few Years In Three Books The Whole illustrated with divers accurate Maps and Figures Written originally in Italian by Adam Oliarias Secretary to the Embassie Rendred into English by John Davies of Kidwelly The Second Impression The History of the Execrable Irish Rebellion trac'd from many preceding Acts to the Grand Eruption October 23. 1641. and thence pursued to the Act to Settlement in 1662. The Journals of all the Parliaments during the Reign of Queen Elizabeth both of the House of Lords and House of Commons Collected by Sir Simon D' Ewes of Stow-Hall in the County of Suffolk Knight and Baronet Revised and published by Paul Bowes Esq of the Middle Temple I Ragguagli di Parnasso or Advertisements from Parnassus in Two Centuries With the Politick Touchstone Written originally in Italian by that Famous Roman Traâ—ano Bocalini And now put into English by the Right Honourable Henry Earl of Monmouth Cosmography and Geography In Two Parts The First containing the general and absolute Part of Cosmography being a Translation from that eminent and much-esteemed Geographer Varenius wherein are at large handled all such Arts as are necessary to be understood for the true knowledge thereof To which is added the much wanted Schemes omitted by the Author The Second Part being a Geographical Description of the World taken from the Notes and Works of the Famous Monsieur Sanson late Geographer to the French King To which is added about One hundred Cosmographical Geographical and Hydrographical Tables of several Kingdoms and Isles in the World with their Chief Cities Sea-Ports Bays c. Drawn from the Maps of the said Sanson Illustrated with Maps The Annals of King James and King Charles the First of ever Happy Memory containing a faithful History and impartial Account of the Great Affairs of State and Transactions of Parliaments in England from the Tenth Year of King James 1612. to the Eighteenth of King Charles 1642. Wherein several material Passages relating to the late Civil Wars omitted in former Histories are made known A perfect Copy of all the Summons of the Nobility to the Great Councils and Parliaments of this Realm from the Forty ninth of King Henry the Third until these present Times With Catalogues of such Noblemen as have been summoned to Parliament in Right of their Wives and of such other Noblemen as derive their Titles of Honour from the Heirs Female from whom they are descended and of such Noblemens Eldest Sons as have been summoned to Parliament by some of their Fathers Titles Extracted from Publick Records by Sir William Dugdale Knight Garter Principal King at Arms. The History of the Affairs of Europe in this present Age but more particularly of the Republick of Venice Written in Italian by Baptista Nani Cavalier and Procurator of St. Mark Englished by Sir Robert Honywood Knight The History of Barbadoes St. Christophers Mevis St. Vincents Antego Martinico Monserrat and the rest of the Caribby-Islands in all Twenty eight In Two Books The First containing the Natural the Second the Moral History of those Islands Illustrated with several Pieces of Sculpture representing the most considerable Rarities therein described The Works of the Famous Nicolas Machiavell Citizen and Secretary of Florence Written originally in Italian and now faithfully translated into English A Compleat Treatise of Preternatural Tumors both General and Particular as they appear in Humane Bodies from Head to Foot To which also are added many excellent and Modern Historical Observations concluding most Chapters in the whole 〈…〉 Discourse The Present State of the Ottoman Empire from the Year 1623. to the Year 1677. Containing the Reigns of the Three last Emperors viz. Sultan Morat or Amurat the Fourth Sultan Ibrahim and Sultan Mahomet the Fourth his Son the Thirteenth Emperor By Sir Paul Ricaut late Consul at Smyrna The History of the Cardinals of the Roman Church from the time of their first Creation to the Election of Pope Clement the Ninth With a full Account of his Conclaves In three Parts Written in Italian by the Author of the Nepotismo di Roma The World Surveyed or The Famous Voyages and Travels of Vincent le Blanc of Marcelles into the East and West Indies Persia Pegu Fez Morocco Guinny and through all Africa and the Principal Provinces of Europe A General Collection of Discourses of the Virtuosi of France upon Questions of all sorts of Philosophy and other Natural Knowledge Made in the Assembly of the Beaux Esprits at Paris by the most Ingenious Persons of that Nation Englished by G. Havers In two Volumes A Treatise of the Sibyls giving an Account of the Names and Numbers of them of their Qualities the Form and Matter of their Verses and of their Books Written in French by David Blondell Englished by Jo. Davis of Kidwelly Tracts written by John Selden Esq of the Inner Temple The first entituled Jaâ—â— Anglorum Facies altera Rendred into English with large Notes thereupon by Redman Westcoat Gent. The second England's Epinomis The third Of the Original of Ecclesiastical Jurisdictions of Testaments The fourth Of the Disposition or Administration of Intestate Estates Printed for Tho. Basset and R. Chiswell and sold by R. Clavell Basilica Chymica Praxis Chymiatrica or Royal and Practical Chymistry augmented and enlarged By John Hartman To which is added His Treatise of Signatures of Internal Things or a true and lively Anatomy of the Greater and Lesser World as also the Practice of Chymistry of John Harâ—man M. D. augmented and enlarged by his Son with considerable Additions All faithfully Englished by a Lover of Chymistry The Compleat Chymical Dispensatory in Five Books treating of all sorts of Metals Precious Stones and Minerals of all Vegetables and Animals and Things that are taken from them as Musk Civet c. How rightly to know them and how they are to be used in Physick with their several Doses The like Work never extant before Being very proper for all Merchants Druggists Chirurgeons and Apothecaries and such Ingenious Persons as study Physick or Philosophy Written in Latin by Dr. John Scroder that most Famous and Faithful Chymist and Englished by William Rowland Doctor of Physick The Royal Pharmacopaea Galenical and Chymical according to the Practice of the most Eminent and Learned Physicians of France and published with their several Approbations By Moses Charâ—as the King 's Chief Operator in his Royal Garden of Plants Faithfully Englished and illustrated with several Copper Plates An Abridgment of divers Cases and Resolutions of the Common Law Alphabetically digested under several Titles By Henry Rolls Serjeant at Law Published by the Lord Chief Baron Hales and approved by all the Judges The Reports of Sir George Croke Knight In three Volumes in English Allowed of by all the Judges The second Edition carefully corrected by the Original Les Reports de Henry Rolle Serjeant del ' Ley de divers Cases en le Court del ' Banke le Roy en le Temps del ' Reign de Roy Jaques Colligees
together with Judges and King's Council Citizens Burgesses of Parliament and Barons of the Cinque-Ports being usually summoned to the one but to the other some few Spiritual and Temporal Lords only without (x) Brief Register part 1. pag. 187. to 192. any Judges Assistants Knights Citizens Burgesses or Barons of the Cinque-Ports or some few of them only and divers who were no usual Lords or Barons of Parliament as Mr. Prynn hath made evident and the Rolls themselves in the Margin notes them by de Concilio summonito or deveniendo ad Concilium which some Antiquaries having not noted have confounded them SECT 4. Of the Judicature of the House of Lords IT is evident that the Lords in Parliament have ever been the usual Judges not only in all criminal and civil causes 6. The Lords Judicature proper for Parliaments to judg or punish and Writs of Errors but likewise in all cases of Precedencies and Controversies concerning Peers and Peerage which Power was in them as the King 's Supreme Court before there were any Knights Citizens or Burgesses summoned to our Parliaments So Hoveden (y) Annal. pars poster p. 561. ad 566. is express in the case of Sanctius King of Navar and Alphonsus King of Castile Comites Barones Regalis Curiae Angliae adjudicaverunt Anno 1177. 23 H. 2. So Fleta in Ed. the First 's time writes (z) Habet enim Rex Curiam suam in Concilio suo in Parliamentis suis praesentibus Pralatis Comitibus Baronibus Proceribus aliis viris peritis ubi terminatae sunt dubitationes judiciorum Lib. 2. c. 2. p. 66. thus The King hath his Court in his Council in his Parliaments there being present the Prelates Earls Barons Nobles and other skillful Men viz. the Judges Assistants where are ended the doubts of Judgments This Particular of the Jurisdiction of the House of Lords is so fully in every Branch of it proved by Mr. Prynn in his Plea for the Lords House that it were an Injury to the inquisitive Reader not to referr him to that Treatise for full Satisfaction therefore I shall only pick out a very few out of a Manuscript I have of the Priviledges belonging to the Baronage of England and Mr. Prynn In the fourth of King (a) Roâ— Parl. 4 E. 3. m. 7. num 3. Judgment of Lords on John Mautravers Edward the Third the Peers Earls and Barons assembled at Westminster saith the Record have strictly examined and thereupon assented and agreed that John Mautravers is guilty of the death of Esmon Earl of Kent Uncle of our Lord the King that now is wherefore the said Peers of the Land and Judges of Parliament judged and awarded that he the said John should be drawn hanged and beheaded In the first of R. 2. John Lord of (b) Rot. Par. 1 R. 2. m. 6. num 38 39. Gomenys and William de Weston were brought before the Lords sitting in the white Chamber On John Lord of Gâ—menys and William Weston for delivering up Forts to the Enemy and were severally charged at the Commandment of the Lords by Sir Richard Scroop Knight Steward of the Kings House William Weston being accused for rendring the Castle of Outhrewike and John Lord of Gomenys for rendring the Castle of Ards. They both made plausible defences and Sir Rich. Scroop Steward tells William that the Lords sitting in full Parliament do adjudge him to death But because our Lord the King is not yet informed of the manner of this Judgment the execution thereof shall be respited till the King be informed thereof and the like Sentence he passed upon John Lord of Gomenies only adding that he being a Gentleman and Banneret should be beheaded There are many more Examples of Judgments given in Capital matters upon Bergo de Bayons 4 E. 3. m. 7. num 4. Thomas de Gurny eadem membrana num 5. and others and for Offences not Capital of Richard Lions 59 E. 3. m. 7. William le Latymer 42 E. 3. m. 2. William Ellis ibid num 31 John Chichester and Botesha 1 R. 2. num 32. Alice Piers Ibid. num 41. Mr. Antiquity of Judgment by Peeâ—s Prynn (c) Plea for Lords p. 203. Hist lib. 4. shews this Jurisdiction out of Historians even from Cassibellan out of Geoffrey of Monmouth Also Anno 924. of Elfred a Nobleman who opposed King Aethelstan's Title and had his Lands adjudged by the Peers forfeit to him the Words of the King are Et eas accepi (d) Malmsb. de Gest is Reg. lib. 2. c. 6. p. 62. Spelman Conc. Tom. 1. p. 407 408. Anno 1043. quemadmodum judicaverunt omnes â—ptimates Regni Anglorum So Earl Godwin having murdred Prince Alfred Brother to King Edward the Confessor being fled into Denmark and hearing of King Edward's Piety and Mercy returned and came to London to the King who then held a Great Council and denied the Fact and put himself upon the (e) vnde super hoc pono me in consideratione Curiae vestrae Chron. Brompton col 937 938. consideration of the Kings Court and the King speaks to the Earls and Barons thus Volo quod inter nos in illa appellatione rectum judicium decernatis debitam justiciam faciatis and after it is said Quicquid judicaverint per omnia ratificavit So in the Constitutions of (f) An. 1164. M. Paris 94. Sicut Barones caeteri debent interesse judiciis Curiae Regis cum Baronibus quousque perveniatur in judicio ad diminutionem membrorum vel ad mortem The House of Lords the King's Court of Barons Clarendon it is appointed That the Archbishop Bishops and those Clergy that held in Capite as by Barony should be Parties in the Judgments of the Kings Court as other Barons ought with the other Barons till it come in Judgment to the loss of Member or to Death So in the Case of Tho. Becket Archbishop of Canterbury Anno 1165. 11 H. 2. we find in Hoveden parte post p. 494 495. that Barones Curiae Regis judicaverunt eum esse in misericordia Regis and afterwards when he would not yield to the Kings Will he (g) Dixit Baronibus suâ—s Cito facite mihi judicium de illo qui homo meus Ligeus est stare Juri in Curia mea recusat saith to his Barons Quickly make to me Judgment of him who is my Liege Man and refuseth to stand to the Law in my Court The Barons going out judg'd him fit to be seiz'd on and sent to Prison and the Historian saith tunc misit Rex Reginaldum Comitem Cornubiae Robertum Comitem Leicestriae ad indicandum ei judicium de illo factum Anno 1208. King (h) Anno 10 Johan Mat. Paris p. 218. John exacted Pledges of his Subjects and amongst others of William de Breause who said If he had offended the King he would be ready to answer his Lord and that without Hostages secundum judicium
allow no alteration but in that of Dudley Which makes some observe Lawyer out-lawed p. 12. That if the House of Commons had then known they had any Power to mend the said Returns or punish the Offenders or Sir Edward Coke had known it had been Law he had never been sent on that Message So that what Authority the House hath it hath accrued since SECT 11. Concerning the House of Commons Censuring Imprisoning and Expelling their own Members AS to the Commons Imprisoning and Punishing their own Members The Reasons for this Privilege for words by them spoken or Misdemeanors committed in the House there may be some reason for it First Stat. 4. H. 8. c. 8. Coke 4. Instit p. 25. 31 H. 6. c. 26 27. because by Law they are not Punishable elsewhere for any rash indeliberate and inordinate Speeches in Parliament which do not amount to Treason Felony or Breach of the Peace which it is supposed none in that rightly constituted House will protect though done in the House of Commons begun in 1641. Secondly It is to be supposed that the Members upon their entring into that House unanimously agree for order sake that the lesser number should always submit to the greater So by such Consent and original Compact every single Member submitting himself to the rest he hath no such reason to complain although they had no such Authority for scienti volenti non fit Injuria provided that they exceed not the common Rules of Justice nor the Bounds of Established Laws for then no private Act can bind a Subject though made with his own free Consent as appears in Clark's Case against the Mayor and Burgesses of St. Albans Coke lib. 5. p. 64. The first Precedent I find that any Member of the House of Commons was complained and Petitioned against for Misdemeanors and put to answer before the King and Lords in Parliament Rot. Parl. 16. R. 2. num 6. and there judged and fined was 16 R. 2. the Wednesday after the Parliament began when Sir Philip Courtney Members of the House of Commons punished for Misdemeanour by the King and Lords returned one of the Knights for Devonshire came before the King in full Parliament and said that he understood how certain people had accused and slandered him to the King and Lords therefore prayed to be discharged of the said Imployment until the accusations c. were tryed and because his said Prayer seemed honest to the King and the Lords the King granted him his Request and discharged him in full Parliament Exact Abridgment p. 417. and the Monday following at the Instance and Prayer of the Commons the King granted that he should be restored and remitted to his Place In the Parliament 4 H. 4. the accusations against him being re-inforced the King and Lords adjudged that he should be bound to his good Behaviour and committed to the Tower for his Contempt By which saith Mr. Prynne it appears Plea for the Lords p. 386 387. That only the King and Lords in full Parliament can suspend or discharge any Knights or Commoners sitting in Parliament and have Power of restoring and re-admitting a suspended Member of the Commons House and he answers the Precedents that Sir Edward Coke brings 4 Instit p. 23 and 3 Inst p. 22. Vide pag. 296 297 299 344 371 372 373. and many others which would be tedious here to insert The first Precedent he finds The first Precedent of the House of Commons secluding their Members that the Commons began to seclude one another upon Pretence of undue Elections and Returns was in Queen Elizabeth's time when Thomas Lucy 8 Eliz. was removed out of the House for giving four Pound to the Mayor of Westbury to be chosen a Burgess and the Mayor fined and imprisoned and 23 Eliz. Mr. A. Hâ—ll for publishing the Conferences of the House and writing a Book to the dishonour of the House was committed to the Tower for six Months and fined five hundred Mark and expelled the House and in King Charles the First 's time this Power over their Fellow-Members was greatly improved in which how far Mr. Prynne then concurred I know not but after he was secluded he every where writes with great earnestness against this usage but whether with Judgment Law and Reason I shall leave others to judge only I think fit to insert some of his Invectives against the Proceedings of that unparallell'd house of Commons First he saith There can be no legal Trial or Judgment given in Parliament in Criminal Causes or others Id. p. 309. Mr. Prynne's Reasons against this Usage without Examination of Witnesses upon Oath as in all other Courts of Justice which the House of Commons cannot do Littleton sect 212. Coke ibid. Secondly That it is a Rule both of Law and Justice That no Man can be an Informer Prosecutor and Judge too of the persons prosecuted and informed against the Commons being in the nature of the Grand Inquest Coke 4. Inst p. 24. being summoned from all parts of the Kingdom to present Publick Grievances and Delinquents to the King and Peers for their Redress Plea for the Lords p. 373. Thirdly That all the objected Precedents are of very puny date within time of memory therefore unable to create a Law or Custom of Parliament or any right of sole Judicature in the House of Commons Fourthly Id. p. 387. That all these Precedents were made by the Commons themselves unfit Judges in their own Cases much less over one another being all of equal Authority so that in his opinion they could no more expel or eject any of their Members by their own Authority without the King and Lords concurrent consent See Legal Vindication p. 10. than one Justice of Peace Committeeman or Militia-man can unjustice or remove another since par in parem non habet potestatem neither in Ecclesiastical Civil Id. p. 373. Military or Domestick Affairs Fifthly That they are all against Law because coram non Judice he having throughout the whole Discourse endeavoured to prove That the Commons have no right or power of Judicature much less of sole Judicature in our Parliaments but only the King and Lords Sixthly That these Precedents are but few never judicially argued and rather connived at than approved by the King and Lords taken up with other more publick business therefore passing sub silentio they can make no Law or Right as is resolved in Long 5 E. 4. fol. 110. Cook 's four Rep. fol. 93 94. Slade's Case and six Rep. fol. 75. Drurie's Case Seventhly In the long Parliament of King Charles the First they began to seclude Projectors Exact Collections of Ordinances p. 541. to 558. Monopolists c. though duly elected then suspended and ejected such who were Royalists and adhered to the King then they proceeded to imprison and eject those Members Plea for the Lords p.
answer the Varieties and unthought on plottings of Mans Nature and in Tract of Time Laws at first just or in terrorem become unprofitable and harsh and this moderating of Laws which is called saith he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Equity is so annexed to the Prince that by no decree of Man it can be pulled from it This Absoluteness I have hitherto mentioned out of such great Authors How far the Kings of England may dispense with their Laws is not practised by the English Sovereign for he challengeth no such Power to make or abrogate Laws without the Concurrence of the two Houes But he hath a sufficient Prerogative by dispensing conniving or putting some Laws more in Execution than at other times so to manage the Execution of the as the Government and consequently the Peoples safety be not prejudiced So though there be a Law for Triennial Parliaments yet when a Prince finds a Potent Faction that may influence the Electors so as the meeting of such a Parliament at such a time may be hazardous to the publick there being no Penalty can be inflicted on a King for the Omission and the Danger being visible that such a Factious Parliament was only wanting to bring to perfection the Design of Traiterous and Seditious Persons It is very agreeable to Reason that a Prince in such a juncture should prefer the publick Peace of his Kingdom and the security of his Crown by the omitting such Summons than to hazard all by convening them There are other Cases may intervene wherein the Reason of State the Salus publica may require the dispensing with or suspension of the Execution of some Laws As in time of open Rebellion the King 's arming of such as he may most surely confide in though they take not such Oaths or be so qualified as the Laws require and as in several other Particulars might be instanced in I shall only add two Authorities of our own Country who were well versed in the matter the one a great Divine and the other as great a Lawyer and Statesman First the learned (i) Vsher's Power of Princes p. 76. Primate saith Such positive Laws being as other works of Men are imperfect and not free from any Discommodities if the strict Observation thereof should be pursued in every particular It is fit the Supreme Governour should not himself only be exempted from Subjection thereunto but also be so far Lord over them that where he seeth cause he may abate or totally remit the penalty incurred by the breach of them dispense with others for not observing of them at all yea generally suspend the Execution of them when by experience he shall find the Inconveniences to be greater than the profit that was expected should redound thereby to the Common-wealth The Second Authority shall be that of the Earl of Clarendon (k) Survey p. 127. who affirms That by our Laws the King hath in many Cases the Power of dispensing with the Execution of the Law especially in granting pardon for the transgressing of them except in those Cases where the Offence is greater to others than the King as in murder of an Husband or Father therefore upon an Appeal by them the Offendor may suffer after the Kings pardon which shows how tender our Laws are of protecting the Lives of Subjects This Prerogative of Kings (l) 3. Rep. Bodin avouches among the Rights of Sovereignty to pardon the Persons the forfeiture of their Goods and to restore the attainted Honours of those condemned by righteous or unrightcous Judgment according to that of St. (m) Q. 115. ex Veteri Novo Testamento Hilary in St. Augustine Imperatori soli licet revocare sententiam reum mortis absolvere ei ignoscere That it belongeth only to the Emperor to revoke the Sentence or Judgment and to absolve and pardon the guilty For as Themistius saith One thing becoms a Judge and another thing a King the one is to observe the Law the other hath power to correct the Laws themselves and to qualifie the severity and harshness of them as being himself a living Law and not confined to the unchangeable and unalterable Letter For that end saith he it seemeth God did send from Heaven the Regal Power into the Earth that Men might have a refuge from that dead and immoveable Law to the living one as he instanceth in Capital Offenders For we have seen saith he Men returned to life from the Gates of Death whom the Law indeed sent thither but the Lord of the Law 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 brought back from thence again As to the Power of Equity claimed by the great Civilians the Administration of that is vested in the Chancellor or Lord-Keeper of the Kings appointment who is the Keeper of the Kings Conscience or Dispenser of that reserved Power in the King CHAP. XX. That the Sovereign is not to be resisted or rebelled against upon pretence of ill Government Irreligion or any such matter OUR Republicans of 1641. set themselves with all their skill and cunning The Necessity of this Discourse as well as force to overthrow the Doctrine of Non-resistance and to establish that of its being lawful not only to rise in Arms for the defence of their Liberty Property and Religion the gilded pretences of all Rebellions but to prosecute that blessed King and all his Loyal Subjects in the highest Degree of Cruelty and Revenge that they could devise or their success embolden them to commit Therefore it is a most necessary Duty of all that wish well to themselves as well as the Government to oppose such dangerous Positions and Practices The Authorities I have cited in the two Chapters of Sovereignty are but the gleanings of what may be found in learned Men on this Subject and since I shall have occasion hereafter when I treat of the Subjects duty to handle this matter more particularly I shall be the shorter in this and refer the curious Reader to the elaborate Treatise of Mr. Dudley Digs Of the unlawfulness of Subjects taking up Arms against their Sovereign and to the Glory of his Age for Learning Loyalty and Sanctity the Lord Primate Vsher's Power of the Prince and His Second Part of Obedience to the judicious and learned Sir George Mackenzie his Jus Regium and (a) Arnisaeus Zeiglar de Jure Majestatis c. 1. n. 12. Salmasii Defensio Regia Grotius lib. 1. c. 4. de Jure Belli Dr. More 's Divine Dialogues Dr. Mouliu 's Philanax Anglicus Sam. Petit 's Diatriba c. others that treat of this Subject ex instituto desiring all those who have imbibed or would avoid any of these dangerous Principles that they will seriously consult those Authors out of whom I shall only hint some few of their Reasons and Arguments that may be as Antidotes against the most destructive poison of resisting Sovereign Princes or allowing any Order of Subjects the Liberty upon any Pretence of
by whose Council and Advice the Kings used in the making Laws are the Witan Wites From Wita which Womner renders Optimas Princeps Sapiens a Nobleman Prince or Wiseman from witan to know and understand So in the Laws of King Ina we read Gethungenes Witan a famous noble or renowned Wite from Gethungen So in the version of Bede by King Alfred Witum is rendred Counsellors so by Sapientes when we meet with it in any Authors that render Witan by it we are to understand not only Judges but sometimes Dukes Earls Prapositi Provosts Thegns the King's Officers or Ministers So in the Charter (i) Histor Privileg Eccl. Eliensis fol. 117. b. of King Edgar to the Church of Ely Anno 970. Alferre Egelwinc and Brithnoth are called Dukes and Hringulph Thurferth and Alfric are called Ministri The first of which in another Charter is called Alderman and the other by the name of Sapientes Upon perusal and collating several Transcripts of Deeds and Councils I am of opinion that where Wites or Sapientes are used for Princes Noblemen and great Personages those are to be understood that were called to the Kings Council had command over Countries as Lord Lieutenants or were Members of the great Councils So that they were of the most wise and knowing of the great Princes Dukes Earls and Barons and where it doth not seem to import such great Men of Birth then it signifies Judges Which as to the first seems to be clear by what is said in the Auctuary (k) Lamb. fol. 147. tit de Heretochiis Qui Heretoches â—pud Angloâ—voâ—abantur se Barones Nobiles insignes sapientes vocati ductores excercituum c. to the 35 Law of Edward the Confessor where it is said There were other Powers and Dignities appointed through the Provinces and all the Countries and several Shires which are called by the English Heretoches in King Ina's Laws Here Thegne i. e. Noble Ministers or Officers and when he reckons up those who were to be understood by this name Heretoges he calls them Barons Nobles and famous Wisemen called Generals or great Officers in the Army and as to the latter Signification Doctor Brady hath sufficiently cleared it in Adelnoth's Plea against the Monks of Malmsbury where it is said that in the Presence of the King subtili disceptatione a Sapientibus suis i. e. Regis audita where by Sapientes must be understood the King's Judges Alderman Alderman or Ealderman was both a general Name (l) Spelman 's Glossary given to Princes Dukes Governours of Provinces Presidents Senators and even to Vice-Roys as also to particular Officers hence Aldermannus totius Angliae like my Lord Chief-Justice Aldermannus Regis Comitatus Civitatis Burgi Castelli Hundredi c. of whose Offices it is not easy particularly to define This being so copiously discoursed of by Sir Henry Spelman I shall refer the Reader to him The word Thane or Thegen was used by the Saxons in their Books variously sometimes it signified a stout Man Thane Soldier or Knight other times Thanus (m) Cyninges Thegen Med mera Thegen Woruld Thegen Maesse Thegen Somner Dial. Regius signified the Kings great Officer a Nobleman or Peer of the Realm other times a Thane or Nobleman of lower degree sometimes we meet with secular or Lay Thanes other times Spiritual Thanes or Priests Some Thanes were as the King's Bailiffs Praefects Reeves of which Doctor Brady gives account in his Argum. Antinorm Page 283. In several of the Councils we find no particular orders denominated but only a division of the whole into the Clergy Clergy and Laity and Laity So in the Council that Sir H. Spelman (n) Spelm. 1. Tom. Concil tells us Ethelbert King of Kent held 685. with Bertha his Queen and Eadbald his Son and the Reverend Bishop Austine Communi concilio tam Cleri quam Populi and the rest of the Optimates Terrae at Christmass having called a Common-Council of the Clergy and People by which it is apparent that both the Clergy o and Laity there understood are comprehended under the name Optimates Terrae the Nobility of Land So in King Ina's Laws as I shall hereafter particularize the command is given to Godes Theowas Gods Servant and eales folces all People So King Edmund held a great Council at Easter in London of Gods (p) Egther ge godcundra hada ge woruld cundra Order and the Secular Order or Worlds Order which Brompton (q) Mandavit omnibus Majoribus Regnorum veniunt Wintoniam Clerus Populus renders Laici in another part of King Edward's Laws So the Majores Regnorum of King Edgar are commanded to come and then it is said There came to Winchester the Clergy and People those were the Majores Regnorum The like was frequently used after the Conquest so at the Coronation of Henry the First Matthew Paris speaks of the gathering of the Clergy and all the People and then saith Clero Angliae Populo universo The Clergy answering him and all the Magnates and in another place Clero Populo favente the Clergy and People favouring Further we find in a great Council held by the King Anno 1102. 2 H. 2. (r) Omnes Principes Regni sui Ecclesiastici secularis ordinis Flo. Wigor fol. 651. lin 21. all the chief Men of his Kingdom of the Ecclesiastic and secular Order So that Plebs Populus Vulgus Incola where by way of Antithesis or contra-Opposition they are used do signify the Clergy and Laity or Lay-Princes not the common People After the Conquest we meet with the Word Regnum sometimes and other times Regnum Sacerdotium As to the first the Sence is to be understood best in the Quadripartite History (s) Quadrilog lib. 1. c. 26. of the Life of Thomas Becket where it is said the King called to Clarendon Regnum universum all the Kingdom and then saith To whom came the dignified Clergy and the Nobles which Matt. Paris puts out of all doubt by the enumeration that he makes of all that appertained to the Kingdom to be the Arch-Bishops Bishops Abbats and Priors Installed and the Earls and Barons So the meaning is best understood of the words in the last Chapter of Magna Charta that the Arch-Bishops Bishops Abbats Priors Earls Barons Knights and free Tenents and all of the Kingdom gave a fifteenth part of their Moveables and in other places after the Barons it is said Omnes alii de Regno nostro qui de nobis tenent in Capite concerning which the most Learned Doctor Brady hath given plentiful Proofs Magnates Proceres By the words Magnates Proceres frequently found in the Councils after the Conquest are to be understood the Arch-Bishops Bishops Abbats and Priors for the Clergy and the Earls and Barons for the Laity only unless afterwards that Dukes were included However they were used always to contra-distinguish
Homagio Ligeancia quibus nobis tenemini is peculiar to the Temporal Lords But that in fide dilectione is not so peculiar to the Ecclesiastical Lords but is inserted into the Lay Lords Writs sometimes The reason why Archbishops Bishops Deans Parsons Prebends and other Ecclesiastic Bodies Politic when they do Homage saith (h) Littleton Cap. de Homagio â—ect 86. Littleton do not say Jeo deveign vostre Home I become your Man from whence Homagium or Hominium comes is (i) Par estre tant solement le home de Dieu because he is solely the Homager of God and so Glanvil Lib. 9. c. 1 2. Bracton fol. 78. F. Britton c. 68. lesta L. 3. c. 16. resolve that no Man (k) Post consecrationem hom â—gium non faciunt quiequid fecerunt ante sed tantum â—idelitatâ—m elected Bishop after Consecration doth Homage whatever he hath done before but only Fealty and no Convent or Abbat or Priâ—r ought to do Homage because they hold in anothers name viz. the name of the Churches But that these Ecclesiastics swore Fealty appears by many examples produced by Mr. Prynn (l) Brief Register part 1. fol. 196. to 206. p. 427 657 663. and what Oaths they took in his abridgment of the Records of the Tower But this is now of little use and so I leave it and shall observe some Particulars which Mr. Prynn and others have noted from the several Writs of Summons to Temporal Lords First it may be observed 1. Observations upon the Writs to Temporal Lords That it alone did not ennoble that a Summons by Writ though for two or three Generations from Father to Son did not ennoble the Blood to make them Barons So Ralph de Camois 49 H. 3. was summoned by Writ and ranked in the Roll above all Barons and Ralph his Son Anno 7 E. 2. But (m) Claus 7 R. 2. m. 32. dorso Thomas the Grandchild being chosen one of the Knights for Surry was discharged by the King 's Writ because he and many of his Ancestors were Bannerets and King Richard the Second summoned him to that very Parliament and he was summoned ever after during Life yet his Posterity as others were omitted which if they had been Barons properly as those by Creation and Tenure of Lands had not been omitted but might have challenged Summons ex debito Justiciae But I cannot enter into this long Controversy First and secondâ— Brief Register the curious may peruse Mr. Prynn and Elsyng's ancient method of holding Parliaments Page 33. who is of opinion that every degree of Baron passed with actual Ceremony and those Patents some had whereof the first upon Record he saith was 11 R. 2. to the Lord John Beauchamp of Rolt was an entailing of the Honour rather than the Creation because the words are ipsum Johannem in unum Parium Baronum Regni praeficimus whereas if he had been then created the words should have been per praesentes praefecimus Besides we find Henry Bromflet Knight was created by special Writ and his Heirs Males Barons de Vescy 27 H. 6. (n) Claus 27 H. 6. m. 26. dorso â—ntred after the names of the Temporal Lords in the very Summons in common Form to which is added Volumus enim vos haeredes vestros masculos de Corpore vestro legitime exeuntes Barones de Vescy Now this special Writ and Clause of Creation had been meerly void and nugatory had the general Writ alone ennobled him and his Posterity Yet in all the (o) Prynne part 1. Brief Register p. 228. subsequent Summons 28 29 31 33 38 H. 6. He is only called Dominus not Baro de Vescy as also may be noted of Beauchamp Secondly 2. The use of Barâ— in Writs how rare It may be observed that the word Baro and Barones are frequently met withal in Histories the Clause-Rolls of King John and H. 3. and in the Preface of Magna Charta and several Statutes applied to all the (p) Ibid. p. 218. Temporal Lords of Parliament yet in all the Clause-Rolls and Writs of Summons Mr. Prynn hat not observed any particular Persons amongst them summoned by the Title of Barons but only the Barons of Graystock and Stafford from Ed. 1. to H. 6. as Johanni Willielmo Radâ—â—pho Baroni de Graystock and so in Ed. 1. and 3. Edmundo Radulpho Baroni de Stafford Thirdly 3. Title of Dominus in Writs of Summons as to the Title of Dominus Mr. Prynn saith It is not to be found given to any but two before the time of H. 6. The first is John de (q) Cl. 16 E. 3. par 2. m. 13. dorso Moubray stiled Dominus Insulae de Axholm none else having this title till after the Reign of Richard the Second The next so stiled is 11 H. 4. (r) Cl. 11 H. 4. m. 32. dorso where a Writ issued Johanni Talbot Domino de Furnival which though omitted in some Summons after was again used in the Summons to him (s) Cl. 4 H. 5. m. 16. dorso 4 H. 5. and H. 5. after which none is found stiled Dominus till (t) Cl. 22 H. 6. m. 21. dorso 22 H. 6. that Robert Hungerford Chevalier is stiled Dom. de Mollins as he is in 25 H. 6. which gave the Title of Dom. de Poynings to Henry Percy and in Cl. 27 H. 6. m. 21. dorso this Title Dominus is given to Hungerford Percy and four more after which it grew more common to them and others summoned as may be seen in Sir William Dugdale's Summons lately Printed who (u) Cl. 49 H. 3. m. 5. 49 H. 3. reckons Dom. Hugo Dom. Humet and Dom. Stanford Fourthly 4. Title of Chevalier Another Title given to Barons of the upper House is that of Chevalier which was not given to any Temporal Lords or Barons in any Writs or Lists of Summons to Parliament before 49 Ed. 3. (w) Cl. 49 E. 3. n. 4.6 dorso 50 E. 3. part 2. m. 6. dorso wherein Summons issued Willielmo de Morle Chevalier Willielmo de Aldburgh Chevalier Joh. de Welle Chevalier Hugoni de Dacre Chevalier After which it grew more common under King Richard the Second Henry the Fourth and Fifth After the beginning of H. 6. and during the Reign of H. 6. and Ed. 4. there was scarce any Temporal Lord in the lists of Summons but was stiled Chevalier or Miles and so it continues to this day though not as Mr. Prynn saith because they were all generally Knighted for their greater Honour for it is apparent in the Lists exhibited by Sir William Dugdale that most of the Barons by descent though never Knighted had the Title Fifthly 5. Of Councils that were not Parliaments There is great difference betwixt Writs of Summons to general Parliaments and particular Councils upon emergent occasions which are not properly Parliaments All Bishops Abbats Priors Earls Lords Barons
Council being in the Charter to my judgment reckoned as one of their Franchises or rather something exceeding their municipal Liberties and Free Customs being coupled to them with an and to have a Priviledge to have some of them Members of the great Council of the Kingdom What the Tenents in Capite were summoned for for so I think the words ad habendum commune Concilium Regni de Auxiliis must be understood But then when it is restricted there with de Auxiliis only it may very well give a ground to their opinion that think the principal use was to proportion the Aid or Tax and assent to what the King the Bishops Abbats Priors Earls Barons and Peers did ordain However this was That such great Numbers sate not with the Lords it seems clear to me that this numerous body of so different an Order from the Barons majores must have a distinct Place for consulting apart and must select Committees to transact with the King and Lords and must for order sake appoint some to speak for them what they petitioned for or assented to and could not constantly sit with the Prelates and Lords and do rather believe that the Prelates had one place where they sate and the Barons another and these Tenents in Capite a third at least for their usual Consultations among their own Order and met in the public place when there was occasion or might have access by Committees which certainly was the practice in after-times as appears in that Parliament of 6 E. 3. (k) Rot. Parl. 6 E. 3. num 2. Cest assavoir les Prelâ—â—z par eux meâ—mes les ditz Countes Barouns autres Grantz par eux mesmes auxint les Chivalers des Countes par eux mesmes No mention of Citizens or Burgesses the morrow after the Nativity of our Lady the King requiring the advice of his Parliament touching his French Affairs and Voyage thither It is said they thereupon treated and deliberated that is to say the Prelates by themselves and the said Earls Barons and other great men by themselves and also the Knights of the Counties by themselves and then gave their advice From whence by the way we may observe the true ground of calling our Parliament Houses without the King the three Estates Having dispatched this I come now to consider the Speakers of the House of Commons Hackwel (l) Modâ—â— tenendi p. 200. Method of Parl. 124. The first Speaker upon Record and Elsyng name the first that is found upon Record to be Sir William Trussel 13 E. 3. Num. 9. where it is said Les Chivalers des Countes les Commons responderent per Monsieur William Trussel but the Record names him not Speaker however he performed that Office then Hackwel names Scroope before him 6 E. 3. and Sir Peter de la Mare after him but the first that Mr. Elsyng or Mr. Prynne (m) Prynne's Abridgment p. 151. finds upon Record and by the name of Speaker is Sir Thomas Hungerford 51 E. 3. for it is said that the last day of the Parliament he declared that during the Parliament he had generally moved the King to pardon all such as were in the last Parliament unjustly convicted which imports that this was a Petition of the Commons presented by him their Speaker Anno 1 R. 2. Sir Peter de la Mare being Speaker made his Protestation that what he had to say was from the whole House therefore required if he should speak any thing haply without their consents that the same ought to be amended before his departure from the said place The first Petition we meet with that a Speaker (n) Abridgment of Records p. 174. Petition for Freedom of Speech made to the King from the Commons was 2 R. 2. by Sir James Pickering their Speaker that if he should speak any thing that haply might be ill taken it might be as nothing so as the Commons might at any time amend the same and the like he petitioned for himself which is the first Petition as to Liberty of Speech we meet with The first Speaker presented to the King in full (o) Id. p. 360. Parliament by the Commons 20 Ric. 2. was Sir John Bushey the King 's great Favourite In this Parliament the Houses sate together in a long (p) Hackwel Moâ—us p. 202. House built of Timber in the Palace-Yard at the Impeachment of the Duke of Gloucester the Earls of Arundel and Warwick Sir Arnold Savage was Speaker 2 H. 4. who is the first upon Record that the Commons were required by the King to chuse as Speaker and he was again in 5 H. 4. who desired the King in the name of the Commons that they might freely make complaint of any thing amiss in Government which was yielded to by the King Anno 7 H. 4. Sir John Tiptost was chosen Speaker who desired to be discharged because of his Youth but he was allowed he forgot to make the usual Protestation but came up the next day and made it with this Addition (q) Rot. Parl. 7 H. 4. num 6. That if any Writing were delivered by the Commons in this Parliament and they should desire to have it again to amend any thing therein it might be restored to them which was granted While he was Speaker he Signed and Sealed the Deeds of the entailing of the Crown on H. 4. (r) 7 H. 4. with these words Nomine totius Communitatis He was a Person of extraordinary Parts Son of John Lord Tiptost and for all the Apology for his young Age he was within three Years after made Lord Treasurer of Enggland and by H. 6. made Marquess of Worcester Anno 1 H. 5. William Sturton Esquire was chosen Speaker who without the assent of his Companions did agree before the King to deliver in Parliament certain Articles but three days after the Commons sent Sir John Doreword (r) 7 H. 4. with several of their Members to the House of Lords to declare to the King that their Speaker had no Authority from them to yield thereto and the King was pleased to accept of it There are three Petitions the approved Speaker makes to the King First That the Commons may have freedom of Speech as of (s) 25 H. 1. num 10. The Speakers of latter Times express the particular Privilege of Freedom from Arrest right and custom they have had and all their ancient and just Privileges and Liberties allowed them In Sir Thomas Moor's Speech 14 H. 8. it was thus worded That if in communication and reasoning any man in the Commons House should speak more largely than of duty they ought to do that all such offences should be pardoned and to be entred upon Record which was granted only I find that H. 4. (t) Rot. Parl. H. 4. num 10. said that the hoped or doubted not that the Members of Parliament would not speak any unfitting thing or abuse
this Freedom and Privilege The second is Sir Tho. Smith saith The Speaker used to add a Promise in the Commons Names That they shall not abuse these Privileges but have such regard as most faithful true and loving Subjects ought to have to their Prince Commonwealth p. 41. That if he shall commit any Error in any thing he shall deliver in the name of the Commons no fault may be imputed to the Commons and that he may resort again to them for Declaration of his good Intent and that his Error may be pardoned The third is That as often as necessity for his Majesties Service and the good of the Common-wealth shall require he may by direction of the House of Commons have access to His Majesty SECT 8. Of Priviledges of the House of Commons concerning Liberty of Speech HAving thus brought this Honourable Assembly together and their Speaker placed in his Chair I shall touch something of their Privileges which since the days of Sir Edward Coke and much by his Influence have been enlarged beyond what was used in antient times I shall begin with that of Freedom of Speech in their Debates It cannot be conceived in so great a Body as the House of Commons Why Liberty of Speech necessary to be allowed that what is proposed by one and seconded by others shall not admit of Debate Though all may aim at the same end the good of the King and People yet they may differ in the ways and methods of attaining it and whoever would straighten a crooked Rod must bend it as far on the contrary side I doubt not but the nemine contradicente was put into the Printed Votes when Mr. Williams had the Chair rather ad faciendum populum than that there was such an Harmonious Concurrence as then was blazed abroad Anno 4 (u) Stat. 4 H. 8. c. 8. Strowde's Case H. 8. An Act was made concerning Richard Strowde Esquire which declareth that all Suits Accusements Condemnations c. to be put or had upon any Member of that or succeeding Parliaments for any Bill speaking reasoning or declaring of any matter or matters concerning the Parliament to be communed or treated of be utterly void and of none effect This by (w) Lords Journal the Lords 11 Decemb. 1667. was declared a dâ—claratory Law of the antient and necessary Rights and Priviledges of Parliament and so the Judgment against Denzil late Lord Hollis was nulled and against others in King Charles the First 's time Yet it is manifest that Queen Elizabeth in two Cases shewed how far even motions in Parliament contrary to her Laws Prerogative and Pleasure expressed were to be treated The (x) Prynne's Plea for the Lords Sir Sym. D' Ewe's Journâ—l How Queen Elizabeth curbed and punished those that made Motions in the House contrary to her Prohibitions in Mr. Paul and Mr. Pet. Wentworth's Case first was a motion by Mr. Paul Wentworth 23 Eliz. for a publick set Fast and for a Preaching every Morning at Seven of the Clock before the House sate and the Preachers to be appointed by the Privy-Council that were of the House but the Queen sent them a Message by the Vice-Chamberlain that she had in great admiration the rashness of the House in committing such an apparent contempt of her express Command and to put in Execution such an Innovation without her Privity and Pleasure first known so that by Mr. Vice-Chamberlain they sent their Submission to her Anno 35 Eliz. Mr. Peter Wentworth and Sir Henry Bromley delivered a Petition to the Lord-Keeper desiring the Lords of the upper House to be suppliants with them of the lower House to her Majesty for entailing the Succession of the Crown whereof a Bill was ready drawn by them The Queen was highly displeased as being against her express Order and charged the Lords of her Council to call the parties before them and Mr. Wentworth was by them committed to the Tower and others with Sir Hen. Bromley to the Fleet the Parliament then sitting and when Mr. Wroth moved That the House might be humble Suitors to the Queen for their Liberty it was answered by the Privy Counsellors in the House that the causes of Commitment were best known to her self and the House must not call the Queen to account for what she doth of her Royal Authority for her Majesty liked no such Questions neither did it become the House to search into those matters So Mr. In Mr. Morrice's Case Morrice Atturney of the Court of Wards was taken out of the House Feb. 28. and committed to Prison for delivering in a Bill against the abuses of the Bishops the Queen sending for Sir Edward Coke then Speaker and charging him upon his Allegeance if any such Bill were exhibited not to read it At another time long before this she told the Speaker and the body of the House of Commons moving her to Marriage That if it had been with limitation of place or person she must needs have misliked it and thought it a great presumption in those to take it upon them to bind and limit whose duty it was to Obey King Charles the First was very infortunate to have so many Firebrands in some if not all of his Parliaments Liberty of Speech in King Charles the First 's time abused which if the rest of the Houses had been pleased to have extinguished by timely and nipping reprehensions we had never seen the Government of Church and State so reduced into Ashes that there was nothing remained of the beautiful Pile In some of his Speeches he calls those evil Members Vipers but it was his misfortune to anger and exasperate them rather than suppress them so that at last they stung him to Death It is a very ill condition when a Prince hath such Wolves by the Ears that he is in danger whether he hold them or let them go The Attacque upon the five Members and letting fall the pursuit was one of the false thrusts that left him unguarded In the Close of one of the Parliaments of Queen Elizabeth the (y) MS. Speeches 13 Eliz. 1571. Queen Elizabeth's Reprehension of some Members for moving things she had forbid Chancellor tells them There be certain of the House of Commons though not many who have shewed themselves Audacious Arrogant and Presumptuous calling her Majesties Grants and Prerogatives into question contrary to the express admonition given in her Majesties name in the beginning of the Parliament which it might very well have become them to have regard to but her Majesty saith That seeing they thus willfully forget themselves they are otherwise to be remembred Indeed there seems good reason that such who make advantage of their being Members of Parliament to sow their Seditious Discourses and under the Protection of being Members take the boldness to calumniate the Government and raise Jealousies betwixt the King and his People to alienate their Affections and Allegeance from him after the
Entries fol. 446 447. Trin. 1 Eliz. not in the Commons House as the Statutes and Precedents in the Law-Books resolve So that he saith how the Commons are now become sole Judges of all false Returns and Elections and that perlegem consuetudinem Parliamenti against all these Acts and Precedents let Sir Edward Coke and others resolve him and the Intelligent when they are able for late and arbitrary Priviledges are of no value but ancient usage and Law of our Parliaments and solid Reason which cannot be produced to justify these late Innovations and Extravagances The Statute of 8 H. 6. Rot. Parl. 8 H. 6. num 391. Petitions from the Commons to the King and Lords about Elections to prevent Tumults Uproars and Disorders in the Elections is grounded upon a Petition from the Commons that the King by advice and assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal would seclude all but Freeholders of forty Shillings a Year Lands above all Reprizals which was more than forty Pound a Year now being the twentieth part of a Knights Fee In 18 H. 6. Rot. Parl. 18 H. 6. m. 13. num 18. it was shewed to the King and the Lords Spiritual and Temporal That Gilbert Hore Sheriff of the County of Cambridge made no Return of Knights upon the King 's Writ Whereupon the King by Advice and Assent of the Lord Spiritual and Temporal ordered a new Writ So that then there were no other but the King that had the Power to cause new Elections with Advice and Consent of the Lords and so the King issued out new Writs Anno 29 H. 6. Nicholas Stynecle Knight Richard Bevel c. and other notable Esquires Gentlemen and other Men holding Fees who may expend 40 s. per Annum beyond Reprizes chose Robert Stonham and John Stynecle notable Esquires To this is annexed a Petition to the King our Gracious and Sovereign Lord Petition of Subjects to the King about Elections signed by 140 Gentlemen and Freeholders in behalf of those against one Henry Gimber who was not of Gentile Birth chosen by the number of 70. and the Under-Sheriff countenanced him and his Party and would not suffer these 140 to be examined about their Estates and give Voice thoue he might clearly yarely expend 20 Mark without that we should have offended the Peace of Yow our most doutye Soveraign Lord and so we departed for dread of the said Inconveniences that was likely to be done of Manslaughter and what the Sheriff will return in this behalf we can have no notice For which Causes we your true humble Suggets and Liegemen in our most lowly Wise beseeching you our most douty Sovereign Lord and King these Premisses may be considered for Your most Aid and our Freedom that the said Sheriff may be by Your great Highness streightly charged to return the said Robert Stoneham c. Thus far the Petition From this memorable Petition Mr. Prynne makes many observations the principal of which are that the King himself was to redress and rectify all false and undue Returns Secondly That this is the only clear Declaration and Record he hath met with complaining against a Sheriff giving of an Oath A Sheriffs denying the Poll petitioned against and Poll to some Freeholders and denying it to others Thirdly That when legal Electors cannot be sworn or polled without breach of the Peace or Manslaughter they may justly depart and ought to make such a complaint and declaration under their hands and Seals Fourthly That Ignoble persons who are not of Gentile birth ought not to be elected Knights of Shires Whoever desires to peruse more concerning the ancient usage in Elections may peruse Mr. Prynne's Plea for the Lords from page 371. to 416. his Second Part of Brief Register p. 118 119 139 140. and several other places I shall only add what Queen Eliz. Freeholders Grand Inquest p. 60. D' Ewes's Journal fol. 393. 18 Regni said in this case That she was sorry the Commons medled with chusing and returning Knights of the Shire for Norfolk it is to be presumed the like she might have said of any other County if there had been occasion a thing impertinent for the House to deal with and only belonging to the Office and Charge of the Lord Chancellor from whom the Writs issue and are returned Having thus given a brief account of the ancient Usage I come to the modern way which according to Mr. Hackwell Memorials c. 6. p. 20. The modern Use of Regulating Elections is that a general order hath usually been made in the beginning of the Session to Authorize the Speaker to give Warrant for new Writs in case of Death of any Member or of double Returns where the Party makes his choice openly in the House during that Session as it was ordered in the beginning of the Parliament 18 and 21 Jacobi primi and where such general Order is not made Writs have issued by Warrant of the Speaker by Vertue of special Order upon motion in the House and this Warrant is to be directed to the Clerk of the Crown in Chancery by order of Parliament 13 Nov. 1601. The Committee of Privileges 24 March 21 Jacobi making their Report a question was put Whether Sir Thomas Holland and Sir John Corbet were well elected Knights for Norfolk the House were divided and it was over-ruled by the House that the No's should go forth So that now the House of Commons are the sole Judges of the validity or invalidity of Elections and I suppose the King and Lords judging the House the competentest Persons to make enquiry and being willing to be eased of the trouble of such Matters as relate only to the Members of the House of Commons have rather by connivence than by any positive Ordinance in the House of Lords dismissed this to the House of Commons against which Mr. Prynne sadly complains Plea for the Lords p. 413. saying That since the Committees of Privileges have interposed in them their Proceedings have been very irregular and illegal in respect all the Witnesses they examine touching them are unsworn and give their Testimonies without Oath upon which they ground their Vote and for the most part very partially for which cause it is usually stiled the Committee of Affection In 35 Eliz. Sir Simon D' Ewes's Journal p. 494. In Queen Elizabeth's time Application made to the Chancellor or L. Keeper Sir Edward Coke being then Speaker he was ordered to attend the Lord Keeper to move his Lordship to direct a new Writ for chusing a Burgess for Southwark instead of Richard Hutton supposed to be unduly elected and another for allowing Sir George Carew who was duly elected but not returned to be Burgess of Gamelsford in Cornwal and a third for changing the name of John Dudley returned Burgess for New Town in the County of Southampton into the name of Thomas Dudley the Christened Name being mistaken But the L. Keeper would
414 415. How the House of Commons of the Parliament 1641. seduded their Members till there were not above 70 left whom the Army-Officers impeached or disliked as a corrupt Party or corrupt Majority and so fifty or sixty by the power of the Army secured secluded and expelled near 400 Members and made themselves the Commons House without them and so proceeded to vote down and seclude both King and House of Lords and voted themselves to be the Parliament of England and sole Legislators and Supream Authority of the Nation The consequences of all which are too well known to the whole Kingdom whose Calamity of Civil War and all the unspeakable Tragedies of it flowed from the packing of Members in the Commons House and the Assistance the People relying upon their Sageness and Authority afforded them How this revived against Abhorrers We had of later Years a fresh revival of the same method in the House of Commons expelling those they called Abhorrers which is so well known that I need say nothing of it yet I would recommend to all interessed Persons the perusal of two Treatises which though they pass for Pamphlets yet have been writ by Judicious Authors and those are The Lawyer outlawed and the Three parts of the Addresses which are Books very fit for Gentlemen to peruse How full and unquestioned a power the Commons have to represent Grievances to the King and petition for Redress The unquestioned Rights of the Commons to impeach any Person of the highest Quality that is a Subject for Treason or high Misdemeanors to have the sole Power in having all Bills for Subsidies Aids and Supplies to begin and I think be perfected in their House and the Privileges they petition for by their Speaker are so well known that they need no Discourse upon But I find several Judicious Persons will not allow the House of Commons to be a Court which Sir Edward Coke affirms 4. Instit p. 28. Whether the House of Commons be properly a Court. and uses this only one Argument for it Because it is not Prorogued or Adjourned by the Prorogation or Adjournment of the Lords House but the Speaker upon signification of the Kings Pleasure by the Assent of the House of Commons doth say This Court doth Prorogue or Adjourn it self But to this it is answered Lawyer outlawed p. 18. That if this were sufficient to denominate a Court every Committee of Lords and Commons though never so few in number must upon this account be a distinct Court because they may thus adjourn and prorogue themselves without their respective Houses In another place 4. Instit p. 23. the same Chief Justice offers to prove the House of Commons not only a Court but a Court of Judicature and Record for that the Clerks Book of the House of Commons is a Record and so declared by Act of Parliament 6 H. 8. c. 16. But this House had no such Book as a Journal much less any Authentick Record When the House of Commons had a Journal first before the first Year of Ed. the Sixth all their material proceedings till then being drawn in Minutes by a Clerk appointed to attend them for that purpose and by him entred of Record in the House of Lords Therefore the Words of the Statute are That the Speakers Licence for Members going into the Country be entred of Record in the Book of the Clerk of the Parliament appointed for the Commons House and this Journal is rather a Register of what passeth than such a Record as denotes a Court of Judicature as the Author of The Lawyer outlawed endeavours to prove P. 17 18 19. Plowd Com. fol. 319. Coke 1. Inst fol. 260. because there is no Court but what is established by the Kings Patent by Act of Parliament or by the Common Law i. e. the constant immemorial Custom of former Ages for by that the House of Lords is the sole supream Court of Judicature it having never been heard of before Sir Edward Coke's fancy That there were two distinct Courts in the same Parliament Also there is no Court without a power of tryal but the House of Commons have no power to try any Crime or Offence because they cannot examine upon Oath and there can be no legal Tryal without Witnesses nor are any Witnesses of any force in Law unless examined upon Oath But I shall not enter into these Controversies Some Observations on the Privileges of the House of Commons in general but shall now lay down some general Observations and Rules which Judicious Persons have noted as worthy the consideration of the Honourable House in point of their claims of Privileges and Judicature First King James the First in his Declaration touching his proceedings in Parliament 1621. resolves That most Privileges of Parliament grew from Precedents which rather shew a Toleration than an Inheritance therefore he could not allow of the Stile calling it their Ancient and undoubted Right and inheritance but could rather have wished that they had said All Privileges from the Crown Their Privileges were derived from the Grace and permission of his Ancestors and him and thereupon concludes That he cannot with patience endure his Subjects to use such Antimonarchical Words concerning their Liberties except they had subjoyned That they were granted unto them by the Grace and Favour of his Predecessors yet he promiseth to be carefull of whatsoever Privileges they enjoy by long Custom and uncontrolled and lawful Precedents Secondly C. 29. None to be punished but by Legal Trial. It is to be considered That by the Great Charter it is declared That no Freeman shall be taken or imprisoned or diseised of his Freehold or Liberties or his Free Customs or be Outlawed or Exiled or in any manner destroyed but by the lawful Judgment of his Peers or by the Law of the Land Stat. 28 E. 3. c. 3. So 28 E. 3. it is Enacted That no Man of what estate or condition he be shall be put out of his Land or Tenements nor taken nor imprisoned nor dis-inherited nor put to death without being brought to answer by due Process of Law So 42 E. 3. c. 3. it is assented and accorded for the good Government of the Commons that no Man be put to answer without presentment before Justices or matter of Record or by due course of Law or Writ Original according to the Old Laws of the Land Nulla Curia quae Recordum non habet potest imponere finem neque aliquem mandare carceri quia isla tantummodo spectant ad Curias de Recordo Mar. Sess 3. So Sir Edward Coke saith Courts which are not of Record cannot impose a Fine or commit any to Prison because these only belong to Courts of Record for which see Beecher's Case fol. 60. 120. Bonham's Case and lib. 11 fol. 43. Godfrey's Case So in the First Parliament of Q. Mary it is declared That the most Ancient
intended to invade the Subjects Liberties but if they allowed the Writ the delicious Power of Imprisoning such as they had a Pique to was utterly lost and all Persons referred to the ordinary Courts of Justice or upon their failure to the House of Lords Sir William Jones against any ones Release by Habeas Corpus if they were imprisoned by the House of Commons the Supreme Tribunal of England Sir William Jones insisted much upon the Power of the House and that they did not intend by that Act to bind themselves which yet must bind the King though it might as well be alledged That he did not intend to bind himself by it However Sir William persisted urging See Debates of the House p. 217. That whatever Reasons may be given for discharging such as are not committed for Breach of Privilege if grounded on the Act for the Habeas Corpus will hold as strong for discharging of Persons for Breach of Privilege and so consequently deprive the House of all its Power and Dignity and so make it insignificant and said That was so plain and obvious that all the Judges ought to take notice of it and so judged it below the House to make any Resolution therein but rather to leave the Judges to do otherwise at their peril and let the Debate fall without any Question But Baron Weston had the Courage to grant the Habeas Corpus Baron Weston grants the Habeas Corpus as rather willing to expose himself to the Displeasure of the House than deny or delay Justice contrary to his Oath I could not omit this remarkable Passage as a Specimen of the Arbitrariness of the Leading Party in that House Brief Register part 4. p. 846. and now shall proceed to Mr. Prynne's Remarks upon the Proceedings of the long House of Commons He observes Privilegia omnino amittere meretur qui sibi abutitur concessa penestate Ejus est interpretari cujus concedere Summa Rosella Privilegium 3. That Privileges may be lost by the abuse of the Power and that whatever Privilege the House hath is from the King's Grant or Toleration Therefore according to the Canonists Rule If the Privilege granted be expressed in general dubious or obscure Words then it is in the power of him to interpret who hath the power to grant Now the Petition of the Speaker is That the Commons in this Parliament may and shall have all their Ancient and Just Privileges allowed them Therefore the King Nemini liceat Chartas Regias nisi ipsis Regibus judicare Placita Parl. 18 E. 1. num 19. p. 20. being the sole Granter of these Privileges must be the only proper Interpreter and Judge of them as he is of all his other Charters of Privileges Liberties Franchises and Acts of Parliament themselves after his Regal Assent thereto not the Commons or Persons to whom they are granted and that both in and out of Parliament by Advice of his Nobles or Judges of the Common-Law Therefore he saith first How the Breach of Privilege to be punished according to Mr. Prynne See the Authority Brief Regist part 2. p. 847. That if the Commons by Petition to the King and Lords in Parliament complain of the Breach of their ancient Privileges and Liberties as they ever did in the Cases of Lark Thorp Hyde Clerk Atwyll and others the King by Advice of his Lords in Parliament assisted with his Judges hath been and as he humbly conceives is the sole proper Judge of them and their violations not the Commons who being Parties Prosecutors and Complainants are no legal indifferent Judges in their own or Menial Servants cases if they will avoid partiality which is the reason the Law allows Challenges to Jurors in Civil and Criminal causes Therefore he observes Ibid. p. 1206. that the House of Commons taking Informations without Oath may be easilier abused by misinformation and sometimes thereby are put upon over hasty Votes which upon finding out evil Combinations they are forced to retract Secondly The Chancellor or Lord Keeper to grant the Writ If the complaint of the breach of Privilege be made in the Commons House and thereupon an Habeas Corpus Writ of Privilege or Supersedeas prayed under the great Seal for the Members or menial Servants release whose Privilege is infringed the Lord Chancellor or Keeper of the great Seal representing the Kings person in Chancery the Court for relief in cases of Privilege is the properest Judge and Examiner of the claimed Privilege and its violations upon Oath and other sufficient Evidence assisted by all the Kings Judges in cases of difficulty who thereupon will grant or deny the Writs Thirdly The Judges of the Courts to which the Writ is directed to judge of the validity of the Privilege When these Writs of Privilege Supersedeas or Habeas Corpus are granted to any Member or menial Servants and directed to any of the Kings Courts to enlarge their restrained Persons or stay any Arrests Process or Judgments against them the Kings own Judges in his respective Courts to which they are directed are then the proper Judges of the Privileges of Parliament and of their breaches suggested in these Writs who may examine not only all matters of Law or Fact comprised in them which are Traversable but likewise adjudge allow or disallow the very Privilege it self if no real ancient Parliamentary Privilege allowed by the Laws and Customs of the Realm How far he is in the right I will not undertake to judge but I remember somewhere he wisheth an Act of Parliament to pass to adjust these matters which possibly would prevent many of those chargeable attendances about false Returns and save much expence of time in the discussing of them and enable the Subjects to pay a right and due obedience to them SECT 12. Concerning the Royal Assent to Bills I Have treated so much of this elsewhere as to the sole Power in the King the ancient Custom of Sealing the Acts with the Kings Seal and of some of the Prelates and Nobles as Witnesses of their Assents that I shall only now speak as to the usual formality of passing the Bills into Acts by the Kings last Act. See also his Memorials For Mr. Hackwell hath given a full account of the manner how Statutes are enacted in Parliament by passing of Bills to which Book I refer the curious Reader that would understand the order that is used in the debating and passing of them When Bills are passed by both Houses upon three several Readings in either House Hackwell of Passing of Bills p. 179. ad 182. they ought for their last approbation to have the Royal Assent whereby every Statute is as Mr. Hackwell observes like Silver seven times tryed The Royal Assent is usually deferred to the last day of the Session and because some have been of opinion that the passing of Bills The Royal Assent determines not the Session
puts an end to the Sessions so that what ever Bills are ready and pass not the Royal Assent must be again read three times in either House for the more security it is usual to insert a Proviso That the Session is not thereby concluded The Royal Assent is given two ways First Royal Assent by Patent by Commission since the Statute of the 33 H. 8. c. 21. wherein it is expressed That the Kings Royal Assent by his Letters Patents under the Great Seal Signed by his hand and declared and notified in his absence to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and to the Commons Assembled in the higher House is and ever was of as good strengh and force as if the King had been there personally present and assented openly and publickly to the same The manner of the King 's giving his Publick Assent is in this manner The King cometh in Person in his Parliament-Robes Royal Assent when the King present and sitteth in his State and the Upper House sit in their Robes The Speaker with all the Commons House cometh to the Bar of the Lords House and in Sir Thomas Smith's time Sir Th. Smith's Commonwealth p. 45. Speeches used to be made there the Chancellor for the Lords and the Speaker for the Commons in set Speeches returned the Prince Thanks for that he hath so great Care of the good Government of his People and for calling them together to advise of such things as should be for the Reformation Establishing and Ornament of the Commonweal After which the Chancellor in the Prince's Name giveth Thanks to the Lords and Commons for their Pains and Travel taken which he saith the Prince will remember and recompense when Time and Occasion shall serve and that the Prince is ready to declare his Pleasure concerning their Proceedings whereby the same may have perfect Life and Accomplishment by his Princely Authority I think now mostly Hackwell of Passing of Bills p. 181 182. the Speaker of the House of Commons makes a Speech acquainting the King with the purport of the Bills Then the Clerk of the Crown readeth the Title of the Bills in such Order as they are in Consequence After the Title of every Bill is read singly The Clerk of the Crown pronounceth the Royal Assent or Dissent the Clerk of the Parliament pronounceth the Royal Assent according to certain Instructions given from his Majesty in that behalf If it be a Publick Bill to which the King assenteth the Answer is Le Roy le veult The King willeth If a Private Bill allowed by the King the Answer is Soit fait comme il est desire Let it be done as it is desired And upon a Petitionary Bill the like is used If it be a Publick Bill which the King forbeareth to allow he saith Le Roy se avisera The King will advise To a Subsidy Bill the Clerk pronounceth Le Roy remercie ses loyaux Subjects accepte leur Benevolence aussi le veult The King thanks his Loyal Subjects accepts their Benevolence and also willeth To a general Pardon is pronounced Les Prelates Seigneurs Communs en cest Parlement assembles au nom de touts vous autres Subjects remercient tres humblement vostre Majesty prient Dieu vous donner en sante bone vie longe The Prelates Lords and Commons in this Parliament assembled in the name of all your other Subjects thrice humbly give thanks to your Majesty and pray God to give you in health a good Life and long These P. 46. saith Sir Thomas Smith be taken now as perfect Laws and Ordinances of the Realm of England and none other and as shortly as may be are printed except it be some Private Acts made for the Benefit or Prejudice of some Private Man these be only exemplified under the Seal of the Parliament CHAP. XXIX Of Factious Combinations in Parliaments I Hope in the foregoing Chapters I have so explained the Constitution of Parliaments and the Legislative Power that unbiassed and unprejudiced Persons will no more be misled by the Sophisms and plausible pretences which to aggrandize the Power of the two Houses at first and after of the Commons House only the Penmen of the long Parliament made use of yet because many of late were furbishing the rusty Armour of their Demagogues and trimming their Helmets with fresh Plumes I conceive it necessary to take notice of some of their chiefest Arguments and examine those which had greatest Influence upon the People The great and venerable name of Parliament and its Authority was constantly used as Shield and Buckler to ward off all the Force of the Loyal Assaults and Mr. Prynne writ a large Volume which he stiled The Soveraign Power of Parliaments and when the very Lees and Dregs of the Commons House was put in Ferment that very Kilderkin would admit no lower Stile than the supreme Authority of the Nation to be pearched on its Bunghole Therefore to disabuse the less considerate The various Acceptation of the word Parliament and to detect the Frauds of those which under that great Name applyed whatever they met with in the Laws or History to the House of Commons I think it necessary in the first place to clear the acceptation of the Word Appropriated to the Lords House Sometimes the word Parliament is used for the House of (a) Egerton sect 4. 22 23. Lords only as when upon Writ of Error any Judgment in the King's-Bench is examined in the House of Lords the Judgment is said to be affirmed or reversed by Parliament The Appellation of Parliament is likewise used for the two Houses To both the Houses in regard they are the gross Body whereof the Parliament consists there only wanting the Sovereign Head to compleat it But they are so far from being the High Court of Parliament that they cannot co-unite to be an entire Court either of Sovereign or Ministerial Justice but only in concurring in Votes in their several Houses for preparing of matters in order to an act of all the Body which when they have done their Votes are so far from having any legal Authority in the State as in Law there is no Stile or Form of their joynt Acts further than Bills nor doth the Law so much as take notice of them till they have Royal Assent without which the Votes of the two Houses dye in the Womb like an Embryo So that the proper use of the word Parliament How properly the High Court of Parliament as Authority of Law-making is annexed to the name is only when the King and the two Houses concurr in one Act and in that sence only is the Parliament the Supream Court the highest Judicatory and the most Sovereign Power Not for any Soveraignty in the two Houses and from them transferred to the King by their joining and consenting with him but because every compleat and perfect Act of it is the Act of
the personal Will and Power of the Sovereign himself standing in his highest Estate Royal. Therefore whoever reads the Authors that writ in defence of the Parliament must consider this Fallacy they frequently used that he do not apply the Authoritative Act of the King with the Consent of the two Houses to the Houses without the King From the Co-operation of the two Houses in preparing Laws (b) Freeholder's Grand Inquest p. 34. the late 〈◊〉 since King Charles the First 's time of the words The King is not one of the Three Estates Be it endâ—ed by the King the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons as if they were all Fellow-Commissioners and the unwariness of some of the Penners of the King's Answers to some of the Papers of the two Houses wherein they stiled the King the third Estate the Commonwealths-Men have taken the advantage to reckon the King but as a third Legislator Therefore I think it necessary to remove this Rub e're I proceed further Although the Author of the Imposture The Modus makes the Parliament to consist of six Parts called the modus tenendi Parliamentum makes six degrees of constituent Members of the Parliament viz. The King first then Secondly the Archbishops Bishops Abbats Priors and other Clerks who held Baronies Thirdly the Proctors of the Clergy Fourthly the Earls Barons and other great Men who held to the value of a County or Barony Fifthly the Knights of Shires Sixthly the Citizens and Burgesses to which he might have added the Barons of the Cinque-Ports yet he saith the King is the Head Beginning and End of the Parliament and so hath no (c) Ita non habet Parem in suo gradu Peer in his degree Yet it plainly appears that these we now call the two Houses were by reason of their distinct Orders most frequently divided into three For in (d) As queux Prelats ou la Clargie par eux mesmes les Countes Barons par eux mesmes Chevalers Gentz de Countez Gentz de la Commune par eux mesmes entreteront Prynne Animadv p. 10. 6 E. 3. at his Parliament at York the Record saith That on the Friday before the Feast of St. Michael the Prelates or the Clergy by themselves the Earls and Barons by themselves the Knights of the Counties and the Commons by themselves treated c. Othertimes we find the Prelates Earls Barons and great Men and the Knights Citizens and Burgesses to have separate Consultations by themselves and to give their several answers to Articles and business propounded to them in Parliament as Mr. Prynne out of the Abridgment of the Records of the Tower hath given us above twenty instances At the making of the Statute of Praemunire 16 R. 2. the Commons pray The Lords Spiritual Lords Temporal and Commons make the Three Estates That the Lords as well Spiritual as Temporal severally and all the Estates of Parliament might be examined how they thought of that matter and the Lords Spiritual answered by themselves and the Lords Temporal by themselves and the King was Petitioned to make this Examination So in 40 E. 3. the King asking the Houses Whether King John could have subjected the Realm as he did the Prelates by themselves and the Dukes Earls and Barons by themselves gave their Answer Besides we find as at large I have before instanced in the last Chapter the Writs of Summons of the Bishops and Clergy were only in side dilectione and the Barons generally (e) Stat. 18. â— 6. c. 1. in fide homagio or Ligeancia and the Clergy granted their Subsidies apart and distinct from the Nobles Besides that the Bishops are to be esteemed the Third Estate is clear by Act of Parliament for it being questioned (f) 8 Eliz. c. 1. whether the making Bishops had been duly and orderly done according to Law the Statute saith That the questioning of it is much tending to the slander of all the Clergy being 〈◊〉 of the greatest States of the Realm So Sir (g) P. 36. Thomas Smith as in the last Chapter I have noted distinguisheth the two Houses into three Estates and Sir Edward (h) 4. Instr p. 1. Coke saith expresly That the High Court of Parliament consisteth of the Kings Majesty sitting in his Royal Politick Capacity and the three States of the Realm viz. the Lords Spiritual Lords Temporal and Commons the like the learned (i) Interpreter tit Parliament Cowel affirms Sir Henry Spelman (k) Solenne collequium omnium Ordinum Regni Authoritate solius Regis ad consulendum statuendumque de negotiis Regni indictum Gloss p. 449. calls it a Colloquy of all the Orders of the Kingdom convened by the sole Authority of the King to consult and appoint in the Affairs of the Kingdom This was also known to Foreigners uninteressed Persons for the Lord Argenton speaking how Subsidies were granted in England saith * Lib. 5. p. 253. Convocatis primis Ordinibus Clericis Laicis assentiente Populo And Bodin ‖ De Repul lib. 6. whenever he speaks of the Constitution of our Parliament calls it the King and the three Estates of the Realm But to put all out of doubt in King Charles the Second's Reign it is determined in the Act for the Form of Prayers for the Fifth of November For the Preservation of the King and the Three Estates Now the reason why in King Charles the First 's answer Why in some of King Charles the First 's Writings the King was called the Third Estate we meet with the expressions of making the King the third Estate was because at that time the Bishops being voted out of the House of Lords and the two Houses setting themselves in all the points of Controversie in opposition to the King the notion of a Triumvirate was more intelligible as it may be thought to the People and those who were so bitter Enemies to the King and had such a Rebellious force would have still increased the Peoples aversion if the King had asserted his Royal Prerogative otherwise Whether this were the true reason or the oversight of the Penners of his Majesties Answers I will not undertake to determine but I am induced to believe the first because I find the King and those that writ in defence of his Cause using frequently this way of Argument In every State there are three Parts saith (l) Review of Observations one the King ordered to write for him capable of just or unjust Soveraignty viz. the Prince Nobles and People Now through the Piety of our Lawgiving Princes a just and regular course of Government being obtained the stability of which being found to be more concerned in the Power of making Laws than in any other Power belonging to the Soveraign for preventing of Innovations that might subvert that setled regularity the frame and state of Government was in such a sort established as that the
the Command of their Armies This as well as other Reasons must needs demonstrate That if ever any two Houses of Parliament should by Arts of Insinuation as that of 1641. did That unless the King would grant they might not be dissolved without their Consents Kings never to yield what the Long Parliament were so earnest for they could not have time to settle his Throne and redress Grievances or by denying necessary Supplies force a King to grant them a Power of prolonging their own Sitting or meeting at stated times without his Writ or yielding to their Bills implicitly as the Black Parliament of 41. endeavoured and then to have the Power of nominating the Great Ministers of State and the Officers of the Militia an end would be soon put to Monarchy Therefore every one that loves their Country The Care to be had in Elections the continuance of that most excellent Frame of Government for the Subjects security as no other Country enjoys those who would avoid the sad Ravages of Civil War who would make their Prince Glorious their Country Renowned themselves and their Posterities Happy let them be careful to elect Loyal and Judicious Members neither tainted with Faction Ambition or Self-ends and if any such be elected let the Wise and Loyal when they meet in that Great Assembly watch over the Designs of such ill Members discover their Intriegues be careful not to be circumvented by their Artifices stick close to the Fundamentals of Government and then all things will be prosperous and they will have the honour of being stiled True Patriots of their Country Sir (n) 4. Instit p. 35. Edward Coke hath noted That Parliaments succeed not well in five Cases Several Cases where Parliaments succeed not well when the King is displeased with the Two Houses First when the King hath been in displeasure with his Lords or Commons therefore it was one of the Petitions of the Commons to Edw. 3. That he would require the Archbishop and all other of the Clergy to pray for his Estate for the Peace and good Government of the Land and for the continuance of the King 's Good-will towards the Commons to which the (o) Rot. Parl. 25 E. 3. num 15. 43 E. 3. num 1. 50 E. 3. num 2. King replied The same prayeth the King The like Petition he saith many times the Lords have made and further adds That the King in all his weighty affairs had used the advice of his Lords and Commons always provided that both Lords and Commons keep within the Circle of the Law and Custom of Parliament The second is when any of the great Lords are at variance among themselves as he instanceth in the third (p) Rot. Parl. 3 H. 6. num 18. When Variance among the Lords of H. 6. in the Controversy betwixt John Earl Marshal and Richard Earl of Warwick and 4 H. 6. betwixt the Duke of Gloucester and Bishop of Winchester whereby little was done in any Parliamentary Court and that little of no moment The third When no good Correspondence betwixt the Lords and Commons when there is no good Correspondence betwixt the Lords and Commons which happens when some People out of design to render the meeting of the two Houses ineffectual do project some matters whereby the Houses may clash about Privileges as was lately in Shirley's Case about the Mony-Bill from the House of Lords and many other Particulars might be instanced in therefore Sir Edward Coke saith That when it was demanded by the Lords and Commons what might be a principal Motive for them to have good success in Parliaments Sitis insuperabiles si fuertis inseparabiles it was answered They should be insuperable if inseparable Cum radix vertex Imperii in Obedientium consensu rata sunt The very root and top of Government consists in the consent of the Obedient and the Subjects Happiness is in that Harmony when it is betwixt the two Houses and among themselves but much more happy when it is likewise betwixt the Sovereign and the two Houses It is that which compleats their own and the Peoples Felicity But when the two Houses or one of them are for wresting the Sovereigns Prerogative from him as in Forty one then it is the most fatal and ill-boding sign of any other The fourth is When Disagreement in the House of Commons when there wants Unity in the House of Commons as we had not long since Experience when within those Walls from whence wholesome Counsels are expected and all things tending to the preservation of the King's Peace Crown and Dignity such Heats were amongst the Members that if one Sword that was half drawn had been wholly unsheathed it was thought a very bloody Battel had been fought The last he makes When no Preparation for the Parliament is when there is no preparation for the Parliament before it begin for which purpose the Summons of Parliament is forty Days or more before the Sitting to the end that Preparations might be had for the considering the arduous and urgent affairs of the Realm And Sir Edward saith it was an ancient custom in Parliament in the beginning thereof to appoint a select Committee to consider of the Bills in the two preceding last Parliaments that passed both Houses or either of them and such as had been preferred read or committed and to take out of them such as were most profitable for the Commonwealth To these may be added a most material one When Redress of Grievances are preferred to the Supply of the King that makes unfortunate Congresses of Parliaments viz. When the Members come up with strong Resolutions to provide Remedies for some Grievances either real or surmised and at the same time the Sovereign is in great Straights for supplies for the safety repute or necessary occasions of the Government for then as in most of the Parliaments of King Charles the First the Houses are for redress of Grievances before supply how pressing and urgent soever and do not credit the King that he will give them time to redress them after he is supplied and they from design rather than this diffidence will not suffer supply and grievances to go pari passu Hand in Hand as we may remember in those Parliaments wherein the popular Men made such Harangues that they would know whether they were Freemen or Slaves or had any thing to give before they entred upon the giving part The like we saw in King Charles the Second's Reign in some of his last Parliaments whereby all their Consultations were abortive and both the Kings had no other Expedient but Prorogation or Dissolution and disuse of Parliaments for some Years followed How much happier have we been in the last Session of the Parliament under our most Wise The happy Harmony in the last Session of Parliament June 1685. Magnanimous and Gracious King wherein no strife or contention was but who
agreeth with the Act of Parliament 37 E. 3. c. 18. where it is said before the Chancellor Treasurer and Great Council Thirdly The Kings Privy Council which appears to be different from the last Great Council by many Records and particularly by that of (c) Rot. Claus 16 E. 2. m. 5. dorso 16 E. 2. where it is said Hen. de Bellomont Baron of the Kings Great and Private Council was sworn This Council is called Concilium Privatum secretum continuum Regis The Privy Council properly so called Lord President The First Member of this Council is the Lord President who was anciently called Principalis Consiliarius and sometimes Capitalis Consiliarius The first Lord President Sir Edward Coke (d) 4. Instit c. 2. fol. 55. 1. par Pat. num 22. John Bishop of Norwich is mentioned 7 Jo. by Matt. Paris fol. 205. mentions was the Earl of Lancaster 50 E. 3. 1 R. 2. then he reckons these in order the Duke of Bedford 1 H. 6. the Duke of Gloucester 10 H. 6. the Duke of York 11 and 22 H. 6. John Russel Bishop of Rochester and after of Lincoln is called President 13 E. 4. John Fisher Bishop of Rochester 12 H. 7. Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk from the 25th to the 37th of H. 8. the Lord Pawlet 1 E. 6. the Duke of Northumberland 5 and 7 of E. 6. the Earl of Arundel 1 and 2 Ph. and M. in Q. Elizabeth's time we find none but in this Catalogue Mr. Prynne (e) Animadv p. 45. Pat. 13 E. 4. part 1. m. 3. hath truly noted That the Bishop of Rochester was not made President of the Kings Council but of the Prince's and was his Tutor as appears by the Patent it self there cited dated the 10th of Nov. This Office of Lord President was never granted but by Letters Patents under the Great Seal durante beneplacito In the Statute of 21 H. 8. c. 2. he is said to be attendant on the Kings most Royal Person the reason of which saith Sir Ed. Coke is That of latter times he hath used to report to the King the Passages and the State of the business at the Council Table The Lord Privy Seal is the next Principal Person that hath Precedence in the Kings Council Lord Privy-Seal concerning whose Office my Lord (f) 4. Instit c. 2. fol. 56. Coke hath discoursed at large to whom I must refer the Curious Reader as also to him for the Acts of Parliament Orders of the same and Acts of Council together with Mr. Prynne's (g) P. 45. Animadversions whereby the Privy-Council was to be regulated and concerning the Jurisdiction and Proceedings of the Kings Council Mr. Lambard's (h) P. 108. to 116. fol. 29. Archaion and Mr. Crompton's Jurisdiction of Courts may be consulted the several Bundels of Petitions to the King and his Council in the Tower of London and the Answers to them the Placita Parliamentaria coram Rege Concilio in the Tally Office of the Exchequer and in the Parchment Book of them in the Tower under King Edward the First printed by Mr. (i) In Placit Parl. Append. Those summoned to Parliaments as Assistants called the King's Council and in Parliament-time joyned with the King's Council in several Cases Ryley Of this Privy Council there seems to me to be two sorts one constantly attending the King and his Affairs the other in Parliament time only which had their particular Summons as I have before at full discoursed of and these two I find so obscurely distinguished that it is difficult in some places to understand which are meant but I think in time of Parliament these were joyned to the Kings Council for besides that they had a distinct Summons and in them as a specifical distinction the word caeteris was omitted in that part of the Summons which runs dictis die loco personalitor intersitis nobiscum ac cum caeteris Praelatis Magnatibus c. because they were not Parliamentary Barons there was also added in proceedings and judgments upon them these words coram ipso Domino Rege ejus concilio ad Parliamenta sua or ad Parliamentum suum or coram Concilio nostro in praesenti Parliamento For the particular Instances of which being they are very numerous Mr. Prynn's (k) A pag. 363. ad pag. 393. brief Register may be consulted wherein it seems to me upon the perusal of the several Records that these Assistants to the House of Lords were likewise joyned to the rest of the Kings standing Council in Parliament time so it is expressed in the Case of (l) Idem pag. 378. John Salâ—eyn and Margaret his Wife and Isabel her Sister Daughters and Heirs of Robert de Ross de Work thus Habito super praemissis diligenti tractatu per ipsum Dom. Regem totum Concilium and in the same it is thus also worded videtur Dom. Regi Concilio suo concordatum est consideratum per ipsum Dom. Regem Concilium suum So in others per Concilium Archiepiscoporum Episcoporum Comitum Baronum caeterorumque (m) Idem pag. 380. de Concilio suo existentium singulis de Concilio suo totius Concilii Domini Regis So in 21 E. 1. the Archbishop of York's Case videtur Domino Regi in pleno Parliamento praedicto Comitibus Baronibus Justiciariis similiter toti Concilio ipsius Dom. Regis and so it is said Magnates alios de Concilio ipsius Domini Regis rogavit This is further cleared by sundry (n) Idem pag. 383. The Court of Star-chamber was said to be coram Rege Concilio suo See Coke Inst 4. c. 5. Prefaces to and passages in our Printed Statutes as formerly I have noted So the Statute of Bigamy 4 Oct. 4 E. 1. saith In the presence of certain Reverend Fathers Bishops of England and others of the Kings Council the constitutions under written were recited after heard and published before the King and his Council for as much as all the Kings Council Justices and others did agree So the Statute of Quo Warranto 30 E. 1. Cum apud Westminster per nos Concilium nostrum provisum So 33 E. 1. it is agreed and ordained by the King and all his Council So 42 E. 3. c. 3. the Statute made on Petition of the Commons in Parliament begins (o) Plese a nostre Seigneur le Roy son bon Counsel pur droyt Government de son Peuple ordeigner Pleaseth it our Lord the King and his good Council for the better Government of his People to ordain By great store of Records it is apparent that in old times the Kings and their Councils gave Judgment in divers Cases of difficulty and other Common Cases concerning the Law of the Realm (p) See 11 H. 4. num 28. 63. Respectuatur per Dom. Principem Concilium Pryn. Animadv p. 39. 264 265 267 296.
saith That Enrollments (l) Pur le Enrolments de Pardon de Roy in le Chancery en temps le Roy Alfred of Pardons of the King were in the Chancery in the time of King Alfred Altho' Mauricius Regis Cancellarius by that title subscribes as witness to the Charter of King William the Conquerer to the Abby of Westminster yet none of these prove that such a Court was in those Ages constituted as we now call the Chancery For Sir Henry Spelman (m) Gless p. 107 ◠proves the Chancery was no Court but only the Ship as he calls it of the Kings Writs and Charters in old time now consisting of three Parts sc è Collegio Scribarum Regiorum è Foro Juris communis è Praetorio boni aqui Mr. Lambard (n) Archaion p. 62 63. hath proved that till the Reign of King Edward the First we find nothing of the Chancellors hearing and determining of Civil causes for till then the Justiciarius Angliae had the great Power Sir William Dugdale 's Origines Jurid fol. 36. b. which being then restrained ad placita coram Rege tenenda the King together with the trust and charge of the Great Seals appointed him to represent his own Royal and extraordinary Preheminence of Jurisdiction in Civil Causes and he gives this particular reason for his opinion That Britton a Learned Lawyer in Edward the First 's time writing of all other Courts from the highest Tribunal to a Court Baron maketh no mention of this Chancery Yet towards (o) 28 E. 1. c. 5. the latter end of his Reign we find it enacted The Chancellor and Justices of the King's-Bench to follow the King That the Chancellor and Justices of the Bench should follow the King that is remove with the Kings Court so that he might have at all times near him some Sages of the Law which were able to order all such matters as should come unto the Court at all times when need should require Yet this Act did not give an absolute Power to the Chancellor alone of determining in such Civil Causes as may seem by that Law which was made 20 Ed. 3. (p) Cap. 6. where it appears the Treasurer was joyned with him to hear complaints against Sheriffs Escheators c. something like this about Purveyors and Escheators that they might not oppress was enacted (q) Cap. 3. 36 Ed. 3. Nevertheless Mr. Lambard observes When Causes in Equity determined in Chancery that it doth not appear in the Reports of the Common Law that there is any frequent mention of Causes usually drawn before the Chancellor for help in Equity till from the time of King Henry the fourth nor are there found any Bills and Decrees in Chancery before the 20 of H. 6. such Causes as since that time were heard in that Court having formerly been determined in the Lords House of Parliament So Sir Edward Coke saith In the Chancery are two Courts First the ordinary coram Domino Rege in Cancellaria where in the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal proceeds according to the right line (r) Secundum Legen Consuetudinem Angliae of the Laws and Statutes of the Realm Secondly extraordinary according to the Rule of Equity Secundum aequum bonum But it is not my business to enter into particulars The curious may consult Sir Edward (s) 4. Instit c. 8. Coke Mr. Richard Cromptom cap. 3. Sir Henry Spelman 1. glossar 1. de Cancellario à pag. 105. ad pag 113. Ryley's Appendix Ash's Repertory tit Courts Sect. 2. Roll's Abridgment p. 374. to 587. Prynne's Animadversions p. 48. Anno 5 Eliz. (t) Cap. 18. it was Enacted that the Lord Keeper for the time being hath always had used and executed and so may for the future The Lord Keeper equal to Lord Chancellor the like place Authority Preheminence Jurisdiction Execution of Law c. as the Lord Chancellor of England for the time being lawfully used The Oath of the Chancellor or Lord Keeper is to be found (u) Rot. Parl. 10 R. 2. col 8. 10 R. 2. consisting of six Parts First That well and truly he shall serve our Soveraign Lord the King and his People in the Office of Chancellor The Oath of the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper Secondly That he shall do right to all manner of people Poor and Rich after the Laws and usages of the Realm Thirdly That he shall truly counsel the King and his Counsel he shall layen i. e. hide or keep secret Fourthly That he shall not know nor suffer the hurt or disheriting of the King or that the Rights of the Crown be decreased by any means as far as he may lett it Fifthly That if he may not lett it he shall make it clearly and expresly to be known to the King with his true Advice and Counsel Sixthly That he shall do and purchase the Kings profit in all that he reasonably may as God help him and by the Contents of this Book SECT 6. Of the Court of the Exchequer SIR Edward Coke saith the Authority of this Court is of original Jurisdiction without any Commission Bracton mentioneth nothing of this Court and Fleta giveth a very short account that the King hath his Court and his Justiciaries residing at his Exchequer but descends to no particulars of the Jurisdiction (w) Fol. 2 b. But x Britton who lived in Edward the First 's Reign and all along writes in the name of the King as if his whole work had been the Kings gives us an account of the Nature of this Court in several particulars To hear and determine all Causes which touch the Kings Debts his Fees and the incident Causes without which these cannot be tried So of Purprestures Rents Farms Customs and generally of whatever appertained to the Revenue of the Crown the Tenants and Receivers of it so that the Court is divided into two Parts viz. Judicial Accounts called Scaccarium Computorum and into the Receipt of the Exchequer The principal Officer is the Lord Treasurer of England who formerly had this great Office The Lord Treasurer principal Officer of the Exchequer by delivery of the Golden Keys of the Treasury and hath the Office this day by delivery of a white Staff at the Kings Will and Pleasure his Oath is much-what the same as the Chancellors differing principally in that clause That the Kings Treasure he shall truly keep and dispend The other great Officers are the Treasurer of the Exchequer the Chancellor and Chief Baron and other Barons of the Exchequer The rest of the Officers are particularly reckoned in Sir (x) 4. Instit fol. 106 107 108. Edward Coke The Oath of the Barons of the Exchequer is to be found in the Statutes (y) The Oath of 〈◊〉 Barons of the 〈◊〉 chequer 20 Ed. 3. cap. 2. whereof the principal parts are That he shall truly charge and discharge
all manner of People as well Poor as Rich that for Highness nor for Riches nor for Hatred nor Estate of no manner of person or persons nor for any Deed Gift nor Promise of any person the which is made to him nor by Craft nor by Ingen he shall let the Kings Right nor none other Persons right he shall disturb let or respite contrary to the Laws of the Land nor the Kings Debts he shall put in respite where that they may goodly be levied that the Kings need he shall speed above all others that neither for gift wages nor good deed he shall layne disturb nor let the profit or reasonable advantage of the King in the advantage of any other person or of himself that he shall take of no person for to do wrong or right to delay or to deliver or to delay the People that have to do before him c. where he may know any wrong or prejudice to be done to the King he shall put and do all his power and diligence that to redress and if he may not do it that he tell it to the King or to them of the Council that may make relation to the King if he may not come to him Sir Edward Coke (z) 4. Instit p. 103. 110 111. hath commented on the Mirror to explain all the Power and particular business of the Court and further observeth that the Patent of the King to the Chief Baron the rest of the Barons Atturney General and Sollicitor are not so long as the King pleaseth but quam diu se bene gesserint which is interpreted a place for life and there is good reason being too many changes would give too many an insight into the Kings Revenue There is a Manuscript (a) Codex niger c. 1. Nulli licet statutum Scaccarii infringere vele is quavis temeritate resistere Habet enim hoc commune cum ipsa Dom. Regis Curia in qua ipse in propria persona Jura decernit quod nec Recordationi nec Sententia in eo latae liceat alicui contradicere of Gervasius Tilburiensis writ in the time of Henry the second which gives an account how it came to be called the Exchequer from a checked Covering of the Table at which the Officers of the Court sate and saith That it is lawful for none to infringe the Statutes of the Exchequer or by any rashness to resist them it having that common with the Court of the Lord the King in which he in his proper person gives Judgment that it is not lawful for any to contradict either the Record or Sentence By which it appears that this Court was distinct from the Kings Bench where the King sate in person and that by the Institution of William the Conqueror not only the great Barons of this Realm as well Ecclesiastical as Secular but also the Justice of England as President thereof by his Office were Members of this Court and so continued to do long after as the Judicious (b) Origines Jurisâ—ic fol. 50. Sir William Dugdale hath by Precedent shown Mr. Prynne hath given us two Records out of the Exchequer (c) Commun Term. Mich. 35 H. 3. Rot. 2. 34 H. 3. and Rishanger 40 H. 3. that that King in his proper person sate and gave judgments in the Court of Exchequer and gave not only Rules to be observed about the Revenue Sheriffs and Bailiffs but also concerning punishing Blasphemy defending Pupils Orphans and Widows and how the Magnates deported themselves to their Tenents and if (d) Inquirant qualiter Magnates se gerunt erga homines suoâ— si forte non possunt plenarie corrigere tunc ostendant easdem transgressiones Dom. Regi they found them transgressing that they correct them as they can and if they cannot fully correct them they show the same transgressions to the King He hath also given an account how 54 H. 3. (e) Pat. 54 H. 3. m. 22. dorso Incep 55. Rot. 3. dorso the accounts of the Sheriffs into the Exchequer were to be digested and in Michaelmass-Term the same Year how the Barons of the Exchequer were to administer the new Oath to the Mayor Elect of the City of London likewise in the same (f) Animadv fol. 55 56. Author there is a large refutation of Sir Edward Coke's Opinion that the Statute of Rutland as he calls it was a Statute made by the King Lords and Commons where it is proved against Sir Edward that it was made for the ordering of the Exchequer at Rothelan in Wales by the King and his Council and not at Rutland but I shall not enter into such Particulars There are several other Courts which have peculiar Jurisdictions by the King's Grants and Prescription as the Court of Requests abolished 17 Car. 1. The Court of Chivalry Court of Marshalsea of the Admiralty and that for redress of delays of Justice which Sir Edward Coke and others have treated of at large and fall not so necessarily for me to discourse of So I shall proceed to the Itinerant Justices and of Assizes and Gaol-delivery SECT 7. Of Itinerant Justices and Justices of Assize and Nisi Prius SOme Shadow of this we find in the time of the Conqueror when Geofrey Itinerant Justices Earl of Constance and some other Barones Regis did sit at (g) Regist Ecclesiae Eliensis fol. 24 b. Kenteford to hear and determine the Claim touching the Rights and Liberties of the Church of Ely at that time disputed before them But the settlement of the Constitution of them was not till 22 H. 2. Anno 1176. as Roger Hoveden (h) Annal. pars post p. 148 149 150. hath related when the King held his Great Council at Nottingham communi omnium Consilio divisit Regnum suum in 6 partes per quarum singulas Justiciarios Itinerantes constituit and the Twenty fifth of his Reign at his great Council at Windsor (i) Idem p. 590 591. Et unicuique partium praefecit viros sapientes ad faciendam Justitiam ad audiendum clamorem populi he divided England into four Parts and over every Part he appointed Wisemen to do Justice and hear the Complaints of the People The Form of the special Writ from the King to impower them to act and of the Writ directed to the Sheriffs to summon all such Persons as were concerned in this Service to appear before the Justices may be seen in Sir William Dugdale's Origines Juridiciales fol. 52. a.b. In which latter Writ (k) Cl. 3 H. 3. m. 13. dorso the Persons summoned to appear were Archbishops Bishops Abbats Earls Barons Knights libere tenentes and in every Village four Legales Homines Praepositum de quolibet Burgo 12 Legales Burgenses Sir Ed. Coke (l) 4. Instit p. 184. calls these Justices in Eyre and saith they had Jurisdiction in all Pleas of the Crown and of all Actions real personal and
the Commission of Sewers by Law (e) Discretio est discernere per Legem quid sit justum Coke Inst 4. fol. 41. 3 H. 8. allowing the Commissioners to make Orders c. according to their Judgments and Discretions the word Discretion is interpreted by Lawyers to discern by Law what is Just as appears when a Jury do doubt of the Law and desire to do what is Just they find the special matter and the entry is Et super tota materia petunt advisamentum discretionem Justiciariorum that is they desire that the Judges would discern by Law what is Just and give Judgment accordingly It was resolved in the Court of Common-Pleas when a new Court was (f) Whyte's Sacred Laws p. 33. erected 31 H. 8. to hear and determine according to Law and Custom or otherwise to their sound discretion That the last Clause was against Law For when Laws are writ and published Magistrates know what to command and the People to obey otherwise the Law must necessarily be errant wandring uncertain and unknown which is a (g) Miser servitus ubi jus vagum miserable yea the most miserable Slavery This was the ground of the taking away the most August and very Ancient Court of the Star-Chamber The Court of Star-chamber dissolved though appointed by Act of Parliament (h) 3 H. 7. c. 1. 21 H. 8. and consisting of very great Personages as the Lord Chancellor Lord President of the Council Lord Privy-Seal Bishops Lords and Justices For tho' there were other Reasons that moved the Houses to be so pressing to get that Act pass the grounds of its Repeal alledged in the (i) 17 Car. 1. c. 10. Preamble of the Act are That the Judges have not kept themselves to the points limited by the Statutes and have undertaken to punish where no Law doth warrant and to make Decrees for things having no such Authority and have inflicted heavier punishments than by Law warranted and that all matters Examinable and Determinable before them had their proper Remedy Redress and Punishment by Common Law and in the ordinary Courts of Justice elsewhere In the like manner and on the same reason were the Court of Request (k) Ibid. cap. 9. before the (l) Cap. 48. President of the Marches of Wales of the President and Council in (m) Cap. 49. the North and of the County-Palatine (o) Cap. 37. of Chester either totally abolished or much eclipsed Having thus far discoursed of the several standing Courts I think it necessary to give an account of the Oath the Judges of either Bench are enjoyned to take having before spoke of the Lord Chancellor Lord Treasurer and Barons of the Exchequers Oath SECT 10. Of the Judges Oath COncerning this Oath there is a Controversie betwixt Mr. (p) Animadv on Coke's 4. Inst fol. 38. Prynne and Sir Edward Coke the latter affirming it to be in our Printed Statutes but not upon Record which Mr. Prynne disproves thus That the Oath of the Judges Barons of the Exchequer and Justices Itinerant and the Ordinances annexed to the Oath were made by the King because of divers complaints to him by the assent of the great men and other wise men of his Council and commanded to be openly published by the Sheriffs of every County by (q) 7 May 20 E. 3. special Writs issued to them for the Reasons specified in the beginning and close of the Writs at least three Months before the Parliament was held that Year and they are all entred upon Record as they are Printed in the Statute Books at large (r) Cl. 20 E. 3. part 1. m. 12 13. 20 E. 3. in the Clause-Rolls but not in the Parliament or Statute-Rolls of that Year because not made in but before the Parliament From whence I note a good Argument of the Kings Prerogative in appointing Judges and Commissionating them himself without any Parliamentary concurrence since he appoints the very Oath which was to direct them in their Office out of Parliament We find the Commons so well pleased with this Oath that in the (s) Rot. Parl. 20 E. 3. num 25. Parliament 20 E. 3. they petitioned the King that the Justices of Assise and Enquiry might be sworn by the same Oath as the Justice of the Bench Abridgment of Records p. 48. and that the chief of them might have power to swear the rest which the King assented to with some Qualifications but when in the Twenty first of his Reign they petitioned that his other Ministers might take the Oath and might be sworn to take nothing from any other the King answered that he would advise what other Ministers shall be fit to take the Oath Mr. Prynne refers us to the Cl. 18 H. 3. m. 19. Cl. 35 E. 1. m. 7. Cl. 1 E. 2. m. 19. and Cl. 5 E. 3. m. 27. for some Clauses of the Oaths of Justices agreeing with those prescribed to the Kings Council But the Oath as it hath been after used is to this purpose That they shall swear well and lawfully to serve our Lord the King and his People in the Office of Justice and lawfully counsel the King in his Business not counsel or assent to any thing which may turn him in damage or disherison by any manner way or colour and shall not know of any such thing but cause the King to be warned thereof by themselves or others shall do equal Justice and Execution of Right to all the Subjects and take neither by themselves nor others privily or apertly Gift or Reward of Gold or Silver nor of any thing which may turn to their profit unless it be Meat or Drink and that of a small value of any man that shall have any Plea or Process hanging before them c. shall take no Fee as long as they are Justices nor Robes of any man great or small but of the King give no Advice to any man great or small where the King is Party If any of what condition soever come before them in their Sessions with force and Arms or otherwise against the Peace or against the Statute thereof made to disturb the execution of the Common Law or to menace the People that they may not pursue the Law That they cause their Bodies to be Arrested and put in Prison and if they cannot be Arrested that the King be certified That they themselves nor others maintain no Plea or Quarrel hanging in the Kings Court or elsewhere in the Country That they deny to no man Common Right by the Kings Letter nor none other mans nor for none other Cause and in case any other Letters come to them contrary to the Law they do nothing by such Letters but certifie the King thereof and proceed to execute the Law notwithstanding any such Letters That they shall procure the profit of the King and of his Crown and if in default shall be at the Kings Will of Body Lands and
Goods thereof to be done as shall please him There is in this Oath as great Security taken Observations on this Oath as morally can be that the Judges perform their Office uprightly and judge according to the Law and if this will not make them wary how they give Judgment contrary to Law there are other Constraints upon them As first That the King may displace them when he pleases they holding their Places only durante beneplacito Secondly The House of Commons may question them for any false Judgment and Miscarriage in their Office which must be a great Check and deterring of them from giving any unjust Judgment either for Lucre-sake by Bribes or Partiality of Affection There are besides others two illustrious Examples of punishment of Corrupt Judges the one of Sir William Thorp (t) Rot. Parl. 25 E. 3. Rot. 10. condemned for breach of his Oath in taking Bribes Judges punished for breaking their Oath He was Indicted before the Earls of Arundel Warwick and Huntingdon the Lord Gray and Lord Burghers 24 E. 3. and the Record saith Ideo consideratum per dictos Justiciarios assignatos ad judicandum secundum voluntatem Regis secundum Regale posse suum because he broke the Oath which he took to the King and so was adjudged to be hanged The (u) Exact Abridgment p. 74. Record of this Judgment was brought into the Parliament 25 E. 3. the King having by a Writ under the Privy-Seal stayed his Execution and it was read opeâ— before the Lords and all the Lords affirmed the Judgment to be good provided this Judgment should not be drawn into example against any other Officers who should break their Oaths but (z) Qui praedictum Sacramentum fecerunt fregerunt habent Leges Regales Augliae ad custodiendas only those that took the said Oath of Justices and broke it such to whom the Royal Laws of England are committed The other is the Famous Sir Francis Bacon Lord St. Albans who being Lord Chancellor was found guilty of taking Bribes by his Servants whom though many for his great Learning would acquit as leaving too much to his Servants yet he fell an illustrious example of Justice against the highest Judges and in the forecited Record against Sir William Thorp it is apparent that the Lords who in those days were the sole Judges in Parliament thought no persons breach of Oath was capitally to be punished but only the Justices Before I come to speak to some of the long Parliaments writing Champions misapplication of the Kings Power in his Courts I think it expedient to give some Characters I have met withall of the qualifications of Judges In a Speech made to Justice (a) MS. Speech penes Rad. Thoresby de Leedes Gen. Manwood when he was chosen Lord Chief Baron the Chancellor tells him There are four things requisite in a Judge First His knowledge of the Law which is presumed every one hath that the King appoints to be his Justiciary Secondly Discretion that though in his Judgment he may vary from the letter of the Law yet he may never judge contrary to the intention of it which is Animus Legis Thirdly Integrity for it were better to have a Judge of convenient learning and discretion that would command and rule his Affection and Judgment than one of excellent knowledge and discretion that will submit the same to his corrupt Affections Fourthly Care and diligence For if a judge be furnished with all the preceeding qualifications yet if he be slothful and do not expedite his Judgment all the former serve to little purpose for qui diâ— distulit diâ— noluit My Lord St. Albans (b) Essays though he fell as before I have noted under great censure yet in his Essays tells us that a Judge's Office is Jus dicere non Jus dare that they ought to be more wise than witty more reverend than plausible more advised than confident and above all things that Integrity was their Portion and proper Vertue The unjust Judge being a Capital remover of Land-marks Injustice making Judgment bitter and delay sowre Another famous (c) E. of Clarendon's Survey p. 125. Chancellor whose unexpected exile after he was raised to the happiest Estate of a Subject may teach all to judge no State of Felicity assured upon Earth tells us that Judges are presumed by Education to be fitted for the understanding of the Laws and by their Oaths bound to judge according to Right and so must be the most competent to explain the difficulties of the Law which no Soveraign as Soveraign can be presumed to understand and comprehend and that the judgments and decisions those Judges make are the Judgment of the Soveraign who hath not qualified them but Authoritatively appointed them to judge in his stead and are to pronounce their Sentence according to the reason of the Law not the reason or will rather he means of the Soveraign But now I proceed to other matters The Long Parliament impeached all the Judges that had voted the legality of Ship-mony The Long Parliaments Impeachment of Judges as also brought to their Bar the Lord Chancellor that thereby they might strike a greater terror on the Kings Loyal Subjects especially in the House to make them comply with them and though they would have had the Power of nominating and removing the Judges and have rent that branch of his Royal Prerogative from him yet they not trusting if they effected this that it would do them any service when they had put in such Judges as they liked if the King might still Commissionate them according to old form pro beneplacito Therefore they pressed hard They would alter pro beneplacito that every Judge should continue quamdiu se bene gesserit which I only note to show they were desirous to new model the whole Government As the long Parliament of 1641. by their dissolving of Church-Government gave birth to varieties of Opinions The Long Parliament endeavours to weaken the King's Prerogative Schisms and Heresies in Religion so by their design of unloosening mens Obligation to the Monarchy they were forced to make use of many false Inferences and Judgments of the known Laws Amongst which one was when they were beaten off from the several pretences of having some Paramount Power over the King whereby he stood obliged to resign his reason to their Votes they alledged that since the King could not reverse a Judgment given in an inferior Court a fortiori he could not frustrate their Votes being the Supreme Court as well as Council In Answer to which it is to be considered How Judges in their Judgments sustain the Person of the King that in other Courts the Judges sustain the Person of the King the Law is deposited in the hands of the King and all Justice is administred by him and in his name so that his consent is by Law involved in what by Law they
better Condition though Gentiles than the Christians under the Romans or that it is derived from Gens I am more inclined to be of the latter Opinion finding it more agreeable to the common Use For Cicero (b) In Topicis calls those Gentiles qui ex eadem Gente Ingenui qui nunquam Capite sunt diminuti Gens consisting of a multitude which have sprung from one Generation and of many of these Gentes consists a Nation to which agrees that of (c) Gentilis dicitur ex eodem genere ortus is qui simili nomine appellatur Festus ad Verbum Festus that Gentilis is one born of the same Gens or Kindred and who is called by the like Name So we find the Horatii the Corvine Julian Flavian Family c. So the Greeks use the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for one nobly descended from great Parentage So 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was Nobility which (d) Polit. lib. 4. c. 8. lib. 5. c. 1. Aristotle calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Antient Wealth and Vertue or the (e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rhetor. ad Theod lib 2. c. 5. Dignity of the Ancestor The first Authors of it being stiled famous Men and Honourable 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the largest acceptation of the Word as it is now used saith the judicious (f) Tiles of Honour p. 852. Selden it denotes one that either from the Blood of his Ancestors or the Favour of his Sovereign or of them that have Power from the Sovereign or from his own Vertue Employment or otherwise according to the Laws and Customs of Honour in the Country he lives in is ennobled made Gentile or so raised to an eminency above the Multitude perpetually inherent in his Person These are stiled the Nobiles minores for distinction sake The use of the word Nobilis the word Nobiles being now appropriated to those of the higher Rank The ancient use of Nobilis especially before the Roman Monarchy was such that it was justly given to none but him that had Jus imaginum or some Ancestor at least that had born some of the great Offices or their Magistratus Curules as (g) 〈…〉 1. cap. 19. Censorship Consulship c. From whose Image kept he had the Jus Imaginum Therefore the preceding Ancestor was called novus Homo or Ignobilis Some Ages after the Romans were under a Monarchy the Title of Nobilis was given to such as by the Emperors Patents of Offices or their Codicilli Honorarii were first raised out of the lowest Rank After that Arms of Ensigns of Distinction born upon Shields grew to be in may Families Hereditary which was about four hundred Years since as Sir Edward Bish in his Aspilogia avoucheth it came into frequent use that he who was either formerly ennobled by Blood or newly by acquisition either assumed or had by Grant from his Sovereign or those deputed by him some special note of Distinction by Arms also to be transmitted with his Gentry to his Posterity Yet (h) 〈◊〉 Mr. Selden notes that in the Proceedings in the Court of Chevalry betwixt Reginald Lord Grey of Ruthin Plaintiff and Sir Edward Hastings Defendant concerning the bearing of a Manch Gules in a◠Field Or in the depositions taken in the Moote Hall at Bedford it is recorded that John Botiler of the County of Bedford and Roger Tenstal Mayor of Bedford having been the Plaintiffs Servants severally deposed Il est Gentilhom d' Auncestrie mas nad point d' Armes Gentlemen without coats of Arms. That he was a Gentlemen of antient time but had no Arms. But I shall pass from this That which I desire the Gentry to observe is Advice to the Gentry That they are the Seminary of our greater Nobility and that from Loyal Wise Learned Valiant and Fortunate Persons of their Order in all Princes Reigns the Nobility have sprung Therefore as some of them are derived from as numerous Ancestors as any in other Kingdoms and have by Hereditary Succession greater Estates than many foreign Counts and as they desire either to conserve the Repute their Ancestors have honourably entailed on them or to transmit them to their Posterities so it will be their Interest and Glory to accomplish themselves in all sorts of useful Learning whereby they may be Serviceable to their King and Country There are Bodily Exercises they should be well skilled in as Fencing Riding the great Horse and all Military Exercises to enable them to serve in the Militia of the Nation and their diligent perusing all sorts of History and the Laws of the Land will fit them for the managing of Civil affairs and dispensing the Kings Laws as Justices of Peace Sheriffs Commissioners Representatives in Parliament as also for the greater Offices of State Since they are born to large Patrimonies and thereby have a more generous Education and derive a more refined Spirit from their Ancestors they can with infinite more Ease enter into publick Employment having none of those sinking (i) Hand facile emergunt quorum virtutibus obstat Res angust a domi weights of Poverty and mean Education which enforce others to use extream Diligence e're they can mount the first half Pace the Gentleman is seated on by that time he leaves his tutors It is true the Priviledges of the Gentry of England properly so called are not so great as in some Countries where they have power of Life and Death over their Servants or are exempted from Taxes and enjoy other Immunities which are denied to the Commons yet they have others as beneficial in that they make up a great share of the Ministerial parts of the Government It is required by God and their Prince that they should so deport themselves as they may be singular (k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dio lib. 2. Examples to their Tenants and Neighbours of Wisdom Temperance Justice Loyalty and all the System of Vertues and by a generous Hospitality without Debauchery preserve their Interest in the affection of their Neighbors and that the Poor may daily and zealously pray for them being made the Voiders and receiving the Sportula of their plentiful Tables By this way of living they will sow among their Neighbours the Seeds of all useful Vertues and enrich their Countries and be able in time of need to serve their Prince with their numerous Dependants It is for the use of the blooming Gentlemen I write this The more sage and ancient need only such Intimations to refresh their Memories I have made Observations how fatal it hath been to themselves and the whole Kingdom when the Gentry have been seduced to sleight at first and after as they have been wrought upon by Designers to over-awe or overturn the Government and either by Piques among themselves or Aemulations Envies and Discontents have been brought into the Combinations and Conspiracies with those who under the specious Pretences
procure the Subscriptions and then tender them as it were by their number to affright the King to a Compliance or that the King to whom the Execution of the Laws or suspension in some measure surely appertains might not forbid such Petitions They singled out Sir Francis North then Lord Chief Justice of the Common-Pleas after Lord Keeper and Earl of Guilford Sir George Jefferies then Recorder of London now Lord Chancellor Mr. Justice Withins and others as Subjects of their displeasure for disliking and abhorring the irregular dangerous way of Petitioning But they received more Lustre and Regard in the Eyes of their Soveraign and all Loyal Subjects by their Censure than they did discredit by it It seems worth the while for Persons that have regard to the quiet and repose of the Subject to the Honour and Establishment of the Government and for the Tranquillity and Liberty of their Posterity to consider whether any mortal Man can either produce Precedent or Law to justify the Imprisonment of those Gentlemen Abhorrers of which I have spoken something before in the Chapter of Parliaments I shall now conclude with the last and formidablest sign of Sedition Of Tumults viz. Tumults which are but unarmed and Pen-feathered Rebellion They have the Mien and Standard of it only want the Artillery The fatal black Parliament disciplined them to be ready at any watch word and whatever they voted against the King or Church was ushered in by thousands of all sorts flocking out of the City and Country braving and threatning all along as they went by White-Hall and so in Sholes crowding to the Houses promising to stand by them and crying out for Justice They were so insolent and rude that they forced the Merciful King to withdraw from his Pallace to which he never returned till they brought him to his Barbarous Tryal and Murther That Blessed Kings Sence of them can be expressed by none so emphatically as by himself therefore I shall extract some of his feeling Expressions I (x) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. 4. never thought any thing except our Sins more ominously presaging all those mischiefs which have followed than these Tumults And this was not a short Fitt or two of an Ague but a quotidian Feaver always encreasing to higher Inflammation impatient of any Mitigation restraint or remission Those who had most mind to bring forth Confusion and Ruin upon Church and State used the Midwifery of Tumults by which they ripped up with barbarous Cruelty and forcibly cut out abortive Votes to crowd in by force what reason would not lead Some Mens Petulancy was such as they joyed to see their Betters shamefully and outragiously abused So the Blessed King finding they invaded the Honour and Freedom of the two Houses and used such contemptuous words and Actions against him thought himself not bound by his Presence to provoke them to higher Contempt and Boldness For he saith it was an hardiness beyond Valour to set himself against the breaking in of the Sea being daily baited with Tumults he knew not whether their Fury and Discontent might not fly so high as to worry him and tear him to pieces whom as yet they played but with in their Paws Therefore thinks himself not bound to prostitute the Majesty of his Place and Person c. to those who insult most when they have Objects and opportunity most capable of their rudeness and petulancy Our late gracious Sovereign in later times when some Men were endeavouring to practise the same Methods found some offers of the like at Windsor a place of all others in which one would have thought he should have had the most Honour for the Benefits he did to that Town by his so frequent residence when first the Boys and then the Rabble were set on to shout for a Burgess of Parliament in opposition to a Loyal Person His Majesty favoured even in his own Presence The Prophetick Observation of the Martyred King is worth noting That he believes the just Avenger of all Disorders will in time make these Men and that City see their Sin in the Glass of their Punishment which needs no application but only to desire they would be so just to themselves and their Posterity as to follow no such Precedents and that none will encourage such outragious doings I shall dismiss this ingrateful Subject with the Description (y) Vâ—â—ibus truculentis strepere rursum viso Casare trepidare Murmur incertum atrox clamor repente quies diversis animorum moribus pavebaret terrebaâ—â— 1. Annal. Tacitus gives of the mutinous Tumult of Drusus's Soldiers That the Ring-Leaders when they looked to the multitude with outragious Voices made terrible noises but viewing Caesar shrunk again and of the whole multitude he saith an uncertain Murmur an horrible cry and suddenly a calm by divers emotions of Mind they feared and did affright CHAP. XLIV Prognosticks of Sedition and Faction BOdinus (a) Seditio semel accunsa quasi scantilla impetu populari repente agitatur ac totum prius inflammari solet quam extingui possit De Repub. c. 4. tells us That Sedition once kindled is suddenly fanned and blown by popular fury into a Flame which is wont to set all on Fire ere it can be extinguished The danger therefore of Faction is not to be sleighted but the Government should be watchful over the least Sparks which no Man can forbid or tell whence they may come or how far they may ravage when there is a Propensity to Faction Therefore Governours should not suffer matter of Trouble to be prepared or hatched but crush the Cockatrice in the Egg and the Monster in the Embryo especially (b) Vbi Respublica aegra quave vix cicatrices clade intestina acceptas obduxerit Clapm. de Arcanis dominationis lib. 3. c. 16. When Danger less when the Scars of late Wounds are not healed or hardned as after a Civil War when Factions are most dangerous The danger is less saith my Lord (c) Essays St. Albans when it springs only from the Discontent of the People being slow of Motion and the greater sort of small Strength without the Multitude can do little but the danger is greatest when those of higher Rank wait but for the troubling of the Waters So Jupiter by Pallas's Advice when the other Gods would have bound him sent for Briarous with his Hundred Hands an Emblem to show how safe it is for Monarchs to make sure of the Good Will of their People The motions of the greatest Persons in Government ought to be as the motion of the Planets under the Primum Mobile according to the old Opinion that every of them is carried swiftly by the highest Motion and slowly by its own Therefore when great Men in their own particular motion move violently Liberi usque ut Imperantium meminissent as Tacitus speaks It is a sign the Orbs are out of Frame Where Factions are not Combinations against the Government