 1229 Sigonius de regno Italico lib. 17. Valcamonica onely they had Schooles and from all parts of their abode they sent money into Lombardy for the maintenance of the said Schooles Vignier in the 3 part of his Bibl. hist Rain in summa fol. 18. Rainerius saith that about the yeere of our Lord one thousand two hundred fifty the Waldenses had Churches in Albania Lombardy Milan and in Romagina 2250 as also at Vincence Florence and Val Spoletine 1280 Le Sieur de Hail in the life of Phil. 3. In the yeere of our Lord 1280 there were many Waldenses in Sicile as le Sieur de Haillan obserueth in his History 1492 In the yeere 1492 Albert de Capitaneis Inquisitor and Arch-deacon of Cremona apprehended one of the Pastors of the Waldenses It appeares by the Inditemēt of the said Pastor the orginal whereof is in our hands named Peter de Iaeob passing ouer a mountaine in Dauphine called le Col de Costeplane as he was going to Pragela in the Valley of Frassinieres Being asked from whence he came he answered that he came from the Churches of the Waldenses in Italy where he had been to performe his duty to his charge and that he had passed by Gennes where he told them Genon that the Waldensian Pastors had a house of their owne which agreeth with that which Vignaux noteth in his Memorials Vignaux in his memorials fol. 15. That is that a certain Pastor named Iohn of the Valley of Lucerna was suspended from the office of a Pastor for the space of seuen yeeres for some fault he had committed and that during the said time he remained at Gennes where saith he the Pastors had a house as also they had a faire one in Florence Besides all these testimonies of the abode of the Waldenses in Italy we haue those of Calabria Chap. 7. of whom there was question before The persecutions that they haue suffered in Italy were continuall vntill they were wholly rooted out The Emperour Frederic the second of that name did grieuously persecute them by Edicts In the cōstitutiō which begins Jnconsutilem tunicans by the Inquisition by constitutions especially by that which condemneth GaZaros Patarenos Leonistas Speronistas Arnoldistas c. where hee bewailes the simplicity of those whom he calleth Patereniens as if he should say exposed to passions and suffrings in that they prodigally yeelded their liues to contempt affecting martirdome whereas if they would peaceably maintaine the faith of the Church of Rome they might saith he liue peaceably amongst other men who acknowledge her to be their mother and the head of all the Churches in the world It was his pleasure that they should be seuerely and speedily punished for feare lest they should farther spread themselues seeing also that they
1213. his quarantine or fortie daies being expired retired himselfe not without much discontent to see in those warres against the Albingenses so much tyranny The Earle Simon endeuored to get a pardon for those last Pilgrims come from France against the Earle of Foix. Hologaray in his Hist of Foix pag. 157. Hee besieged the Castle of Foix but with his great losse for there died before it many gallant men Hauing laine before the Citie ten daies hee raised his siege finding to his great cost that the place was inexpugnable The Earle Simon his Brother kept his quarter at Varilles the Earle of Foix vnlodged him slew with his Lance the said Brother of the Earle Simon and put to flight his whole troope This was a counterpoise to Monfort his prosperitie which had made him ouer-insolent And as one vnhappy chance comes seldome alone euen then when he did grinde his teeth against the Earle of Foix swearing that hee would make him flie ouer the Pereney mountaines a messenger brought him tidings of the arriuall in the Earledome of Beziers and about Carcassonne of diuers troopes of Arragonians and Catalans who put all they met to sword and fire saying That they would reuenge the death of their good King Alphonsus Hee was therefore aduertised that if hee did not speedily succour them the whole Country would be lost He departed therefore from Foix with great diligence Idem fol. 158. The Earle of Foix who better knew the streights and by-waies of his Country than he stopped his passage and lay in ambush for him in a place so fitting for his ouerthrow that he slew a great part of his troopes without any Alarum Hee saued himselfe with a few of his people Being come to Carcassonne it was well for him that he found not a man to speake a word vnto for the Arragonians had retired themselues Whereas had they attended his comming they might easily haue discomfited him considering the small number that were with him At this very time other Letters were brought vnto him whereby he was called into Dauphine where there was one Ademar of Poitiers and one Ponce of Monlaur who hindred the passage of the Pilgrims who came downe by the Riuer Rhosne and were conducted by the Archbishops of Lion and Vienne There were likewise the Cities of Monteil-Aimar and Crest Arnaud who tooke part with the Albingenses who were a great hindrance to the Pilgrims Simon came to treatie and composition with Ademar of Poitiers and Monlaur not hauing power to encounter so many enemies Againe he was giuen to vnderstand that the Arragonians were returned about Carcassonne and thither he came and was well beaten insomuch that he was constrained to shut vp himselfe within Carcassonne hauing not wherewithall to keepe the field before hee had new supply of Pilgrims to succour him Seeing at the last that he got nothing of the Earle of Foix by armes he had recourse to his ordinary wiles and subtilties hoping to worke his ruine vnder a pretence of amitie He caused therefore the Legat Bonauenture to write vnto him that he had compassion on him for that he was so obstinate in so great a warre to his great charge and the losse of the bloud of his Subiects which if he would he might end in a short time by taking his iourny to Rome declaring his innocency to the Pope that he would giue him his best assistance as far forth as possibly he could to procure the restitution of all his Lands But yet it was very necessarie that the Church should haue some gages of his fidelitie that is that he should deliuer into his hands the Castle of Foix the one onely meanes to take away all shadow and shew of false play and that incontinently after his returne it should be restored vnto him with the rest of his houses He suffered himselfe to be cheated and gulled by these promises deliuered vnto him the Castle of Foix and tooke his iourney to Rome but if he went a foole thither a foole he returned For the Legat had written to Rome to the Conclaue and to the Pope that the Earle of Foix was one of the most dangerous Heretiques that was amongst the Albingenses a man of great courage and valiant and most to be feared that if he were subdued the Earle of Toulouze would be much weakned that he had gotten from him the meanes to doe any hurt by obtaining by faire words those places which the Church would neuer haue gotten by armes namely the Castle of Foix and that they were to take heed that they made no restitution of his lands which if they did it would bee impossible that the Church should euer bring the Albingenses to their vtter ruine The Pope was willing enough to ioyne in his ouerthrow but because hee came vnto him with submissions he feared least it might bee a meanes to hinder others from euer putting any confidence in the Pope He was prodigall of his Crosses his Bulls and his Words but in effect he commanded his Legat that he should not restore vnto him those places vntill hee had giuen good proofes of his obedience and iustification Presently vpon his returne hee addressed himselfe to the Legat to enioy the effect of his faire promises The Legat gaue him to vnderstand that his hands were bound by the Pope because there were some clauses in his Bulls that did binde him to a new proceeding and to know in good earnest what his innocency was but yet he should assure himselfe of his affection and that he should not attribute to him if he receiued not his full content and that he would doe his best endeuour to make loue and friendship betwixt the Earle Simon and himselfe The Earle of Foix by little and little with-drew himselfe fearing to be arrested walking about the fields and houses of his Subiects as for his owne they were all in the hands of the Earle Simon There he cursed his owne facilitie to suffer himselfe to be gulled by a Priest bites his fingers for anger to see himselfe so blockishly abused after so many trickes and stratagems plaid against him The Earle of Toulouze and the King of Aragon resolue to make a leuy of their Subiects and presently to build a Fort at Montgranier a place very strong by nature In a few daies they made it a place of defence by the means labours of their poore subiects who bewailing their own miseries their Lords trauelled day night very willingly to bring the work to an end This place being built he put therin a garison left there his son Roger. The Earle Simon besieged it in the end took it by famine The cōposition was that Roger should not beare armes for one whole yeare against the Church An Article that troubled much this valiant Lord. For he withdrew himselfe for the same yeare into a house where he counted the moneths and the daies till the time was expired wherein he might
or made any agreement with Girard Adememar or Guitaud Lord of Monteil-Aimar nor with Aimar of Poitiers but vntill such time as hee had power to deuoure them he passed the Rhosne at Viuiers and besieged Monteil-Aimar Guitaud or Girard made great resistance but when the Inhabitants saw the great Armie of Pilgrims they entreated their Lord to come to composition for feare lest the Citie should be pillaged Which hee did though it were with the losse of his Castle From thence he went and besieged the Tower of Crest-Arnaud belonging to Aimar of Poitiers He that commanded within did yeeld it vp out of cowardlinesse for otherwise it had beene impossible the Pilgrims should haue taken it Afterwards the Earle Simon gaue a daughter of his to a sonne of the said Poitiers and there was peace concluded betwixt the said Poitiers and the Bishop of Valence against whom hee had a long time before made cruell warre A little before the Earle Simon had married one of his sonnes to the daughter of Dauphin of Viennois and another to the Countesse of Bigorre All which alliances did fortifie him much against his enemies All men trembled before him and with this great Armie of Pilgrims that followed him he tooke Pefquieres neere to Nysmes and Bezonce and put all to the sword hee found within not sparing the women Hee tooke his way to Toulouze to pillage and to raze it and to seeke the Earle of Toulouze euen to the center of the Earth if he were there to be found at which time hee receiued letters from his wife aduertising him that hee should speedily come to deliuer her from the hands of the Earle of Toulouze who had besieged her in the Castle Narbonnes that hee was very strong and had all the people at his deuotion who had receiued him with great applause crying out with a loude voice Long liue the Earle of Toulouze That he was accompanied with his Nephew the Earle of Comminge Gaspar de la Barre Bertrand de Iorda Engarrand of Gordo Lord of Caraman Armand de Montagu and Estephe de la Valette all braue and valiant men and well accompanied This was about the end of the yeere one thousand two hundred seuenteene 1217. that the Earle Remond entred into Toulouze the Drumme beaten the Ensignes displayed and the Trumpets sounding The people pressing to cast themselues downe at his feet to embrace his legges and to kisse the hem of his garment and killing as many as they found in the Citie that tooke part with the Earle of Montfort Whereas had the Earle Simon come directly to Montauban at his returne from France the Earle Remond could not haue told what to haue done but he stayed at Monteil-Aimar and Crest Arnaud and Besince and Pasquieres and made delaies about the mariages so long that the Earle had time to gather his troopes together and to prepare himselfe for a strong assault In such sort that when hee was aduertised that hee was at Toulouze the greater part of his Pilgrims were returned into France But yet it was necessary hee should goe to Toulouze with those forces that he had for his wife was in danger to be lost And hee that had beene the death of so many women and children was doubtfull what would become of his falling into the hands of his enemies The Earle Remond created an officer which they called Vignier or Prouost to whom all were bound to obey vpon paine of death This was the first Vignier that was established at Toulouze His charge was to prouide for the defence of the Citie to keepe the Moates or Ditches cleane to repaire the breaches to appoint to euery one his quarter and his Captaine especially in times of combat There came from all parts troopes of succours to the Earle Remond of those that desired consideration for the violencies of the Earle Simon The Earle Guy was one of the first in the combat for his brother the Earle Simon but he was beaten and put to flight The Archbishop of Aix and of Armagnac with their Pilgrims retired themselues without fight The Earle Simon being come made shew to besiege Toulouze but the frequent issues of those that were within gaue him to vnderstand that it was not for his good He assembled therefore the Prelats and Lords to take aduise of what was to bee done The Legat perceiuing the Earle Simon somewhat astonished said vnto him Feare nothing for in a short time wee shall recouer the Citie and put to death and destroy all the Inhabitants and if any of the Souldiers of the Crosse shall die in this pursuit they shall passe to Paradice as Martyrs and hereof they shall assure themselues To whom one of the great Captaines answered Monsieur Cardinall you talke with great assurance but if the Earle beleeue you it will be little for his profit For you and all the other Prelats and men of the Church haue beene the cause of all this euill and ruine and will bee yet more if he beleeue you It was no time for Monsieur the Cardinall to bee offended with this audacious reply but he must needs sup vp this censure The resolution was that there should be no more any assault giuen but that the Citie should bee besieged on the side of Gascongne For which cause the Earle of Montfort caused one part of his Armie to passe the Riuer Garonne towards St. Soubra now they within the Citie made so blunt a salley and to such purpose that they put their enemies to flight During this combat came the Earle of Foix with his fresh troopes as well of his subiects as Nauarreans and Catalans who violently set vpon the Earle Montfort pursuing him euen to the brinke of Garonne where with affrightment and precipitation they cast themselues in heapes into their Boats and many were drowned in the Riuer The Earle Simon also fell in all armed with his horse and hardly escaped The Earle Remond caused a generall assembly to bee made at St. Saornin wherein hee exhorted the people to giue thankes vnto God for this happy beginning of victorie which they had obtained against their enemies which was a testimonie of Gods loue and that they should hope for better hee exhorted euery one to giue their helping hands to build and to prepare and to cause their warlike engins to play against the Castle Narbonnes because this place being last by the enemie their totall ruine must needes follow and being once recouered by them they should be in safetie In a very short time were their woodden engins to cast stones their Slings their Mangonnels to dart their Arrowes their Fowlers Crossebowes and other Instruments which were in vse in those times prepared and all of them mounted against the Castle Narbonnes which made those to tremble that were within The Earle Montfort being at Montolieu tooke counsell how to carry himselfe in this tedious siege and against enemies so animated The Bishop of Thoulouze said vnto him to comfort him that
hee was to take a good heart vnto him for Monsieur the Cardinall had sent letters and messengers throughout the world to giue him succours and that shortly he should haue so many people that hee should not want power to doe what he would The abouenamed Robert de Pequigni answered him that hee spake his pleasure and that if the Earle of Montfort had not beleeued him nor any such hee had not beene in those troubles that now hee was but hee had beene at peace within Toulouze and that hee was the cause of that danger they now were in and of the death of so many people as were continually slaine by the wicked counsell that hee had giuen After many combats the winter grew on and stayed the course of the besiegers who withdrawing themselues to couert where they could about Toulouze expected with good denotation and much impatiencie new succours of Pilgrims The Earle Remond on the other side inclosed the Citie with a Rampier and fortified himselfe against the Castle Narbonnes and prepared to receiue the Pilgrims whensoeuer they should present themselues vnto them In this meane time hee sent his sonne to seeke for succours In the end 1218. about the Spring time in the yeere one thousand two hundred and eighteene there came to the Earle Simon an hundred thousand Souldiers of the Crosse and to the Earle Remond great succours from Gascongne conducted by Narcis de Montesquiou As also the young Remond of Toulouze and Arnaud de Villemur brought vnto him goodly troopes This great multitude of Pilgrims being come the Legat and the Earle Simon thought good they should earne their pardon knowing that at the end of fortie daies this great cloude of Pilgrims would vanish They therefore commanded them instantly to giue a generall scalado which was deferred to the next morning by which time they had other worke to doe for the very first night of their arriuall putting their confidence in their great multitude they kept no good guard Which the Earle of Toulouze perceiuing made a salley out vpon them and that with so good successe that the next morning all the field was couered with dead bodies The Toulouzains being wearie with killing returned to giue thankes vnto God for his assistance The Earle Simon entred the Castle Narbonnez to descrie whether from thence there were any way to inuade the Citie but finding none it much troubled him whereupon two of his Lords of the Crosse gaue him aduice to come to some honourable agreement The Cardinall Bertrand told them there needed no speech of that and that the Church could saue them in despite of them if they spake any thing to the aduantage of the Albingenses One amongst them answered And where finde you Monsieur Cardinall that without cause and reason you should take from the Earle Remond and his sonne that which belongs vnto them If I had vnderstood as much as I now know saith he I had neuer made this voyage The whole Countrie was enemie to the Earle Simon which was the cause of the famine in his Armie but on the contrary there was within Toulouze all plenty and abundance Tpon St. Iohn the Baptists Eue betimes in the morning the troopes of the Earle Remond went forth of Toulouze crying out Auignon Beaucaire Muret and Toulouze killing as many as they encountred A Souldier ranne to the Earle Simon and told him that the enemie was come forth to whom he answered that he would first see his Redeemer and then see his enemie Diuers others came vnto him crying out Wee are vndone if no man will come out and command the Armie which did flie before the Toulouzains He againe answered that he would not stirre a foot from the Masse though he were there to die before hee had seene his Maker insomuch that had not the Priest that sung the Masse clipt and curtolled it a little for feare lest his eares should haue beene clipt he had beene taken or slaine before the Altar Heare what Noguiers saith Noguiers in his Hestory of Toulouze lib. 3. chap. 10. At this so violent a shocke the Earle Simon being mounted his horse his horse was wounded in the middle of his head with an Arrow which the horse feeling got presently the bit betweene his teeth in such sort that Montfort could neuer stay him but hee carryed him here and there in dispite of himselfe which a Souldier of the Citie seeing assuring himselfe of him shot him with his Crosse-bow through the thigh with which wound Montfort lost great store of bloud and finding himselfe much payned therewith entreated the Earle Guy his brother to leade him forth of the presse to stench his bloud In the time whilest hee was talking with his brother a stone out of a sling or engine whereout stones or arrowes were darted which a woman thinking nothing let flie hit Montfort yet talking with his brother and parted his head from his shoulders so that his body fell dead to the ground It was saith he a wonderfull thing and thereby may his successors consider that they maintained an vniust quarrell not to punish those that were wandred from the faith for that had beene a thing very commendable and commodious but to oppresse his owne vassals heaping on them miseries vpon miseries to rauish women and their daughters to the end they might vtterly ruine and confound them all especially doing the duty of vassals and to retaine the goods of another who though hee were an Heretike as Montfort supposed yet neuerthelesse in the twinckling of an eye he might be better aduised and amend his life But as I thinke saith hee a couetous desire to raigne blinded him which wee may easily iudge by the bad vsage oppressions and extortions which he executed against the innocent people of Toulouze who honored him cherished and wished him prosperitie as to their Lord. This skirmish and discomfiture was in Iune the day after the feast of St. Iohn the Baptist in the yeere 1218. 1218. Thus you see how Noguiers the Historiographer of those times hath spoken of this man as of one that was caried with passion and vnsatiable couetousnesse But that which was worthy the obseruation is that he was not ouerthrowne but at that very instant when by three diuers Councels he had beene proclaimed the Monarch of his conquests the Captaine of the Armies of the Church the sonne the seruant the fauorite thereof the defender of the faith Adored of the people feared of the great the terror of Kings Thus you see Iudges 9. that as that ambitious Paracide Abimelech was slaine with a peece of a Mill-stone which a woman cast from a Tower which brake his skull so this destroyer of the people ruiner of Cities deuourer of the states of other men was slaine with a stone from a sling Chass lib. 4 c. 11. flung by a woman as some Historiographers haue obserued On the the other side the Monke cryes out in this manner The
that the selfe-same constitutions should be executed against them Now after the treatie made with the Earle Remond hee remained a prisoner vntill the payment of the summes specified therein and in the meane time Master Peter de Colmieu Vice-Legat tooke his iourney to Toulouze to bring the Citie vnder the obedience of the King and caused the Walls to be razed and the Towers to bee beaten downe to the end they might haue no more meanes to rebell against the King He brought likewise to the Queene-mother Ioan the only daughter of the Earle Remond being of the age of nine yeeres to the end she might bee brought vp with her vntill she were of yeeres sufficient to marry Alphonsus brother to King Lewis The remouall of this young Princesse did much afflict the subiects of the Earle Remond for seeing that this change of domination would bring with it an alteration of their peace as it came to passe CHAP. VIII The Earle Remond of Toulouze solliciteth the Earle of Foix to range himselfe vnder the obedience of the Pope What practises he vseth to make him forsake the part of the Albingenses and hee suffereth himselfe to be handled by the Popes Legat. THe Earle of Foix of Comminges and the Prince of Bearne were yet to be conquered or wonne by practises The Legat Colmieu thought the Earle Remond a fit instrument to worke the latter of the two and therefore he commandeth him to write to the Earle of Foix That he should follow his example or resolue miserably to perish Hee writ vnto him in louing termes That the vnion that had alwaies beene betwixt their houses did binde him to procure their good as his owne that if he did not yeeld himselfe into the bosome of the Church of Rome hee saw such a tempest like to fall vpon him that it must needs ouerwhelme him That hauing so great an enemie as a King of France hee could not possibly stand out Hee therefore entreated him to receiue his counsell and withall the gift that hee bestowed on him for a farther proofe of his loue that is if hee would conforme himselfe to this submission to the Pope and the Church of Rome hee would hold him from this day forward quit of that homage which hee anciently did vnto him for the Earledome of Foix. Hee likewise entreated him to procure the like submission from the Earle of Comminge and the Prince of Bearne The Answer of the Earle of Foix was That hee could not forsake his part nor his beleefe in a time wherein hee should giue men occasion to thinke that hee had more feare than reason and that it was necessary for so fruitfull a change such as they expected of him that the truth should ouercome not the allurements of promises nor the violence of armes That he would see that world of Pilgrims come that was threatned and he did trust in God that hee should make them to know the iustice of his cause and deplore the temeritie of their vow The Earle Remond was not satisfied with this answer much lesse the Legat who found another way to winne him vnto them And that was that there were within his lands and territories and about the said Earledome subiects of his who being frighted with an apprehension of their ruine should intreat him to haue compassion both of himselfe and his poore subiects who should doubtlesse be ouerthrowne by this last violence And at the very same time hee caused the Earle Remond of Toulouze to write to the principall men of the Countries of the said Roger Earle of Foix that there was an excellent opportunitie offered their Lord if hee made not himselfe vnworthy thereof by his obstinacie that it was the onely meanes to make them liue in perfect peace that they should perswade him whilest the occasion and time serued before the expedition of the Crosse were on foot The subiects of the Earle of Foix partly for their owne interest partly for feare lest their Lord being strooken in yeeres without wife and children should leaue them to the mercie of the first Conquerour if he should depart this life without a lawfull heire they ioyned together in humble supplication to their Lord at the instant reasons and perswasions of the said Earle of Toulouze They obtained by their requests and teares that which the Earle of Toulouze could not by threats prayers nor promises for hee promised them that hee would treat with the Legat for their peace and would accept thereof for their good and contentment The Pope was aduertised of the intention of the Earle of Foix and therefore hee ioyned with the first Legat in the Earledome of Foix another that is to say the Cardinall of St. Ange accompanied by the Archbishop of Narbonnes de Folae Guillaume de Torration Bishop of Couserans Bernard de la grace Peter Abbot of Bolbonne Iohn Abbot of Comelonge William Abbot of Foix Peter de Thalames the Legats Lieutenant Lambert de la Tour and diuers others Being arriued at St. Iohn de Berges in the Earledome of Foix there appeared also the Earle of Foix with the Nobilitie and principall men of the Land The Legat related to the Earle of Foix the great contentment that the Pope had Holagaray in the life of Roger Earle of Foix. to heare that after so many combats and bloudy warres there was hope to finish them in peace that he was come to conclude that and to bring it to effect that was begunne in behalfe of the Pope that there remained nothing but to know what his resolution was and to receiue from him the promises and oathes of fidelitie to the Church which are requisite in such a case The Earle Roger replyed to the Legat and the rest that were present as followeth Messieurs I haue long since bid Rhetorick a dieu hauing made profession to pleade my cause and to make my entries with engins and speares which must be my excuse if like a Souldier I vtter my intentions My Couzen the Earle of Toulouze hath procured for which I thanke him that my enemies will now be pleased with reason to heare the causes of our leuies and why wee haue taken Armes which to this present would neuer be granted as also hee desireth that we should giue ouer the pursuit of those that desire to wrong vs vpon an assurance saith he that the King of France shall maintaine euery one with Iustice and Equitie Truly I confesse that I neuer desired any thing more than to maintaine my libertie being as yet as it were in the swadling clouts of my freedome Our Country owes onely one simple homage to the Earle of Toulouze for raising it to an Earldome but it acknowledgeth no other Master but my selfe and as for the Pope I neuer offended him for he hath neuer demanded any thing at my hands as a Prince in which I haue not obeyed him Hee is not to intermeddle with my Religion since euery man is to haue it free My Father
saued Amen A confession of sinnes common both with the Waldenses and Albingenses CHAP. II. O Dio de li Rey Segnor de li Segnor yo me confesso a tu car yo soy aquel peccador que tay mot offendu c. O God of Kings and Lord of Lords This confession is taken out of the Booke of the Waldensec intituled New comfort I confesse my selfe vnto thee for I am that sinner that hath grieuously offended thee by mine ingratitude I cannot excuse my selfe because thou hast shewed mee what is good and what is euill I haue knowne what thy power is and haue vnderstood thy wisedome I haue taken notice of thy Iustice and seene thy goodnesse and therefore all the euill that I haue done proceedeth from my owne corruption O Lord forgiue me and giue mee repentance for I haue contemned thee by my pride and presumption I haue giuen no credit to thy wisedome nor obeyed thy Commandements but I haue transgressed them all for which I am sorry and much displeased with my selfe I haue not feared thy Iustice nor thy Iudgements but I haue committed many wickednesses euen from my cradle vnto this day neither haue I loued thy great bountie and goodnesse as I should and as thou hast commanded mee but I haue giuen too great a trust vnto the deuill by the fraile corruption of my nature I haue followed pride and hated humilitie and if thou pardon me not I am vndone so deepely is sinne rooted in my heart I am so carried away with the loue of riches and vaine-glory affecting the praise of men that I beare but little loue vnto those to whom by their good deeds I am most obliged If therefore thou forgiue mee not there remaineth nothing for my poore soule but euerlasting perdition Anger reigneth in my heart because I haue not endeuoured to alaye it enuy fretteth mee because I haue no charitie O Lord forgiue me for thy goodnesse sake I am rash lazie and sluggish to doe that which is good hardie and bold to doe euill and more then diligent O Lord vouchsafe mee thy grace that I may not bee of the number of the wicked I haue not shewed my selfe thankefull for that good thou hast done vnto mee and giuen vnto me out of thy loue as I ought and as thou hast commanded mee for I haue beene alwayes by the peruersenesse of my nature disobedient vnto thee in all things O Lord forgiue mee for I haue not serued thee but contrarily I haue greatly offended thee I haue beene too carefull to serue my body and mine owne will in many vaine thoughts and wicked desires wherein I haue taken pleasure I haue blinded my body and exercised my thoughts and imaginations against thee in many wickednesses and I haue sought after many things against thy will Haue pitie on mee and giue mee humilitie I haue cast vp mine eyes to behold the vaine delights and pleasures of this world and I haue turned them away from thy countenance I haue giuen eare to the sound of vanitie and to wicked speeches and it hath beene a grieuous thing vnto me to vnderstand thy Law and thy Discipline I haue committed many sinnes especially in my vnderstanding for the stench of wickednesse hath beene more pleasing then the diuine sweetnesse of thy celestiall honours for adoring the euill I haue therein taken greater contentment because I haue committed many sinnes and omitted much good that I should haue done and not acknowledging my faults I haue endeuoured to cast them vpon another I haue not been temperate in my eating and drinking I haue many a time and oft returned wrong for wrong and therein I haue taken greatest pleasure I haue a wounded body and soule I haue stretched out my hands to touch vanitie and I haue laboured to possesse the goods of another man and to mischiefe my neighbour My heart hath delighted in that I haue said and much more in many other vaine delights and pleasures O Lord pardon mee and giue mee chastitie I haue ill imployed the time that thou hast giuen mee and I haue followed during my yonger yeeres my vanities and pleasures I haue wandred from the right way and haue giuen an ill example by my lightnesse I know but little good in my selfe and I finde much euill I haue displeased thee by my wickednesse and condemned mine owne soule and hated my neighbour O Lord preserue mee that I bee not condemned I loue my neighbour for my temporall benefit I haue not carried my selfe faithfully when there hath beene any question of giuing and receiuing but I haue had respect vnto the persons according to mine affection I haue loued the one too much and too much hated the other I haue taken too little ioy and comfort in the good of the godly and too great delight in the sinne of the wicked And besides all the euill that I haue committed in times past vnto this present day I haue not had any repentance or distaste of my sinnes answerable to my manifold offences I haue many a time and oft returned to that wickednesse I haue committed and now confessed for which I am hartily sorrie O Lord God thou knowest that I haue confessed my selfe vnto thee and that there are yet in me many wickednesses which I haue not recounted vnto thee but thou knowest the wicked thoughts the wicked words the wicked works that I haue committed vnto this day O Lord forgiue me giue me time in this life to repent me of my sins and vouchsafe me the grace in time to come so to hate those sins I haue committed as that I neuer offend in that kind any more that I may so loue vertue and keepe it in my heart that I may loue thee aboue all things and feare thee in such sort that when the houre of death shall come I may doe that that shall be pleasing vnto thee And giue me such affiance in thee at the day of Iudgement that I neither feare the deuill nor any other thing may affright mee but receiue me and set me at thy right hand without offence free from all sinne Good Lord let all this come to passe according to thy good pleasure for thy Son Christ Iesus sake Amen An Exposition of the Waldenses and Albingenses vpon the ten Commandements of the Law of GOD. CHAP. III. An Exposition of the first Commandement Lo premier Commandement de la Ley de Dio es aquest Non aures Dio straing deuant mi. Exod. 20. c. Thou shalt haue no other Gods but me ALl they that loue the Creature more then the Creator Taken out of the Booke of the Waldenses intituled The Booke of vertues pag. 197. obserue not this Commandement That which euery man honoureth and serueth more then GOD that vnto him is God And therefore saith Saint Chrysostome vpon Mathew The euill to which a man is a seruant is to him a God So that if any man shall say I cannot know whether