Law together The Petition for present ease is to be released onely of the Maletolt of foure shillings upon a sack of Wooll which is yeelded to The security for the time to come is We will take no such thing The saving which followeth that is Saving the Custome of Woolls Woolfells and Leather I observe the saving extends not to woolls alone as the Petition doth but also to Wooll-fells and Leather by expresse name by which it is evident that the securitie for the time to come is of a larger extent than to stretch onely to Woolls as hath been objected For else to what end should Wooll-fells and Leather be excepted in the saving if they had not been contained in the generall words no such thing An exception cannot be but of a thing contained in former words If therefore the grant would have extended to Wooll-fells if they had not been specially excepted then doe I conclude by the same reason that it doth extend to all other Merchandizes not excepted for the words are generall And so I leave this Law cleered of all objections and very full against Impositions The next Statute made against them is 14 Ed. 3. The fourth Statute urged against Impositions 14 E 3. cap. 11. cleered from objections cap. 21. By the first part of which Law you may perceive that whereas the Commons had prayed the King not to take of Woolls Wooll-fells Leather Tyn or Lead any more than the ancient Custome the King prayed them to grant him forty shillings upon a sack of Wooll for a yeer and a halfe which they granted whereupon the King by way of Retribution and in answere of their Petition as touching the Wooll causeth it to be enacted for their Security in time to come That neither he nor his heires would demand assesse nor take more custome of a sack of Wooll than sixe shillings eight pence And so likewise upon Woolls and Leather no more than the ancient custome without assent of Parliament All this while there is no answer given touching the Tyn and Lead mentioned in the Petition upon which as it appears the King had also laid Impositions But there doe follow certain generall words by which not onely Tyn and Lead but all other Commodities whatsoever are freed from Impositions The words are The King promised in the presence of his Earles Barons and others of his Parliament no more to charge set or assesse upon the Custome but in manner aforesaid Except these words doe extend to Lead and Tyn to free them from Impositions for times to come as well as woolls wooll-fells and Leather are freed by the former speciall words their Petition touching Tyn and Lead is no way answered And if they doe extend to Tyn and Lead by reason of the generalty of the words they doe by the same reason extend to all commodities For what more liberall words can there be than these That the King will not charge set or assesse upon the custome these words the custome being words indefinite are you know equivalent to an Universall according to the rule Indefinitum aequipollet universali And although the King doe but promise yet I doubt not but in this case his promise is a Law And it is worth the observing that the Lords doe in very extraordinary and unusuall manner solemnly undertake as much as in them lyeth that they shall procure the King to hold the same and that they shall in no wise assent to the contrary if it be not by the assent of the Prelates Earles Barons and Commons and that in full Parliament and for the greater surety and to give cause to eschew all counsell to the contrary of this Ordinance the Prelates have promised to give sentence upon them that counsell against the same in any point which are the very words of the Statute in print The Statute of 14 Ed. 3. cap. 21. was yeilded unto by the King 13. Ed. 4. no. 5. Ro. Par. upon a Petition exhibited the Parliament before both by the Lords and the Commons praying that a Law might be made against Impositions as may appeare by the Records of the 13 yeere of Ed. 3. at which time they likewise prayed that the King would be pleased to grant them a Charter to the same effect to be inrolled in Parliament The Statute you have heard the Charter followeth in our printed bookes immediately after the Statute where the King in the preamble thereof reciting the great gift that he had given him at the same Parliament that is to say the 9th Fleece 9th Sheep 9th Lamb throughout the Kingdom which indeed was a very extraordinary great guift and therefore his grant in regard thereof is to be intended so much more beneficially doth in lieu thereof for him and his heires grant to his Subjects in these words From henceforth they shall not be charged nor grieved to make any ayde or to susteine charge if it be not by the Common assent of the Prelates Earles Barons and other great men and the Commons of our said realme of England and that in Parliament It hath been objected that these words Aide and Charge are to be understood of Charges within the Land such as are Taxes and Tallages An Objection that the stat of 14 Ed. 3. An. 21 extendeth only to Impositions within the land and not to Imposition upon Merchandizes is answered and not of Impositions upon Merchandizes And this is the only Objection made or indeed can be made against this Statute For the cleering of which I can say no more then already I have proved by matter of Record for the opening of the sense of this Statute viz. That this Charter and the last Statute were made upon a Petition exhibited in Parliament for a law and Charter to be made against Impositions upon Merchandizes And therefore that conjecture of theirs that it should extend only to Taxes and not to Impositions cannot but fall to the ground especially since there is not in the Petition any mention at all of Taxes or Tallages or of any other charge or aide but impositions onely then which there cannot allmost be a cleerer proof then that this Law being made upon this Petition is to be expounded against Impositions which if this Petition had not been extant would with no lesse cleernesse have been proved by considering the mischiefe at the time of the making of this law which was not Tallage or Taxes but those heavie Impositions of Foure pound and five pound upon a sack of Wooll by way of dispensation with the Statute of 11. E. 3. cap. 1. of which I have formerly made mention So as this Statute being made in the first intention against dispensations for money with a penall law though the occasion were particular yet the words being generall I hold that with reason it may be extended against all dispensations with penall lawes for money in particular I hold that the raising of money by dispensations with the Statutes
Magna Charta cap. are called old and ancicient duties this is Vectigal Patrimoniale of which sort I could produce many others all which have like certainty Nay there is one duty well known to us all which the Common-Law giveth to the King and is in his nature a Custome our very case in which the King is bound to a certainty which he cannot exceed and that is Prisage a duty given by the Common-Law to the King upon every shiploading of Wine brought into the kingdom by English Merchants and is one Tun of Wine before the Mast and another behinde I am unwilling to trouble you with any more particulars of this kinde but let any man shew me one particular to the contrary and I will then yeeld that my position being false in one may be in more But till my position hath been in this point infringed this generall concordance of the Law in all these particulars is argument enough for me without having aleadged other reasons to conclude that Custome being as all these are a revenue due to the King by the Common-Law arising out of the Property and interest of the Subject is as all these are limited and bounded by the Common-Law to a certainty which the King hath not power to increase Vbi eadem Ratio eadem Lex It may perhaps be here objected that the Ayd paid to the King upon the Knighting of his eldest Sonne or marriage of his eldest Daughter was by the Common-Law uncertaine and that the King did take more or lesse at his pleasure untill he was bound to the contrary by Statute To this I make divers answers Though it were indeed a summe uncertaine yet the Common-Law did in some sort give it a limitation for it is by a speciall name called Reasonable Ayd So as if the summe demanded doe exceed Reason it became from a Reasonable Ayd an unjust exaction Besides this revenue was a thing happening very rarely and therefore the certainty thereof not so much regarded by the Law and yet it is to be observed how the frame of this Common-wealth could not long indure incertainty even in this casuall Revenue but it was reduced to a certainty of twenty shillings upon a Knights fee and 20s. upon every twenty pounds Soccageland by the Stat. of West 1. cap. 35.3 Ed. 1. If in this casuall Revenue they were so carefull to be at a certainty to avoid unreasonable exactions as the words of the Statute are how much more carefull would they have been for the same cause to have reduced the great and annuall Revenue of the Custome to a certainty if they had not thought it to have been certaine by the Common-Law or limited by Statute-Law before that time made But Sir that which I rely upon for answer to this objection is this Reasonable Ayd was and is by the Common-Law due as well to meane Lords as to the King But meane Lords were not limited to a certainty otherwise than in generall that it must be reasonable as I have said therefore to limit the King any further was no reason And this answer may be given for all uncertaine Revenues belonging to the King the like of which mean Lords have of their Tenants for the incertainty of which there may also be given especiall reason because these duties first began by speciall contract and agreement between the Lord and the Tenant and not directly by operation of the Common Law and so were certain and uncertain as they did at first agree and therefore you may be pleased to remember how in laying my positiō I was wary to say That such revenues as are due to the King as to the head of the Common wealth by which I purposely excluded such revenues as are common to him with other mean Lords are alwayes certaine I am now according to promise and in maintenance of a second part of my position to shew you That where the Common-Law giveth the King a Revenue not certaine at the first that is alwayes reduceable to a certainty by a legal course as by act of Parliament Judges or Jury and not at the Kings pleasure Every man that by his tenure is bound to serve the King in his warres and faileth is to pay according to the quantity of his Tenure a fine by the name of Escuage this cannot be assessed but in Parliament Upon forfeitures for treason or otherwise to the King though it be a kinde of a certainty that the Law giveth in giving him all the estate of the party convict both in goods and Lands or in goods onely as the case is yet for reducing it to a more expresse certainty the Law requireth that it be found by Office Wayfe Stray Wreck Treasure-Trove and such like are no lesse certaine for the King hath the things themselves in kinde Fines for misdemeanors are alwayes assessed by the Judges Amercements in all cases are to be afferred by the Country and not to be assessed by the King though the forme of the Judgement be Et sit in misecordia Domini Regis in the Kings mercy pro contemptu predict Nay though for punishment of an offence it be by Statute-Law enacted that an offendor shall make Fine and Ransome at the Kings pleasure the Law even in this case which is as strong a case as may be will not leave the assessing of the Fine to the Kings pleasure to be by him rated privately in his Chamber but it must be solemnly and legally done in an open Court of Justice by the Judges who in all other cases are to judge between the King and his people where the interest or property of the Subject or any charge or burden upon them doth come in question as may be proved by the booke of 2 R. 3. fo 11. Insomuch that I am of opinion that if a Statute were made that the King might raise the Customes at his pleasure yet might it not be done as now it is by the Kings absolute power but by some other legall course of which the Common-Law doth take notice as in the case of the Fine and Ransome much lesse then will the Common-Law permit that it should depend upon the Kings absolute pleasure there being no such Statute in the case You have heard out of what grounds I first deduced this my position That the Law requireth certainty in matter of profit between the King and his people You have heard likewise the particular reasons of that position you have also heard what proofe I have made by particular cases of like nature to this in question and how I have applyed them to the point And so leaving the Judgement of the whole to your wisedomes who can best discerne whether the Argument be of weight I proceed to my second Reason which is drawne from the policy and frame of this Common-wealth and the providence of the Common-Law The which as it requires at the Subjects hands loyalty and obedience to their Soveraigne so doth it likewise
of Certainty and this of the provision made by the Common-Law are in my poor opinion Arguments of direct proofe that the King cannot Impose I will now according to my division urge an Argument or two of Inference and presumption the rather because Arguments of this nature have been much enforced by those who have maintained the contrary opinion Sir Francis Bacon especially by Mr. Solicitor I call them Arguments of inference and yet in my opinion those which I shall urge are also of good proofe such as they are you shall judge of them They are drawne either from the actions or forbearances of the Kings of this Realme or from the actions and forbearances of the people First in the actions and forbearances of the Kings Arguments drawne from the actions of the Kings that they have no power to Impose I observe that all the Kings of this Realm since Hen. 3. have sought and obteined an increase of Custome more or lesse by the name of Subsidie of the gift of their Subjects in Parliament Nay some of them and those not the weakest in Spirit or power but the most couragious and potent in that whole ranke even that mighty and victorious Prince King Ed. 3. being to undertake a just and honorable warre than which there could not happen a better or juster occasion to have made use of his Prerogative of Imposing did neverthelesse at that time stoope so low in this point that he did in full assembly of the three States pray his Subjects to grant him a Reliefe in this kinde for the maintenance of his warre and that to endure but for a short time and further was well content to suffer his prayer in that behalfe to be entred of Record to the memory of all posterity And the succeeding Kings have also suffered the same to be printed as may appeare by the printed Statutes at large An. 14. Ed. 3. cap. 21. Is it likely that if any or all these Kings had thought they had had in them any lawfull power by just Prerogative to have laid Impositions at their pleasure that they would not rather have made use of that than have taken this course by act of Parliament so full of delay so prejudiciall to their Right so subject to the pleasure of their people who never undergoe Burdens but with murmuring and much unwillingnes Can there be any thing more hatefull to the high Spirit of a King than to subject himselfe to the pleasure of his people especially for matter of Reliefe and that by way of Prayer having lawfull power in his hands to relieve himselfe without being beholding to them If perhaps the Kings themselves were ignorant of this great Prerogative which cannot be imagined had they not alwaies about them wise Counsellors to assist them and such as for the procuring of favor to themselves would not have failed to have put them in minde of it Nay if they had known any such lawfull Prerogative had they not been bound in conscience so to have done What an oversight was it of King Ed. 3. and all his Counsell so much to prejudice his right in so beneficiall a Prerogative as to suffer him upon Record and that in Parliament to pray for that which he might have taken out of his absolute power Can there almost be a more direct disclaiming in the Right to compare great things with lesse if the Lord by matter of Record claime any thing of his villaine it is a disclaimer of the villenage The Kings of England have other noble and high Prerogatives I will only name two of them The making of warre and peace and the raising and abasing of Coyne at their pleasure Did they ever crave the assent of their Subjects in Parliament to make a warre Their advice indeed they have sometimes sought and their ayd for treasure to maintaine it The Prerogative of raising and abasing the value of money hath been oftentimes put in practise by them and sometimes strayned to such a height that the King might well suppose the Subjects could not but be much discontent therewith And yet never any King of this Realme did it by assent of Parliament which perhaps some one milde King among so many would have done and it may be would also have prayed his Subjects to yield thereto only to avoid the grudging of the people if the seeking of assent in Parliament had not been thought to have been prejudiciall to the absolute power of their Successors and yet as for some of these Kings it may be supposed they made little conscience to prejudice a Successor in one point that made no scruple totally to depose a Predecessor from his Throne and all his Regalities and to usurp it to themselves And so I proceed to my next Argument of Inference drawn from the actions of our Kings Some of the Kings of England as namely Ed. 2. Edward the 2. in the yeere of his Reigne and Ed. 3. in the 1. and 24. yeere of his Reigne as may appeare by the Records here amongst us were contented to accept an increase of their Custome by way of Loane from the Merchants and solemnly binde themselves to repay it againe Would any wise man in the world that thought he had but a colour of Right so much prejudice his himself as to borrow that which he might take without leave and binde himselfe to repay it If a poore man perhaps through feare might be enforced so farre to yeeld to a mighty adversary yet that a powerfull man should stoope so low to one much weaker than he nay that a King in a point of such consequence should so farre discend from his Greatnesse as to borrow of his poore Subject that which without being beholding to him he might obtein as his Right and binde himselfe to repay it againe I say it cannot with any reason be imagined but withall it must be concluded that a king that shall so doe doth not thinke that he hath so much as colour of Right to impose I will not much presse or enforce the actions of Ed. 2. who I confesse was but a weake Prince Edward the 3. But as for his Sonne and successor Ed. 3. there was not as I have said a stouter a wiser a more noble and couragious Prince than he and none more carefull to preserve the Rights of his Prerogative as may evidently appeare by all his answers in Parliament on any complaint of the Subject Besides never had king of this Realme more occasion than he to straine this Prerogative of imposing to the utmost For besides his excessive expence in the warres of France and Scotland he had also a continuall charge of many expensive children his wife Queene Philip had also for her maintenance a large allowance out of his Revenue but the dowry of Queen Isabell his mother who lived till about the 27. yeere of his Reigne was so great as it is reported by some writers that little more than the
third part of the certaine Revenue of the kingdome was left to him In so much as through these occasions of extraordinary expence and the diminution of his Revenue he was driven to such necessity as his Queen in the â—… yeere of his Reigne was enforced to pawne her Crowne and Jewels to procure money for him as may appeare by the Record of that yeere in the Office of the Clerke of the Pels Nay the king himselfe in these extremities was oftentimes driven to lay his Jewels to pawne for money And in An. 17. did also pledge his Crown for 4000. pound to certaine Merchants of Florence as by the Records of that yeere in the Office of the Lord Treasurers Remembrancer in the Exchequer is manifest By this you may see that this powerfull king wanted not urgent and just occasion if any occasion may be just to have put in practise his absolute power of Imposing and yet as you see it appeares of Record that in the midst of his great wants he tooke an increase of Custome by way of Loane and bound himselfe to repay it It may be here objected that he did lay Impositions What Impositions they were and how to be compared with the Impositions now in question I purpose to tell you when I come to ansâ—…r objections which I have referred to the end of my speech In the meane time I will goe on with my course and urge one Argument more drawne from the actions of our kings touching the increase of Custome A man would thinke that the taking of the increase of Custome by all the kings both one and other with the assent of their Subjects in Parliament and sometimes by way of Prayer and Intreaty for a short time nay the taking of it by way of Loane and binding themselves to repay it and that to have been done by the most powerfull kings in their greatest necessities were Argument enough that they did not beleeve they might justly claime it as their right by their absolute power And yet is not this all For some of them by name Ed. 1. Edward the 1. did not onely take it by assent in Parliament or by way of Loane but as one that buyes for his mony in the Market did give for it a reall and valuable consideration and that to Merchant-strangers of whom there was more colour to demand it as a duty than of his naturall Subjects In proofe of which I produce Charta Mercatoria made Anno 31. Ed. 1. whereby it is recited that in lieu of certaine liberties and immunities granted by the king to the Merchant-strangers as also for the release of Prisage they granted to the king an increase of Custom What were all the special liberties that were granted them I know not nor whether they continue but sure I am that by vertue of that Grant they are at this day free of Prisage paying onely 2s. upon a Tun of Wine by the name of Butlerage which they granted by the same Charter whereas English-men pay Prisage in specie viz. One Tun before the Mast and one Tun behinde And it is very worthy the observation how the same King E. 1. in the same yeer of his reign did command his Customers throughout England That whereas certain English Merchants were as he was informed of their own accords willing to pay him the like increase of Custome which the Merchant strangers had granted unto him so as they might enjoy the like liberties and benefits that neverthelesse they should not compell such English Merchants against their wils to pay it the words are worth the hearing Cum quidam Mercatores de regno potestate nostri ut ipsi dictis libertat having before recited Charta Mercatoria uti gandere de prisis nastris quieti esse possint praestationes Custumas hujusmodi de bonis mercandizis suis nobis dare solvere velint ut accepimus assignavimus vos ad praestationes Custumas praedictas de his qui praestationes Custumasillas gratanter absque cohercione solvere volnerint colligendum ad opus nostrum recipiendum ita tamen quod aliquem Mercatorem de dicto Regno nostro ad hujusmodi praestationes Custumas nobis invite solvendum nullatenus distringatis What stronger inference can there almost possibly be against the Kings absolute power of Imposing than this that he was contented and so specified to all his Officers of the Ports That if the Merchants did of their own accords pay more than their ancient Customes they should have consideration for it But if they themselves were not willing to pay more then they should not be compelled thereunto One other observation I draw from the actions of the kings touching the increase of their custome which is this that those kings which did lay Impositions which as I will shew you by and by was very rarely though it were never but in time of great necessity and but to indure for a short time yet they alwayes did it not with the advice alone of the Merchants as at this day but the Merchants did alwaies solemnly grant an increase of Custome and the kings were alwayes wary for the better justification of their actions to the people in their Commissions for collecting of Custome to recite not onely the great necessity which moved them to take an increase of Custome but also the grant of the Merchants as may appeare by the Records of which we have the copies amongst us I dare confidently say there is not above one or two at the most that are otherwise if the Impositions be of that nature which these are of which we complaine And yet these Impositions also by the grant of Merchants though raised upon never so great a necessitie of State and to indure but for a short time were always complained of by the Commons when they met in Parliament as may appeare amongst other Records by the Parliament Roll of 27. Ed. 3. No. 27. where in a Petition of the Commons exhibited to the King in Parliament are these words Les Commons monstrent coment que les Marchants dyent grant per eux sans assent de Parliament un subsidie de XLs. de sacc de Layn outre le droiturel male tout de demy marke Et prion que soit amend a rest Parliament Car est encounter reason que le Comialtie de lour biens soient per Marchants charges Which I English thus The Commons shew how the Merchants have granted by themselves wihout assent of Parliament â— Subsidie of 40s. upon a sack of Wooll over and above the rightfull custome of halfe a Marke and pray that it may be redressed at this Parliament for it is against reason that the Comminalty should be charged in their goods by Merchants with this agreeth the printed Statute of 36. Ed. 3. cap. 11. in the Statutes at large where you shall finde an expresse Provision against the raysing of Impositions upon Woolls by grant
yeelded to in Parliament and granted for three yeeres made a conditionall petition that if any Imposition be laid upon Woolls Wooll-fells or Leather more then the Subsidie granted in Parliament that it may be taken away the King answereth That if any be laid since the Statute it shall be taken away and then follows the printed Statute An. 45. Ed. 3. cap. 4. That no Impositions be laid upon Woolls wooll-fells or Leather which is the first place where I finde Impositions named in our printed Books I finde them first named upon my Latine Record 12. Ed. 3. in the Kings Letter to the Archbishop and first upon any Record in French not printed An. 21. Ed. 3. Num. 16. Ro. Parliament But to proceed about a yeere following this Parliament of 45. neere which time the Subsidie granted An. 43. 46. Ed. 3. Nu. 10. Ro. Parl. for three yeeres was expired there was another Subsidie of Forty three shillings foure pence upon a sack of wooll as much upon Twelve score Wooll-fells and Five pounds upon a Last of Leather above the ancient customes granted in Parliament for the maintainance of the warre in Guyen to endure for two yeers For which the King likewise gave thanks The next yeer following the Subsidie granted the last Parliament 46. Ed. 3. Nu. 12 Ro. Parl. was continued from Michaelmas for a yeere without any condition and for the next yeere upon condition amongst other things That no Imposition be laid during the two yeeres 48. E. 3. Ro. 2. Orig. de Scac. and that the money levied be imployed upon the warres In the next yeere following the King took as by the grant of Merchants upon a sack of Wooll of Denizens Fifty shillings and of strangers foure Marks upon 240. Wooll-fells of Denizens Fifty shillings and of Strangers Foure Marks and upon every Last of Leather of Denizens Five pounds and of Strangers Eight Marks Though this Record pretendeth nothing but the grant of Merchants yet it is upon the matter no other then a dispensation for so much money For at this time the passage was not open other then to Callice where the staple then was as may appeare by the two Records of 38. Ed. 3. Ro. Parl. 50. Ed. 3. Num. 24. And yet you may see how hatefull even these Impositions by way of Dispensation which are farre more tollerable then our present Impositions were in those dayes For within two yeeres following one Richard Lions 3 5â—… 1â—…â—… Farmer of the Customes amongst other things laid to his charge was accused in Parliament for setting or procuring to be set new impositions not shewing of what nature without assent of Parliament and was adjudged to forfeit his Goods and Lands 50 E. 3. N. Ro. Parl. but more particularly the Lord Latymer Lord Chamberlaine of England was expresly accused that he combined with Richard Lions and others who for their own profit had procured and Counselled the King to grant many Licences for the transporting of great quantities of Wooll beyond the Seas other then to the Staple at Callice against divers Ordinances and Commandements to the contrary and had put upon Wools and Wool-fells new impositions Here you see that the device of Dispensations for money had the name of an Imposition in those dayes though indeed it be not in its nature a meere imposition or at least not such a one as those are which we complain of But such as it was you see how from time to time it hath beene condemned and how it is reckoned up amongst the most hainous faults of those two great offenders who though perhaps they were condemned also for other offences yet the laying of these to their charge did shew the great hate generally conceived against impositions of this kinde I might here further adde in proofe of the invalidity of these Dispensations that certain Merchants having obtained some of these and having also the advantage of the Kings Proclamation to dispense with the Statute which restrained their passage yet they never thought themselves secure from ths punishment of the Statute till they were provided for by Act of Parliament as may appeare by a Statute printed anno 35 Ed. 3. cap. 21. To alledge therefore any of this kind thereby to prove the lawfulnes of ours cannot but argue a weak cause For first as I have said there is farre more reason and colour for these then for ours for in this case no man was compelled to pay that did it not to avoide a greater mischeife for by paying the Imposition he was free from a grieveous punishment for breach of a penall Law which restrained his passage whereas in our case a charge is laid upon him for exercising his lawfull Trade where no Statute Law or Common Law is to the contrary but rather both the one and the other make for him But it may bee here objected that the King may Lawfully restraine the breach of which restraint is a contempt and against Law and that to impose doth imply a restraint upon a penalty Suppose it were so yet if in case where the restraint is not onely by the King but the whole Estate assembled in Parliament for some urgent cause it be unlawfull to give License for money as you perceive it is how much more is it so where the restraint is for no other purpose then to raise an imposition as in our case but of this more largely hereafter Another devise of raising impositions without assent of the Commons in Parliament Impositions raised by way of Ordinance in Parliament practised by Ed. 3. was by way of Ordinance which indeed is in the next degree of strength unto a Statute For it is a Constitution made by the king himselfe and all the Prelates Earls and Barons not at the Counsell Table or in the Kings Chamber but sitting solemnly in Parliament and hath also the like solemnity of inrolement that a Statute hath onely it is enrolled in a Roll by it selfe which hath the name of the Roll of the Ordinances But the only essentiall difference between this and an Act of Parliament is that this hath not the assent of the Commons Some Ordinances have had that estimation amongst us that they have at this day the force of Statutes as the Ordinance of Merton made 20 Hen. 3. which though it were no other then an Ordinance made by the King the Prelates Earls and Barons without assent of the Commons yet hath it by continuance of time gotten not onely the strength but the name also of a Statute There be some others of this by nature and we finde it usuall that the names of Statutes and Ordinances have been Indifferently and confusedly used to expresse the one or the other So as there was not any other more probable devise or invention to have brought the people under the yoake of Imposition without their own assent then was this by the way of Ordinance Nay to adde yet a further strength to
fourteene twelve yeeres her age of consent and nine yeeres capable to bee endowed a yeere and a day given to sue an appeale the like limitation of a yeere and day in very many other Cases In effect who reduced all the known grounds of the Common law to that certainty that now they are Because wee cannot tell how or when they began shall wee therfore conclude that they began by the kings absolute power and inferre that by the same reason they may bee changed at his pleasure If the king may increase his Fines upon the purchase of Originall writts which by the same reason hee may doe that hee may doe his Custome nay hee hath more colour for this then for that because there is no Statute against this hee might easily raise that revenue to the value of his Customes But no man can nor will I hope offer to mainteine it to bee lawfull You see the weakenesse and the dangerous consequence of this argument by comparing it to other cases of like nature To say the truth all these things began no man can say certainly when or how but by a tacit consent of king and people and the long approbation of time beyond the memory of any man and yet no man can directly affirm but that most of them might begin by Act of Parliament though now there bee no Records extant of such antient Parliaments The first Parliament was not kept 9 H. 3 though it be the first in our bookes If we will give credit to other Records and to our best Chroniclers The antiquity of Parliaments we shall heare and reade of divers Parliaments in the Reigne of King John and of his Predecessor Rich. 1. and in the Reign of H. 2. of two famous Parliaments one at Claringdon in Wiltshire the other at Gedington in North-Hamptonshire And although our Chronicles say that the first Parliament kept in this Realm was held 19 Aprilis 16 H. 1. yet I am of opinion that William the Conqueror held Parliaments for what can be else understood by these words Per commune consilium totius Regni nostri stabilitum fuit which I finde in Mr. Lamberts collection of the ancient Lawes of England in the beginning of the Lawes of W. the Conqueror Many of the Statutes of E. 1. have no other words Nay long before him in the yeere of our Lord 712. in the time of Inas King of the West-Saxons I assure my selfe there were Parliaments held and that of the three Estates as at this day as may appeare by these words in the beginning of the Lawes of King Inas in Mr. Lambert Suasu Instituto Episcoporum nostrorum omnium Senatorum nostrorum natu majorum populi nostri in frequentia magna And more plainly in the conclusion of some other of his Lawes Hoc factum fuit per commune consilium assensum Procerum Comitum omnium Sapientium Seniorum Populorum totius Regni per praeceptum Regis Inae which are the same in Latine which ours is in English By the King the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and the Commons VVhy might not the Custome upon Woolls be first granted at one of these Parliaments as well as to have it first begun by the Kings absolute power There is no more probability of the one than the other because most of the ancient Records were burnt in H. 2. time when the Exchequer was burnt shall we conclude therefore that there were neâ—er any such You see the weaknes of this Argument in all the points thereof I leave it and passe to another The King may say they restrain the passage of Merchants at his pleasure The second Argument that the King may totally restrain the importing and exporting of merchandizes therfore he may do it sub modo by laying of an Imposition answered which they prove by divers Records 2 E. 1. m. 18. Ro. Par. 2 E 1. m. 17. Ro. fin 31 E. 1. n. 44. Ro. Pat. 17 H. 6. Ro. Clo. in dorso Upon which they inferre that if he may restraine a Merchant that he shall not passe at all he may much more so restraine him that he shall not passe except he pay a certaine sum of money For this say they is lesse than totally to restraine him And Cui licet quod majus licet etiam quod minus Of this Argument my L. Dyer gave light in his case of Impositions 1 Eliz. and this hath been diversly inforced by all that have argued for Impositions In answer of which I will consider how farre the king may restrain the passage of Merchants and then will examine the consequence of the Argument For my part I think the king cannot restrain the passage of Merchants but for some speciall cause wherein to define certainly and resolutely to say for what causes he may and for what not I will not undertake Onely let me inform you that there is not one of these presidents vouched by them to prove the kings power to restraine but they are upon speciall reasons as by reason of Enmity with such a Nation from whence they are restrained or because such a Commodity may not be spared within the kingdome Besides they are not restraints from all places and of all manner of Merchandizes but from certain places onely and for certain sorts of Merchandizes And for my part I thinke that restraints in all these cases and of like nature are by the Common-Law left to the kings absolute power For if it were otherwise it should be in the power of a Merchant for a little private lucre to enrich the kings Enemies or to furnish them with munition to be imployed against the State or utterly to ruine the Common-wealth by carrying out a Commodity which may not be spared or by bringing in of some that may be hurtfull Nay which is more such may be the occasion that the king may I doubt not stop the passages of all Merchants from all places for a short time as upon the death of the late Queene it was put in practise to prevent Intelligence there may likewise be such necessary use of their ships as the want of them upon some sodaine attempts may be a cause of the overthrow of the whole State In such cases as these if the Common law did not give the King leave to restraine their passage by his absolute power it were very improvident in the highest points which cannot be imagined of so wise a law And yet the Kings of this Realme have alwayes been sparing in the practise of their absolute power in this point For there are little lesse then 30. Acts of Parliament touching the opening and shutting up of the passage of Merchants most of which as I conceive were made rather for the increase of punishment then for want of power in the King For the breach of a restraint by absolute commandment is punishable as all other contempts onely by Fine and Imprisonment and not by forfeiture of the Merchandizes