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A61094 Reliquiæ Spelmannianæ the posthumous works of Sir Henry Spelman, Kt., relating to the laws and antiquities of England : publish'd from the original manuscripts : with the life of the author. Spelman, Henry, Sir, 1564?-1641.; Gibson, Edmund, 1669-1748. 1698 (1698) Wing S4930; ESTC R22617 259,395 258

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consent of the Bishops and Barons For in his Charter whereby he divideth the Court-Christian from the Temporal he saith thus Sciatis quod Episcopales Leges communi Concilio consilio Archiepiscoporum meorum caeterorum Episcoporum Abbatum omnium Principum regni mei emendandas judicavi And this seemeth to be that same Commune Concilium totius Regni whereby he made the Laws he speaketh of in his Charter of the great Establishment aforesaid William Rufus in An. 1094. calls Episcopos Abbates cunctosque Regni Principes to a Council at Rochingheham 5. Id. Mar. Henry I. de communi Concilio gentis Anglorum saith Matthew Paris posuit Dunelmensem Episcopum in vinculis Where Gentis Anglorum might be extended to such a Parlament as we use at this day if the use of that time had born it But Eadmere speaking of a Great Counsel holden a little after at Lambith calleth it Concilium Magnatum utriusque Ordinis excluding plainly the Commons And to that effect are also all the other Councils of his time But our later Chroniclers following Polydore as it seemeth for they cite no Author do affirm that Henry I. in the sixteenth year of his reign held the first Parlament of the three Estates The truth whereof I have taken some pains to examine but can find nothing to make it good Eadmerus who flourisht at that very time writing particularly of this Council or Assembly saith XIII Kal. Aprilis factus est conventus Episcoporum Abbatum Principum totius Regni apud Serberiam cogente eos illuc sanctione Regis Henrici I. And among other causes handled there he sheweth this to be the principal viz. That the King being to go into Normandy and not knowing how God might dispose of him he desir'd that the succession might be confirm'd on his son William Whereupon saith Eadmer omnes Principes facti sunt homines ipsius Willielmi fide Sacramento confirmati Florentius Wigorniensis who liv'd at that time and dy'd about two years after reporteth it to the same effect Conventio Optimatum Baronum totius Angliae apud Sealesbiriam 14. Cal. Apr. facta est qui in praesentia Regis Henrici homagium filio suo Gulielmo fecerunt fidelitatem ei juraverunt Here is no mention of the Commons whom in likelyhood they should not have pretermitted if they had been there assembled contrary to the usual custom of those times Nor doth any succeeding Author that I can find once touch upon it I conceive there might a mistaking grow by Polydore or some other for that many of the Commons if not all were at this time generally sworn to Prince William as well as the Barons were and as after in the year 1127. to Maud his daughter Prince William being then dead But I no where find in all the Councils or Parlaments if you so will call them of this time any mention made of any other than the Bishops Barons and great Persons of the Realm And so likewise in the time of King Stephen The first alteration that I meet with is in the twenty second year of Hen. II. where Benedict Abbas saith Circa festum S. Pauli venit Dominus Rex usque ad Northampton magnum ibi celebravit Concilium de Statutis regni sui coram Episcopis Comitibus Baronibus terrae suae per consilium Militum Hominum suorum Here Militum Hominum suorum extendeth beyond the Barons and agreeth with the Charter of King John as after shall appear Yet Hoveden speaking of this Council doth not mention them but only termeth it Magnum Concilium But there hapn'd about this time a notable alteration in the Common-wealth For the great Lords and owners of Towns which before manur'd their lands by Tenants at Will began now generally to grant them Estates in fee and thereby to make a great multitude of Free-holders more than had been Who by reason of their several interests and being not so absolutely ty'd unto their Lords as in former time began now to be a more eminent part in the Common-wealth and more to be respected therefore in making Laws to bind them and their Inheritance But the words Militum Hominum suorum imply such as held of the King in Capite not per Baroniam and therefore were no Barons yet such as by right of their Tenure ought to have some voice or Patron to speak for them in the Councils of the Kingdom For holding of the King as the Barons did they could not be patronized under them And doubtless they were not many at this time tho' much encreased since the making of Domesdei book where those few that were then are mentioned And it may be the word Hominum here doth signify those that serv'd for Burrough-Towns holden of the King for it must be understood of Tenants not of Servants To grope no further in this darkness The first certain light that I discover for the form of our Parliaments at this day is that which riseth fourty years after in the Magna Charta of King John The words whereof I will recite at large as they stand not only in Matthew Paris but also in the Red-Book of the Exchequer with some little difference hapning in the writing Et Civitas Londinensis habeat omnes antiquas libertates liberas consuetudines suas tam per terras quam per aquas Praetereà volumus concedimus quod omnes aliae Civitates Burgi Villae Barones de quinque Portubus omnes Portus habeant omnes libertates omnes liberas consuetudines suas Et ad habendum commune Consilium Regni de Auxiliis assidendis aliter quam in tribus casibus praedictis de Scutagiis assidendis summoneri faciemus Archiepiscopos Episcopos Abbates Comites Majores Barones Regni sigillatim per literas nostras Et praetereà faciemus summoneri in generali per Vice-Comites Ballivos nostros omnes alias qui in Capite tenent de nobis ad certum diem scil ad terminum 40. dierum ad minus ad certum locum in omnibus literis summonitionis illius causam summonitionis illius exponemus Et sic facta summonitione negotium procedat ad diem assignatum secundum consilium eorum qui praesentes fuerint quamvis non omnes summoniti venerint Here is laid forth the Members the Matter and the Manner of summoning of a Common Council of the Kingdom which as it seemeth was not yet in the Records of State call'd a Parlament The Members are of three sorts First the Arch-Bishops Bishops Abbots Earls and the Greater Barons of the Kingdom so call'd to distinguish them from the Lesser Barons which were the Lords of Mannours Secondly Those here before mention'd by Bened. Abbas to be call'd to Clarenden that held of the King in Capite whom I take to be now the Knights of the Shire And thirdly those of Cities Burroughs and
viz. Towns or Mannours to the Lords thereof whom the Saxons called Theings after Barons Hundreds to the Lords of the Hundreds Trithings or Lathes to their Trithingreves Counties to their Earls or Aldermen and the larger Satrapies to their Dukes or chief Princes All which had subordinate Authority one under the other and did within the precinct of their own Territories minister justice unto their Subjects For the Theinge or Lord of the Town whom the Normans called a Baron had of old Jurisdiction over them of his own Town being as it were his Colony and as Cornelius Tacitus saith did Agricolis suis jus dicere For those whom we now call Tenants were in those ancient times but Husbandmen dwelling upon the soil of the Lord and manuring the same on such conditions as the Lord assigned or else such as were their followers in the wars and had therefore portions of ground appointed unto them in respect of that service which portion was thereupon called a Knights-fee for that a servant in the war whom the Saxons called a Knight had it allotted unto him as the fee or wages of his service Neither at the first had they these their fees but at the Lord's pleasure or for a time limited and therefore both these kinds of Military and Husbandmen dwelling upon the Town or Colony of the Lord were as in reason they ought under the censure and will of their Lord touching the lands they ocucpy'd who therefore set them laws and customs how and in what manner they should possess these their lands and as any controversy rose about them the Lord assembling the rest of his followers did by their opinion and assistance judge it Out of which usage the court-Court-Barons took their beginning and the Lords of Towns and Mannours gain'd the priviledge of holding plea and jurisdiction within those their Territories over their Tenants and followers who thereupon are at this day called Sectatores in French Suitres of suivre to follow But the Saxons themselves called this jurisdiction sacha and soca signifying thereby Causarum actionem and libertatem judicandi for sacha signifieth causa in which sense we yet use it as when we say For God's sake and soca signifieth liberty or priviledge as Cyri●socne libertas Ecclesiae But by this manner the Lords of Towns as ex con●●etudine Regni came to have jurisdiction over their Tenants and followers and to hold plea of all things touching land But as touching cognizance in criminal matters they had not otherwise to meddle therewith than by the King's Charters For as touching the King's peace every Hundred was divided into many Freeborgs or Tithings consisting of ten men which stood all bound one for the other and did amongst themselves punish small matters in their Court for that purpose called the Lete which was sometime granted over to the Lords of Mannours and sometime exercised by peculiar officers But the greater things were also carryed from thence into the Hundred Courts so that both the streams of Civil justice and of Criminal did there meet and were decided by the Hundreds c as by superiour Judges both to the Court Baron and Court Leet also Edward the Confessor Ll. ca. 32. saith that there were Justices over every ten Freeborgs called Deans or Tienheofod that is head of ten which among their Neighbours in Towns compounded matters of trespasses done in pastures Meadows Corn and other strifes rising among them But the greater matters saith he were referred to superiour Justices appointed over every ten of them whom we may call Centurions Centenaries or Hundradors because they judged over an hundred Freeborgs The Lord of the Hundred therefore had jurisdiction over all the Towns of the Hundred as well in Criminal matters as in Civil and they that failed of their right in the Court Barons Tithings or Leets might now prosecute it here before the Lord of the Hundred and his followers called the Suitors of the Hundred which were the Lords and owners of lands within that Hundred who were tyed to be there at every Court which as appeareth by the Laws of H. I. ca. 8. was to be holden twelve times in the year that is once every month But especially a full appearance was required twice in the year in memory whereof the Suitors are at this day called at our Lady and Michaelmass Courts by the Steward of the Hundred These as I said before held piea of trespasses done in Pastures Meadows Corn and such like and of other strifes arising between Neighbour and Neighbour and as by and by also shall be shewed of Criminal matters touching the very life of a man Decrevit tum porro Aluredus c. King Alured then further decreed that every Free-man should be settled in some Hundred and appointed to some Freeborg or Tithing as did also Canutus Ll. par 2. cap. 19. and that the heads of these Tithings or Freeborg whom we now call Capitales plegii should judge the smaller matters as in Leets c. but should reserve the greater for the Hundred Court and those of most difficulty to the Alderman and Sheriff in the County Court Lamb. voc Centuria The order of which proceedings in the Hundred Court do there also appear out of the Laws of King Ethelred made in a great Assembly at Vanatinge Cap. 4. In singulis Centuriis Comitia sunto c. Let the Courts be holden in every Hundred and let twelve men of the elder sort together with the Reve of the Hundred holding their hands upon some holy thing take their oath that they shall neither condemn any man that is innocent nor quit him that is guilty And it seemeth by the Laws of Canutus par 2. cap. 16. 18. That a man was not to be delayed above three Court days from having his right for if he were he might then resort to the County and if he obtained it not there within four Courts then he might seek unto the King And no doubt but this Law opened a great gap for the carrying of matters from the Hundred and County Courts up to the King 's Court. The Jurisdiction also of this Court seemeth to be further abated by H. I. who tho' he establish'd the ancient manner of holding it yet pulled he from it some principal parts thereof as after shall appear in a Writ of his touching this and the County Court directed to the Sheriff of Worcester MS. Co. pa. inter 48. 49. The Thrithingreve or Leidgreve whom I take to be the same called in the Salic Laws Tungimus but doubt whether he or no that in our Laws of H. I. is called Thungrevius was an officer that had authority over the third part of the County or three or more Hundreds or Wapentakes whose Territory was thereupon called a Thrithing otherwise a Leid or Lath in which manner the County of Kent is yet divided and the Rapes in Sussex seem to answer the same And perhaps the Ridings also of Yorkshire
heirs upon every gift grant and alienation tho' no word were spoken of them It appeareth by the Feodal-law from whence all that part of our Common-law that concerneth Tee and Tenures hath original and which our Common-law also affirmeth that there was always due ..... Those that thus receiv'd their Territories from the King were said to hold them in Capite for that the King is Caput Regni and were thereupon call'd Capitanei Regis and Capitanei Regni otherwise Barones Regis the King's men Tenants or Vassals who having all the land divided amongst them saving that which the King reserv'd to himself as Sacrum Patrimonium were also call'd Pares Regni and were always upon commandment about the person of the King to defend him and his Territories in war and to counsel and advise him in peace either Judicially in matters of Law brought before the King in his Palace which in those days was the only place of Royal justice or Politically in the great affairs of the Kingdom Hereupon they were not only call'd Praetorianum consilium as belonging to the King's Palace but Magnum concilium Regis and Magnum concilium Regni For that in those times it belonged only to them to consult with the King on State-matters and matters of the Kingdom insomuch as no other in the Kingdom possessed any thing but under them And therefore as in Despotical Government the agreement or disagreement of the Master of the Family concluded the menial and the whole Family so the agreement and disagreement of the chief Lord or him that held in Capite concluded all that depended on him or claimed under him in any matter touching his Fee or Tenure To this purpose seemeth that in the Laws of Edward the Confessor ratified by the Conqueror Debet etiam Rex omnia ritè facere in regno per judicium proc●rum regni These great Lords according to this Archetype of Government set them by the King divided their lands in like manner among their Tenants and followers First they assign'd a portion ad victum vestitum suum which they committed over to their Socmen and Husbandmen to furnish them with Corn Victuals and Provision for Hospitality and briefly all things necessary to their domestical and civil part of life The residue they divided into as many shares or portions as might well maintain so many Military men whom then they call'd their Knights and thereupon the shares themselves Knights-fees i. e. stipendia militaria And these Fees they granted over to each of their principal followers furnishing them with so many Knights for the wars These Grantees that receiv'd their Estates from the Barons or Capitanei and not from the King were called Valvasores a degree above Knights and were unto their Lords the Capitanei or Barones Regis as they the Capitanei were unto the King and did in like manner subdivide their lands among their Socmen and Military followers who in old time were call'd Valvasini whom I take to be the same at this day that are the Lords of every Mannour if not those themselves that we call Knights as owners of a Knights-Fee For in this the Feodal-law it self is doubtful and various as of a thing lost by Antiquity or made uncertain by the differing manners of several Nations Insomuch that Valvasores and Valvasini grew to be confounded and both of them at last to be out of use and no other Military Tenures to be known amongst us than tenere p●r Baroniam and tenere per feodum militare But in a Charter of Henr. I. it is said Si exurgat Placitum de divisione Terrarum si interest Barones meos Dominicos tractetur in Curia mea si inter Vavassores duorum Dominorum tractetur in Comitatu c. Where the Valvasores were also and the Barons themselves Suitors and Attendants Bracton mentioneth them in Henry III's time to be Viri magnae dignitatis Nor was their memory clean gone in Richard II's days as appeareth by Chaucer Yet do I not find in any of our ancient Laws or Monuments that they stood in any classick kind of Tenure other than that we may account the Baron Vavasor and Knight to be as our Lawyers at this day term them the Chief Lord Mesne and Tenant But herein the Feodal-law of our Country differ'd from that of Milan and other parts For there the Valvasini could invest which we call infeosse none under them in fee that is to hold of them by Knights-service And with us every Tenant Par aval might in infinitum till the Statute of Quia Emptores Terrarum enfeoffe another by Knight-service and to do all the services unto him that he did to his Mesne Lord. So that by this means a line of Knights-services might be created of a dozen yea twenty Mean-Lords and Tenants wherein every of them might have his prochine Tenant obliged unto him in the duties and services that his Lord Paramont which held of the King was to do and yeild unto the King himself for the same lands viz. Honour Ward Sustenance     Safety Marriage   give keep   Attendance Relief Counsel to Aid Defence of his Person Tribute Fidelity   Defence of his Patrimony         All which in ancient time while the Feodal-law flourished were well understood to be comprehended under the profession of Homage and the oath of Fidelity which every Feodal Tenant or as others call him Vassal usually did unto his Lord. Honour promis'd by the Tenant upon his knees in doing Homage which tho' it be the greatest and most submiss service that a Freeman can do unto his Lord yet the profession of it to the meanest subject is as ample and submiss yea in the very same words that to the King himself Attendance to follow and attend him in the war at his own charge and in peace with suite of Court Therefore Tacitus calleth them Comites Defence of his person for if he forsook his Lord being in danger it was forfeiture of life land and all he had Defence of his Signiory that nothing of his lands rents or services were withholden or withdrawn Profit by Ward Marriage and Relief as they fell Tribute by way of Aid to make his eldest son a Knight to marry his eldest daughter ransom himself being taken prisoner yea in some places to be an hostage for his Lord. Sustenance that being faln into poverty according to that in the Canon law spoken of a Patron Alatur egenus Counsel and Advice in which respect the Tenant was bound ordinarily once in every three weeks to come to his Lord's Court and there as a Judge with other of his Peers to censure the causes of his Signiory and to direct his Lord as the cause occurrent did require and always to keep his counsel This to the meanest Lord was in the nature of the King 's Great Court or Counsel call'd afterward a Parlyment Fidelity for
to all these was the Tenant by Knights-service ty'd by his oath of Fealty swearing to be feal and leal As the oath was at those times interpreted as well by Divines and Canonists as by Feodists and Lawyers And as these were inherent to this Tenure of Common right so was there many other grievous exactions impos'd by the Lords upon their Tenants some by custom of the Mannour some by Composition upon granting the Fee and many by Signioral Authority as tho' the Lord besides his Legal Power might do some things like the King by Prerogative By Custom when the Lord or Lady came into the Mannour the Bailiff was to present them 18 oras denar and every of their servants 10s. with some summs of mony as gratuities ut essent laeti animo That the Tenants should pay 32d. for every daughter they married It was an ordinary custom that Lords might take not only of their Tenants but of all the Country thereabout Victuals and all other necessaries for furnishing their Castles which how grievous it was may well enough be conceiv'd tho' the Statute that restrain'd it did not testifie it So other Lords took provision for their houshold and hospitality within their Mannours By Composition as to have their Tenants attend them with horse and man in their journies whom they call'd road-Road-knights To present them yearly at times Horses Hawks and other things of profit and pleasure By Signioral Authority as to lye and feast themselves and followers call'd Coshering at their Tenants houses and when any matter of extraordinary charge fell upon them then to extort the same amongst their Tenants which the Irish about fourty years since of my own knowledge still continu'd calling it Cuttings according to our old word Tallagium But among us it was taken away by the Magna Charta of King John I speak not of the innumerable Carriages Angaries and Vexations with which they otherwise harrowed if not plagued their Tenants Yet must I not let that pass which every where was then in use for Lords of Castles to imprison men at pleasure to hold and keep distresses there against common justice and to do many outrages all about them Wherein the Lords of Mannours imitating them would also imprison their Tenants and followers which Custom I saw also yet not laid down in Ireland fourty years since For a Meane-Lord would ordinarily say upon offence taken against a Churle c. Take him and put him in bolts But let Matthew Paris who liv'd long after many of these oppressions were abolish'd tell you the fashions of those times Every Lord having this authority over his Tenant the Superiour as comprehending them all and holding in Capite was tyed to the King to see all under his tenure to be of good Government good behaviour and forth-coming whensoever they should be demanded to answer any misdemeanour This appeareth by the Laws of Edward the Confessor where it is said Archiepiscopi Episcopi Comites Barones omnes qui habuerint Sacam Socam c. milites proprios servientes sc dapiferos pincernas c. sub suo friburgo habeant That is sub sua fide-jussione de se bene gerendo By reason whereof whatsoever those their Lords agreed or disagreed unto in matters of the State and Common-wealth it did bind every of them their inferiors Unto whom they themselves might then also appoint Laws and Ordinances in their own Courts And this is that which Tacitus affirmeth to have been the ancient manner of the Germans our Ancestors Agricolis suis jus dicere where under the word Agricolis he intendeth all them whom we call Tenants Hence then it comes to pass that in making Laws of the Kingdom the common people were not consulted with but only the Barons and those which held in Capite who then were call'd Consilium Regni And the common people being as I said by way of tenure under one or other of them did then by him that was their chief Lord as by their Tribune or Procurator and as now by the Knights of the Shire consent or dissent in Law-making and are not therefore nam'd in the title of any ancient Law Look Doomsday-book and there ye shall see the whole Kingdom divided only among the Barons and great Persons and the whole Commons of the Kingdom distributed and plac'd under some of them tho' not by name yet by number in their several qualities Let us then see how the practice of those ancient ages agreed with this Theoreme King Ina made his Laws by the advice of Kenred his father and as he saith himself Heddis Erkenwaldi Episcoporum meorum omnium Aldermannorum i. e. Procerum meorum seniorum sapientum Regni mei multa aggregatione servorum Dei which is of Church-men as I take it Alured briefly Consilio sapientum meorum Edward the Elder proposeth his Laws not as Senatus-consultum but as Edictum Principis viz. Ego Edouardus Rex iis omnibus qui Reipub. praesunt etiam atque etiam mando ut c. And after by the absolute words Praecipio Statuimus Volo Yet those wherein he and Guthrun the Dane joyned are call'd Senatus-consulta Ethelstane made his Ex prudenti Vlfhelmae Archiepiscopi aliorumque Episcoporum suorum consilio nec-non omnium Optimatum sapientum mandato suo congregatorum Edmund in a great Assembly Tam Ecclesiasticorum quàm Laicorum cui interfuerunt Oda Wulstanus Archiep. plurimique alii Episcopi Edgar In frequenti sapientum Senatu Ethelred In sapientum Concilio Canuius saith Sapientum adhibito Consilio per omnem Angliam observari praecipio As for Edward the Confessor his Laws come not to us as they were composed by himself but as the Paragraphs of them were collected by the Conqueror and augmented afterward In which collection there is no mention made of the manner of their Institution But reciting of a passage of St. Austens touching Tithes it is spoken as of former time that Haec concessa sunt à Rege Baronibus populo meaning the several kinds of Tithes there mention'd But whether these words extend to a concession of them by Parlament as we now call it or by a voluntary contribution of them yeilded unto by the King the Barons and the people according to the Canons of the Church I leave to others to determine To come to times of the Conquerour wherein Novus seclorum nascitur ordo and from whence as from a new period we must now take all our projections The great establishment of his own and of Edward the Confessor's Laws is said in the title to be that which Gulielmus Rex Anglorum cum Principibus suis constituit post conquisitionem Angliae Other Authors instead of Principibus have Barones And tho' all his Laws for the most part were ordain'd by his Charter in his own name only yet they seem to be made by the
to the Grant whether it be a part of the Grant and the modus concessionis or whether it be a distinct thing and Aliud from the Grant For so the Printed Case represents their Opinion if the Reservation of the Tenure and the Grant of the Land be aliud aliud two distinct things in the consideration of the whole Grant made and the authority given by the said Commission for the making thereof then the Patent may be void as to the Tenure and yet good for the Grant of the Land But if the Reservation of the Tenure be incident unto the authority and included within it and the Reservation of the Tenure and the Grant of the Land make up but one entire Grant so that the one is a part of the other and the Reservation of the Tenure be Modus concessionis then the granting of the Land reserving a diverse or contrary Tenure to that which their nude authority did warrant them to reserve is a doing of Idem alio modo and so the whole Act is void They who pleaded for the validity of the Letters Patents as to the Lands and their being void only as to the Tenure urg'd among other arguments That Tenures in Capite were brought into England by the Conquest but Grants were by the Common-Law and therefore Grants being more ancient than Tenures the Tenure must of necessity be aliud from the thing granted And to prove that this Tenure came in with the Conqueror they cited Mr. Selden in his Spicileg ad Eadmerum p. 194. where he hath that out of Bracton de Acquir Rerum Dominio b. 2. Forinsecum servitium dicitur Regale servitium quia spectat ad Dominum Regem non ad alium secundum quod in Conquestu fuit adinventum But this Argument and the Authority were both over-ruld and it was affirm'd that Tenures were not brought into England by the Conqueror but were common among the Saxons Their Answer to Mr. Selden's Opinion with the Reasons upon which they grounded their position I will transcribe at large from the Printed Case the Book being very scarce and this the only Point wherein Sir Henry Spelman is concern'd It was answered that Mr. Selden in that place does barely recite the words of Bracton not delivering any Opinion of his own For in that Book cited pag. 170. and in his Titles of Honour the last Edition p. 612. We find that he was of another Opinion and that this Tenure was in use in England in the times of the Saxons What were those Thani Majores or Thani Regis among the Saxons but the Kings immediate Tenants of Lands which they held by personal service as of the Kings person by Grand Serjeanty or Knights-service in Capite The Land so held was in those times called Thain-land as Land holden in Socage was called Reveland so frequently in Dooms-day Haec terra fuit terra Regis Edwardi Thainland sed postea conversa est in Reveland Cokes Instit Sect. 117. After some years that followed the coming of the Normans the title of Thane grew out of use and that of Baron and Barony succeeded for Thane and Thain-land Whereby we may understand the true and original Reason of that which we have in the Lord Cromwels Case 2. Coke 81. That every Barony of ancient time was held by Grand Serjeanty by that Tenure were the Thain-lands held in the time of the Saxons and those Thain-lands were the same that were after called Baronies 'T is true the Possessions of Bishops and Abbots were first made subject to Knights-service in Capite by William the Conquerour in the fourth year of his Reign for their Lands were held in the times of the Saxons in pura perpetua Eleemosyna free ab omni servitio saeculari But he then turned their Possessions into Baronies and so made them Barons of the Kingdom by Tenure so that as to them this Tenure and Service may be said to be in Conquestu adinventum But the Thain-lands were held by that Tenure before As the Kings Thane was a Tenant in Capite so the Thanus mediocris or middle Thane was only a Tenant by Knights-service that either held of a mean Lord and not immediately of the King or at the least of the King as of an Honour or Mannour and not in Capite What was that Trinoda Necessitas which so often occurs in the Grant of the Saxon Kings under this Form Exceptisistis tribus Expeditione Arcis pontis exstructione See it in a Charter of King Etbeldred in the Preface to Cokes 6. Report c. But that which was after expressed by Salvo forinseco Bracton lib. 2. cap. 26. 35. 12. Edw. 1. Gard 152. 26. Ass 66. Selden Analect Anglobrit 78. And therefore it was said that Sir Henry Spelman was mistaken who in his Glossary verbo feudum refers the original of Feuds in England to the Norman Conquest It is most manifest that Capite Tenures Tenures by Knights-service Tenures in Socage Frank-almoigne c. were frequent in the times of the Saxons And if we will believe what is cited out of an old French Customary in a MS. Treatise of the Antiquity of Tenures in England which is in many mens hands all those Tenures were in use long before the Saxons even in the times of the Britains there it is said The first British King divided Britain into four parts And gave one part to the Arch-Flamines to pray for him and his posterity A second part he gave to his Earls and Nobility to do him Knights-service A third he divided among Husbandmen to hold of him in Socage The fourth part he gave to Mechanical persons to hold in Burgage But that Testimony was wav'd there being little certainty or truth in the British Story before the times of Caesar Neither would they make use of that which we are taught by William Roville of Alenzon in his Preface to the Grand Customier of Normandy that all those Customs among which these Tenures are were first brought into Normandy out of England by Edward the Confessor Besides that which hath been said we find Feuds both the name and thing in the Laws of those times among the Laws of Edward the Confessor cap. 35. where it is thus provided Debent enim universi Liberi homines secundum feodum suum secundum tenementa sua Arma habere illa semper prompta conservare ad tuitionem Regni servitium dominorum suorum c. Lambard Archaionom 135. This Law was after confirmed by William the Conqueror vid. Cokes Instit Sect. 103. As these Tenures were common in those times so were all the fruits of them Homage Fealty Escuage Reliefs Wardships For Releifs we have full testimony in the Reliefs of their Earls and Thanes for which see the Laws of King Canutus cap. 66 69. The Laws of Edward the Confessor cap. de Heterochiis And what out of the Book of Dooms-day Coke hath in his Instit Sect.
times and that they were not made otherwise than for life or three lives for so I find them in the Abby-books And I also suppose that they to whom these lands were granted were the Thani Episcopi Thani Ecclesiae spoken of in Doomsday-book and that the lands themselves were such as in the same book are usually called Thain-lands Ecclesiae Episcopi and Abbatis But I see they were laden with many services which the lands of the King's Thane in respect of his dignity and person were free from Therefore when this very Bishop by another Charter granted tres cassatas three hydes of land in Cungle cuidam Ministro Regis to one of the King's Thanes nam'd Alfwold and to his Mother if she surviv'd during their lives he put no service upon the King's Thane but saith plena glorietur libertate excepta expeditione rata Pontis arcisve constructione the common exception in grants unto the Kings Thanes as before appeareth and yet the services thereby excepted belonged not either to the Bishop or the King himself otherwise than pro bono publico and common necessity After all this I beat still upon the old string that here yet is nothing to prove Wardship or Marriage or as the law then stood a Tenure by Knights-service for we have made it manifest that Expedition and building of Castles and Bridges were no Feodal services nor grew by Tenure And as for these that were tyed to ride and go up and down with their Lord Baraterius an old Feudist saith that a Knights fee may be given so ut Vassallus in diebus Festivis cum uxore Domini ad Ecclesiam vadat and the feudal law it self inferreth as much Lib. 2. Tit. 3. But our Bracton speaking of our Law here in England de Invest feud in his time touching such Tenants calleth them Rodknights alias Radknights Lib. 2. Cap. 35. nu 6. ut siquis debeat equitare cum Domino suo de Manerio in Manerium and saith not that it is Knight-service but that it is a Serjantie and that although such sometimes do Homage yet the Lord shall not have Ward and Marriage Admit notwithstanding that it were Knight-service and that the lands thus holden were Knights Fees during the life of the Tenant yet where is the Wardship Marriage and Releif Who shall undergo these servitudes since the Tenure and all the services are determin'd with the life of the Tenant CHAP. XXVII Inducements to the Conclusion SEeing then that neither the greater Thanes nor the lesser Thanes among the Saxons were subject to the rules of our Knight-service upon whom then if it were in use among them did it lye For as touching the Clergy it is said in the Laws of Edw. the Confessor cap. 11. that the King and the people magis in Ecclesiae confidebant Orationibus quam in Armorum defensionibus And the Report it self confesseth pag. 3. in pede That the possessions of Bishops and Abbots were first made subject to Knight-service in Capite by William the Conqueror in the fourth year of his reign for their lands were held in the times of the Saxons In pura libera eleemosyna free ab omni servitio seculari c. Though this be not true in the latter part being strictly taken for no doubt their lands were subject to the Trinodi necessitati viz. Expeditioni pontis arcisque constructioni as before appeareth yet cometh it very fitly to my purpose for hereby it is evident that if the Trinodis necessitas made no Tenure by Knight-service or in Capite in the Church Lands then neither did it in the Thane-lands as before we have shew'd and then much less in the land of Churles and Husbandmen commonly call'd the Socmanni for it is agreed on all hands that their lands were holden no otherwise than by Socage Therefore if all Kent in the Saxon's time were Gavelkind then could there be no Tenures by Knight-service in all that County For Glanvil Lib. 7. c. 3. telleth us That where the inheritance is divideable among the sons it is Socage And his reason is because that where 't is holden by Knight-service the Primogenitus succedit in toto This Kentish custom was ab initio the general Law of England and of all Nations Jews Greeks Romans and the rest and so continueth even till this day where the Feodal Law hath not altered it which first happen'd here in England when the Normans introducing their Feuds settled the whole inheritance of them upon the eldest son which the ancient Feodal Law it self did not as we before have noted till Feuds were grown perpetual The reason as I take it that begat this alteration was for that while the Feud did descend in Gavelkind to the Sons and Nephews of the Feodatorie the services were suspended till the Lord had chosen which of the Sons he would have for his Tenant and then it was uncertain whether the party chosen would accept of the Feud or not for sometimes there might be reasons to refuse it To return where I left it makes to the proof of all this that has been said and for conclusion seems to be unanswerable that the old inheritance which in the Saxons time belong'd to the Crown called in Doomsday Terra Regis and in the Law books Antient Demesne containing a great part of every County had not any Lands within it or within any Mannor thereof holden by Knight-service For Fitz-Herbert saith that Nul terres sont antient demesne forsque terres tenus en Socage And therefore if the Tenant in ancient Demesne will claim to hold of the Lord by Knights-service it is good cause to remove the Plea because that no Lands holden of a Mannor which is antient Demesne are holden by other services of the Lord than by Socage for the Tenants in antient Demesne are call'd Socmanni that is to say Tenants del carve Angl. le plough Thus far Fitz-Herbert Now if in the Mannors of the King himself there were then no Lands holden by Knight-service throughout all England it will then in all probability follow that there were none likewise among his Subjects in the Saxons time and consequently that our Feudal Law was not introduc'd before the Conquest Mr. Cambden by their own confession is of the same opinion and Mr. Selden himself whom they alledge against me is clearly with me as before I have shew'd If these our three opinions avail nothing we have yet a fourth to strengthen us great Bracton the most learned in our ancient Laws and Customs that hath been in this Kingdom who speaking of Forinsecum servitium as the Genus to these Tenures saith Lib. 2. cap. 16. Nu. 7. fol. 36. a. that it was call'd regale servitium quia spectat ad Dominum Regem non ad alium secundum quod in Conquestu fuit adinventum Here Bracton also refers the Invention to the Conquest but the Report waveth his opinion as well as ours notwithstanding
being now corruptly so called for Tridings or Thrithings Those things therefore that could not be determined in the Hundred-Courts either for difficulty or miscarriage thereof were from thence brought unto the Trithing where all the principal men of three or more Hundreds being assembled did debate and determine it or if they could not did then send it up nnto the County Court to be there decided as in Parliament by the whole body of the County This appeareth by the Laws of Edward the Confessor Cap. 34. where it is said Erant aliae potestates super Wapentachia quas vocabant ðriðingas c. that is There were other Jurisdictions over Wapentakes or Hundreds which they called Thrithings because they contained a third part of the Province or County And those that governed these Thrithings were thereupon called Thrithingreves before whom were brought all causes that could not be determined in the Wapentakes or Hundreds Tho' I find no such division of our County of Norfolk yet I see the use thereof remained there both till and after the times of the Conquest For William Rufus in a controversie of the Abbot of Ramsie's about the Town of Holme in Norfolk sent his Writ to H. Chamberlyn then Trithingreve as it seemeth over that part of the County commanding him to assemble three Hundreds and an half at a place called Fli●ham-burrough which to this day beareth that name and is the site of the Hundred of Frebridge there to determine the said controversie which Writ for reviewing of the ancient customs of the Kingdom I will here adjoin as it standeth in the book of Ramsey Abbey Sect. 197. Willielmus Rex Angl. H. Camerario salutem Fac convenire consedere tres Hundredos dimidium apud Flicceham-Burgh propter terram illam de Holm quae pertinet ad Ringstedam quam Abbas Ramesiae reclamat ad victum vestitum Monachorum suorum Et si Abbas poterit ostendere ratione testimonio Comprovincialium quod antecessor illius eandem terram habuerit eo die quo pater meus fuit vivus mortuus tunc praecipio ut illam terram omnia quae juste pertinent ad Abbathiam suam pacifice honorifice habeat Teste R. Bigod apud Wind. Out of which Writ I conjecture that this H. Camerarius to whom it was directed might be Trithingreve of that part of the County the rather for that the Writ nameth him not Vicecomes as in the next precedent it doth another man viz. Will. Rex O. Vicecomiti salutem c. And that these three Hundreds and an half were to be Judges of the cause it appeareth by the words fac consedere that is cause them to sit down together For Magistrorum Judicum est sedere famulorum Ministrorum stare Therefore it is said Exod. 18. 13. Moses sat to judge the people and the people stood about him whereupon Hugo also noteth Magistrorum est sedere To this purpose also is the Law of H. I. ca. 8. Si aliquis in Hundr●… agendorum penuria judicium vel casu aliquo transferendum sit in d●us vel tres vel amplius Hundredos respectetur justo fine claudendum Qu. But it seemeth that these Judges were sworn to do right as well as those before mentioned in the Hundred Court And that our course now used for taking a Jury out of many Hundreds in the County for tryal of a cause arising in one Hundred took the beginning from the tryal in the Trithing and that thereupon the Trithing Court grew out of use The Alderman of the County whom confusedly they call an Earl was in parallel equal with the Bishop and therefore both their estimations valued alike in the Laws of Ethelstane at eight thousand Thrymses He was a man learned in the Laws and had the government of the whole Shire and cognizance over all inferiour Courts and persons both in civil matters and criminal For which purpose he held his ordinary Court by the Shreve once every month and there resorted as Suitors and bound by duty all the Lords of Mannours and principal men of the County with the rest of the Free-holders who were not only assistants but Judges with him of all matters there depending whether entred there originally or coming thither by appeal or provocation from the inferiour Courts Ll. Edw. senioris cap. ult Ic ƿille ðat aelc geresa hebbe gemo●e c. I will that every Sheriff hold his Court about every four weeks and that he do right equally to every man and make an end of all Suites under the pain before expressed As the Bishop had twice in the year two general Synods wherein all the Clergy of his Diocess of all sorts were ty'd to resort for matters concerning the Church so also was there twice in the year a general assembly of all the Shire for matters concerning the Common-wealth wherein without exception all kind of Estates were required to be present Dukes Earls Barons and so downward of the Laity and especially the Bishop of that Diocess among the Clergy For in those days the Temporal Lords did often sit in Synod with the Bishops and the Bishops in like manner in the Courts of the Temporalty and were therein as by and by shall appear not only necessary but principal Judges themselves Ll. Canuti Regis par 2. ca. 17. The Shyre-gemot for so the Saxons called this assembly of the whole Shire shall be kept twice a year and oftner if need require wherein the Bishop and the Alderman of the Shire shall be present the one to teach the Laws of God the other the Law of the Land This great assembly was by the Laws of Ethelstan ca. 20. to be proclaimed or published a sennight before hand and every man tyed thereupon to be present at it and in the mean time either to satisfie the wrong he had done to another or to undergo the penalty which if he refused all he had was presently to be se●sed and himself put to find sureties for his appearance to answer But because this notable assembly otherwise called by the Authors of that time Mallum and Placitum generale was the supreme Court of County-Justice wherein all things of what sort soever were to be determined we will take a little scope in description thereof Shewing first more particularly who were bound to give their attendance here Then what lay in cognizance of this Court And thirdly in what steps they proceeded to the determination of the same All which because they cannot be more authentically delivered then out of the Law it self I will even from thence report it as it standeth in Ll. H. I. ca. 8. Sicut antiqua fuerat institutione formatum c. As it was devised by an ancient institution and confirmed by true report that the general pleas of the Counties ought to be assembled in every Province of England at certain places and before certain Judges at certain times thereto appointed and
that none should be put to further trouble unless the King 's own necessity or the common good of the Kingdom required it Therefore the Bishops Earls Sheriffs Heretoches or Marshals of Armies Trithingreves Leidgreves Lieutenants Hundredors Aldermen Magistrates Reves Barons Vavasors Thungreves and other Lords of land must be all diligently attending at these Assemblies lest that the lewdness of offenders the misdemeanor Gravionum i. of Sheriffs and the ordinary corruption of Judges escaping unpunished make a miserable spoil of the people First let the laws of true Christianity which we call the Ecclesiastical be fully executed with due satisfaction then let the pleas concerning the King be dealt with and lastly those between party and party and whomsoever the Church-Synod shall find at variance let them either make an accord between them in love or sequester them by their sentence of excommunication c. Whereby it appeareth that Ecclesiastical causes were at that time under the cognizance of this Court But I take them to be such Ecclesiastical causes as were grounded upon the Ecclesiastical laws made by the Kings themselves for the government of the Church for many such there were almost in every King's time and not for matters rising out of the Roman Canons which haply were determinable only before the Bishop and his Ministers To proceed Before they entered into any causes as it is commanded in the Laws of Canutus which we mentioned par 2. ca. 17. the Bishop to use the term of our time which from hence taketh the original gave a solemn charge unto the people touching Ecclesiastical matters opening unto them the rights and reverence of the Church and their duty therein towards God and the King according to the word of God and Divinity Then the Alderman in like manner related unto them the Laws of the land and their duty towards God the King and Common-wealth according to the rule and tenure thereof Of all which because I find a notable precedent in a Synodal Edict made by Carolus Calvus Emperour and King of France in Concil Carissiaco An. Dom. 856. I will here add it not to shew that our Saxons took their form of government from the French but that both the French and they as brethren descending from one parent the German kept the rights and laws of their natural Country Episcopi quinque in suis parochiis Missi in illorum Missaticis Comitesque in eorum Comitatibus pariter placita teneant quo omnes Reipub. Ministri Vassi Dominici omnesque quicunque vel quorumcunque homines in iisdem parochiis Comitatibus sine ulla personaram acceptione excusatione aut dilatione conveniant c. That is The Bishops in their parishes or Diocesses and the Justices Itinerant or Aldermen in their Circuits and the Earls in their Counties shall hold their pleas together whereunto all Ministers and Officers of the Common-wealth all the King's Barons and all other whatsoever they be or whose Tenants soever they be within the same parishes or Counties without any respect of persons excuse or delay shall assemble together And the Bishop of that parish or Diocess having briefly noted sentences touching the matter out of the Evangelists Apostles and Prophets shall read them to the people and also the decrees Apostolick and Canons of the Church and in open and plain terms shall instruct them all what manner and how great a sin it is to violate or spoil the Church and what and how great pennance and what merciless and severe punishment it requireth with other accustomed necessary and profitable admonishments The Aldermen also or Justices shall note down such sentences of law as they call to mind and shall publish unto them the Constitutions of us and our predecessors Kings and Emperours gathered together touching this matter And the Bishops by the Authority of God and the Apostles and the Aldermen or Justices and Earls under the penalty of the King's Laws shall with all the care they can prohibit every man of the Kingdom from making any prey or spoil of the Church c. OF PARLIAMENTS WHEN States are departed from their original Constitution and that original by tract of time worn out of memory the succeeding Ages viewing what is past by the present conceive the former to have been like to that they live in and framing thereupon erroneous propositions do likewise make thereon erroneous inferences and Conclusions I would not pry too boldly into this ark of secrets but having seen more Parliaments miscarry yea suffer shipwrack within these sixteen years past than in many hundred heretofore I desire for my understanding's sake to take a view of the beginning and nature of Parliaments not meddling with them of our time which may displease both Court and Country but with those of old which now are like the siege of Troy matters only of story and discourse Because none shall go beyond me in this argument I will begin with the foundation of Kingdoms which of necessity must be more ancient than Parliaments for that a Parliament is the grand Council of the Kingdom assembled at the commandment of the King for advice in matters of State Our first labour is then to see what this Grand-Council was originally It is confest on all hands that the King is universal Lord of his whole Territories and that no man possesseth any part thereof but deriv'd from him either mediately or immediately This derivation thus proceeded The King in the beginning divided his whole territory into two parts one to be manured by his own Tenants and Husbandmen then call'd Socmen For the Kings of England us'd in those days to stock their grounds themselves like the Kings of Israel and by the profits thereof especially to maintain their Hospitality their Court and Estate having in every Mannour Officers and Servants for that purpose This part was Sacrum Patrimonium the inseperable inheritance of the Crown call'd in Doomsday Terra Regis and in Law the Ancient Demaine And because it belong'd to the husbandry of the King all that manur'd or held any part of this land were said to be Tenants in Socage and might not be drawn into the wars of which nature as touching their Tenure they continue at this day The other part of his whole territory he portioned out to Military men which tho' the other was the more profitable yet this was always held for the more honourable and therefore so divided this among his Nobles and chief servants and followers for supportation in his wars and Royal Estate To some in greater measure to others in less according to their merit and qualities Provinces to Dukes Counties to Earls Castles and Signiories unto Barons rendring unto him not ex pacto vel condicto for that was but cautela superabundans but of common right and by the Law of Nations for so I may term the Feodal-law then to be in our Western Orb all Feodal duties and services due from the Donees and their
Towns call'd Burgesses and the Barons of the Cinque-ports The first sort are to appear personally or by particular Proxies for the words as touching them are Summoniri faciemus sigillatim but as touching the others it is Summoniri faciemus generaliter c. not that all should come confusedly but that they should send their Advocates which commonly are but two to speak for them These the French in their Parliaments call Ambasiatores and Syndicos In the first rank the Earls and greater Barons have their place in this Council for that they hold of the King in Capite by a Baronie And the Bishops and Abbots with them of the second rank so likewise for that it was declared and ordained in the Council of Clarendon that they should have their possessions of the King as a Barony and should be suiters and sit in the King's Court in judgements as other Barons till it came to the diminution of Members or matter of death But this Council of Clarendon did rather affirm than give them their priviledge For the Prelates of the Church were in all ages the prime part of these great Councils In the third rank the Burgesses and Barons of the Cinque-ports have their place not so much in respect of Tenure for they were not conceived to be owners of lands but for that in Taxes and Tallages touching their goods and matter of Trade they might have some to speak for them as well as other Members of the Kingdom But here then ariseth a question how it cometh to pass that every poor Burrough of England how little soever it be two excepted have two to speak for them in this great Council when the greatest Counties have no more It seemeth that those of the Counties whom we call Knights served not in ancient time for all the Free-holders of the County as at this day they do but were only chosen in the behalf of them that held of the King in Capite and were not Barones majores Barons of the Realm For all Freeholders besides them had their Lord Paramount which held in capite to speak for them as I have shewed before and these only had no body for that themselves held immediately of the King Therefore King John by his Charter did agree to summon them only and no other Freeholders howbeit those other Freeholders because they could not always be certainly distinguish'd from them that held in capite which encreased daily grew by little and little to have voices in election of the Knights of the Shire and at last to be confirm'd therein by the Stat. 7. Henr. IV. and 8. Henr. VI. But to come to our question why there are but two Knights for a County It may well seem to be for that in those times of old there were very few besides the Barons that held in capite as appeareth by that we have already spoken and that two therefore might seem sufficient for these few as well as two for the greatest Burroughs or City of England except London And it may be that of the four which serve for London two of them be for it as it is a City and two other as it is a County tho' elsewhere it be not so But when two came first to be chosen or appointed for the rest of the Burrough or County I cannot find It seemeth by those Synods that were holden in the times of the Saxon Kings and by some after the Conquest that great numbers of the common people flowed thither For it is said in An. 1021. Cum quamplurimis gregariis militibus ac cum populi multitudine copiosa And An. 1126. Innumeraque Cleri populi multitudine and so likewise in An. 1138. and other Synods and Councils By what order or limitation this innumera populi multitudo came to these Assemblies it appeareth not Bartol that famous Civilian and Hottoman according with him thus expoundeth it in other places Nota quod Praesides Provinciarum coadunant universale Parlamentum Provinciae quod intellige non quod omnes de Provincia debent ad illud ire sed de omnibus Civitatibus deputantur Ambasiatores qui Civitatem repraesentant And Johan de Platea likewise saith Vbi super aliquo providendum est pro utilitate totius Provinciae debet congregari generale Concilium seu Parlamentum non quod omnes de Provincia vadant sed de qualibet Civitate aliqui Ambasiatores vel Syndici qui totam Civitatem repraesentent In quo Concilio seu Parlamento petitur proponi sanum ac utile consilium But our Burgesses as it seemeth in time of old were not call'd to consult of State matters being unproper to their Education otherwise than in matter of Aide and Subsidy For King John granteth no more unto them than ad habendum commune consilium regni de auxiliis assid●ndis if his Charter be so pointed that this clause belong to that of the Liberties granted to them which is very doubtful and seemeth rather to belong to that which followeth otherwise there are no words at all for calling them unto the great Councils or Parlaments if you so will term them of that time And yet further it is to be noted that this whole branch of his Charter touching the manner of his summoning a great Council was not comprised in the Articles between him and his Barons whereupon the Charter was grounded but gain'd from him as it seemeth afterward And that may be a reason why it is left out in the Magna Charta of Henry III. confirm'd after by Edward I. in such manner as now we have it The Charter of these Articles I have seen under his own Seal After the death of King John I find many of these great Councils holden and to be often named by the Authors of that time Colloquia after the French word Parlament but no mention in any of them of Burgesses saving that in An. Dom. 1225. Regis 10. it is said that the King held his Christmass at Westminster Praesentibus clero populo cum Magnatibus regionis and that the solemnity being ended Hugh de Burgo the King's Justice propounded to the Arch-Bishop Bishops Earls Barons aliis universis the losses the King had received in France requiring of them one XV th And in the year 1229. the King summoneth to Westminster Archiepiscopos Episcopos Abbates Priores Templarios Hospitalarios Comites Barones Ecclesiarum Rectores qui de se tenebant in capite about the granting a tenth to the Pope wherein those that held in capite are call'd as in Henr. II. to the Council of Clarendon and as the Charter of King John purporteth but no mention is here made of Burgesses THE ORIGINAL OF THE FOUR TERMS Of the Year By Sir HENRY SPELMAN Kt. Printed in the Year 1684. from a very uncorrect and imperfect Copy Now Publish'd from the Original Manuscript in the BODLEIAN Library Sir William Dugdale in his Origines Juridiciales Chap. 32.
pag. 89. concerning this Treatise I shall here briefly exhibit some particulars which I acknowledge to have gather'd from an ample and most judicious discourse on this Subject written by the Learned Sir Henry Spelman Knight in 1614. very well worthy to be made publick THE Occasion of this Discourse ABout fourty two years since divers Gentlemen in London studious of Antiquities fram'd themselves into a College or Society of Antiquaries appointing to meet every Friday weekly in the Term at a place agreed of and for Learning sake to confer upon some questions in that Faculty and to sup together The place after a meeting or two became certain at Darby-house where the Herald's-Office is kept and two Questions were propounded at every meeting to be handled at the next that followed so that every man had a sennight's respite to advise upon them and then to deliver his opinion That which seem'd most material was by one of the company chosen for the purpose to be enter'd in a book that so it might remain unto posterity The Society increased daily many persons of great worth as well noble as other learned joyning themselves unto it Thus it continu'd divers years but as all good uses commonly decline so many of the chief Supporters hereof either dying or withdrawing themselves from London into the Country this among the rest grew for twenty years to be discontinu'd But it then came again into the mind of divers principal Gentlemen to revive it and for that purpose upon the day of in the year 1614. there met at the same place Sir James Ley Knight then Attorney of the Court of Wards since Earl of Marleborough and Lord Treasurer of England Sir Robert Cotton Knight and Baronett Sir John Davies his Majestie 's Attorney for Ireland Sir Richard St. George Knt. then Norrey Mr. Hackwell the Queen's Solicitor Mr. Camden then Clarentieux my self and some others Of these the Lord Treasurer Sir Robert Cotton Mr. Camden and my self had been of the original Foundation and to my knowledge were all then living of that sort saving Sir John Doderidge Knight Justice of the King 's Bench. We held it sufficient for that time to revive the meeting and only conceiv'd some rules of Government and limitation to be observ'd amongst us whereof this was one That for avoid offence we should neither meddle with matters of State nor of Religion And agreeing of two Questions for the next meeting we chose Mr. Hackwell to be our Register and the Convocator of our Assemblies for the present and supping together so departed One of the Questions was touching the Original of the Terms about which as being obscure and generally mistaken I bestow'd some extraordinary pains that coming short of others in understanding I might equal them if I could in diligence But before our next meeting we had notice that his Majesty took a little mislike of our Society not being enform'd that we had resolv'd to decline all matters of State Yet hereupon we forbare to meet again and so all our labours lost But mine lying by me and having been often desir'd of me by some of my Friends I thought good upon a review and augmentation to let it creep abroad in the form you see it wishing it might be rectify'd by some better judgement SECT I. Of the Terms in general AS our Law books have nothing to my knowledge touching the original of the Terms so were it much better if our Chronicles had as little For tho' it be little they have in that kind yet is that little very untrue affirming that William the Conquerour did first institute them It is not worth the examining who was Author of the errour but it seemeth Polydore Virgil an Alien in our Common-wealth and not well endenized in our Antiquities spread it first in Print I purpose not to take it upon any man's word but searching for the fountain will if I can deduce them from thence beginning with their definition The Terms be certain portions of the year in which only the King's Justices hold plea in the high Temporal Courts of causes belonging to their Jurisdiction in the places thereto assigned according to the ancient Rites and Customs of the Kingdom The definition divides it self and offers these parts to be consider'd 1. The Names they bear 2. The Original they come from 3. The Time they continue 4. The Persons they are held by 5. The Causes they deal with 6. The Place they are kept in 7. The Rites they are performed with The parts minister matter for a Book at large but my purpose upon the occasion impos'd being to deal only with the Institution of the Terms I will travel no farther than the three first stages of my division that is touching their Name their Original and their Time of continuance SECT II. Of the Names of the Terms THe word Terminus is of the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifieth the Bound End or Limit of a thing here particularly of the time for Law matters In the Civil Law it also signifieth a day set to the Defendant and in that sense doth Bracton Glanvil and others sometimes use it Mat. Paris calleth the Sheriff's Turn Terminum Vicecomitis and in the addition to the MSS. Laws of King Inas Terminus is applied to the Hundred-Court as also in a Charter of Hen. I. prescribing the time of holding the Court. And we ordinarily use it for any set portion of Time as of Life Years Lease c. The space between the Terms is named Vacation à Vacando as being leasure from Law business by Latinists Justitium à jure stando because the Law is now at a stop or stand The Civilians and Canonists call Term-time Dies Juridicos Law-days the Vacation Dies Feriales days of leasure or intermission Festival-days as being indeed sequester'd from troublesome affairs of humane business and devoted properly to the service of God and his Church According to this our Saxon and Norman Ancestors divided the year also between God and the King calling those days and parts that were assigned to God Dies pacis Ecclesiae the residue alloted to the King Dies or tempus pacis Regis Divisum Imperium cum Jove Caesar habet Other names I find none anciently among us nor the word Terminus to be frequent till the age of Henry II. wherein Gervasius Tilburiensis and Ranulphus de Glanvilla if those books be theirs do continually use it for Dies pacis Regis The ancient Romans in like manner divided their year between their Gods and their Common-wealth naming their Law-days or Term-time Fastos because their Praetor or Judge might then Fari that is speak freely their Vacation or days of Intermission as appointed to the service of their Gods they called Nefastos for that the Praetor might ne fari not speak in them judicially Ovid Fastorum lib. 1. thus expresseth it Ille Nefastus erat per quem tria verba silentur Fastus erat per
in Shoe-lane by a Lease from the Bishop of that See temp Edw. VI. yeilding some Rose or other small or not valuable Rent 19. The Bishop of LINCOLN'S Place was Southampton-house in Holborn convey'd temp Edw. VI. to the Lord Writoheseley then Lord Chancellor in fee for which the Bishop hath no other house in or near London as is thought 20. The Bishop of CHICHESTERS Place or Palace as Matthew Paris in his Chronicle calleth it reciting the story of the Lord Arch-bishop of Canterbury visiting St. Bartholomews did at that time lye in that house which was in Chancery-lane where Sir Richard Read sometime a Master of the Chancery and Mr. Atkinson the Counsellor at Law and others dwelt and dwell in and is said to be in Lease from the Bishop's Predecessors for divers years What the Rents reserv'd yearly be the Lease will shew the same 21. The Bishop of St. ASAPH never had Place at or near London that I can learn of neither in the valuation of the See where all his Possession and Jurisdictions be valu'd in the First-fruit-office is there mention of any such Place neither doth the now Bishop of that See know the same 22. The Bishop of the ISLE OF MAN call'd Sodorensis Episcopus altho' the same be an ancient Bishoprick yet was he never Lord of the Parliament of England having no Chapter or other Clergy but only an Archdeacon and all the Incumbents of the several Parishes of that Isle And before the said Statute of 33. Hen. VIII was neither a Suffragan of the Province of Were wont in former times to ride on Mares or Mules 119. Prohibited to take cognizance of Wills 129. Blackney Harbour 151. Blicking 151. The birth place of Q. Anna Bullen ibid. Bocland what 12. Not subject to Homage 35. Bond-men anciently not valu'd or rated 15. Reputed only as part of their Master's substance 11 15. Boors who 14. Bouthorpe 157. Bramsil 108 109. Brancaster 147 148. Breakspear Nich. converted Norway 139. Made Cardinal and Pope ibid. Breclys 161. Brennus a Britain invades Greece 3. His attendants ibid. Brictrick a Saxon Thane 22. Britains none of 'em remaining after Cadwallador's departure 100. Their Laws alter'd by the Romans 101. Bronholm 152. Brotherton Tho. Earl of Norfolk and Earl Marshal of England 167. When he dy'd 168. Buckenham 158. Burg-Castle 155. Burghesses of old not call'd to consult of State-matters 64 65. Burghbote and Brugbote 17 22 40. Burnham in Norfolk 149. Burnham-East in Com. Bucks 23. By what it signifies 3. 154. By-laws 3 154. C Cadwallader Prince of the Britains fled into Armorica 100. Calthorp 151. King Canutus how he publish'd his Laws 61. His Constitution touching Festivals 79. Capet Hugh usurpt the Kingdom of France 5 He grants his Nobility a perpetual enjoyment of their Feuds and Honours ibid. 14. Capitales plagii 52. Capitanei Regis regni 58. Caput feodi aut Capitaneus feodi 11. Carbrook 161. Carolus Calvus Emperour and King of France his Synodical Edict 54 55. Carolus Magnus or Charlemaigne divided his Territories between his three Sons 128. Castle-acre 141. Castle-rising in Norfolk the Parson has the Probate of Wills in that Town 130. Caston 151. Castor 155 156. Ceorls who 12. Of two sorts 14. The chiefest part of their profits redounded to their Lords ibid. Their service no bondage ibid. Their valuation and priviledges ibid. Not capable of a Knights Fee ibid. Champain in France 128. Chancery-Court 94. Charta de Foresta 109 114. Charter the first by whom made and where kept 8. Saxon Charters usually writ in that Language ibid. Charters of Thane-lands granted by several Kings 19 20. Chichley Henr. Arch-bishop of Canterbury canoniz'd St. George's day 93. The occasion of that Constitution ibid. Chindavintus King of the western Goths his Law concerning Wills 130. Cingulum quo sensu accipiendum 185. Cinque-Ports priviledges granted to them by King Edward the Confessour c. 26. Clacklose-Hundred 139. Clergy-men forbidden to use hunting 109 112 113. seq When they took upon them to prove Wills 129. Prohibited by Justinian to meddle with those matters ibid. Cley harbour 151. De Clifford Rob. Marshal of England 167. K. Canute's Charter of donation to the Thane Orc. 20. Coin of England in Q. Elisabeth's time 203 c. Colloquia 65. Comites who and why so call'd 3. Commendati 35. Congham 145. Conradus Salicus made a Constitution touching Feuds 4 5. Consecration a strange one of Eadmer a Monk of Canterbury 119. Consilium regni 60. Controversies among the ancient Britains by whom judg'd 74. Conveyance of lands how made by the Saxons 8. Cosshering what 60. Cossey 157. Counties in England 5. County-Courts how often kept 54. Were proclaim'd a sennight beforehand ib. Earl's County and Bishop's Diocess had but one limit 130 131. Ecclesiastical and Secular causes there decided 131. Court-Baron 4. It s Original 51. Court-Leet 51. Sometimes granted to the Lords of Mannours ibid. Court-Christian or Ecclesiastical when it sprung up 131 132. High Courts of Justice why they sit not in the Afternoons 89 90. Why they sit not all some days 90 91. Why they sit on the Rogation days ibid. Why on some Festivals and not on others 91 The Admiralty-Court why always open 94. Chancery-Court said to be always open ib. Cowshil 153. Creak 149. Cromer 152. Crostwick 153. Crowner's Office not before the Conquest 27. D Dane-blood 149. Dane-law 45. Danes not capable of devising lands by will 22 David I. King of Scotland and Earl of Huntingdon 11 131. Dean his Office and Functions 50. The priviledges of a Bishop's Dean ibid. Deerham West 140. Defensor Plebis 129. Degradatio Militis 185. Deira a Province 13. Demains or Demesne what 12. Ancient Demesnes had not any lands by Knight-service 44 57. D'Evreux Robert Earl of Essex Viscount Bourchier c. 171. Sent into Spain with an army ibid. Storm'd Cadiz ibid. Created Marshal of England ibid. Made Lord Deputy of Ireland ibid. When beheaded ibid. Dies juridici 72 73. Dies feriales 72. Dies pacis Ecclesiae ibid. 79. 82. Dies pacis Regis ibib 82. Dies novem Lectionum 91. Dies feriati repentini 93. Dower why judg'd to belong to the Ecclesiastical Court 132. Downham 140. Druides who 74. The sole Judges of controversies among the old Britains 74. Suppos'd to have us'd the Greek tongue 103 Had no knowledge of the Latin ibid. Dudley John Duke of Northumberland and Earl Marshal of England 170. E Eadmere a Monk of Canterbury made Arch-bishop of St. Andrews in Scotland 119. King Eadwigus's Charter of Thane-lands granted to Aelswine 19. Earl Marshals of England 169 170 171. Earl of a County see Alderman Earldoms not hereditary in ancient times 13. Earldoms in France ibid. 14. Earls among the Saxons 13 14. Earl no title of dignity anciently 13. Their Office depended on the King's pleasure ibid. An Earls Heriot 31. Easter-Term how limited anciently 83. Easter-week when exempted from Law business 76. Ebsam in
Richard Tribunus Regis or Marshal to King Henry II. 166. Hundradors 51. Hundreds their original 50. Hundred Courts 51. Hunting forbidden to Clergy-men 109 112 113 114 115. Hydes what 17. When disus'd 4● I Ibreneys Rad. de 190. Iceni 135. Eorum nomina derivatio ibid. Icenia 135. Ejusdem termini ibid. Coelum solum 13● Ina King of the West Saxons adjusted the quantity of Rent for every Plough-land 15. By whose advice he made his Laws 61. Made a strict Law against working on Sundays 57. Ingolsthorp 146. Inland what 12. Intwood 157. K. John's Magna Charta 63. John Marshal to King Henry I. 165. Irregularity of Clergy-men wherein it consists 109 112. I se fluvius unde dictus 135. Ejusdem aestus 139. Islepe Sim Arch-bishop of Canterbury 90. Jury taken out of several Hundreds in a County 53. Jurours prohibited to have meat c. till agreed of their Verdict 89. Jus Gentium 2. Justices of Evre when instituted 27. Justinian the Emperor when he flourish'd 129. He prohibited Clergy-men to take cognizance of Wills ibid. Justitium what 72. K Keninghall 158. Kent the custom of Gavelkind in that County 43. Kettringham 15● The King the fountain of all Feuds and Tenures 1● The King to have his Tenants lands till the heir has done homage 3● The King universal Lord of his whole Territories 37. Anciently granted Churches to Lay-men 115 Knight what among the Saxons 51 58. Why there are but two Knights of the Shire for a County 64. Knight's-fees 3 4 51 58. When introduc'd 45. The number of them ibid. The value of a Knights-fee ibid. Knight-service 2 7. Kymberley 158. S Sacha Soca what in the Saxon tongue 51. Saliques bring the German feodal Rights into France 5. Sall in Norfolk 151. Sandringham 146. Sanhadrim when and where the Judges of it sate 75. Satrapies among the Saxons 50. Saxons the first planters of the German Rites in Great Britain 5. Their Charters translated 7. The manner of making their conveyances 8 Distinction of persons among them 11. How many degrees of Honour they had 16. How they held their lands 40. What oblig'd 'em to so many kinds of services ibid. Saxons very much given to drunkenness 89. When they took possession of England 100. They swept away the Roman Laws there 101 Yet took somewhat from them 102. Why their Laws were not at first put in writing ibid. When they had written Laws ibid. The use of wills unknown to the ancient Saxons 127. Our Saxons observ'd the Civil Law in their wills 128. Scutagium 36 37. Sedgeford 146. Segrave Nicholas Marshal of England 167. Seignory wherein it consists 2. Services how many sorts of 'em upon lands 17. Personal services 40. Praedial ibid. Alodial ibid. Beneficiary ibid. Colonical ibid. Servitia militaria what 46. The difference between them and Servitutes militares ibid Seymour Edward Duke of Somerset Nephew of King Edw. VI. 169. Made Lord Treasurer and Earl Marshal of England ibid. Shardlow Joh Justice of Oyer had a licence to hear causes on a Festival 95 96. Sharnburn 146. History of the Family 189 c. Shelton 156. Shouldham 142. Shyre gemot what 53. Signioral authority what 6● Snetsham 146 189 190 c. Socage 3 7 33 43. Socmen 1● 15 57. Sprowston 153. Stanchow 146 19● Star chamber Court 94 95. Stigand Arch-bishop of Canterbury depos'd 119. Stock-Chappel 146. Stow-Bardolfe 140. Strangbow Gilb Earl of Pembroke and Marshal of the King's Palace 165. Suiters of the Hundred 51. When and by whom call'd at this day ibid. Summons the manner of it in the Empire 36. Sunday how exempted from Law Suits 76. Sustenance what 59. Swasham 141. Swainmote-Courts 85. Syndici who 63 64. Synod of Eanham when held 78. T Talbot George Earl of Shrewsbury 171. Executed the Office of Lord High Steward of England ibid. Tallagium 60. Tasburg 156. Tassilo Duke of Bavaria did homage to King Pipin 34. Tenant lands of how many sorts 4. Tenants by Knight-service 4. Tenant in capite 10. Tenant in menalty ibid. Tenant Paraval ibid. Tenant's land or the Tenancy 12. Tenants what they were in ancient time 51. Tenants in Socage 57. Tenants forc'd to pay a fine upon the marriage of a Daughter 60. To furnish their Lords with provisions ibid. To present them with gratuities ibid. Tenure in capite 2. By Knight-service 4 7. The Original of Tenures 4. Tenure in Socage 4 7. Tenures for Life ibid. What tenures were in use among the Saxons 7. When first us'd ibid. No tenures in capite among the Saxons 10. Tenure in capite of two sorts ibid. The fruits of feodal tenures 24. The name of tenures not us'd by the Saxons 40. Terminus what it signifies 71. When the word became frequent ibid. Terms their definition and etymology 71. Several acceptations of the word 70. Full term and Puisne term ibid. The Original of Terms 73 77. Two Terms among the Welch 74. The Terms laid out according to the ancient Laws 82. The ancient bounds of Hilary-Term 82 83. Of Easter-Term 83. Of Trinity-Term 84 85. Of Michaelmass-Term 85 86. How Trinity Term was alter'd 87. Michaelmass-Term how abbreviated 88. Why the Terms are sometime extended into the Vacation 95. Terra Regis 57. Terrae testamentales 12. Terrington 138. Tertium denarium 14. Testaments and last wills not in use among the ancient Hebrews 127. Not found in Scripture before Christ's time ibid. Expresly mention'd by St. Paul ibid. Not us'd by the Saxons or Normans ibid. The custom of making wills from whom taken up ibid. How many witnesses to a will requir'd by the Civil Law 128. Thane or Theoden who 10 11. Their several kinds 16. Not properly a title of Dignity ibid. The Etymology of their name ibid. The quality of their Persons ibid. The nature of their Land 17. The word Thane has no relation to war 21. A Thane's Heriot 31. Thane-lands not subject to feodal service 18. Charters of Thane-lands granted by Saxon Kings 19 20. The occasion of granting them 21. Thane-lands alienated ibid. Devised by will 22. Granted to women ibid. No service upon 'em but what was express'd ibid. Dispos d of at the pleasure of the owner 23. Charged with a Rent ibid. Might be restrain'd from alienation ibid. Thane-lands and Reveland what 38. Thani majores minores 16. Thani Regis ibid. Theinge 50. His jurisdiction ibid. Theowes and Esnes who 11. Thetford 158. Thokus Dominus de Sharnburn 189. Thola the widow of Ore had a grant of certain lands of K. Edw. the Confessour 20. Obtain'd a Licence to devise her Lands and Goods 34. Thrimsa what 15. Thrithingreves or Leidgerev●s their Office and Authority 52. What causes were usually brought before ' em ibid. Tribunus militum rei militaris aut exercitus 165. Tribute 59. Trimarcesia what 3. Trinity-term its ancient bounds 84 85. How it was alter'd and shortned 87. Trinodis necessitas 17 43. Trithings or Lathes 50. Why so call'd 52. Turfs why so call'd 139 140. Tydd