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A54690 A plea for the pardoning part of the soveraignty of the kings of England Philipps, Fabian, 1601-1690. 1682 (1682) Wing P2012; ESTC R9266 26,002 72

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in Parliament be not sufficient that of Hugh le Despenser Son of Hugh le Despenser the younger a Lord of a great Estate which is thus entred in the Parliament Roll of the fifth year of the Reign of King Edward the Third ought surely to satisfie that the Laws and reasonable Customs of England will warrant it Anno 5 E. 3. Sir Eubule le Strange and eleven other Mainprisers being to bring forth the Body of Hugh the Son of Hugh le Despenser the younger saith the Record A respondre au prochein Parlement de ester an droit affaire ce de liu en conseil soit ordine mesuerent le Corps le dit Hugh devant nostre Seigneur le Roi Countes Barons autres Grantz en mesme le Parlement monstrent les L'res Patents du Roi de Pardon al dit Hugh forisfacturam vite membrorum sectam pacis homicidia roborias Felonias omnes transgressiones c. Dated 20 Martii anno primo Regni sui Et priant a n're Seigneur le Roi quil le vousist delivrer de las Mainprise faire audit Hugh sa grace n're Seigneur le Roi eiant regard a ses dites L'res voilant uttroier a la Priere le dit Mons'r Eble autres Mainpernors avant dit auxint de les Prelatz qui prierent molt especialment pur lui si ad comande de sa grace sa delivrance Et voet que ses Menpernors avant ditz chescun d' eux soient dischargez de leur Mainprise auxint le dit Hugh soit quit delivrers de Prisone de garde yssint si ho'me trove cause devers lui autre nest uncore trove quil estoise au droit And the English Translator or Abridger of the Parliament Records hath observed that the old usage was that when any person being in the Kings displeasure was thereof acquitted by Tryal or Pardon yet notwithstanding he was to put in twelve of his Peers to be his Sureties for his good Behaviour at the Kings pleasure And may be accompanied by the Case of Richard Earl of Arundel in the 22 year of the Reign of King Richard the Second being Appealed by the Lords Appellant and they requiring the King that such persons Appealed that were under Arrest might come to their Tryal it was commanded to Ralph Lord Nevil Constable of the Tower of London to bring forth the said Richard Earl of Arundel then in his custody whom the said Constable brought into the Parliament at which time the Lords Appellants came also in their proper Persons To the which Earl the Duke of Lancaster who was then hatching the Treason which afterwards in Storms of State and Blood came to effect against the King by the Kings Commandment and Assent of the Lords declared the whole circumstances after the reading and declaring whereof the Earl of Arundel who in Anno 11 of that Kings Reign had been one of the Appellants together with Henry Earl of Derby son of the said Duke of Lancaster and afterwards the usurping King Henry the Fourth against Robert de Vere Duke of Ireland and Earl of Oxford and some other Ministers of State under King Richard the Second alledged that he had one Pardon granted in the Eleventh year of the Reign of King Richard the Second and another Pardon granted but six years before that present time And prays that they might be allowed To which the Duke answered that for as much as they were unlawfully made the present Parliament had revoked them And the said Earl therefore was willed to say further for himself at his peril whereupon Sir Walter Clopton Chief Justice by the Kings Commandment declared to the said Earl that if he said no other thing the Law would adjudge him guilty of all the Actions against him The which Earl notwithstanding would say no other thing but required allowance of his Pardons And thereupon the Lords Appellant in their proper Persons desired that Judgment might be given against the said Earl as Convict of the Treason aforesaid Whereupon the Duke of Lancaster by the Assent of the King Bishops and Lords adjudged the said Earl to be Convict of all the Articles aforesaid and thereby a Traytor to the King and Realm and that he should be hanged drawn and quartered and forfeit all his Lands in Fee or Fee-tail as he had the nineteenth day of September in the tenth year of the Kings Reign together with all his Goods and Chattels But for that the said Earl was come of noble Blood and House the King pardoned the hanging drawing and quartering and granted that he should be beheaded which was done accordingly But Anno 1 Hen. 4. the Commons do pray the reversal of that Judgment given against him and restoration of Thomas the Son and Heir of the said Richard Earl of Arundel Unto which the King answered he hath shewed favour to Thomas now Earl and to others as doth appear The Commons do notwithstanding pray that the Records touching the Inheritance of the said Richard Earl of Arundel late imbezelled may be searched for and restored Unto which was answered the King willeth And their noble Predecessors in that Honourable House of Peers the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament long before that videlicet in the fifth year of the Reign of King Edward the Third made no scruple or meet point or question in Law whether the power of pardoning was valid and solely in the King after an Impeachment of the Lords in Parliament when in the Case of Edmond Mortimer the Son of Roger Mortimer Earl of March a Peer of great Nobility and Estate the Prelats Counts Barons autres gentz du Parlement did in full Parliament as the Record it self will evidence Petition the King to restore the said Edmond Mortimer to his Blood and Estate which were to remain unto him after the death of his said Father to whom it was answered by the King in these words Et sur ce nostre Seigneur le Roi chargea les ditz Prelats Countes Barons en leur foies ligeance queux ils lui devoient de puis ce que le Piere nostre Seigneur le Roi que ore est estoit murdre per le dit Counte de la Marche person procurement a ce quil avoit mesmes comdevant sa mort que eux eant regarda le Roi en tiel cas lui consilassent ce quil devoit faire de reson audit Esmon filz le dit Counte les queux Prelats Countes Barons autres _____ avys trete entre eux respondirent a nostre Seigneur _____ le Roi de Common assent que en regard a si horrible fait comme de murdre _____ de terre lour Seigneur lige quen faist unques me avoient devant en leur temps ne nes devant venir en le eyde de dieu quils ne scavoient uncore Juger
understanding thereof the long and very long approved usages of the Nation and Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy of those that would now not only deny but be above it And would make the King by some scattered or distorted parts of that Answer mangled and torn from the whole context and purpose of it to give away those undoubted Rights of his Crown for which and the preservation of the Liberties of His People he died a Martyr the Author and his Party endeavouring all they can to translate the Assent of the Commons required in the levying of Money into that of the power of pardoning and jumbling the Words and Sense of that Royal Answer cements and puts together others of their own to fortifie and make out their unjust purposes omitting every thing that might be understood against them or give any disturbance thereunto And with this resolution the Author proceedeth to do as well as he can and saith After the enumeration of which and other His Prerogatives His said Majesty adds thus Again as if it related to the matter of pardoning which it doth not at all but only and properly to the levying of Money wherein that Misinterpreter can afford to leave out His said Majesties Parenthesis which is the Sinews as well of Peace as War that the Prince may not make use of this high and perpetual Power to the hurt of those for whose good he hath it and make use of the Name of Publick Necessity which clearly evidenceth that his late Majesty thereby only intended that part of his Answer to relate to the levying of Money for the gain of his private Favorites and Followers to the detriment of his People Whither being come our Man of Art or putter of his Matters together finds some words which will not at all serve his turn inclosed in a Royal Parenthesis of his late Majesty viz. An excellent Conserver of Liberty but never intended for any share in Government or the choosing of them that should govern but looked like a deep and dangerous Ditch which might Sowse him over head and ears if not drown him and spoil all his inventions and therefore well bethinks himself retires a little begins at An excellent Conserver of Liberty makes that plural adds c. which is not in the Original fetches his seeze and leaps quite over all the rest of the Parenthesis as being a Noli me tangere dangerous words and of evil consequence and having got over goeth on until he came to some just and considerable expostulations of his late Majesty and then as if he had been in some Lincolnshire Fens and Marshes is again enforced to leap until he come to Therefore the Power legally placed in both Houses is more than sufficient to prevent and restrain the Power of Tyranny But not liking the subsequent words of his late Majesty viz. And without the Power which is now asked from Vs we shall not be able to discharge that Trust which is the end of Monarchy since that would be a total subversion of the Fundamental Laws and that excellent Constitution of this Kingdom which hath made this Nation for many years both famous and happy to a great degree of envy is glad to take his leave with an c. and meddle no more with such Edge-Tools wherewith that Royal Answer was abundantly furnished But looks back and betakes himself to an Argument framed out of some Melancholick or Feverish Fears and Jealousies that until the Commons of England have right done unto them against that Plea of Pardon they may justly apprehend that the whole Justice of the Kingdom in the Case of the five Lords may be obstructed and defeated by Pardons of a like nature As if the pardoning of one must of necessity amount to many or all in offences of a different nature committed at several times by several persons which is yet to be learned and the Justice of the Nation which hath been safe and flourished for many Ages notwithstanding some necessary Pardons granted by our Princes can be obstructed or defeated in a well constituted Government under our Kings and Laws so it may everlastingly be wondred upon what such jealousies should now be founded or by what Law or Reason to be satisfied if it shall thus be suffered to run wild or mad For Canutus in his Laws ordained that there should be in all Punishments a moderata misericordia and that there should be a misericordia in judicio exhibenda which all our Laws as well those in the Saxon and Danish times as since have ever intended and it was wont to be a parcel of good Divinity that Gods Mercy is over all his Works who not seldom qualifies and abates the rigour of his Justice When Trissilian Chief Justice and Brambre Major of London were by Judgment of the Parliament of the Eleventh of King Richard the second Hanged and Executed the Duke of Ireland banished some others not so much punished and many of their Complices pardoned the people that did not know how soon they might want Pardons for themselves did not afflict themselves or their Sovereign with Complaints and Murmurings that all were not Hanged and put to the extremities of Punishment nor was Richard Earl of Arundel one of the fierce Appellants in that Matter vexed at the pardoning of others when he in a Revolution and Storm of State was within ten years after glad to make use of a Pardon for himself King James pardoned Sir Walter Rawleigh the Lord Cobham Sir Griffin Markham with many others then guilty of Treason and the Earl of Somerset and his Lady for the Murder of Sir Thomas Overbury without any commotion in the Brains of the rest of his Subjects some of whom were much disturbed that he after caused Sir Walter Rawleigh to be executed for a second offence upon the Score of the former not at all pardoned but reprieved or only respited And therefore whilest we cry out and wonder quantum mutantur tempora may seek and never find what ever was or can be any necessary cause or consequence that the five Lords accused of High Treason and a design of killing the King will be sure to have a Pardon if that the Pardon of the Earl of Danby whose design must be understood by all men rather to preserve him shall be allowed Nor doth an Impeachment of the House of Commons virtually or ever can from the first Constitution of it be proved or appear to be the voice of every particular Subject of the Kingdom for if we may believe Mr. William Pryn one of their greatest Champions and the Records of the Nation and Parliaments the Commons in Parliament do not or ever did Represent or are Procurators for the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and their numerous Tenants and ancient Baronies and those that hold or do now hold in Capite nor for the many Tenants that should be of the Kings ancient Demesne and Revenues nor for the Clergy the multitude
pardoning where they were to gain so much by Attainders Fines and Forfeitures And therefore panick vain Fears such as in constantem virum cadere non possunt should not be permitted to affright our better to be imployed Imaginations unless we had a mind to be as wise as a small and pleasant Courtier of King Henry the Eighths who would never endure to pass in a Boat under London-Bridge lest it should fall upon his Head because it might once happen to do so Our Magna Charta's and all our Laws which ordain no man to be condemned or punished without Tryal by his Peers do allow it where it is by Confession Outlawry c. and no Verdict Did never think it fit that Publick Dangers such as Treason should tarry where Justice may as well be done otherwise without any precise Formalities to be used therein For although it may be best done by the advice of the Kings greatest Council the Parliament there is no Law or reasonable Custom of England either by Act of Parliament or without that restrains the King to do it only in the time of Parliament When the Returns Law-Days and Terms appointed and fixt have ever given place to our Kings Commissions of Oyer and Terminer Inquiries c. upon special and emergent occasions And notwithstanding it will be always adviseable that Kings should be assisted by their greatest Council when it may be had yet there is no Law or Act of Parliament extant or any right reason or consideration to bind Him from making use of His ordinary Council in a Case of great and importunate necessity for the Tryal of Peers by their Peers before a Lord High Steward attended by the Kings learned Judges of the Law For Cases of Treason Felony and Trespass being excepted out of Parliament first and last granted and indulged Priviledges by our and their Kings and Princes there can be no solid Reason or cogent Argument to perswade any man that the King cannot for the preservation of Himself and His People in the absence or interval of Parliaments punish and try Offenders in Cases of Treason without which there can be no Justice Protection or Government if the Power of the King and Supreme Magistrate shall be tyed up by such or the like as may happen Obstructions So until the Honourable House of Commons can produce some or any Law Agreement Pact Concession Liberty or Priviledge to Sit and Counsel the King whether he will or no as long as any of their Petitions remain unanswered which they never yet could or can those grand Impostures and Figments of the Modus tenendi Parliamenta and the supposed Mirror of Justice being as they ought to be rejected when the Parliament Records will witness that many Petitions have for want of time most of the ancient Parliaments not expending much of it been adjourned to be determined in other Courts as in the Case of Staunton in 14 E. 3. and days have been limited to the Commons for the exhibiting of their Petitions the Petitions of the Corbers depended all the Reigns of King Edward the First and Second until the eleventh year of Edward the Third which was about sixty six years and divers Petitions not dispatched have in the Reign of King Richard the Second been by the King referred to the Chancellor and sometimes with a direction to call to his assistance the Justices and the Kings Serjeants at Law and the Commons themselves have at other times prayed to have their Petitions determined by the Councel of the King or by the Lord Chancellor And there will be reason to believe that in Cases of urgent necessity for publick safety the King is ought to be at liberty to try punish great and dangerous Offenders without His Great Council of Parliament The Petitions in Parliament touching the pardoning of Richard Lyons John Peachie Alice Peirce c. and a long process of William Montacute Earl of Salisbury were renewed and repeated again in the Parliament of the first of Richard the Second because the Parliament was ended before they could be answered Anno 1. of King Richard the Second John Lord of Gomenez formerly committed to the Tower for delivering up of the Town of Ardes in that Kings time of which he took upon him the safe keeping in the time of King Edward the Third and his excuse being disproved the Lords gave Judgment that he should dye but in regard he was a Gentleman and a Baronet and had otherwise well served should be beheaded and Judgment respited until the King should be thereof fully informed and was thereupon returned again to the Tower King Henry the Second did not tarry for the assembling a Parliament to try Henry de Essex his Standard-bearer whom he disherited for throwing it down and affrighting his Host or disheartning it 16 E. 2. Henry de bello monte a Baron refusing to come to Parliament upon Summons was by the King Lords and Council and the Judges and Barons of the Exchequer then assisting committed for his contempt to Prison Anno 3 E. 3. the Bishop of Winchester was indicted in the Kings-Bench for departing from the Parliament at Salisbury Neither did Henry the Eight forbear the beheading of His great Vicar-General Cromwell upon none or a very small evidenced Treason until a Parliament should be Assembled The Duke of Somerset was Indicted of Treason and Felony the second of December Anno 3 4 Edwardi 6. sitting the Parliament which began the fourth day of November in the third year of His Reign and ended the first day of February in the fourth was acquitted by his Peers for Treason but found guilty of Felony for which neglecting to demand his Clergy he was put to Death In the Reign of King Philip and Queen Mary thirty nine of the House of Commons in Parliament whereof the famous Lawyer Edmond Plowden was one were Indicted in the Court of Kings-Bench for being absent without License from the Parliament Queen Elizabeth Charged and Tryed for Treason and Executed Mary Queen of Scots her Feudatory without the Advice of Parliament and did the like with Robert Earl of Essex her special Favourite for in such Cases of publick and general Dangers the shortest delays have not seldom proved to be fatally mischievous And howsoever it was in the Case of Stratford Archbishop of Canterbury in the fifteenth year of the Reign of King Edward the Third declared that the Peers de la terre ne doivent estre arestez ne mesnez en Jugement Si non en Parlement par leur Pairres yet when there is no Parliament though by the Common-Law their Persons may not then also be Arrested at a common persons Suit they may by other ways be brought to Judgment in any other Court And Charges put in by the Commons in the House of Peers against any of the Peers have been dissolved with it For Sir Edward Coke hath declared it to be according to
A PLEA FOR THE Pardoning Part OF THE SOVERAIGNTY OF THE KINGS OF ENGLAND LONDON Printed by H. H. for John Fish near the Golden-Tun in the Strand 1682. A PLEA for the Pardoning Part of the Soveraignty of the Kings of England IF Monarchy hath been by God himself and the experience of above 5000 years and the longest Ages of the World approved as it hath to have been the best and most desirable form of Government And the Kingdom of England as it hath been for more than 1000 years a well tempered Monarchy and the Sword and Power thereof was given to our Kings only by God that ruleth the Hearts of them The means thereunto which should be the Power of Punishment and Reward can no way permit that they should be without the Liberty and Prerogative of Pardoning which was no Stranger in England long before the Conquest in the Reign of King Athelstane who did thereby free the Nation from four-footed Wolves by ordaining Pardons to such Out-laws as would help to free themselves and others from such villanous Neighbours the Laws of Canutus also making it a great part of their business to injoyn a moderation in punishments ad divinam clementiam temperata to be observed in Magistracy and never to be wanting in the most Superior none being so proper to acquit the offence as they that by our Laws are to take benefit by the Fines and Forfeitures arising thereby Edward the Confessors Law would not have Rex regni sub cujus protectione pace degunt universi to be without it when amongst his Laws which the People of England held so sacred as they did hide them under his Shrine and afterwards precibus fletibus obtained of the Conqueror that they should be observed and procured the observation of them especially to be inserted in the Coronation-Oaths of our succeeding Kings inviolably to be kept And it is under the Title of misericordia Regis Pardonatio declared That Si quispiam forisfactus which the Margin interpreteth rei Capitalis reus poposcerit Regiam misericordiam pro forisfacto suo timidus mortis vel membrorum perdendorum potest Rex ei lege suae dignitatis condonare si velit etiam mortem promeritam ipse tamen malefactor rectum faciat in quantumcunque poterit quibus forisfecit tradat fidejussores de pace legalitate tenenda si vero fidejussores defecerint exulabitur a Patria For the pardoning of Treason Murder breach of the Peace c. saith King Henry the First in his Laws so much esteemed by the Barons and Contenders for our Magna Charta as they solemnly swore they would live and die in the defence thereof do solely belong unto him super omnes homines in terra sua In the fifth year of the Reign of King Edward the Second Peirce Gaveston Earl of Cornewall being banished by the King in Parliament and all his Lands and Estate seized into the Kings hands the King granted his Pardon remitted the Seizures and caused the Pardon and Discharges to be written and Sealed in His Presence And howsoever he was shortly after upon his return into England taken by the Earl of Warwick and beheaded without Process or Judgment at Law yet he and his Complices thought themselves not to be in any safety until they had by two Acts of Parliament in the seventh year of that Kings Reign obtained a Pardon Ne quis occasionetur pro reditu morte Petri de Gaveston the power of pardoning being always so annexed to the King and his Crown and Dignity As the Acts of Parliament of 2 E. 3. ca. 2. 10 E. 3. ca. 15. 13 R. 2. ca. 1. and 16 R. 2. ca. 6. seeking by the Kings Leave and Licence in some things to qualifie it are in that of 13 R. 2. ca. 1. content to allow the Power of Pardoning to belong to the Liberty of the King and a Regality used heretofore by his Progenitors Hubert de Burgh Earl of Kent Chief Justiciar of England in the Reign of King Henry the third laden with envy and as many deep Accusations as any Minister of State could lie under in two several Charges in several Parliaments then without an House of Commons had the happiness notwithstanding all the hate and extremities put upon him by an incensed Party to receive two several Pardons of his and their King and dye acquitted in the Estate which he had gained In the fiftieth year of the Reign of King Edward the third the Commons in Parliament petitioning the King that no Officer of the Kings or any man high or low that was impeached by them should enjoy his Place or be of the Kings Council The King only answered he would do as he pleased With which they were so well satisfied as the next year after in Parliament upon better consideration they petitioned him that Richard Lyons John Pechie and Alice Pierce whom they had largely accused and believed guilty might be pardoned And that King was so unwilling to bereave himself of that one especial Flower in his Crown as in a Grant or Commission made in the same year to James Botiller Earl of Ormond of the Office of Chief Justiciar of Ireland giving him power under the Seal of that Kingdom to pardon all Trespasses Felonies Murders Treasons c. he did especially except and reserve to himself the power of pardoning Prelates Earls and Barons In the first year of the Reign of King Henry the fourth the King in the Case of the Duke of Albemarle and others declared in Parliament that Mercy and Grace belongeth to Him and his Royal Estate and therefore reserved it to himself and would that no man entitle himself thereunto And many have been since granted by our succeeding Kings in Parliament at the request of the Commons the People of England in Worldly and Civil Affairs as well ever since as before not knowing unto whom else to apply themselves for it So as no fraud or indirect dealings being made use of in the obtaining of a Pardon it ought not to be shaken or invalidated whether it were before a Charge or Accusation in Parliament or after or where there is no Charge or Indictment antecedent The Pardon of the King to Richard Lyons at the request of the Commons in Parliament as the Parliament Rolls do mention although it was not inserted in the Pardon was declared to be after a Charge against him by the Commons in Parliament and in the perclose said to be per Dominum Regem And a second of the same date and tenor with a perclose said to have been per Dominum Regem magnum Concilium John Pechies pardon for whom that House of Commons in Parliament was said to intercede only mentioneth that it was precibus aliquorum Magnatum 15 E. 3. The Archbishop of Canterbury before the King Lords and Commons humbling himself before the King Lords and Commons desired that where
he was defamed through the Realm he might be larraigned before his Peers in open Parliamenti unto which the King answered that He would attend the Common affairs and afterward hear others 5 H. 4. The King at the request of the Commons affirmeth the Archbishop of Canterbury the Duke of York the Earl of Northumberland and other Lords which were suspected to be of the confederacy of Henry Percy to be his true Leige-men and that they nor any of them should be impeached therefore by the King or his Heirs in any time ensuing 9 H. 4. The Speaker of the House of Commons presented a Bill on the behalf of Thomas Brooke against VVilliam Widecombe and required Judgement against him which Bill was received and the said William Widecombe was notwithstanding bound in a 1000 pound to hear his Judgment in Chancery And the many restorations in blood and estate in 13 H. 4 and by King E. 4 and of many of our Kings may inform us how necessary and beneficial the pardons and mercy of our Kings and Princes have been to their People and Posterities The Commons accuse the Lord Stanley in sundry particulars for being confederate with the Duke of York and pray that he may be committed to prison to which the King answered he will be advised William de la Poole Duke of Suffolke being in a Parliament in the 28 th year of the Reign of King Henry the 6 th deeply charged by the Commons and not demanding his Peerage but submitting himself to the Kings grace and mercy was only banished for five years Whereupon the Viscount Beaumont in the behalf of the Bishops and the Lords required that the said Judgment without their assent might be no barr to their priviledge of Peerage but no saving at all either requested or granted for or by the Commons And Pardons before Indictments or prosecution have not been rejected for that they did anticipate any troubles which might afterwards happen For so was the Earl of Shrewsbury's in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth for fear of being troubled by his ill willers for a sudden raising of men without a warrant to suppress an insurrection of Rebels Lionell Cranfeild Earl of Middlesex Lord Treasurer of England being about the 18 th year of King James accused by the Lords Commons in Parliament for great offences and misdemeanours fined by the King in Parliament to be displaced pay 50000 l. and never more to sit in Parliament was in the 2 d year of the Reign of King Charles the Martyr upon his Submission to the King and payment of 20000 l. only pardoned of all Crimes Offences and Misdemeanors whatsoever any Sentence Act or Order of Parliament or the said Sentence to the contrary notwithstanding For whether the accusation be for Treason wherein the King is immediately and most especially concerned or for lesser Offences where the people may have some concernment but nothing near so much or equivalent to that of the Kings being the supreme Magistrate the King may certainly pardon and in many pardons as of Outlaries Felonies c. there have been conditions annexed Ita quod stent recto si quis versus eos loqui voluerit So the Lord Keeper Coventry's in the Reign of King Charles the Martyr to prevent any dangerous questions touching the receiving of Fines and other Proceedings in Chancery sued out his Pardon The many Acts of oblivion or general pardon granted by many of our Kings and Princes to the great comfort and quiet of their Subjects but great diminution of the Crown revenue did not make them guilty that afterwards protected themselves thereby from unjust and malicious adversaries And where there is not such a clause it is always implyed by Law in particular mens cases and until the Sovereignty can be found by Law to be in the people neither the King or his people who by their Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy are to be subordinate unto him are to be deprived of his haute et basse Justice and are not to be locked up or restrained by any Petition Charge or Surmise which is not to be accompted infallible or a truth before it be proved to the King and his Council of Peers in Parliament and our Kings that gave the Lords of Manors Powers of Soke and Sake Infangtheif and Outfangtheif in their Court Barons and sometimes as large as Fossarum Furcarum and the incident Power of Pardons and Remissions of Fine and Forfeitures which many do at this day without contradiction of their other Tenants enjoy should not be bereaved of as much liberty in their primitive and supream Estates as they gave them in their derivatives And though there have been revocations of Patents during pleasure of Protections and Presentations and Revocations of Revocations quibusdam certis de causis yet never was there any Revocation of any Pardon 's granted where the King was not abused or deceived in the granting thereof For in Letters Patents for other matters Reversals were not to be accounted legal where they were not upon just causes proved upon Writs of Scire facias issuing out of the Chancery and one of the Articles for the deposing of King Richard the 2 d. being that he revoked some of his Pardons The recep's of Patents of Pardon or other things were ordained so to signifie the time when they were first brought to the Chancellour as to prevent controversies concerning priority or delays made use of in the Sealing of them to the detriment of those that first obtained them And the various forms in the drawing or passing of Pardons as long ago His testibus afterwards per manum of the Chancellour or per Regem alone per nostre Main vel per manum Regis or per Regem Concilium or authoritate Parliamenti per Regem Principem per Breve de privat sigillo or per immediate Warrant being never able to hinder the energy and true meaning thereof And need not certainly be pleaded in any subordinate Court of Justice without an occasion or to purchase then allowance who are not to controul such an Act of their Sovereign Doctor Manwaring in the fourth or sixth Year of the Reign of King Charles the Martyr being grievously fined by both Houses of Parliament and made incapable of any place or Imployment was afterwards pardoned and made Bishop of St. Asaph with a non obstante of any order or Act of Parliament So they that would have Attainders pass by Bill or Act of Parliament to make that to be Treason which by the Law and antient and reasonable Customs of England was never so before to be believed or adjudged or to Accumulate Trespasses and Misdemeanors to make that a Treason which singly could never be so either in truth Law right reason or Justice May be pleased to admit and take into their serious consideration that Arguments a posse ad esse or ab uno ad plures are neither usual or allowable
and that such a way of proceeding will be as much against the Rules of Law Honour and Justice as of Equity and good Conscience And may be likewise very prejudicial to the very ancient and honourable House of Peers in Parliament for these and many more to be added Reasons viz. For former Ages knew no Bills of Attainder by Act of Parliament after an Acquittal or Judgment in the House of Peers until that unhappy one in the latter end of the Reign of King Charles the Martyr which for the unusalness thereof had a special Proviso inserted That it should not hereafter be drawn into Examples or made use of a President And proved to be so fatally mischievous to that blessed King himself and His three Kingdoms of England Scotland and Ireland as he bewailed in his excellent Soliloquies and at his Death his consenting to such an Act and charged His Majesty that now is never to make Himself or His People to be partakers of any more such Mischief procuring State-Errors The House of Commons if they will be Accusers wherein they may be often mistaken when they take it from others and have no power to examine upon Oath wild and envious Informations and at the same time a part of the Parliament subordinate to the King will in such an Act of Attainder be both Judge and Party which all the Laws in the World could never allow to be just And such a course if suffered must needs be derogatory and prejudicial to the Rights and Priviledges and Judicative Power of the Peers in Parliament unparallelled and unpresidented when any Judgments given by them shall by such a Bill of Attainder like a Writ of Error or as an Appeal from them to the House of Commons be en●rvated or quite altered by an Act of Attainder framed by the House of Commons whereby they which shall be freed or absolved by their Peers or by that Honourable and more wise Assembly shall by such a back or by-blow be condemned or if only Fined by the House of Peers may be made to forfeit their Lives Estates and Posterities by the House of Commons or if condemned in the Upper House be absolved in the Lower who shall thereby grow to be so formidable as none of the Peerage or Kings Privy-Council shall dare to displease them and where the dernier Ressort or Appeal was before and ought ever to be to the King in His House of Peers or without will thus be lodged in the House of Commons and of little avail will the Liberty of our Nobility be to be tryed by their own Peers when it shall be contre caeur and under the Control of the House of Commons Or that the Commons disclaiming as they ought any power or Cognisance in the matters of War and Peace should by a Bill of Attainder make themselves to be Judges and Parties against a Peer both of the Kings Privy Council and Great Council in Parliament touching Matters of that Nature For if the Commons in Parliament had never after their own Impeachments of a Peer or Commoner Petitioned the King to pardon the very Persons which they had Accused as they did in the Cases of Lyons and John Pechie in the 51 year of the Reign of King Edward the Third whom they had fiercely accused in Parliament but the year before the Objection that a Pardon ought not to be a Bar against an Impeachment might have had more force than it is like to have Neither would it or did it discourage the exhibiting any for the future no more than it did the many after Impeachments which were made by the Commons in several Parliaments and Kings Reigns whereupon punishments severe enough ensued For if the very many Indictments and Informations at every Assizes and Quarter-Sessions in the Counties and in the Court of Kings-Bench at Westminster in the Term time ever since the Usurpation and Reign of King Stephen and the Pardon 's granted shall be exactly searched and numbred the foot of the Accompt will plainly demonstrate that the Pardons for Criminal Offences have not been above or so many as one in every hundred or a much smaller and inconsiderable number either in or before the first or later instance before Tryal or after and the Pardon 's granted by our Kings so few and seldom as it ought to be confest that that Regal Power only proper for Kings the Vicegerents of God Almighty not of the People hath been modestly and moderately used and that the multitude of Indictments and Informations and few Pardon 's now extant in every year will be no good Witnesses of such a causelesly feared discouragement And it will not be so easily proved as it is fancied that there ever was by our Laws or reasonable Customs any Institution to preserve the Government by restraining the Prince against whom and no other the Contempt and Injury is immediately committed from pardoning offences against Him and in Him against the People to whose charge they are by God intrusted Or that there was any such institution which would be worth the seeing if it could be found or heard of that it was the Chief or that without it consequently the Government it self would be destroyed To prove which groundless Institution the Author of those Reasons is necessitated without resorting as he supposeth to greater Antiquities to vouch to Warranty the Declaration of that excellent Prince King Charles the First of Blessed Memory made in that behalf when there was no Controversie or Question in agitation or debate touching the power of pardoning in his Answer to the nineteen Propositions of both Houses of Parliament wherein stating the several parts of this well regulated Monarchy he saith the King the House of Lords and the House of Commons have each particular Priviledges Wherein amongst those which belong to the King he reckons the power of pardoning if the Framer of those Reasons might have been fair and candid and added the Words immediately following viz. And some more of the like kind are placed in the King And this kind of excellently tempered Monarchy having the power to preserve that Authority without which it would be disabled to protect the Laws in their Force and the Subjects in their Peace Liberties and Properties ought to have drawn unto Him such a respect and reverence from the Nobility and Great Ones as might hinder the Ills of Division and Faction and cause such a Fear and Respect from the People as may hinder Tumults and Violence But the design being laid and devised to tack and piece together such parcels of His said late Majesties Answer as might make most for the advantage of the Undertaker to take the Power of Pardoning from the Prince and lodge it in the People and do what they can to create a Soveraignty or Superiority in them which cannot consist with his antient Monarchy and the Laws and reasonable Customs of the Kingdom the Records Annals and Histories Reason Common Sense and
of Copyholders heretofore as much as the fourth part of the Kingdom neither the great number of Lease-holders Cottagers c. that are not Freeholders Citizens or Trades-men nor can all the Members of the Body Politick be equally wounded in their Estates or concernments by the vain imaginations causless fears and jealousies and bugbears of other seditious or fanciful Mens own making And to men that have not yet proceeded so far in the School of Revelation as to be sure of the Spirit of Prophesie it may prove a matter of ill consequence that the universality of the People should have occasion ministred and continued to them to be apprehensive of utmost dangers from the Crown from whence they of right expect Protection And a Wonder next a Miracle from whence the Premisses to such a trembling and timorous conclusion can be fetched or how a People whose valiant and wiser Forefathers were never heretofore scared with such panick fears nor wont to be affrighted with such Phantasmes should now suspect they can have no Protection from the Crown when some of them do at the same time labour all they can to hinder it Or how it should happen in the long Rebellious Parliament that after Mr. Chaloner a Linnen Draper of London was hanged for Plotting a Surprize of the City of London and reducing it to the Kings obedience honest Mr. Abbot the Scrivener should be pardoned without any such discontent and murmuring of the People or that Oliver Cromwell should not be debarred of his Power of Pardoning in his Instrument of Government and be allowed to Pardon the Lord Mordant for a supposed Treason against his usurped Authority and our King deriving his Authority legally vested in Him and His Royal Ancestors for more than one thousand years before may not adventure to do it without the utter undoing and ruine of his Subjects in their Properties Lives and Estates by His pardoning of some Capital Offenders Or why it should not be as lawful and convenient for the King to grant Pardons to some other Men as to Doctor Oates or Mr. Bedlow When no Histories Jewish Pagan or Christian can shew us a People Petitioning their Kings that they would not Pardon when all are not like to be Saints or Faultless and it will ever be better to leave it to the Hearts of Kings and God that directs them than to believe Tyranny to be a Blessing and Petition for it And the most exact search that can be made when it findeth the Commons petitioning in Parliament to the King or House of Peers that they may be present at some Tryals there upon their Impeachments cannot meet with any one President where they ever desired or were granted such a reasonless Request pursued and set on by other Mens Designs to have one Mans Tryal had before another and by strugling and wrestling for it expose the King and Kingdom to an utter destruction And therefore in those their fond importunities might do well to tarry until they can find some Reason why the Lords Spiritual may not Vote or Sit as Judges or Peers in Parliament in the Case of the five-Lords as well as of the Earl of Danby Or any President that it is or hath been according to Parliamentary proceedings to have any such Vote or Request made by the Commons in Parliament Who neither were or should be so omnipotent in the opinion of Hobart and Hutton and other the learned Judges of England as to make a Punishment before a Law or Laws with a Retrospect which God himself did never allow but should rather believe that Laws enacted contrary to the Laws of God and Morality or that no Aids or Help are to be given to the King pro bono publico or that there should be no Customs or Prescription or that the King should be governed by His People would be so far from gaining an Obedience to such Laws or Acts of Parliament as to render them to be ipso facto null and of none effect When the King hath been as careful to distribute Justice as his Mercy without violence to his Laws and well-inform'd Conscience hath sometimes perswaded him to Pardon to do Justice or to cause it to be done in a legal and due manner and is so appropriate to the Office and Power of a King so annext appendant and a part of it as none but His Delegates are to intermeddle or put any limits thereunto and if it should not be so solely inherent in Him would be either in abeyance or no where For the House of Commons are neither a Judicature or sworn to do Justice and if they were would be both Judges and Parties and the Lords Spiritual and Temporal are not as to particular proceedings sworn but meerly consultive So as Justice can vest in none but the King who is by his Coronation-Oath only sworn to do it if His Right of Inheritance and greater Concernments than any of His Subjects did not abundantly ingage and prompt Him thereunto and is therefore so every way and at all times obliged to do Justice and Protect the Lives Estates Peace and Liberty of His Subjects as he is with all convenient speed and hast to Try or bring to Judgment a Subject accused of Treason by the Houses of Lords and Commons both or either of them in His Court of Kings-Bench before the Justices thereof or by special Commission by a Lord High Steward in or without the time of Parliament And the King may acquit which amounteth to a Remission or Pardon by a more Supreme Authority than any of His Judges some particular Cases wherein Appeals are or may be brought only excepted do ordinarily by an authority derived from no other not to be debarred by probabilities or possibilities or by consequences not always to be foreseen or avoided For a Man pardoned for Man-slaughter may be so unhappy as in the like manner afterwards to be the death of five or ten more 20000. Rebells pardoned at a time as in the Insurrections of Wat Tyler Jack Cade c. may be guilty of the like Offence twenty or forty years after The Lord Mayor of London that hath an allowance of Tolls and Profits to take a care of the City and wholsomness of Food might be as they are too much careless and undo them in their Health and well being The Judges may as those in the Reign of King Edward the First and Thorp in the Reign of King Edward the Third be guilty of Misdemeanours yet that is not to bereave us of that good which better Men may do us in their administration of Justice our Kings have granted Priviledges to certain Cities and Towns not to pay Subsidies and granted Pardons as their Mercies and right reason inclined them in the course of their several Reigns for many Ages last past yet have not acquitted or left unpunished all the Offenders ever since there being a greater likelyhood that they would not be so easie in
the Law and reasonable Customs of England followed by the modern practice that the giving any Judgment in Parliament doth not make is a Session and that such Bills as passed in either or both Houses and had no Royal Assent unto them must at the next Assembly begin again for every Session of Parliament is in Law where any Bill hath gained the Royal Assent or any Record upon a Writ of Error brought in the House of Peers hath been certified is and hath been accompted to have been a Session And although some of this later quarrelling Age have Espoused an Opinion too much insisted upon that an Impeachment brought by the House of Commons against any one makes the supposed Offence until it be Tryed unpardonable A Reason whereof is undertaken to be given because that in all Ages it hath been an undoubted Right of the Commons to Impeach before the Lords any Subject for Treason or any Crime whatsoever And the Reason of that Reason is supposed to be because great Offences complained of in Parliament are most effectually determined in Parliament Wherein they that are of that Opinion may be intreated to take into their more serious consideration That there neither is nor ever was any House or Members of Commons in Parliament before the Imprisonment of King H. 3. by a Rebellious part of his Subjects in the Forty ninth year of his Reign or any kind of fair or just evidence for it Factious designing and fond conjectures being not amongst good Patriots or the Sons of Wisdom ever accompted to be a sufficient or any evidence Nor was the House of Lords from its first and more ancient original intituled under their King to a Judicative Power to their Kings in common or ordinary Affairs but in arduis and not in all things of that nature but in quibusdam as the King should propose and desire their advice concerning the Kingdom and Church in matters of Treason or publick concernments and did understand themselves and that high and honourable Court to be so much forbid by Law ancient usage and custom to intermeddle with petty or small Crimes or Matters as our Kings have ever since the sixth year of the Reign of King Edward the first ordained some part of the Honourable House of Peers to be Receivers and Tryers of Petitions of the Members of the House of Commons themselves and others directed to the King to admit what they found could have no remedy in the ordinary Courts of Justice and reject such as were properly elsewhere to be determined with an Indorsement of non est Petitio Parliamenti Which may well be believed to have taken much of its reason and ground from a Law made by King Canutus who began his Reign about the year of our Lord 1016. Nemo de injuriis alterius Regi queratur nisi quidem in Centuria Justitiam consequi impetrare non poterit For certainly if it should be otherwise the reason and foundation of that highest Court would not be as it hath been hitherto always understood to be with a Cognisance only de quibusdam arduis matters of a very high nature concerning the King and the Church But it must have silenced all other Courts and Jurisdictions and have been a continual Parliament a Goal-delivery or an intermedler in Matters as low as Court Leets or Baron and County Courts and a Pye-Powder Court And the words of any Crime whatsoever do not properly signifie great Offences and that all great Offences do concern the Parliament is without a Key to unlock the Secret not at all intelligible when it was never instituted or made to be a Court for common or ordinary Criminals For the House of Commons were never wont to take more upon them than to be Petitioners and Assenters unto such things as the King by the advice of His Lords Spiritual and Temporal should ordain and obey and endeavour to perform them And an Impeachment of the House of Commons cannot be said to be in the Name or on the behalf of all the People of England for that they never did or can represent the one half of them and if they will be pleased to examine the Writs and Commissions granted by our Kings for their Election and the purpose of the Peoples Election of them to be their Representatives Substitutes or Procurators it will not extend to accuse Criminals for that appertained to the King himself and His Laws care of Justice and the Publick the Common People had their Inferiour Courts and Grand Juries Assises and Goal-Deliveries to dispatch such Affairs without immediately troubling Him or His Parliament and the tenour and purpose of their Commissions and Elections to Parliament is no more than ad faciendum consentiendum iis to obey and perform such things as the King by the advice of His Lords Spiritual and Temporal should in Parliament ordain For although where the Wife or Children of a Man murdered shall bring an Appeal the King is debarred from giving a Pardon because by our Saxon Laws derived from the Laws of God they are not to be disturbed in that satisfaction which they ought to have by the loss or death of the Man murdered Yet the publick Justice will not be satisfied without the party offending be Arraigned and brought to Judgment for it if the party that hath right to Appeal should surcease or be bought off so as an Appeal may be brought after or before the King hath Indicted and an auter foitz acquit in the one case will not prejudice in the other and where the Matter of Fact comes to be afterwards fully proved and the Appeal of a Wife or Children of a Bastard called filius populi quia nullius filius where only the King is Heir cannot vacate or supersede an Indictment of the Kings Neither is an Appeal upon a Crime or in criminal Matters in the first instance to be at all pursued in Parliament by the Statute made in the First year of the Reign of King H. 4. the words whereof are Item for many great inconveniencies and mischiefs that often have happened by many Appeals made within the Realm of England to the great afflictions and calamities of the Nation as it afterwards happened by the Lancastrian Plots and Designs in that mischievous Appeal in Anno 11 of King Richard the Second before this time It is ordained and stablished from henceforth That all the Appeals to be made of things done out of the Realm shall be tryed and determined before the Constable and Marshal of England for the time being And moreover it is accorded and assented That no Appeals be from henceforth made or in any wise pursued in Parliament in any time to come And therefore that allegation that the House of Peers cannot reject the Impeachment of the Commons because that Suit or Complaint of the Commons can be determined no where else will want a better foundation an Impeachment of the House of
Commons in the Name of all the People being no other than an Appeal to the King in Parliament And the Suit of such as might be Appellants in another place being there expresly prohibited cannot be supposed to be the concern or interest of all the People deserving or requiring satisfaction or especially provided for by Law to have satisfaction unless it could by any probability or soundness of Judgment be concluded that all the People of England besides Wives Children or near Kindred and Relations the necessity of publick Justice and deterring Examples are or should be concerned in such a never to be fancied Appeal of the People And it will be very hard to prove that one or a few are all the People of England or if they could be so imagined are to be more concerned than the King who is sworn to do Justice unless they would claim and prove a Sovereignty and to be sworn to do Justice which though they had once by a villanous Rebellion attacked until Oliver Cromwel their Man of Sin cheated them of it for God would never allow them any such power or priviledge or any Title to the Jesuits Doctrine which some of our Protestant Dissenters their modern Proselites have learned of them that the King although he be singulis major is minor universis And it is no denial of Justice in the House of Peers to deny the receiving of an Impeachment from the House of Commons when they cannot understand any just cause or reason to receive it and the Records Rolls Petitions and Orders of Parliament will inform those that will be at the pains to be rightly and truly directed by them that Petitions in Parliament have been adjourned modified or denied and that in the Common or Inferior Courts of Justice Writs and Process may sometimes be denied superseded or altered according to the Rules of Justice or the circumstances thereof And our Records can witness that Plaintiffs have petitioned Courts of Justice recedere a brevi impetrare aliud And it cannot be said that the King doth denegare Justitiam when he would bind them unto their ancient legal well experimented forms of seeking it in the pursuing their Rights and Remedies and hinders them in nothing but seeking to hurt others and destroy themselves For Justice no otherwise denied should not be termed Arbitrary until there can be some solid reason proof or evidence for it When it is rather to be believed that if the Factious Vulgar Rabble might have their Wills they would never be content or leave their fooling until they may obtain an unbounded liberty of tumbling and tossing the Government into as many several Forms and Methods as there be days in the year and no smaller variety of Religions And they must be little conversant with our Records that have not understood that the Commons have many times received just denials to their Petitions and that some have not seldom wanted the foundations of Reason or Justice That many of their Petitions have adopted the Concerns and Interests of others that were either Strangers unto them or the Designs of some of the grand Nobility who thought them as necessary to their purposes as Wind Tide and Sails are to the speeding of a Ship into the Port or Landing-places of their Designs For upon their exhibiting in a Parliament in the 28 year of the Reign of King Henry the Sixth abundance of Articles of High Treason and Misdemeanours against William de la Poole Duke of Suffolk one whereof was that he had sold the Realm of England to the French King who was preparing to invade it When they did require the King and House of Lords that the Duke whom not long before they had recommended to the King to be rewarded for special services might be committed Prisoner to the Tower of London the Lords and Justices upon consultation thought it not reasonable unless some special Matter was objected against him Whereupon the said Duke not putting himself upon his Peerage but with protestation of his innocency only submitting himself to the Kings mercy who acquitting him from the Treason and many of the Misdemeanours and for some or them by the advice of the Lords only banished him for five years And that thereupon when the Viscount Beaumont in the behalf of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal required that it might be Inrolled that the Judgment was by the Kings own Rule not by their Assent and that neither they nor their Heirs should by this Example be barred of their Peerage No Protestation appears to have been made by any of the Lords Spiritual or Temporal for or on the behalf of the Commons Or by the Commons for themselves So as a different manner of doing Justice can neither truly or rationally be said to be an absolute denial of Justice and was never believed to be so by the Predecessors of the House of Commons in Parliament in our former Kings Reigns when some hundreds of their Petitions in Parliament have been answered by There is a Law already provided or let the old Law stand or the King will provide a convenable or fitting remedy And is not likely if it were as it is not to be any Arbitrary Power or any temptation or inducement thereunto to produce any Rule or incouragement to the exercise of an Arbitrary Power in the Inferiour Courts when there is none so weak in his Intellect but may understand that different Courts have several Boundaries Methods and Forms of Proceedings and that the Kings extraordinary great Court and Councel in His House of Peers although very just and unarbitrary in their procedures is so always ready to succour the Complaints of People as it never willingly makes it self to be the cause of it And cannot misrepresent the House of Peers to the King and his People in the Case of Mr. Fitz-Harris or any others when that honourable Assembly takes so much care as it doth to repress Arbitrary Power and doth all it can to protect the whole Nation from it and many of the House of Commons Impeachments have been disallowed by the King and his House of Peers in Parliament without any ground or cause of fear of Arbitrary Power which can no where be so mischievously placed as in the giddy multitude whose Impeachments would be worse than the Ostracisme at Athens and so often overturn and tire all the wise men and good men in the Nation as there would be none but such as deserve not to be so stiled to manage the Affairs of the Government subordinate to their King and Sovereign To all which may be added if the former Presidents cited to assert the Kings Power of Pardoning aswell after an Impeachment made by the Commons in Parliament as before and after an Impeachment received by the Lords in Parliament or made both by the Lords and Commons in Parliament and after an Impeachment received by the Lords in Parliament or made both by the Lords and Commons